Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthenâ—is et honble Ord Balniâ— Eques Politick DISCOURSES Written in ITALIAN BY PAOLO PARUTA A Noble VENETIAN Cavalier and Procurator of St. MARK Whereunto is added A short SOLILOQUY In which the AUTHOR briefly examines the whole Course of his Life Rendred into ENGLISH By the Right Honorable HENRY EARL of MONMOVTH LONDON Printed for H. Moseley and are to be sold at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Church-yard 1657 THE CONTENTS Of the Several DISCOURSES The First BOOK DISCOURSE I. WHat was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot pag. 1. II. What success the Roman affairs would have had if Alexander the Great had turned with his victorious Army into Italy 18 III. Whether was the better and more laudable advice That of the Carthaginians in offering to assist the Romans against King Pyrrhus Or that of the Romans in refusing their offer 23 IV. Which of the two famous Roman Commanders Quintus Fabiâ—s Maximus or P. Scipio Africanus brought more of 〈…〉 the Commonwealth of Rome in managing their War 29 V. Whether war being to be made against the Romans Hannibals counsel was good to carry it into Italy 34 VI. Whether it was well done by the Romans to carry the War against the Carthaginians into Sicily and Spain and into Macedonia and Greece against King Philip whilst Hannibal waged War with them in Italy 39 VII Whether the destruction of Carthage was the rise of the ruine of the Roman Republick 45 VIII Why Rome could not regain her liberty after the death of Julius Caesar as she had formerly done by driving the Tarquinâ— first out and then Appius Claudius and the other Decemviri 50 IX Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which was held by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. 55 X. To what Age of the City of Rome the greatest praise and merit is to be given for the prosperity and greatness whereto she arrived 59 XI How the Roman Empire though it fell oftentimes into the hands of base and wicked mâ—n was notwithstanding able to maintain it self in the Reign of many Emperors and how it came to be finally destroyed 67 XII Why the Commonwealth of Rome though she suffered many Defeats in divers Battels yet did still prove victorious at last 78 XIII Whether the City of Rome could have maintain'd herself longer in the glory and majesty of her Command if she had preserved her Librty and Form of Commonwealth then she did under the Government of Emperors 85 XIV Why the Grecians did not much extend the Confines of their dominion as did the Romans and how Greece came to lose her liberty 93 XV. Whether Ostracism used by the Athenians be a just thing or no and whether it be useful for the preservation of a Commonwealth 104 The Second BOOK DISCOURSE I. WHy the Commonwealth of Venice hath not so for enlarged her Prâ—cincts as did the Roman Commonwealth 111 II. Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was appâ—gneâ— by the Florentineâ— 1â—3 III. That the Commonwealth is not to be blamed for the unfortunate successes of War after the routing of the Venetian Army in the actioâ— of Giaradada 131 IV. Whether the Princes of Italy did well or no to assault the Army of Charlâ— the Eight King of France when after having gotten the Kingdom of Naples he hasted to pass over the Mountains 140 V. Whether or no the Forces of Leagues be fit for great Enterprises 146 VI. Why modern Princes have not done actions equal to those which were done by the Antients 156 VII What the cause is why Italy hath enjoyed so long peace and quiet in these latter times 164 VIII Whether Citadels and Strong-holds much used by our modern Princes be commodious and of true safety to a State or no. 168 IX Whether the Opinion of Pope Leo the Tenth were good or no and his counsel safe of driving Foreign Nations out of Italy by the help of other Transalpine Forces 179 X. Whether the Counsel taken by the Emperor Charls the Fifth and by his Commanders of not parting from the walls of Vienna when Solyman was come with very great strength from Constantinople to assault it deserve praise or blame 185 A TABLE Of all the more notable Things contained in the present Politick Discourses A. ADrian the Emperor why he resolved to go on progress over all his States and to visit every part thereof Pag. 71-91 Where he set the bounds of his Empire ibid. Agesilaus though he were King in Sparta was obedient to the Laws of the Country 48 Alcibiades by too much desire of glory ruined his Country 10. Had higher thoughts then the rest of the Greek Commanders 95 Alexander the Great the greatness of his enterprises 19. His Militia 20-83 An Indian Gymnosophist shews him how in a large Kingdom insurrections fall out 71. How far he extended his Empire and in how little time 157. and how 159. His artifices and laudable way for opening the way more easily to his great atchievements and greater glory 162 Ambition precipitated Rome into very grievous disorders 15-16-51 When discovered makes men distastefull 58. It and Fear raise in Princes minds a desire of innovation 164. The important mischief of it if once gotten into mens hearts 106. How it is to be cured in States-men ibid. An Army keeping the field how greatly beneficial 169 Armies maintained by the Romans to carry on the war in divers parts taken only out of Italy 64 Arragonian Kings of Naples what they did for fear of the French forces 138 Artillery of what use in warâ—â— 160. That in their stead the Antients had miraculous Engines called Tormenta 173 Assaulting the Enemy in his own State how advantagious 34 Attalaricus King of the Goths descends into Italy 76. is afterwards entertain'd for a Stipendiary to the Empire ibid. Attila content to lose the day so the Roman Commander might be slain in the battel 89 Athens why she soon lost her liberty 5-13-54 Athenians of great power in Greece 94. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Too hard for the rest in Sea-forces ibid. Hinder'd by the Spartans from taking in Sicily and from assaulting Persia 95. Why they could not enlarge their Dominion 98 Augustus Caesar in many places enlarged the Empire 68. Remained sole Lord of the whole World 71. Reduced it all to Peace though he was troubled with some Insurrections 7â— See Octavianus B. BAttails subject to divers unexpected accidents 31 When they are to be adventured upon 192 Brutus Junius Br. how he stirr'd up the people to Liberty 51. Why he condemned his own sons to death 52 Brutus Marcus Br. why he could not preserve the
Italy grew unlucky 138. Why they have not been able to make great atchievements in Italy nor to stay long there 166 Francesco Foscari Duke of Venice said That the Republick could not much increase in power unless she made some enterprises by Land 115 Francis the First King of France how he palter'd in the League with the Italian Princes 152. For endowments of the mind and other qualities most eminent ibid. Though his fortune gave way to that of Charls the Fifth whom yet he put to much trouble 157. Why his furious endeavor to assault Spain prov'd bootless 159. and as much in vain his enterprises in Italy 161 G. GEnoeses conquer'd by the Venetians 41. Whereupon it was that at first they entred into competition and afterwards into a deadly fewd with the Venetians 118 The Goths famous for the destruction of the Empire and of many Provinces 76 Their original and why they fell down into Italy ibid. Other actions of theirs under divers Commanders 77. They also took pay under the Emperors ibid. Government how the quality of every one may be known 1-2 What the right Form of it is ibid. What it was in Rome 2. What in Sparta ibid. What in Venice 54. Every Form is not convenient for every State 2 The Form of the Government is as it were the soul of the State 131 From a Popular government men come to Tyrannie 54. The Change thereof in Rome occasioned so much the sooner the end of her Empire 90 and of the corruption of her Militia 92 Greece why the Romans strove to keep her from falling into Philips hands 45 Had a general Council called the Amphictiones like the Diets of Germany 94 In many of her Cities had men of eminence for all manner of worth 93 Not being at unity in herself could not compass any great atchievements abroad 95. By reason of her dissentions could not make use of her victories against the Persians 97. minded Arts more then Arms ibid. Whence her victories against the Persians proceeded 98. How she came to fall into the hands of the Macedonians 100. then of another Philip 101 lastly of the Romans ibid. Why after the death of Alexander she could not recover her liberty 100. For the same reasons having afterwards the Empire of Constantinople she could not preserve herself in that dignity 103 How highly her Soldiers were esteemed by Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great ibid. 104 Guido Ubeldo Duke of Urbin why he would allow of no Forts in his Dominions 170-171 H. HAnnibal upon what ground he made war upon the Romans in Italy 34 What reasons should have removed him from that resolution 35 Honorius the Emperor his cowardise and simple saying 77 Hungary whence so called 77. The occasion of the Wars for her between the House of Austria and the Turks 195 I. ITaly how much she abounded in Soldiers 84. The Romans meetly out of their own Citizens and of their other Territories in Italy were furnish'd with Commanders and Soldiers for all their Armies 62. Was long obedient to the Western Emperors yet withdrew herself from under their command and submitted to Lords of her own 184 Italy through her own Princes fault at present under the Command of Strangers 140. Her late Quietness and Peace and from what causes 164 When it began 165. How it may be continued 167. Before the times of Pope Leo the Teath in great misery for thirty years 182 Italian Princes whether they were well advised in setting upon Charls the Eight King of France at his departing out of Italy 140 Iugurth with a bitter saying taxed the extreme grippleness and avarice of the Romans 13 Iulius Caesar what fierce people he conquer'd in France 91. Why it was difficult and troublesome for him to tame them 159. He would always charge his Enemy first 187 K. KIngdoms large and ample why apt and subject to Insurrections 72 L. LAws what benefit they bring 17. They ought to be confirmed by good Customs 11. Their aim ought to be to take away the abuse of things not the things themselves 109 Leagues or Confederacies why they are made their force and power 146 Made by the Christians against the Infidels 147-151-156-191 Which are the firmest 147. The defects which they may and use to have 148 For what causes they are made 154. How and when men may with reason expect benefit by them 154. Why they are no better esteemed ibid. That famous one of Cambray against the Venetians why made how soon dissolved and how unjust it was 154-155 Leonidas his famous victory against the Persians 98 Lewis the Twelfth King of France his nature and qualities of minde 135 Why he conspired against the Venetians and how injuriously 132 135 Lodowick Sforza Duke of Milain how fearful he shewed himself upon the League between the French and the Venetians 139. He calls Charls the Eight King of France into Italy and then to his own great damage repents himself of it 140 Lycurgus why his Laws proved good 11. Had many means to help him in the setling of his Laws 12. Ordered his Republick so that it should not much increase its Dominions 47 M. MAgistracies the confirming of them proved very dangerous in Rome 3 They ought to be of limited authority and for a short time 5 Malta why it preserved it self against the assaults of Bolyman 175 Marius by what ways he began his greatness 8. By his ambition he much endamaged the Commonwealth 10-47 His discreet carriage in the enterprise against the Cimbri which were come down into Italy 194 Medici how that Family got the superiority in Florence and kept it 105 The Militia of the Greeks or Macedonians what it was 21. Of the Carthaginians mercenary and incommodious 39. Of the Romans proved very profitable to the Commonwealth by being in the hands of many ibid. Well understood and practised by the Romans 38-49-61-80 Afterward grew corrupted and abject 69-73-74-75 Of the Turks how numerous well order'd and in continual Pay 186-193-195-196 Of the Christians much inferior to that of the Turks 186. Naval cannot of it self much enlarge the Dominion of a State 113. The Forces thereof are increased and maintained by those of the Land 114 N. NAtural inclination ought to be followed in the choise of our actions 58 Nicolo Orsino Count of Pitioliano like Fabius Maximus and not like him 135 Nobles why aâ— first of little authority in Rome 2. Opposing the Communalty and hated by it 4. Authors of the destruction of Tyrannies 12 O. OCtavianus why easily entertained by the Army after Caesars death 52 P. PEace how it remains of it self being brought into States 164. How in these last times it is established in the minds of the Italian Potentates 165 How Peace Concord and Unity amongst Citizens ought to be preserved by Laws 121 Plutarch prefers Lycurgus before Numa 11 Pompey set up by the Senate to take down Caesar 47. His triumphs ibid. After the war with Mithridates quitted the
Army 51. Subdued for the Romans above eight hundred Cities 65. The laudable way and art by which he brought people to obey the Romans and facilitated his enterprises 163 The People of Rome of what authority in the Commonwealth 5. How from the beginning it was of great power and increased it more and more 15 Loving liberty how it came to lose it 51. Sought by seditions to obtain from the Senate all things though never so unjust 52 The People That to curb it Severity prevails more then Meekness 16. That out of its natural fickleness it useth to favour a Forein Prince and by seditions and violent attempts to plot against the present Power 170 A Prince shall do well and wisely to have a care that no Subject of his grow to be suspected for his greatness 106. Must not for his own relief make use of Forein aids that he may be too strong for his Native forces 103 Princes what sort of Militia it is best for them to make use of in their expeditions and other matters of War 155. Sage advice to them in points of War and the choice of Commanders 145. Those of Italy have used to imploy foreign Commanders and foreign mercenary Soldiers 122 See more in States R. REpublicks how their divers Forms may be known 6. How their continuance may be known 18. How at last they grow to be Tyrannies 54. That a State deserves not the name of a Commonwealth or Republick where the Decrees of the People and not the Laws carry all the command 6. For the long preservation and quietness of them nothing more necessary then a Parity 104. A poor one cannot enlarge its Dominion 112 Rome was a mixt but imperfect Commonwealth and why 3-11 Was too Popular 3. Why it could not free it self from many disorders 14 How long it held its greatness 68. When and how she might have freed herself from her many bad qualities and defects ibid. How she abounded in Soldiers and Commanders 39-64-74-80 How she made way for Monarchy 39. She scatter'd her corruptions amongst the Nobles and the Communalty 50. That those Citizens proved worst oppressors to her whom for the meer conservation of her Liberty she had too much exalted 51 Her first second and third Age 59. Her first seven Kings of what considerable benefit they were to her 60. At what time she deserved the praise of good Government 61 Romans why they refused the Carthaginians aid against Pyrrhus 26. Refused to have peace with Pyrrhus ibid. For what causes chiefly they had the better of the Carthaginians 39. They regarded not so much present dangers as future 45. Out of one War they still framed another 46 Why they were invincible according to Polybius 78. The two pretences under which they made their most notorious acquisitions 161. How by Colonies they kept their new Subjects in loyalty and obedience 173 Romulus a man fierce ambitious and desirous to enlarge his Estate train'd up the People according to his genius 113 S. SCipio Africanus his worth and actions 29-33 Why he took a course differing from that of Fabius 33. His passage into Sicily of what benefit it was 35 Scipio Nafica when Carthage was taken disswaded the Senate from destroying that City 46. Whether that counsel of his were founded upon good reason ibid. The Senate of Rome what number it consisted of and when first instituted 14 Its authority 4. The generous answer she gave to the Ambassadors of Pyrrhus 26-89 Little esteemed of by Julius Caesar 46. Subject to corruptions 50. Severity in what sort of Commonwealth it doth good 57. Was very great in Cato ibid. Sylla brought into Rome licentious living 51. Increased the Order of the Senators to counterpoise the Communalty Gave honors and riches to his Favorites ibid. Soldan of Caire how and why he lost all his Kingdom in a short time 160 Solyman parallel'd with Charls the Fifth 22. His endowments of mind and fortune 157. His great atchievements 158. Why he made no great progress in Hungary 159. nor at Corfu against the Venetians ibid. Why he made that expedition into Hungary 195. Had under his command four Empires and eighteen Kingdoms 196 Sparta a mixt Republick very excellent 5. Her Laws not written 11 That authority which the Kings had there not prejudicial to it 48. Many worthy men flourished in it by reason of the form of its government 58 For want of money could not enlarge her Empire 82 Spartans when and why of great power in Greece 96. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Stronger then the rest in Land forces ibid. Why they would not have their Cities begirt with walls 171 States whence their divers changes come 53. How men grow desirous of their change 72. Are augmented and preserved by the same things which gave them their beginning and corrupted by the contrary 73. Where they have been ruin'd by intestine discords the over-great height of some of their own hath been the cause 105. That they have their beginning increase stay declination and ruine 86 Sâ—ilico a Barbarian and by nation a Hun called to the command of the Roman Army betrays the Empire 89 T. THebans much esteemed of for the discipline of their Soldiers called the Sacred Band 94. Pelopidas and Epaminondas famous Commanders of theirs ibid. Themistocles what his advice was and his Naval victory against the Persians 99 Tiberius Gracchus slain by the Nobles of Rome without any revenge from the People 17 Tribuneship in Rome of how great power and its insolence 6. Called Sacrosanctus 52 Triumph in Rome when first instituted and to whom first granted 62 Turks their assistance refused by the Venetians and yet sued for by other Christian Princes 136. Why they cannot so suddenly nor easily do any signal enterprises by Land 161. Are accustomed for their own security to destroy the inhabitants of such places as they take in especially those of the better and richer sort 172. Their chiefest strength consists in their Cavalry 187 Their Law promiseth everlasting reward in heaven to every one that loseth his life in their Soveraigns quarrel 194 V. VAlerius Publicola why in reforming the government of Rome he yielded many things to the People 14-15 That he might have order'd the City better ibid. Venice in time brought her Government to perfection 12. How she hath been able to preserve her Liberty thus long 54. What her Government is ibid. When it began 77-116 Her Founders lovers of Peace and of an intent and end differing from that of the Founders of Rome ibid. Her greatest and most difficult attempts have been either in their own Defence or for Religion or in Assistance of others 115. What wars and efforts of fierce Nations she at her first beginning underwent 117. Why she made use of Foreign Soldiers and Commanders 121. That for having accustomed to imploy Foreign Commanders she hath not been able by reason of their disloyalty to prosecute such Enterprises of hers as had been
good concord result from the former Therefore care must be had that every Order may keep its own state and be neither too much exalted nor too much abased lest the too 〈◊〉 or too sharp Tone occasion dissâ—nance as it was seen to fall out in Rome where this just proportion was but badly kept people of unequal condition and worth being oft times made equal in Dignity which caused a Government full of confusion and disorder not bounded in any one Form but disposed to receive all Forms But if we will assign any particular State to the mixt body of this City as predominate over the rest there can be none more properly given her then popularity Which though it may be already comprehended yet it will be better known by passing to some other more particular considerations The state of the Commonwealth is known by observing in whom the chief command is found but the majesty thereof appears clearly in the creating of Magistrates in making new Laws or repealing old ones in making War in disposing of Rewards or Punishment All which things being by many examples seen to lie in the power of the People do evidently witness that the State of this Commonwealth was Popular The People were they who gave authority to Magistrates nay even to the Senate it self by authenticating and invigorating the Resolves thereof and as the soul of that Government they did in divers manners move the other parts of the Commonwealth in their operations So as her truest and properest Form can only be taken from them nay it was seen that the resolutions of the Republick did bind the Senate and were of equal force with the Peoples commands prolonging Magistrates in their places and by the authority thereof putting a period to begun Wars Wherefore the corruption of a Popular State may be further seen by the immoderate power of the meanest Citizens Let us next view the ultimate end of that Commonwealth which by a certain ordinary and as it were natural change of condition will shew us what her first Form was For it being changed into Tyranny which usually ariseth from a Popular State it appears that that City was formerly governed by the People and had by corrupt manners opened the way to Tyranny so as this Transition was easily made by the likeness of State For that City where the People commands with licence may be said to be subject to many Tyrants nor admits it of any change saving that one man becomes the master of those disorders which a multitude were masters of There were likewise always many popular Pick-thanks in Rome who like the Flatterers of Tyrants tracing the People in their humors went a birding after favors whereby they won credit and preferment Which as the Philosopher says is a manifest sign that in such a City the People command not the Laws Which is seen by many experiences of which Marius was an evident example who being born of very mean parents and applâ—ing himself from the begining to the Government of the Commonwealth not guided by the glory of his Predecessors or any noble action of his own which might first introduce him thereinto but confiding in a certain greatness of spirit began to think of acquiring great power so as being become Tribune of the People he betook himself wholly to abase the authority of the Nobles as he did in publishing the Law of Suffrages threatening Consul Cotta to imprison him if he forbare not to oppose him By which boldness he won so much favor with the People as he was able to dispose of them afterwards as he listed in any affair how unjust soever or in working revenge upon his Enemies as he did in banishing innocent Metellus or to aggrandise himself insomuch as he contrary to the Laws was created Consul against the Cimbrians being absent and in a contumacious time and lastly in making the Province be assigned unto him which belonged to Sylla By such means the way was opened to the immoderate power of Citizens which in the height of their prosperity brought that Commonwealth to its final ruine For these disorders being long before begun were afterwards by the spaciousness of the City so inâ—â—eased as the People being become powerful by reason of the numerousness of the Citizens and growing more free and bold by their so many prosperities not content to be equal to the Nobility would become greater then the Laws They banish'd many Citizens without hearing the cause they granted places of Magistracie before the usual time they confirm'd the Authority of those that were already out of it and disposed of all things not according to civil equity but as they liked best Which things do sufficiently manifest the imperfections of that Government For the Philosopher says that that State where the People command and not the Laws is so corrupt as it deserves not the name of a Commonwealth no sort of Government being to be thereunto assigned Which easily happens in Cities which are very great and powerful as was that of Rome But iâ— we shall then consider the Conditions of those men into whose hands that Government was put we shall thereby likewise find that amongst the several Forms of Popular States this may be thought the most corrupt as that whereinto even Artificers were admitted which being usually but ill conditioned and frequenting Assemblies only that they may talk together do constitute an imperfect State and subject to alterations And hence it may be deduced that this part being most prevalent in that so corrupt and imperfect Commonwealth the others must partake of the same imperfection For no such union can be framed out of two good Governments and one very bad one as is requisite to give form to a good Government neither could they continue together for never so small a time Whence it may be likewise inferred that those other parts of the Commonwealth which may seem to resemble Monarchy and Aristocracy as the Consuls and Senate came short of such perfection as is proper to those States declining to the contrary party For many things may be observed to have been done by Consuls with more authority and boldness then what became a Commonwealth To pass by many other examples Caesar being confirmed in that power which he had received as Consul usurped the Liberty of the Commonwealth There were likewise many corruptions in the Senate which shew how subject that part was likewise to various disorders For when the Commonwealth was at the very height of her perfection Senators were become so mercenary as Iugurth having corrupted many of them and purchased his own saâ—ety by monies it may well be said that the Citizens of Rome would have sold their City if they could have met with a Chapman for it Another Consideration may be added to wit That that Commonwealth cannot be said to be well ordered even in the very Popular State which she so much affected For it is easie to frame any Government for a
the Magistracie of Consuls which occasioned many disorders which might easily have been corrected by a just fear as is cleerly seen by many examples but chiefly by this that the People being in insurrection and contumacious against the power of Consulship the creating of a Dictator a Magistracie of supreme authority and reverence proved a sure remedy to asswage the Tumult And what more manifest sign could there be given that the people might have been tamed and made obedient by fear and by respect unto the Magistrates then that which was given upon the occasion of Appius his Decemvirate For being so ill dealt with by him and by his Colleagues as they wanted not reason to apprehend Tyranny yet the authority of this Magistracie from which there was no Appeal to be made and the severity wherewith it was administred did so bridle the people as they patiently endured all injuries nor durst they go about to shake off that slavery till the Senate interposed it self and that Horatius and Valerius declared themselves Heads of the Insurrection against the Decemviri There ought therefore either greater respect to have been given to the Consulary Authority or else if the more severe and free power of an ordinary Magistrate seemed not to be convenient for the state of that Commonwealth the respect and reverence due to the person of the Magistrate ought to have been transferred to the authority of certain Laws of which the Magistrate should have been chief Guardian inflicting severe punishment upon the not observers thereof For by this means the People would have had no occasion to be offâ—nded with the Nobles when their insolencie should be punished by vertue of the Laws this arising amongst many other beâ—efits from the Laws that he who is punished for his faults cannot complain of any one being condemned by order of Law not by the Judge his will But what hath been noted of Publicola in this first beginning may also be known at all other times and in many other of the chief Roman Citizens who through ambition siding with the People were the cause of their pride and insolencie So the Consuls Valerius and Horatius not being able to obtain Triumph from the Senate sought to have it from the People and the whole Senate not to multiply examples by creating a Dictator to suppress the authority of the Consuls Titus Quintus Cincinnatus and Geneus Iulius Mento who opposed them therein had recourse unto the Tribunes who by threatening imprisonment forc'd them to give way to the resolution And those Noblemen did usually take another course then what is to be held with the People with whom grave and severe proceeding doth avail more then humble and mild demeanor But they were so blinded by Ambition as not knowing or not caring for such errors they strove who should most ingratiate themselvs with the the People by Presents Shews and submiss comportment And this instruction might be learn'd by the example of the People of Rome themselves For it was ofttimes seen that greater respect was given to those few who had known how to use severity to the People then to those who carried themselves submissly unto them And certainly amongst other things the Judgment which followed upon the cause between Menimiuâ— and Spurius Servilius was very remarkable who being both of them accused of the same fault by the Tribunes to wit that being Consuls they had opposed the Agrarian Law Menimius who by intreaties and submiss carriage endeavoured absolution was condemned but Spurius Servilius stoutly withstanding the Tribunes fury and speaking severely to the People was acquitted And Furius and Manilius who had both of them been Consuls being not long after accused the Nobles being willing totally to free them from such danger kill'd the Tribune in his own house who had impeached them which did so affright his Colleagues and the People as none of the Tribunes would afterwards reassume the same cause And all the Insurrections which were then in the City being suddenly appeased all of them did willingly subscribe the Militia Appius Claudius was always very severe against the People and amongst other of his actions the punishment which he took upon the Armies insolencie was very observable for he made them be decimated very tenth man be put to death which was submitted unto without any the least tumult by reason of the antient opinion of the Captains severity and for the fear infused into the Soldiers by the sentence of death against some Centurions who were accused for having been Authors of that Insurrection Which was sufficient so far to curb them all as though they were all of them then in Arms every of them stood peacefully spectators of the death of so many Kinsmen and Friends and of their own doubtful chance and which peradventure is a greater wonder and doth the better confirm this truth Appius being accused for this sentence by the Tribunes after he had laid down the Consulship using the same severity in defending himself he was not held less guilty for having been formerly Consul So as the People neither willing to absolve him nor daring to condemn him the cause was put off and he suffered to depart And in the latter times when the Peoples power was greatest Tiberius Gracchus endeavouring to propound the observance of the Licinian Law the Nobles changing their habits and shewing great humility labored to win favor from the People but since they saw they could do no good by this means they resolved for their last refuge to use force and kill'd the Author of those seditions Which action of theirs did so astonish the People as they suffered the Tribunes death whom they had so dearly loved and who had lost his life in defence of their cause to go unrevenged And soon after Caius Gracchus reassuming the cause which his Brother had in vain endeavoured the Nobles using the same cunning sought first by fair means to deprive him of Popular favor making use of another Tribune to this purpose by causing other popular Laws to be propounded by consent of the Senate But humility avail'd no more at this time then it had done formerly so as it behoving them to betake themselves again to Arms they slew Caius Gracchus in the Aventine and after the death of two Brothers annull'd all the Laws made by them nor did the People ever seem to resent it Which if it might have been done by an usual way of a Magistrate as hath been touched upon doubtless these ruder remedies as better suiting with the infirmities of that Commonwealth might have freed her from many mischiefs This is likewise confirmed by many other experiences For as long as the Senate kept up the authority thereof threatening to create a Dictator it kept the Terentilla Law from being made of creating a Magistracie of five men who were to correct the Consuls power But when it chose to appease the People by giving way to their importunities it did only invite them
Tyranny could put her self into a free condition why I say she could not do the like when Brutus and Cassius had slain Iulius Casar when it appears they ought rather to have done so now the people being more numerous and powerful and the City in such greatness as the liberty nay rather power which the people had in ordering that Commonwealth ought to have been more esteemed and held dear To this may be added that in the time of Kings the very name of Liberty was not well known much less was the good thereof injoyed Wherefore a good which they had not known ought to have been of less power with them And in the Government of Kings the City had been so successful as it seemed she might run a hazard by chusing a new form of Government which she had not formerly experienced And in the time of the Decemviri the affairs of Rome were also in a very weak condition nor ought the Liberty or command of that City be reputed a thing of such moment as it became afterwards by the wonderful felicity by which she marched to the height of all Glory and Greatness Besides the Government of Ten retained a certain shew of a Commonwealth and many being therein interessed she seemed to have thereby also a better ground for her subsistance Whereas in Caesars time he having reduced the main of all affairs into himself and begun to accept of the Title and Honors of a King all Form of a Commonwealth and of Liberty was lost and he having maintained himself in that degree onely by his own Greatness and in a City so full of Nobility at that time and of so many generously minded men his Principality must of necessity be the weaker and easilier to be eradicated which when it should fall it seemed that the former Government of Common-wealth must of it self rise up again These and other such like reasons afford occasion of seeking into the cause why contrary effects were seen to ensue We will herein consider first what the customs of the City of Rome were in each of these times and what effects were prevalent in the peoples minds men not being accustomed to imbrace such things as are truly useful but often such as by the predominate affection are held to be so Whilst the City was in an humble condition and that her Citizens were not begun to be corrupted by an immoderate ambition of Governing there was no siding nor partaking studied amongst them which crept on by little and little and did so contaminate all orders as it reduced the Commonwealth to such weakness as wanting strength to rule her self she must fall and being once down could not rise up again This corruption began amongst the Soldiers in whom the Commanders did permit such unbridled licentiousness to the end that they might dispose of them as they listed to oppres their particular enemies and sometimes against the very Commonwealth As Sylla did to lessen Marius his power and Marins no less to counterprize Sylla by the same means things growing into such disorder as he made the servants of the Commonwealth to take up arms against his enemies the Syllaniaâ—s and this authority did so continue in great Citizens and in the Commanders of Armies as it seemed a wonder that Pompey the Great who had exceeded all others in Glory and Power after his return into Italy having prosperously ended his enterprise against Mithridates should be content to quit the Army when every one feared that he would enter Rome therewithal and do even then with Rome as Caesar did not long after assume unto himself the chief Government of all publick affairs So great was the disorder and so little was the Authority either of Laws or Senate esteemed But his Design who plotted tyranny in the succeeding time prospered the better for that this corruption which was first entred into the Soldiers was past into the Nobility and spread every day abroad amongst the people For those who had been Generals of the great Enterprises of War being grown exceeding rich did several waies purchase the popular votes turning and winding them as they liked best to the end that the places of Magistracy might be conferred on them or upon their Friends and Adherents Neither was the very Senate free from this contagion but being long before accustomed not to be at their own command but to depend upon the power of those who were of supreme Authority in the Armies they fell headlong into the same errors into which the people were faln manifestly adhering by way of Faction not by any civil favor to particular Citizens who headed parties and the authors of novelties which was at first done with some appearance of honesty to maintain the Commonwealth and to defend Liberty against those who had been too immoderately exalted by the peoples favour to the injury of other more deserving Citizens and to the prejudice of Liberty But in the process of time and affairs those who had taken up Arms in behalf of the Commonwealth proved no less burthensom much power thereby encreasing in one particular person then those themselves against whom Arms were taken up For an immoderate desire of encreasing in power and wealth began to possess the souls of many who were already accustomed to rule longer and with greater authority then was sitting to be done in a Civil Government So as all things were put into great confusion and now not those who were worthy and valiant but those who were most bold insolent found places of greatest honor in the Commonwealth Hence it was that it being observed that those who had adhered to Sylla's party when his Adversary being overcome he was become almost the sole Arbitrator of all things had often gotten great riches and preferments in reward of their wicked actions the wealth of those who were proscribed by Sylla being given to these and such being easily proscribed at his Favorites pleasure whom they would rob of their Palaces or of what they valued most Many allured by hope of getting better things and more easily then they could have done in a well-governed Commonwealth loved confusion and favoured the Government of one alone thinking that they might obtain Honors and many other favors which are usually bestowed freely upon such as are partial to them by those who will preserve themselves in height of Power Hence then it arose that Brutus and Cassiâ—s the murderers of Caesar were not so backed nor met not with that general approbation from the City to uphold their fact and the common Liberty as Iunius Brutus and Virginius did when they raised the people to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Tarquiâ—s and of the Decemviri The latter had recourse unto the Camp and kindled a servent desire in the Soldiers to vindicate the injuries and msolencies used by the Tarquiâ—s and by Appiâ—s But what favour could Bruâ—â—i and Cassius expect from the Soldiers themselves being contaminated and more desirous
That whatsoever hath had a beginning must have an end will not satisfie our inquisitive understandings Empires as all other earthly things have their beginning increase perfection declination and last ruine and destruction all of them ordained and disposed of by certain causes And though they may be seen to vary according to the variety of Accidents that is not notwithstanding Chance which appears to us to be so when we cannot penetrate into the true causes of things In the beginning the Roman Empire was governed in the form of a Common-wealth her first Founders having begun to enlarge her Dominion amongst her neighboring people She continued in this her infancie as I may call it many years till the times of those famous Scipio's who brought Spain and Africa under her dominion But afterwards in the ensuing Age wherein Caesar Pompey and so many other famous Commanders did flourish she mounted to the height of her greatness and glory Neither did Augustus Caesar degenerate from the worth of them though the Form of Government was changed but he likewise did much increase the Empires Confines in the Eastern parts amongst the Indians and other exterior Nations and establish'd excellent Orders both Civil and Military in the Empire But this Monarchy may be said to staâ—d at a stay at this time being constituted in a Throne of Majesty reverenced and obeyed by all Nations and in this condition she preserved herself for well nigh three hundred years wherein though many and great Wars were made by the so many Emperors who governed in those days yet were they rather made for the preservation then for the enlarging of the Empires confines For there was not almost any of the barbarous and far distant Nations as well of the East as of the West which those Emperors were not forc'd to vanquish and overcome several times and reduce them to the obedience of the Empire from which they had rebelled And if any one did enlarge the Empire in furthest remote parts as did the Emperor Trajan in Armenia India and some others in other Regions and Provinces it was notwithstanding at the same time lessened in other parts by new Rebellions But in Galienus his time who was the thirty fourth Emperor the Empires supreme greatness began to decline For though she received her mortal wound afterwards in the time of Arcadius and Honorius which was above a hundred years after yet in this intervening time the Empire being in her decaying age grew weak yet sustein'd herself and like a Tree whose root hath been for a long time very deeply fix'd could not be easily eradicated so as though she were oftentimes shrewdly shaken by Armies of sundry Nations yet was she able to resume her strength and keep herself on foot Thus stood the Roman Empire then wherein many miraculous things offer themselves to our consideration and invite us to seek out the true occasion thereof For on one side it appears a strange thing that an Empire arrived at such a height of greatness when she once began to decline hasted so fast to her ruine there not being any other Potentate left in the World which was able to counterpoise her power yea which did not obey her as subjugated by her Armies having also so many Soldiers to defend her desirous for their own advantage to preserve the Empire But on the other side he who shall consider into the hands of how many base and wicked men this so great Empire fell he may very well wonder how so violent a thing could endure for so many Ages and how a Dominion governed by so many Tyrants could pass from hand to hand through the series of so many Emperors whereof there were above five hundred between Caesars time and that of Arcadius and Honorius in whose days the Roman Empire began visibly to fall by the taking of Rome by the ruine of Italy and of other Provinces belonging to the Empire And yet 't is known that the Persian Monarchy which was of so great esteem amongst the antient Kingdoms was quickly ruined by its falling into the hands of Princes given to idleness and pleasure and was by Alexander carried to another Nation whereof there are many examples seen almost in every Age. Let us then say that another violence helped very much to sustain this violence of such a force is the union of alike things Thus did the corrupt Customs of the People and Militia of Rome help to maintain the State and Power of these Tyrannous Princes For since People lived in Rome with much licentiousness and were enteâ—tained with many Pastimes and publick Shews made by the Emperors wherein those appeared to be most splendid who were most overgrown with vice as were Caligula and Nero who did not only make the wonted sports of Hunting and of Comedies be often represented with more then usual magnificence but introdâ—ced new Shews as Naval battels Chariots drawn by Camels and Elephants and permitted all licentiousness to the Soldiery no man desired to change condition and the Pretorian Soldiers enjoying all things of use and priviledg neer unto the City did not greatly care to be commanded by generous men And when such Princes grew tedious to them they put them to death proclaiming a new Emperor and receiving from the new Prince many gifts in reward of their wickedness And the disorder grew so great as sometimes the Empire of the World was by the Soldiers sold by Outcry to who would give most for it and at low rates as it fell out in the time of Didius-Iulianus Nor was the authority of the Senate able to correct this so great inconvenience as well for that being trodden under foot by force it was grown very weak as also for that the antient Roman generosity was wanting in them So as the Senate having resolved after the death of Caligula to free the City and Empire from the like Tyranny and to restore her to her liberty they could not be constant iu their resolution but being abased by fear submitted soon to the obedience of Claudius of Caesars linage and accepted of him for their Emperor as soon as he was cry'd up by the Pretorian Soldiers The like to which happened afterwards in many Emperors those being confirmed by the Senate which were chosen by the Army This licence was diversly used by the Soldiers themselves For the Pretorian Bands and that Army wherein the Emperor was at the time of his death pretended a particular priviledg in the choice of the new Emperor Yet Emperors were so often cry'd up by other Armies also which were in several Provinces of the Empire as all of them desirous in Galienus his time to usurp this authority there were thirty two who at one and the same time made use of the name and title of Roman Emperor So as it seems it may be truly said that the Roman Empire was preserved not in respect to unity or to the same form of Government but only in respect of
recieved so sore and so irreparable blows from the Barbarians it was brought to such weakness in the Eastern parts by reason of the many great disorders which were in the Head and in all the Members which were now become incureable â—s it was not able to sustain the force of the fierce and warlike Northern Nations And beginning once to fall when its worth was but little it could not get up again as it had done at other times Now if we will apply these more general considerations to some particular chances of this Empire the true cause of its declination will the more easily be known The Affairs of the Empire were almost at all times greatly molested by divers of the Northern People many of which were never reduced to the obedience of the Empire some of which had not been known till they took up Arms but of all the rest the Goths proved the most famous for the ruine of the Empire and for the so many calamities of Italy and of many other Nations and he who shall consider their beginnings and their progress must needs wonder very much and through confusion lose the discourse of humane wisdom To think how this barbarous people and so far remote from our Regions and unknown by them insomuch as at this day their original is not by Authors agreed upon without or Kingdom or Military Discipline falling down tumultuously at first to possess themselves of other mens Countries should soon become so powerful and formidable as that they should overcome the Romans who had overcome the world Who could have imagined that a new and unknown people were to come from forth the utmost Northern parts to destroy so vast an Empire by which so many powerful Kings and famous warlike Nations were subjected The most general opinion is That these men who destroyed the Empire came from Scythia into Europe where they were possest of many large Regions differing amongst themselves in name and habitation those who lived more towards the East being called Estern-Goths and others more Western-Goths But they were thought to be but new Inhabitants of that Country into which they were first come from certain Islands in the Sarmatian Ocean and that being worsted by some of their neighboring people after many contestations had with them their Country being moreover of two smal a circuit for their abounding numbers they betook themselves to seek out new seats and other habitations And thus they passed over very many times in very great numbers into the Provinces belonging to the Empire possessing and indamaging many Countries The things a little before mentioned being the cause why these evils and the greater ruines which ensued were not remedied For the Empire being of a very vast extent was continually troubled with sundry commotions in sundry parts The Princes who commanded were of little worth and the former antient valor and discipline was no longer found in their Armies which were given over to licentiousness Hence it was that whenin the time of Philip the first of that name but in order the Nine and twentieth Roman Emperor the Goths fixt themselves in Mysia and Thrace such forces were not sent against these novelties as might appease them and quell the then but small strength of these tumultuous people For there being no loyalty in the Commanders nor valor in the Soldiers those who were sent by the Empeor against such enemies intended their own particular interest more then the service of the Empire Insomuch as Macrinus and Decius being sent the one after the other to be chief of the enterprise made themselves be cried up Emperors by the Army having first permitted much licentiousness in the Soldiers that they might win their good will And when the same Decius was truly possest of the Empire after the death of Macrinus and of Philip also joyning battel with the Goths he found the effects of nourishing sedition in Armies and in winking at their disobedience and at the non-performance of their military duuties for his Army was routed and put to flight by the Goths and he seeking to save himself by running away was drowned in a marrish ground And when after these losses the Empire ought to have been restored and the honor thereof vindicated by the Successor with new Forces Gallus who had obtained this supream dignity by the Souldiers rashness and who was a poorly spirited man and had come by the Empire by indirect means That he might enjoy his leasure time in Rome which he leudly spent he was easily perswaded to make a shameful peace with the Goths not onely permitting them to â—arry in the Provinces which they were possessed of but obliging himself to pay them a certain sum of money yearly Thus the City of Rome which was Mistress of the whole World became tributary to a Barbarous people who knew not till then what belong'd to Imperial dignity to Wealth nor to Military glory This base Agreement gave a great blow to the reputation of the Roman Empire so as in Galienus his time who soon after succeeded in the Empire so many mutinies and insurrections arose as Italy it self was hardly kept in obedience and the Goths grew so insolent as breaking the Peace which they had made with the Gauls they took many Cities in Bythinia in Thrace and in Macedonia By which prosperous successes others of the Goths being encouraged who had tarried all this while at home where they lived in narrow precincts they sent to the Emperor Valens to demand abode in the Provinces of the Empire with whom fear prevailing more then the antient honor of the Empire and the Roman generosity gave way to their request allotting Bulgaria and Servia for these new Inhabitants to live in suffering the Northern Nations thus to get footing and to increase in strength which had always been the greatest Enemies to the Empire and from whom the Emperors had received such injuries and shame These easie acquisitions and the hopes of greater matters made Alaricus King of the Goths march not long after with a numerous Army from his own Kingdom towards Italy demanding that a place of residence might be allowed him by the Emperor Honorius in France and receiving a denial did in his fury do greater mischief But the same Emperor Valens soon felt the harm of this his ill-taken advice For the same Goths increasing through the baseness and negligence of others and the Huns Alani and other Northern people conspiring together with them they besieged the City of Constantinople and other noble Cities were endangered which made Gratianus choose Theodosius for his Companion in the Empire for the great repute which was had of his valor though he were a Spaniard by Nation But though he behaved himself gallantly against these Enemies and wan some brave victories yet since they had already got great strength and were governed in obedience under their valiant Masters and Commanders and for that the Empire was still busied in other Wars it was
thought expedient to come to peace with Alaricus King of the Goths leading him and a great number of his men under the Empires pay to make use of them in other undertakings For the Goths being kept in continual pay by some former Emperors amongst other Soldiers which served the Empire and being of themselves conversant in many Wars they were become a valiant People and had learn'd the Roman discipline though not the corruption which overthrew it in the Roman Camp Which though it might be good for the present occasions it did certainly prove very pernicious afterwards For though by this Peace Theodosius was safe from any fear of this Nation whilst he governed together with Gratianus and also afterwards when he held the Empire alone by himself he being a person of singular worth and one who by his industry had somewhat renewed the antient discipline amongst the Soldiers yet after his death the Forces of the Empire beginning again to flag and the Empire falling into the hands of his two sons Arcâ—dius and Honorius who succeeded their Father whilst they were but young and proved not to be of such gallant parts as the condition of those times required many of those who commanded under Theodosius in several parts rebelled who were all of them cryed up Emperors by those Armies wherein they commanded by which occasions being invited the Goths did not only return to rise up in Arms against the Empire but also other Northern Nations who did then inhabit Germany as the Alani Franks and Vandals took up Arms and did at one and the same time assault the States of the Empire in several parts many of them marching more particularly towards Italy and against the very City of Rome which after divers passages remained in prey to these Barbarians the antient Roman worth being so decayed as there was not any one who did so much as provide for the welfare of so stately a City which was the Queen of the World And the Emperor Honorius a thing which is not to be mentioned without much marvel whilst Italy and other Countries were wasted with War and the very City of Rome was reduced to the utmost extremity remained in Ravenna an idle Spectator of his Subjects so great calamity and of the ruine of his State in so base and stupid a manner as being told he might do well to provide for the preservation and safety of so many of the Empires Provinces which being miserably torn in pieces were falling into the power of the Barbarians answered That he could live without them After the ruine of Rome these victorious Barbarians past into France and into Spain where being recruited with other people of their own Nations and the Roman Armies being busied in Civil seditions and in maintaining those Emperors which each of them had chosen they had leisure to fix themselves there and to take possession of those noble Provinces the greatest part of whose antient Inhabitants being extinguished they setled themselves there and did long govern those Dominions and others of them passing into Africa and having won large Territories did with the same Fortune and same thoughts institute their proper Kingdoms But on the other part other People called the Huns fell into Pannonia called now by their names Hungaria and possessing themselves likewise thereof fixt their abode and dominion there So as there was hardly any Western Province of the Empire which was not at this time troubled by this fury of War the Roman Princes and Soldiers not having sufficient worth to withstand them Insomuch that when Attila marched with a furious Army to destroy Italy the Empire not having any Soldiers that they durst confide in to impede his passage the Romans were forced to take King Theodoricus with a good number of his Goths into their pay by whose assistance that cruel Enemy was at that time kept off But the Empires weak Forces being at last tyred and some Commanders being lost in whom there remained yet some worth and discipline the greater and almost fatal ruines of Italy began whereinto when these cruel Barbarians entred they put all to fire and sword bringing total destruction to many noble and populous Cities Which according to the natural order of all things mortal wherein Corruptio unius est generatio alterius gave occasion to the birth of the City of Venice whereunto the remainder of the Italian Nobility had recourse and saved themselves The Twelveth DISCOURSE Why thâ— Commonwealth of Rome though she suffered many Defeats in divers Battels yet did still prove Victorious at last HE who shall narrowly consider the great actions of the Romans will still discover new things therein not onely worthy of praise but of admiration Their prosperity was certainly very great but proceeding as it is to be beleeved from their worth and from certain and ordinary causes The People of Rome made more Wars then ever any Potentate hath been known to do but that which occasioneth the greatest wonder is that their success in all of them was prosperous And that though the Roman Armies were in many Battels overcome yet still in the conclusion of every War the Victories sided with them It will then be worth the while to seek out the truest or at least the most truth-like causes thereof by reasoning thereupon The City of Rome waged continual Wars from the first foundation thereof till Augustus his time which was for above Seven hundred years The gates of that famous Temple of Ianus which were never to be shut but in time of Peace stood always open unless it were once in the Consulship of Titus Manlius nor was there almost any Nation known in those daies with whom the City of Rome hath not at some time made trial of her forces and worth That Commonwealth in so many and so long contentions of War was likewise sometimes favored sometimes frowned upon by fortune so as sometimes she was brought into very great danger yet still she prevailed at last and triumphed over her formerly victorious enemies Long and heavy was the dispute which in her very beginning she had with so many people of Italy and chiefly with those that were nearest who singly by themselves and joyntly with others did conspire against the Romans and did by all their best endeavors seek how to keep the powea of the Empire low which was ordained as was afterwards seen to the height of all greatness Nor was the Commonwealth of Rome secure from the efforts of foreign Nations nay many times she was to withstand the fury of the French who assailed her with great Forces that they might totally subdue her and possess themselves of her Territories as they had done of so many other parts of Italy The Commonwealth made trial of her Forces even in the beginning of her greatness with other Kings till beginning with the first Carthaginian Wars to wage War further from her Confines she proved at last a terror even to the most remote foreign
Northern Nations which wanted all manner of order and military discipline as well in their Commanders as in the Soldiers of their own Nations whereof the Roman Armies had been for a long time full insomuch as for above twenty years together before the Goths pass'd into Italy they put themselves into the usual pay of some of the Roman Emperors And when Theodosius the Second who was to make head in France against a valiant and numerous Army led on by Attila it was found that the Army which he had then got together retained only the bare name of a Roman Army being totally composed of Barbarians Vizigots Franks Burgonians Alani and others who notwithstanding bore away the victory for the Roman Emperor The like hapned in Gratianus his time who being set upon by Atalaricus King of the Goths was fain for the defence of Italy to make use of Goths Huns and other Soldiers of those Nations But the antient valor of the Romans was no less lost in their Soldiers then in their Commanders For so great an Empire was grown to so great a scarcity of valiant men and such as were fit to command the Armies which were to withstand the raging violence of these fierce and barbarous Nations as Honorius found none to whom he could commit such a charge but one Stilico who was himself a Barbarian a Hun by Nation and very perfidious who moved by his own interest and designs sought to maintain his authority and to the end that he might place his Son in the Empire whilst he commanded over those Forces which were raised to extinguish the Gothish Armies he did not only not beat them when he might have done it but sollicited other Northern people to assault divers Provinces of the Empire and so procured them more Enemies And Theodosius the Second having placed all authority and hope of defending the Provinces of the Empire from the fury of Attila in one Etius when he had lost that Commander he had not any one fitting to undergo that charge but was forced to leave the passage into Italy free unto him That which is reported of Attila doth greatly witness the weakness of the Empire and in what need it stood of valiant and faithfulnes that being fore told by his Southsayers that if he should come to a day of 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 Army in France he should lose the day but that his losâ— would cost the Empirs dear for they should lose one of their best Commanders â—e did put so high 〈◊〉 esteem thereupon as notwithstanding such an 〈◊〉 he râ—fused 〈…〉 battel The Wars made by the Empire many years before the times of this greatest calamity and ruine were made against their own Roman Commanders who commanded over their Armies in several places and who being in far off Provinces rebelled against the Emperors hoping that they might usurp the Empire to the which every one of them did aspire since they saw that all ways even the most indirect lay open to a succession therein so as the Discipline and worth was alike in both the Armies and still the Romans got the victory that is to say those who had the greatest Power and Authorety in the Roman Empire But as soon as occasion was offered of trying the worth of those Soldiers who served the Empire against foreign Forces and that whatsoever the Roman Empire lost proved an addition to their cruel and mortal enemies the weakness thereof was soon seen and what a loss it had suffered by the total corruption of Discipline and good antient orders Which could not have happened if the Commonwealth had still continued for it is not likely that valiant Commanders would be found wanting in that City where by the vertue of good military Institutions Soldiers did so much flourish since those who had betaken themselves to other imployments when once they took upon them the Government of Provinces behaved themselves so in the Militia as they deserved commendations for there was a certain spirit of glory in them all and a desire of propagating the common good as also an aptness for all things which did befit Roman spirits But as soon as the Form of Government being changed the same Romans began to degenerate from their antient worth and that the chief imployments nay the Empire it self fell into the hands of foreigners all things else must likewise suffer alteration and in particular disorders in the Militia and the licentiousness of the Soldiers grew to be such as so great an Empire seemed sometimes to be governed by chance There not being any one therein who took care for the common good nor for the observance of good Orders neither at home nor abroad And the making of the Militia mercinary was cause of the going less in worth and discipline as also of treachery Insomuch as those very Soldiers who served the Emperors favored the Enemy as it happened in Theodosius his time when those who were to guard the Pirentian Mountains were bribed to let the Vandals and Sweeds pass into Italy without making any opposition which was the occasion of other mischiefs And the treachery of his Commander Gallus hindred the Emperor Decius from pursuing a famous victory gotten of the Goths when not being so well flesht as they were afterwards nor yet so powerful they might have been the easilier kept back But in time of the Commonwealth the Roman Commanders and Soldiers fought for their own Grandezza the Nobility grew famous and powerful and the people in whose name and in that of the Senate all Wars were made got honor and advantage by those things which by their Arms they added to that Dominion So as amongst other actions of the Commonwealth it is not without wonder to be considered how she could maintain so many and so numerous Armies as she did meerly out of Roman Soldiers But when these respects began to fail and that the Militia grew mercinary and that the Soldier grew past all measure insolent by reason of their Commanders leudness who permitted them to do all manner of foul things to the end that they might have their assistance in their usurping the Empire The Roman Empire which had formerly wont to be so formidable to their Enemies so obedient to their Commanders began to behave themselves poorly against their Enemies and insolently against their Lord and Master troublesome to their friends whom they were sent to assist and too unable to defend them against foreign Forces which things as they were begotten by the change of Government so is it most apparent that they were the occasion of bringing the Empire to a sooner and more miserable end So many and so heinous disorders could not have risen if the City had continued in a Form of Common-wealth or of Civil Government for though all the Citizens might not have peradventure proved good and valiant yet amongst so many there would still have some one been found of such excellent worth and charity towards his Country as
passing by a violent and illegal way to the driving them out of the City or State their friends or kindred may be kept low and humble whereby their power is lessened if they commit any excess in case of Justice as such men out of arrogancie often do be severe unto them take their priviledges from them declare them to be for a certain time uncapable of any Publick imployment and do some other such like things which being done upon some just occasion although the parties concerned be therewithall displeased yet not being disliked by the generality their hatching of mischievous plots against the present Government and Weal publick will have less fewel to feed upon But what shall be said of him whose worth and vertue doth exceed that of all others by what pretence can a just Prince or a well-governed Commonwealth humble such a man or keep him low or aloof from partaking of their Councels To this it may be answered that if this supposed personage be endowed with true vertue he will not be subject to any suspition nor will it be imagined that he will do any foul or wicked thing which may be prejudicial to his Prince or Countrie but that all his endeavors shall aim at the common good and it is just and convenient that such a man should alwaies bear sway in every well-ordered Commonwealth But if the vertues which render him so great and eminent tend to policie that is when a man does that which is good and honest having his mind bent upon some other object then meer worth and honesty as most men use to do out of hopes of glory or of bettering themselves which things notwithstanding are so far vertueâ— as they are helpful to the State and have a certain resemblance oâ— true worth it will not be amiss that such a one who may be suspected to misimpâ—y his good endowments be proceeded against in manner aforesaid We may then conclude that the custom of the Athenians concerning Ostracism ought neither to be praised nor practised in relation to the act it self but may admit of commendation and imitation as far as the intention thereof reacheth viz. to provide that the ambition or malice of a few rob not many of their quiet nor do perturb or confound the whole State The end of the First BOOK THE SECOND BOOK The First DISCOURSE Why the Commonwealth of â—enice hath not so far inlarged her Precincts as did the Roman Commonwealth MEN may be allowed to wonder not a little if they take it into their consideration why the Commonwealth of Venice having so excellent Laws and Institutions and having so long preserved her self in power and authority hath not notwithstanding much inlarged the preciâ—cts of her Empire as did the Common-wealth of Rome in a lesser space of time and in a form of Government which was not void of many imperfections The thought thereof hath made me oftentimes desire to search into the true causes of it I find this hath been taken into consideration by some other modern Writers but to bâ—ot that his discourses are already buried in oblivion it may be the things by him alleadged have not been such as may give full satisfaction to one who shall look narrowly into the â—arrtiage of our civil actions He was of opinion that the greatness of the Roman Empires was â—oly to be attributed to the vertue of her Ordinations and Form of Government from which since the Venetian Commonwealth doth differâ—â— he thinks that the cause why she hath not been able to make so great acquisitions And he is so resolute in this opinion as without distinguishing between things things between 〈◊〉 and times he doth so equally extol all the orders and actions of the â—eman Common-wealth as he doth propound some things for example to all 〈◊〉 Princes and Commonwealths as are rather to be blamed then to be imiâ—ated and which were the reasons of the ruine of that Commonwealth as the diâ—â—enâ—ions which was between the Nobility and the Common People and other such things which are rather disorders then orders and more apt to confound then to establish States Insomuch as his opinion is That if there were a City at this day in Italy which had the same â—rom of Government as Rome had of old that City might as the other did make herself Mistress of the World As if the condition of times and the so many variouâ— accidents upon which humane actions and especially the augmenting and change of States do depend were to be held for nothing and that it be in the power of a wise Legislator to give the Empire of the World to that City which he knows how to govern by good Laws But experience teacheth us much otherwise since we have known many antient Commonwealths founded by very wise men and confirm'd with excellent Orders equally for what concerns Peace as War yet not any one amongst so many hath been able I will not say to acquire so much Dominion as did the Commonwealth of Rome but nor hardly able any ways to extend their Precâ—ncts amongst their Neighbors The intâ—insecal Orders of the State are not simply of themselves sufficient to make so great Atchievements though they may peradventure concur very much thereunto Nor ought the State of Venice her not being Mistress of larger Territories be attributed to any defect in this behalf but many other things are to be taken into consideration whereby the truest causes of such effects which amidst the uncertainty of such like affairs can be found out may be discovered by looking into To know then whence such a diversity proceeds we must take the business a little higher and examine First what was the original beginning of these two Cities Rome and Venice what their Founders were and then what their situation what the inclinations studies and vertues of their Citizens and lastly the condition of times and qualities of their neighboring Princes must be examined All which things appertain to this Consideration as well as the Orders of the Commonwealth and their Form of Government He then who shall look upon the first Founders of these two Cities willfind them even in these theâ—r first beginnings not a little differing which occasioned differing intentions and differing ends and therefore peradventure a differing state and differing condition The first Erectors of Venice where men who were peacefully given as those who having been wearied by the so many calamities of Italy occasioned by the inundation of the Barbarians had withdrawn themselves that they might shun the danger of War into that piece of marish ground in the Adriatick Sea which was then greater then now it is and the chiefest of many small Islands which by a common name were called Venetiae So as they lived for a while without any Orders either Military or Civil those first Inhabitants contenting themselves to live in peace and quiet without dreaming of any greater matter For it neither stood with the end
the diversity of success in these two Commonwealths hath sprung from this diversity of institutions and from so many accidents and not from any one reason as was said at the beginning but in this diversity both of them have their praises and all those perfectâ—ons and felicity which is grantable to humane affairs Rome was Mistress of the World but could not long enjoy this greatness and prosperity nor yet with the quiet of her Citizens But Venice though of much meaner Precincts and condition hath preserved her self as an onely example in her liberty for so many Ages free from all domestick troubles and with the miraculous union and concord of her Citizens The Second DISCOURSE Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was oppugned by the Florentines I Have often not without some to me appearing reason wondred that some Historians should so much blame the Commonwealth of Venice for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa against the Florentines whereby they may seem to reproach the counsels of those wise and stout Senators who had then the managing of publick affairs in their hands for those very things for which other Princes and States have been by other Writers much celebrated He who will know the truth of such judgements must take unto himself more particular and inward considerations for it often-times falls out that looking into the very pith and marrow of business the clean contrary is found to what did first appear and the face of things do seem to alter Such actions may then be measured either by the ordinary reasons of justice and equity else by the reasons of State which are the more proper If you consider 〈◊〉 action of the Commonwealth according to the first measure what is it that 〈…〉 consciences of these so â—eruplous meâ— to take upon ones self 〈…〉 a pioâ—â— action and beâ—itting great and generous Princes and how miserable was the condition of the poor Pisans how much it did deserve to be imbraced and favored both out of compassion and justice is demonstrated to omit for the present other particulars by what was done at the same time by Charls the Eight King of France whilst he was in Italy and by the so many favors afforded to the cause of Pisa by all the chief of his Court Charls had promised the Florentines to keep the City of Pisa under their Dominion being obliged unto them for their readiness in receiving them into his State and for having afforded them all assistance and accommodation yet did the afflictions of the Pisans appear to be so grievous as he was moved more by compassion then by his own interest or by his promise made to the Florentines A forein Prince used this charity to the Pisans with whom he nor his Kingdom had never held any friendship or confederacie his interests being not only separate from but contrary to their welfare And shall it be thought a strange and irrational thing that the Commonwealth of Venice which had had the Pisans for their friends and associates in divers enterprises and who kept still friendship and commerce with that City from whence also some of the noblest Families of the Commonwealth draw their original and whose cause for the same respects was straitly annex'd unto their own should interest herself in behalf of the Pisans to comfort them in their great affliction Nor ought the Commonwealth of Venice to use greater respect to the Florentines then they had used towards her against whose designs they had so opposed themselves in the Wars formerly made against the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara assisting their Enemies both with men and monies as they were thought to be the chief hinderance why the business undertaken by the Commonwealth with great hopes of good success had no better an end The Venetians were thereunto likewise moved by the example of others For if the Duke of Milan the Genoeses the Lucheses and those of Sienna had assisted the Pisans as much as they were able how could the Venetians whose Forces in Italy were much superior to theirs stand idly looking upon the Pisans miseries and upon the prosperity and greatness of the Florentines whereby the common troubles of Italy were augmented since they alone adhered to the French faction But let us consider a little more particularly the cause which was undertaken to be defended by protecting the Pisans and what it was that they did endeavour Certainly nothing but the recovery of their antient liberty whereof they were bereaved either by their several misfortunes and by the violence of others or at least as they said to reduce themselves to a less severe government then that of the Florentines under whose dominion being faâ—n but a little before and the City of Pisa being sold at a low rate by the Visâ—onti the Pisans pretended first by the favor of Charls the Eight King of France and afterwards by the like of Maximilian the Emperor to be returned to their former liberty The former having used his power and the other his antiâ—nt pretences of the Empire to put them into that condition And grant that respect were to be had to the possession which the Florentines had of that City which notwithstanding was but of later times the Florentines were likewise to have released the Haven of Ligoâ—n to the Gâ—noeses from whom they had taken it by violence The Venetians did not perswade the Pisans to forgo their obedience to the Florentines as Lodovick Sfoza had formerly done for they minded 〈◊〉 the appeasing of the commotions of Italy then the raising of more they did not free them from the bond of obedience to the Florentines as did the Emperor and the King of France because they 〈◊〉 such an action did not belong unto them they were not the first that did 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 of that City as the Genoeses and those of Sienna had done because they had no intention to advantage themselves by the discord and ruine of others But the City having already totally rejected the obedience of the Florentines being thereof â—â—eed by the authority of other puissant Princes and assisted by other more petty Princes to maintain their liberties the Venetians being requested and conjur'd by the Pisans when they saw them ready to fall into the depth of misery if not assisted by them and that their ruine would draw along with it great prejudice to the peace and liberty of all Italy they at last took upon them their protection and defence And I herein say nothing but what is most true and confirm'd by the testimony of those who have written upon the passages of those times But let us consider other more particular accidents and more weighty respects Charls the Eight King of France was at that time pass'd into Italy to get the Kingdom of Naples an undertaking wherein he had prosperous success which was an ill
onely to the benefit of the Pisans to the preservation of their liberty as much as might be and to the right of what belonged to their Territories which they were possest of when they put themselves into the Commonwealths protection wherein the Venetians were alwaies very constant though the imminent War with the Turks might have made them forget the dangers and interests of other mens for their own concernments And at last as they would yeeld to nothing which might be prejudicial to the Pisans so to witness to the World that in reality they had no thought in maintaining this controversie to any peculiar design of their own in making themselves Masters of that City they put the determination of these differences into the arbitrement of Hercules Duke of Ferrara which though it had not any effect afterwards the Pisans not consenting thereunto yet it might be discerned that the Pisans averseness thereunto or the constancy wherein they persevered was not fomented by the Venetians but rose either out of the meer election or necessity of the Pisans themselves But let us come to another consideration more proper for this business that is to the reasons of State wherein thâ— many of the same things do concur yet they are clothed with other respects wherewith Princes building either onely or chiefly upon what may most redound to their own advantage do not advise with counsel of equity or do not attribute thereunto what is requisite It is most certain being already reduced to the greatest extremity if they should have been abandoned by the Venetians they must have put themselves either into the power of the Duke of Millan or of the Florentines but reason of State would not permit that in this conjuncture both of times and affairs this City should be joyned to the Dominion of either of these As for Sforza his vast and disordinate drifts were already known and how he would be the sole Arbitrator of Italy so as if he should become more haughty and pâ—ft up by this important acquisition no part of Italy could remain quiet or secure either from his force or craft And as for the Florentines you have heard how resolute they were not to part from the friendship of the King of France by how much greater the danger of whose Army was in recent memory so much the more were his friends and associats to be kept weak and under to the end that they might not increase to the prejudice and apprehension of the rest It was seen in what danger Italy was put by forein Forces how soon the Kings of Aragon were driven out of their Dominion how little resolute the other Princes of Italy were to withstand forein Forces which having once found an open and easie way into Italy it was to be imagined that they would be cause of greater dangers and molestations to her So as the Commonwealth being to be put into a condition of being able to resist the Forces of greater Princes and of not being exposed to their wills she was necessitated to think upon increasing her power and reputation that she might depend upon her own Basis and be well esteemed of by others She knew particularly that 〈…〉 was a State which might accommodate or dis-accommodate the French designs accordingly as it was well or ill affected towards them And the keeping of the City of Pisa dependant upon the Venetians might several waies be helpful â—nto them in their intentions in seeping the French from â—according the â—ingdom of Naples and in securing themselves afterwards from the Florentines as also in winning such strength and reputation to the Commonwealth with friends and 〈◊〉 as she might provide for her own preservation and for the like of 〈◊〉 other Italians who had the like intentions with her to maintain peace in Italy and to keep her safe from foreign Forces It was not their onely useful but necessary for the Venetian in this conjuncture of affairs to have footing in Italy and to have the City of Pisa if not subject to their dominion at least dependent upon the authority of the Commonwealth Now take it for granted that that suspition might be true which they have so much divulged who have endeavored to cast a blur upon the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth to wit that the Venetians intended to make thâ—mselves absolute masters of that City only out of a design of increasing their dominion Certainly the actions of a Philosopher and those of a Prince ought not to be measured by one and the same Rule nor must we fancy the condition of men and of affairs to be what peradventure they ought to be but what they are for the most part Magnanimity is the proper vertue of Princes which makes them always busie themselves about great matters and whereby they make themselves be dreaded and reverenced by others Therefore the desire of Glory and Empire is highly praised in such Princes as have been greatest and most celebrated as Alexander Cyrus Caesar Charls and all the rest of the most famous men in whom a spirit of Grandure and Generosity which did still egg them on to new and glorious enterprises is not only commended but even admired If the Romans whose actions are praised and celebrated by the general consent of all men had been content to contain themselves within the precincts of Latium their worth would have been hidden and obscured nor would their names have been so highly cry'd up to the memory of posterity And had not the Venetians had larger thoughts then to keep within their private merchandising affairs as it became them to do in their weak begining dispising or neglecting such occasions as they sundry times met with of enlarging the bounds of their Dominions the Commonwealth would not only not have gotten such esteem and reputation as it hath got but could not have kept herself so long in liberty amidst so many revolutions of affairs and such movings of Forein Armies It remains now only to see whether the opportunity of the Times and condition of Affairs did counsel them to purchase new glory and greater Empire to their Commonwealth Which though it may be known by what hath been formerly said yet it will more clearly appear by adding some other particular Considerations The Commonwealth was then in a more powerful condition then any Prince in Italy being much stronger then them all both in Land and Sea-Forces the Pisans cause was generally well wish'd unto the Florentines were but little acceptable to the rest of the Princes of Italy by reason of their friendship with the French and for this and other respects were particularly much hated by their neighbors the Genoeses Seneses and Lucheses and all the actions of the Commonwealth seemed to be favored by a certain Genius She had lately gotten the Kingdom of Cyprus she had enlarged her Confines in Friuli by the acquisition of many Towns in the Country of Goâ—itia and she prospered greatly in all that
friendship with Caesar which was offer'd them with so much advantage to themselvs but had taken up Arms to defend and preserve for that King their Friend and Confederate the State of Milan little mindful of such a service as the usual affections of other men are seldom found amongst Princes conspires her ruine and tuâ—ns those Arms against her which through their friendship were grown so powerful in Italy What should move him thereunto Not desire of revenge for there appeared no injury Not any fear of his own affairs for he had found them already very constant unto them No self-interest for he ought to have been jealous of Caesars greatness who had been his perpetual Enemy and to have wished well unto the Venetians who had been his antient Friends But what shall I say of the rest Had not Caesar the like obligations to the Venetians as the King of France had which should have kept him from such a confederacie Nay had he not peculiar respects which counsell'd him to the contrary The injuries which the French had done to the Empire the King of France his particular hatred to him the high aspiring thoughts of that King pernicious to the dignity of the Empire and to the German liberty Wherefore as he could never promise himself safe and firm friendship from the French so be ought rather to have obviated their power then have help'd to advance it But who could have expected that such an action should have proceeded from the admired wisdom of Ferdinand King of Spain so unusual and so harmful to himself by reason of the prejudice and danger which he was to receive in not preserving the State which he had won in the Kingdom of Naples in peace and quiet For which cause the greatness of the French their fidelity and natural desire of novelty ought to have been â—â—spected by him yet he assented to the increase of their power and of his own danger But how did those generous thoughts which Pope Iulius the Second seemed to bear to the greatness and liberty of Italy correspond with his joining in confederacie with the Transaâ—pine Princes who went about to oppress her by the ruine of that Commonwealth which was confest by all men to be at that time the Maintainer of the Glory of Italy and the hope that she might again rise to her antient greatness and reputation What safety could the Apostolick Sea expect by increasing the power of those Princes in Italy who were great of themselves whom he feared and upon whose authority he foresaw the Popes of Rome must depend These certainly were such things as did transcend whatsoever could have faln into the imagination of the Venetian Senators or of any other men how wise soever Nor was the immensity of the danger less nor less able to molest and confound the minds of those who were to prepare for resistance against so great a War The King of France his Forces were of themselves very powerful that Kingdom being then more flourishing then it had been for many years before and become more formidable by the possession which the French had got of the Dukedom of Milan which afforded them mighty conveniencies to assault the Coâ—fines of the Common-wealth And though Caesars Forces were not of themselves greatly considerable yet were they increased by the fame he gave out that he led his Army into Italy to make a certain and noble prey thereof and with a mind to restore the Empire to its almost lost greatness whereby he reconciled the mindes of the German Princes and people and got them to joyn their Forces with his Moreover the King of Spains Naval preparation was in particular to be feared to prevent the which those Sea-Forces of the Commonwealth were to be imployed which should all of them have been imployed in defending the State by Land from so fierce an assault The Pope added no small reputation to the League by his authority and his Spiritual arms being accompanied with Temporal forces became the more dreadful And though the other petty Princes forces were but small yet was their will to offend the Commonwealth great and the Kings of England Poland and Hungary were sought unto and sollicited by all these together to join with them and to declare enmity to the Venetians If then the Venetians had yielded to this so new and great preparation for War which like Thunder made both its noise and harm be heard and felt at once what could have been said unto them Ought not they to have been judged worthy of excuse and their Commonwealth free from the imputation that their Orders were no ways good For as an object of immensurable force does not move but corrupt the sense so the encountring with so weighty a conspiracie was a thing not likely to incite the Commonwealth to shew her vertue but rather to disorder and to confound her Yet it is seen how she behaved herself upon such an occasion and whether it may be inferred from these her first counsels as from a thing that was in her own power that she was not worth much or that she did any thing unworthy of herself of her fame or of the reputation which she held amongst other potent Princes of that Age. What appearance was there in her of any fear or rather what greater sign could be desired in her of generous confidence and most noble daring What did she resolve to yield up of free-will What noise what complaints were heard which shewed that she would terminate that contention with vain words which could not be ended but with Arms The Answer which was given to the French Herald who came to denounce unto them that the King was upon his march in Arms against the Commonwealth was onely that that War was intimated them from the King when they had more reason to expect Amity and Peace from him but that they would not be wanting to their own defence being confident that they should be able to defend themselves by their own Forces and through the right of their cause The effects were answerable to their words for they betook themselves forthwith to provide for so great a War The most expert Commanders were sent for from all parts veteran Soldiers mustered in all places in so great numbers and so qualified as it was agreed upon by the common consent of all that neither that Age nor any other for many years before had seen such an Army of meer Italians in Italy Great and very miraculous was the union and concord both in the Senate and City wherewith men of all conditions and ages to lend their helping hand to assist their Country at so great a need There appeared so great a zeal in every one to the common good such resolution to maintain the state and liberty of the Commonwealth even to the last gasp as those who have appeared to be no very good friends to the Venetians in other things do praise these proceedings being forced so
and which may admit of divers considerations It is an antient and approved proverb That a Bridg of Gold ought to be made for an Enemy that flies And this is grounded upon solid reasons for no Battel can be fought without much hazard and uncertainty of success since there may happen many unthought of accidents wherein the use of wisdom is excluded Therefore where to join battel is to be thought a good advice the condition of affairs must be such as that a man be not necessitated thereunto but makes it his choice and comes to it with greater hopes of overcoming then fear of being worsted and likewise the advantage must be more that is to be expected from the Victory then the prejudice which depends upon the loss thereof By thus measuring the carriage of these affairs by these rules we may the better know what judgment to give thereof If we consider the state of affairs before the Armies drew near there appears no necessity of fighting at that time For the King of France led his men back over the Mountains to their own homes without prejudice or injury to any one so as the meeting him to stop his passage and give him battel proceeded from election and from the determinate counsel of the Princes that were Confederates against him But what the end of the combat was like to be and how the business was ballanced might be guess'd at by many particulars before a stroke was struck The King of France led along with him an Army consisting of French and Switzers the former excellent for the Horse-Militia and the latter excellently well disciplin'd in Foot-service So as the Italian Militia was confess'd by all men to be far inferior to both these for they had wholly lost all their antient excellent institutions and had wanted true discipline for many years being by Foremers bereft of their antient military glory But the much different impressions which were in the Soldiers themselves was of great importance upon this occasion The French were haughty and puffed up by their success at Naples they slighted the Enemy their very name seeming to have infused so much terror into all the Italians as that neither Princes nor People had dared to oppose them but afforded them free and safe passage every where On the contrary the Italians accustomed only to such Wars as were made in Italy wherein little valor was shewen and less discipline without almost any loss of blood as if it were for meer shew and sport were to fear the unusual encounter with the French and to boot with their valor to apprehend their prosperity which had made the way so easie to them to so great and so noble an acquisition The Kings party was likewise favored by the Kings own presence and the danger which his own person was in which occasioned no small daring in the French Soldiery some being thereunto stirr'd up by their natural love to their King others by hopes of reward and others for fear of punishment But of all things else the diversity of the cause ought to be of greatest moment For the French had no hopes of safety save what lay in their Arms being in an Enemies Country the way in their return home very difficult by reason of the craggy Mountains though they should meet with no impediment by the Enemy the Army of the Colleagues suffered not under the like necessity for being at its own home it might be sure upon any adverse fortune to have safe receptacle in every City Moreover the Italians were incited to fight onely out of a desire of honor or of revenge and this was much more in the Princes and Commanders then in the common Soldier which things being well considered might by reason of what is the usual issue of such actions cause rather doubt then hope of victory if they should come to a day of Battel or at least might make it appear that businesses were so equally balanced and so doubtful as where there was no inforcing necessity to pursue a business so full of danger was not worth the while We must now consider the advantage as also the disadvantage which might happen upon the good or bad success of the battel which though it be in all affairs doubtful and uncertain yet out of the aforesaid respects it was now both those in extremity We will say that the then chief moving cause was to drive the French Army out of Italy and to restore those of Aragon to their Kingdom out of which they were driven by K. Charls The confederate Princes might in all liklihood have compast this their intention by other more safe and more secure means For what disturbance might they meet withal in the enterprise which they were to endeavor against the French in the very Kingdom of Naples from that Army which hasted to pass over the Mountains and was to dissolve of it self And say that those people should be routed and defeated should therefore the Kingdom of Naples be disposed of according to the pleasure of the Italian Victors No certainly for the King had already left strong Garisons there of his best Soldiers to secure it The victory could not be so great and favorable for the Italians but that they must have lost some of their men so as if they had a mind to attempt any thing upon the affairs of Naples it had been better for them to have gone with all their Forces upon that enterprise then to give battel to those who did not any waies oppose their design since when they should have overcome them they were to go with that Army lessened by the Battel and wearied with marching to the main business of taking the Kingdom of Naples where the things offered at by Ferdinand would have had easier success if he had entred the Kingdom with greater Forces and as he was willingly received by the City of Naples whither he might come at first with those few men he had so would the rest of the Cities willingly have revolted from the French and have put themselves under the obedience of Ferdinand if they had seen he had Forces sufficient to defend himself and to make good their rebellion But say that the Colleagues would have secured themselves yet better from the French to the end that their intentions upon the Kingdom of Naples might not be hindred or diverted had it not been better for them to go with the Army of the league to find out Monsieur d' Orleans who at the same time had possest himself of the City of Novara to drive him out of Italy together with those of his party who had setled themselves there then to follow those who did of themselves that which was most desired by the league to wit hasten back over the mountains Nay it may be further said that unless the French should be necessitated as seeing their King in danger as also that Army which was pursued by the Italians they would not peradventure
not able of themselves to do any notable action so as one Nation or one Prince not being able to overcome another and all of them wanting the excellencie of good Orders he who hath at any time endeavored to advance himself by some design hath been forced to have recourse to the advantage of Leagues of which Italy since by reason of the declination of the Western Empire she hath been divided into so many members and Scignories hath in particular afforded many examples which may serve to teach whatsoever belongs to these Leagues whereof we do not read of any great good effect which hath ensued at last or at least which have continued long in their first prosperity for their Forces though powerful enough of themselves when met withal by contrary respects and wearied in their first attempts have soon gone but lamely off And he who shall well consider such particulars as are most necessary in great undertakings will easily see how badly they do correspond in Leagues Deliberations would be wise and mature but not slow and unseasonable execution would be speedy and bold counsels are oft-times to be taken upon unexpected accidents the end of all ought to be one and the same though the Offices Degrees and Authorities be different the respect and aim one and the same whereunto all resolutions do tend to wit the safety glory and the greatness of that Prince or State for whom the War is made the reward and honor one and the same and alike the loss and shame so as the possibility of haveing means to lay the fault on another do not retard the doing of what is â—itting These are things which have alwaies been hard and rare to be found yet they may the more easily be met withal in an enterprise which is undertaken by one onely wise Prince or by one well governed Commonwealth But in Leagues all things run counter byass to these important affairs It is not alwaies generositie but fear which makes a Prince take up Arms which likewise makes others joyn with him who otherwise do much differ from him in desires and interest but that brunt being over and every one being in their former particular and more natural condition he who dreads War bends to idleness and willingly takes all occasions to change War for Peace and he who was become a friend by reason of some contingencie not out of any good will discovering his real affection upon some other occasion or by reason of some change returns to be not onely as formerly an Enemy but more inveterate then before so as these Ties of Common interests being soon loosened either by particular interest or by some other affection hatred confusion and disorder doth thereupon ensue The Moralists â—ay That friendship cannot long continue between those where one and the same thing is not interchangeably given and received and that therefore true friendship is onely found where the end is not that which is advantagâ—ous or delightful because equal correspondencie is not usually there but what is honest which alwaies is and does still continue the same on all behalfs In the Friendship or Leagues of Princes every one hath his own conveniencie and particular benefit for his aimed at end and then the like of others onely so far as by accident it may square with his But it commonly falls out that what makes for one makes against another so as the â—ame things cannot please all wherefore a thousand accidents do easiry cause diversity of opinions contentions and breaches so as hardly any League hath been able to preserve it self any long time It is also usually seen that no man minds what is recommended to the care of many and therefore in Leagues which are fastned together but with weak Ties whilst one doth either trust upon anothers provisions or is ill satisfied with others omissions men neglect their own daties and study more to pick a hole in anothers coat then to mind his own business The ignomiâ—y which may inâ—ue upon such defaults and the loss of reputation which use to be great incitements to a noble mind are not so much valued in things which are undertaken and negotiated by many together because the way lies fair to excuse ones self by laying the fault upon another or at least the fault is lessened by others being sharers therein Thus that common benefit which is so magnified and cried up and which ought to be their onely object is found onely in a certain fancied Idea and in a potentia remota or in a vain and useless appearance whilst none endeavor to reduce it to its true essential and perfect being by laying aside their own proper and peculiar advantage and by directing his actions to the common good of his Colleagues So as he who shall duly consider what the first intention is of making a League and with what degrees it is proceeded in afterwards and to what ends it is directed will by many evident examples find it quickly so transformed as though it meet not with any external forces it easily dissolves and moulders away of it self Leagues made by Christians against the Turks have oft-times in particular met with these impediments and difficulties the League between Pope Alexander the Sixt and the three most powerful Kingdoms of Europe the Kingdoms of Spain Fance and Portugal and the Commonwealth of Venice was stipulated with great hopes and noble intentions the Venetian and French Fleet came into the Archipelagâ— where they had some prosperous success but the forces of the other Colleagues were in vain expected the first year and it ended the second year before it had fully effected any thing by reason of the discords which arose between the Crowns of France and Spain which were occasioned by the division of Naples so as these Princes turned their Arms each upon other which were intended against the Infidels The league made between Pope Paul the Third the Emperor Charls the Fift and the Commonwealth of Venice against Sultan Soliman likewise ended almost as soon as it was begun and it is too well known as being of rescent memory what occasions of victories were thereby lost and out of what respects But what greater thing could be expected from any League then from that which God blest with the famous victory at the Curzâ—laâ—â— Islands Yet how slight a matter was able to reâ—â—â—d the glorious atchievements which were with reason to be expected from thence when a slight suspition of the Spainards that the States of Flanders might be molested by the French by reason of the going of the Duke of Alanson the Kings Brother towards those parts was sufficient to keep back the Fleet which was destied for so great affair in the Levant and to make the best season of the year pass over without any advantage whereupon all other things â—ell into great disorders and the League was quickly â—erminated Neither can this natural motion of Leagues be so stopt by any means or
easiness wherewith they were done can walk hand in hand with those of the Antients amongst whom we see one only Alexander one Pompey one Caesar to have subjugated many entire Provinces and conquered many Nations And not to go further in search of the like examples since one Age alone very neer this of ours can easily furnish us with them Were not the Emperor Charls the Fifth Francis the First King of France and if will pass by the errors of Religion Sultan Solyman Emperor of the Turks Princes great and valiant in all acceptations in whom so many endowments both of Nature and Fortune did concur as hardly any thing remained to be desired in any of them to make and constitute a potent Prince and an excellent Commander fit to undertake any action how great or difficult soever What was it that Charls with his undaunted and dreadless spirit did not undertake Who was ever known to be more ambitious of praise and military honor then Francis never weary nor satisfied with toiling in Arms and in leading Armies Solyman was so fervently bent upon purchasing glory in the Waâ—s as his age though very great was not able to asswage it for he dyed in the Field amongst Soldiers when he was eighty four years old These great Princes were so puissant and so remarkable for the number to Soldiers which they led to Battel for military Discipline and for all that belonged to War as their Age had no cause to wonder at nor to envy any preceding times which were famousest for such affairs Yet he who shall particularly examine their actions will find they come far short of the famous acts of the Antients and that they correspond not with the fame and opinion of such Princes and of such Forces For if we we shall consider the deeds of those few aforesaid not to mention so many others what and how many were the things done by Alexander the Great who having in so short time vanquish'd the powerful Persian Empire victoriously overran the whole East and made the terror of his wâ—apons known to People almost unknown till then and yet died whilst he was very young How many Cities and Provinces did Pompey and Caesar bring under the Roman Empire The first conquered and subjugated Pontus Armenia Cappadocia Media Hiberia Syria Cylicia Mesopotamia Arabia and Iudaea things which though done seem incredible And the other though he did not overrun so great a space of Land did no less admired things if we will regard the condition of the conquered He quell'd the warlike Switzers French and Dutch and made so many and so fortunate expeditions as by his means only above eight hundred Cities were brought under the Government of Rome What can be alleadged on the behalf of these modern Princes which may compare with these for military glory Charls the Emperor led sundry times puissant Armies upon several undertakings but what was the fruit that he reaped by his most famous Expeditions The greatest and most victorious Army which he ever put together was that wherewith he withstood Solyman when he came to assault â—ustria yet he never departed with it from before the walls of Vienna so as all the Trophy of Victory which he got there for so much expence and labor was only not being overcome for his Army never saw the Enemies face The Wars of Germany were very difficult in this behalf yet therein he contended not with any Prince whose Forces were of themselves equal to his nor were they made out of election or hope of glory by new acquirements but out of necessity and for the defence as well of his own person as of the Empire and all the good he got thereby was only the restoring the affairs of the Crown to the former condition so as the Empires authority might not be lessened The Wars made so long between Charls the Emperor and Francis King of France with no less hatred then force did oftentimes weary both their Armies but though Caesar had several times the better yet at last the power of France was not diminished nor the greatness of Charls his command made any whit the larger so as he was master of so many and so ample States rather by his right of inheritance then by means of War thâ— enterprises of Tunis and Algier in Africa might have some greater appearance of generosity the business being very difficult and attempted with great courage and much danger and wherein the glory appeared to be more then the advantage yet the unhappy success of the one did much lessen the honor and praise won by the other and these undertakings did finally produce no greater effects then the acquisition of one or two Cities and those none of the chiefest of Africa whereas one onely Scipio subdued Carthage the Head of so great an Empire and brought all those Regions under the Roman Eagles The Acts done by Solyman were somewhat greater then these but not to be compared to those of old nor peradventure will they appear to be very famous if we shall consider his power and the long time that he lived Emperor He consumed much time and many men in Hungaria making many expeditions against it and yet got but one part thereof which was none of the greatest Provinces neither He wan the Island of Rhodes but what glory could redound to so mighty a Prince by overcoming a few Knights who were weak of themselves and who were not succoured by others And yet he was therein assisted more by fraud then by force He past with his Army into Persia but though he might say with Caesar venâ— vidi yet could he not add vici for as he with great celerity over ran a great part of the Persian Empire and came to the City of Taâ—ris so not being able to fix in any place or establish any conquest he retreated to within his own Confines having lest the greatest part and the best of his men in the Enemies Country routed and defeated by divers accidents These things then and many other the like give just occasion of wonder and incite curious wits to search out the truest causes of such diversity of successes Amongst which nay in the primary place the different means of warfaring in those times and in these may come into consideration wherein if we come to more particulars we shall meet with the use of Forts and Strong Holds which are become more frequent in these our Ages then they were in former times the art of building being doubtlesly in greater perfection with us then it was with them There is hardly any State or Country now adaies wherein there are not many Towns and Cities either assisted by natural situation or else by art reduced to much safety by many inventions found out by modern Professors of Fortification so as almost every place is so fortified as it is able to hold out with a few men against many and he who will in these times enter into another
mans Country with an Army intending to possess himself thereof must first win all the Castles and strong Holds upon the Frontiers for it were ill advised to advance forwards and leave such places behind them since his victuals may be thereby hindred and he may several waies suffer much damage and be greatly disturbed Moreover to be â—aster of the field leave the Cities and strong Holds unreduced would be but to labor hard to get possession for a few daies which being founded only upon the Forces of a field-Army when that should be worsted all things formerly won must of necessity fall of themselves Hence it is that since much time must be spent in lying before a Fort or Citadel and that many men are requisite to take it and all this often-times in vain the attempts of modern Princes meeting with this difficulty are not so soon nor so sadly compast as they were by the Antients who met not with such obstacles And how can it be expected therefore that many great victories should be won since they meet with so many rubs by means of these strong Holds whereof we see many clear examples in the actions of the aforementioned Princes The Emperor Charls made War several times with numerous Armies against the King of France propounding great matters unto himself which proved all but vain at last by his having met with strong Cities well munited such as required much time and labor to take them wherefore though his success in War was sometimes prosperous yet it came so late as he hardly got any advantage or benefit thereby as was seen when after much time spenâ— and mâ—ny men lost before the Fort of St. Desir which was seaâ—ed in the midst of France whither he was fortunately advanced though he reduced it to his own power yet was he at last forced to come to agreement with the Enemy as finding his Forces much weakened by that acquisition that he might fall upon another Enterprise The same and for the same cause befell Francis King of France who having sent his Son the Dolphin with powerful Forces to the Pyrenean Mountains to the end that he might break into Spain promising himself easier success therein by an unexpected assault and because he had assaulted at the same time other parts of Caesars Dominions with other Armies The Dolphin being at the very first to take Perpignano a Fort placed upon those Frontiers he there met with such and with so many difficulties as this sole encounter was sufficient to keep those Forces from penâ—trating any further Solyman being entred with a powerful Army into Hungarie intending to pass into Austria wasted so much time in expugning the strong Hold of Buda as it proved the safety of that Country and chiefly of Vienna before the which he was in that respect the longer a coming and by this delay afforded the defendants the more time to provide for their own security so as the City being of it self very renable it may be said that she did not onely save her self but by the preservation thereof all Austria and other Provinces of Germany were preserved then and several times since So likewise in the War which was made by the same Solyman against the Venetians though he was come thither himself in person with powerful Forces both by Sea and Land yet his Forces being repulst by the Fort of Câ—rfir which was forcibly but in vain attempted by the Turks he was forced to withdraw from before it whereas without the help and advantage of such a strong Hold both the Island of Câ—rfee and other places belonging to that State must have submitted to so great and warlike a preparation By reason then of these difficulties and such occasions the undertaking of later times have proved less glorious for matter of action then those of former daies When Alexander had overcome in Battel Darius the powerful King of Persia he soon made himself Master of his whole Kingdom and passing further into the Country even to the ocean Sea he found the way so opeâ— as the onely difficulty he met withal was the overcoming of those Fortresses of Rivers and Seas which nature had furnished the Country with Insomuch as those who writ his actions speak but of two strong Holds of any importance about which he was necessitated to spend some time amongst the Indians in his victorious over-running so many Countries But Pompey made such way in following Mithridates and in planting Trophies of victories in all places whereby he past in so many Eastern Provinces amongst people that he had rather march'd over then over-come as it may be easily conceived that he mâ—â— no where with any impediments by strong Holds which were able to stop the course of his victorious Forces Caesar found it somewhat a harder business to subjugate those people of Europe with whom he was to fight but this was more out of the nature of the situations and the savageness of the people then by reason of any stout resistance made by any well fortified Cities yet in the space of Ten years he compleated so many victories as he subjugated There hundred several sorts of People It these though great Princes and most valiant Commanders had been put to the expence of moneths and years in the taking of one only Fort certainly their atchievements would have been fewer and their glory not so much cry'd up This was manifestly known by the example of other Ages For it may be observed that the so great progresses of War have been made chiefly in the Eastern parts where at all times peradventure by reason of the largeness of the Country the use of strong Holds hath been least had so as not only Alexander the Great and Pomâ—ey both of them more famous then all other Commanders but some of the Roman Emperors have by their Chieftains subjugated spacious Countries in a short time And in later times Selymus the Great Turk by the same reason was able totally to subjugate the Soldan of Caire's Empire For having had the better in many Battels and not meeting with any strong Hold to withstand him the whole Country which was under that Empire fell as a prey into the power of the Turks who were Victors and Masters of the Field But such acquisitions as they are very easie to be made so are they but seldom peacefully possest which was the cause why the Roman Emperors could never so govern those furthest Eastern parts but that either by the Inhabitants themselves or by their neighboring Kings â—umults were continually raised So as it behoved them to subjugate the same Provinces several times But if these difficulties of winning Forts and strong Holds did retard the course of Victories certainly they ought not to lessen the praise of modern Princes and Commanders but when they deserve it by their own military worth and industry as great discipline cunning constancie and sufferance is discovered in this sort of Militia and as such acquisitions
ultimate ruine depends â—y this means proceedings march a slower pace and all acquisitions become more difficult so this immoderate desire of having all things for thâ—r own service working a contrary effâ—ct to their intentions keeps the Confines of their Dominions more narrowly bounded and theâ—eby lessens that glory which they seem to aspire so much at If then our Princes and Chieftains will walk in the waies of the Antients they will finde that Justice Clemencie and moderate Empire are stronger and more secure Engins to take strong Holds then those whâ—ch they in these times make use of And if they be not faulty in the truâ—st worth they will find sufficient valor and discipline in their Soldiers to bring to pass whâ—tsoever great Enterprises and to exalt their name to such a height of glory and so illustrate themselves and their Age as they may in all things be deservedly compared to the famousest and most cried up of the Antients The Seventh DISCOURSE What the cause is why Italy hath enjoyed so long Peace and Quiet in these latter Times HE who shall call to mind what troubles Italy for a long time hath suffered under which after the passage of Charls the eight King of France till the Peace made at Bolognia was for the space of thirty five years continually infested with better Wars and subject to all those greater evils which the wickedness of man hath found out to his own undoing may justly think her very happy in this present and the last preceding Age wherein after so long a combustion she hath enjoyed so happy and quiet a Peace For though in this time some little sparkles may have broken forth yet have they not spread much nor lasted long but being confined within some small circuits the greater and more noble parts of Italy have remained safe and untouched by this flame Wherefore those Princes who this mean while have had the government of the several States of Italy are certainly much to be praised and the people of Italy are chiefly to acknowledg so great a benefit from their wisdom and vigilancie Yet because there have divers accidents happened which have opened the way to Princes wherein to walk directly on to this right end of Peace and Concord it may be worth the while particularly to examine from what causes this good hath proceeded for thereby it may likewise be known how the like may be preserved It is a Proposition sufficiently known and indubitably true that Sublata causa tollitur effectus Take away the cause and the effect which proceeds from thence will cease Wherefore by truly examining the causes from whence the Wars and molestations of Italy did proceed we may perceive how these ceasing she hath remain'd in that peace and quiet which may be said to be the true proper and most natural condition of a State all other workings in a good Government and even War it self being ordained for Peace whereby as Ciâ—ies and Kingdoms enjoy Civil felicity so must that State be most perfect wherein the perfectest workings are exercâ—sed to the most pâ—rfect end Peace is of it self introduced into a State by taking away the impediments which do disturb it just as health is introduced into our bodies by taking away those ill humors which keep them from their perfect and natural condition Now if we will take into our consideration whence as from the principal occasions that Hâ—rmony if I may so call it which the Concord of the Italian Princes had so long produced and preserved with such liking and consolation of all men was spoil'd and corrupted we shall find that two affectâ—ons which do usually accompâ—ny Empire and which at this time grew very powerful in some Princes were those roots from which so many mischiefs did afterwards put forth to wit Fear and Ambition Fear of losing ones own State Ambition of possessing what belongs to another The fear of the King of Aragons just indignation made Lodovic Storza think upon Novelties made him have recâ—urse for help to France and made him believe that was best for him which proved his ruine But it wâ—s ambitâ—on of addâ—ng new Territories to that Crown and glory to himself which made Charls the Eight King of France but young both in years and experience think upon nothing but how to effect his desires by acceptâ—ng of Sforzas proffâ—r of passing into Italy which proved the Sepulchre of so many Soldiers and of so many gâ—lant Commanders of that warlike Nation by the so many Wars which arose from that Spring-head and which brought no other advantage to the Authors But let us make a little further enquiry The so famous and as it may justly be termed so pernicious War to all Italy made by the League of so many Christian Princes who had all conspired the ruine of the Commonwealth of Venice whence did it arise but from these two wâ—cked seeds Fear and Ambition Many Princes apprehended the greatness of the Republick which was already much increased by the prosperous success in War wherein she was associated by the French whereby she was become very formidable especially to the Princes of Italy wherefore they all desired her abasement for their own security Nor was the Emperor Maximilian totally free from this fear who had learnt by late experience how powerful the Forces of the Commonwealth were grown which had bereft him of some Towns belonging to him But Lodovick King of France the thirâ—t after Empire being always uâ—quenchable growing still more desirous to possess the whole State of Milan whereof he had already gotten the greatest part and repenting himself that the Cities of Cremona and Giaradada were fallen to the Ventians was egg'd on by this spur of Ambition to join in conspiracie with the other Princes against the Commonwealth which had so lately and so many several ways deserved so very well at his hands After these ensued many long Wars though not equally grievous which had many various and uncertain events and which were fomented and maintain'd by these seeds of all discord fear and ambition When the greatness and power of the Emperor Charls the Fifth was increased and confirm'd in Italy the Commonwealth apprehended that her State in Terra firma would not by reason thereof be very safe she therefore willingly took up Arms accompaâ—ied by the French to secure herself from the danger she conceived she lay under by reason of the continual neighborhood of a greater and more powerful neighbor by having a particular Prince of that State who might be Duke of Milan Francis King of France desired likewise to see the Emperor bereft of that State but out of other respects to wit because his ambition was such as would never suffer him to give way to the fortune of Charls the Emperor and to see Charls so much superior to him especially in Italy where his Predecessors the Kings of France and he himself with no less fervencie though with worse success had labored so long
if the City which was the beginning of so many Wars had been reserved to be the end thereof These and other such like reasons may be alleadged for the War undertaken against the Carthaginians but that which they made against Philip may be said to be caused rather by necessity then choice For Philip for his part being already resolved to follow Hannibals fortune and expecting large recompence had sent his Ambassadors several times formerly to him to conclude a confederacie with him wherefore the Romans thinking it better to prevent the Enemy then to be by them prevented fell suddenly upon him with their whole Fleet and Army hoping to suppress him though they did not wholly effect their design But they continued their War against him afterwards in Greece incited by the commotions already raised in that Province by the Italians knowing that unless they should interpose themselves Greece must either fall into Philips hands whereby the power of a People that were Enemies to the Romans and already very formidable of themselves would be greatly increased or else they must have recourse to the assistance of King Attalus as the Grecians had already protested to the Romans and so they must suffer the neighborhood of another King who was already powerful in Asia and might at another time trouble the affairs of Rome And the wisdom of the Romans was always such as not being cast down by any adversity they never seemed so much to apprehend present dangers but that they had an eye to those which might ensue and in time grow greater And this peradventure was that which did prove the Romans power and worth more then any thing else since when as they were as yet but masters of a small State and that their affairs were reduced into great difficulties both by their so many bad successes in battel against Hannibal and by the risings of their Friends and Confederates yet they resolved to maintain War at one and the same time in four several Countries to wit in Italy Sicily Spain and Greece and they were able to manage them all And certainly such advice was no less useful then generous For he who should overcome the Romans in any one place could not hope quite to subdue them since they had other Armies and valiant Commanders who might make good their fortune and raise it up again So as things formerly alleadged for arguments to asperse this their resolution may peradventure be allowed of in such States and amongst such Princes where there is not that worth discipline or power as was amongst the Romans but in them or such as they they are of no force and very Experience by the issue of those Wars seems to confirm and approve of the Counsels by which they were undertaken The Seventh DISCOURSE Whether the defâ—ruction of Carthage was the rise of the ruine of the Roman Republick CArthage a glorious and famous City both for the command she had in Africa and Spain and for being long Rival in glory with the Common-wealth of Rome being at last to yield either to the great worth or happy genius of the Romans was not notwithstanding made tribuâ—ary to Rome but was burnt and destroyed even to the ground The Carthaginians were oft times overcome in battel by the Romans and had severe Laws imposed upon them yet were those undaunted fierce minds never well quell'd but beginning to heighten their hopes and augment their Forces after the second Carthaginian war they molested those that were friends to the Romans and contrary to their Articles began to sail upon the Sea with Men of War These things being therefore treated of in the Senate of Rome caused variety of opinions Some were for the total ruining of the City of Carthage since otherwise the Commonwealth of Rome could not be free from their injuries and molestations and Cato was very â—tiff of his opinion who bringing some fresh Figs which were gathered in Carthage shewed what dangers they were always subject unto by reason of their Enemies neigborhood But others endeavoring the contrary sought to prove that totally to extinguish the Carthaginians was no good advice and Scipio Nasâ—ica a man of great authority was greatly averse to this resolution being thereunto moved as he said not through any pitty to the conquered enemy but for the advantage of his own Citizens who when they should be free from the fear of the Carthaginian Forces would suffer many evils through Idleness So as it was the common saying and opinion that the destruction of the Carthaginians would hasten on the ruine of Rome And Salust in the beginning of his History of Catilines Conspiracy describing the abusive customs of the City of Rome at that time seems to be of opinion that the overthrow of Carthage did more harm to the Commonwealth by introducing idleness and pleasure then the keeping of her flourishing and in arms would have done Yet there were other considerations which did thwart this opinion shewing that it was not peace and idleness but the continually being verst in Arms and War which was the true cause of the Civil discords and change of Government in Rome This it was which fomented ambition in the Citizens this it was that did too immensely increase their power Finally it was this that divided the City and through discord brought it to utter ruine And how can it be said that the City of Rome was ruined by Peace since she never tasted thereof Insomuch as for the space of Six hundred eighty five years that famous Temple dedicated to Ianus by Numa Pompillius that it might stand open in time of War and shut in time of Peace was onely twice seen to be shut once in the Consulship of Titus Manlius after the end of the first Carthaginian War and once more in Augustus his time after the Naval Victory over Mark Anthony Thus were the Romans and chiefly the most valiant amongst them great enemies to Peace not so much endeavoring to procure greater strength to the Publick Empire as to encrease their own glory and power Therefore one War was made to beger another no time being ever to be found wherein the City was to injoy honest and civil leasure And Provinces and the authority of administring War was oft times confirmed to those who commanded their Armies who either desired to continue in their command or occasion requiring it to be so that they might put an end the Wars begun As it fell out in the second Carthaginian War where the time of tarrying in that Province and the continuing of his command was prolonged to the Consul Scipio who waged War in Spain to the end that he might finish what he had begun The like was done to Fabus in the Wars which he made against Hannibal in Italy and upon other occasions a thing which being done contrary to the rule of Law though it made somewhat for the Publick advantage at the present yet was it cause of great disorders afterwards Thus Marius
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes