may be made of the Rest of F. Parsons Arguments I shall follow him no further It is not the Observation of Easter which we dispute with Rome but we urge the Practice of the Britons and Irish to prove the Liberty of these Islands XXV Now to avoid Tediousness in this particular having left the Ancient Britons in possession we must suppose they held it till it can be proved they were ejected Now the first so far as I can yet find who Attempted this to any purpose was Henry Beau-clâ—rk and he being a Wise as well as a potent Prince thought the Subjeâ—â—iâ—g the Welch Bishops to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury might be a means to keep the Welch in order and so far as concerned his own Kingdom he herein dealt not only like a Politick Princâ— but even the Laws of the Church did â—ountenance him But then by the same Act he submitted all the Welch Bishops to the See of Rome as things then stood and so Compleated the Popes Conquest of these Isles which thing the iniquity of those times would either not afford him Eyes to see or not power to prevent Accordingly he prefers Bernardus a Norman and his Chaplain to the Bishopâ—ick of St. Davids But Liberty and Power are both sweet things and Bernardus being got in possession grows resty and Asserts his Rights and the Priviledges of his See And here the Pope first got the Fiâ—gering of the Cause so as to make his true Advantage of it 'T is true Bernardus appeared Confident and swagger'd bravely but in vain did he think â—o carry a Cause in the Court of Rome against the Archbishop of Canterbury's Purse and the Pope's Interest when at the same time and in the same thing he also Cross'd his own Kings design There is no doubt but that his Holiness swallowed this long-look'd for Morsel with a great deal of pleasure and greediness And yet the Sentence did not fully and quietly take place till a long time after which possibly is the Reason that our Authors so differ in Assigning the time of this Submission for the Welshmen could not yet forget what they once were and upon all Occasions strugled hard to retain their Government amongst themselves so that as Affairs went with the English this matter either got or lost Ground If the English Power was at leisure to wait on the Welsh Men and awe them then the Welsb Bishops were the Popes and his Grace of Canterbury's Grumbling Servants But if the English Affairs were so involved that their Countrey had a little Rest the one was as ready to Cast off the Ecclâ—siastical as the other the Civil Yoke And thus Matters seem to have stood Wavering till Henry the third or Edward the first times But about the thirty second year of Henry the third Matt. Paris Hist Maj. Hen. 3. page 715 the English Forces so Harâ—asied Wales that the Ground lay Untilled Cattel neglected the Famine Raged amongst them The Bishop of St. David died overcome with Grief for the miseries of his Countrey and the Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were reduced to that miserable Condition as to Beg their Bread in a Counâ—rey wasted with Fire and Sword But when Matters were somewhat Composed St. Davids the Metropolitical See of Wales was found to be so Impoveriâ—â—ed that it was thought a despicable Preferment for an Arch-Deacon of Lincoln though Thomas Wallensis in Commiseration of his Countrey did accept it And here the Brittish Ecclesiastical Liberty seems to have drawn its last Breath or to have given only some few Gasps after yet if we place its Fall in Henry the First his time it will have lasted above 1000 yeareâ— but if in Henry the third's time it will be above 1200. But henceforward till till the Reformation I think it must be Acknowledged that the Pope Rodâ— in full Triumph over all parts of these Isles And though in some Matters he Met with smart Opposition yet he Exercised an Authority nothing less then Patriarchal It remains now therefore to be enquired whether this his Intrusion or Possession did create him any Right or any such Right but that the Churches in these Isles as Matters then stood might Reform themselves and lawfully Re-assume their former Liberties XXVI Were it not that the Romanists make a Flourish with every little Argument that seems to favour their Cause as if there were some great thing in it I should not think it worth my while to mention the Plea from the Conversion of the Saxons by Augustine For first if it were good that would give them but little Ground for his Preaching seems not to have taken any Effect beyond Kent the East-Saxons and perhaps some small Matter in the East-Angles As for the Kingdoms of the Northumbrians and Mercians which were of greatest Extent they were apparently of Scotch or Irish Conversion Nor will this Claim in the least touch the Britons Irish Scots or Picts But Secondly if there be any thing in this then such Zealous Christians as have gone out from any of these Isles and Converted Pagans would obtain a Jurisdiction for the Metropolitans of such Places from whence they went in rhose Countreys But if any of our Bishops should on that score Challenge a Jurisdiction in Germany or other places I am apt to think that they would be well Laught at for their pains and be esteemed very idle impertinent persons if not worse used We are therefore ready Gratefully to Acknowledge all those good Offices which any of the Popes Predecessors have heretofore done for us or he at any time shall do for us But if for Others merits or his own good Turns he conclude he has gained us to be his Slaves I think he Sells Kindnesses the dearest of any Man living and we shall beg his Pardon that we are not in Haste to agree to so hard a Bargain XXVII As for these Isles they having been truly and rightfully possessed of such Ecclesiastical Liberties they cannot be lawfully deprived of them by any fraud or force If another Man take away my Goods and keep them never so long yet if I can prove them to have been my Goods and that they were fraudulently and forcibly taken and detained from Me no Possession or Prescription can Create a Right to him who by unlawful means is possessed of that which Apparently belongs to another de facto indeed it may be otherwise but de jure it never ought or can And therefore it was a Sanction of the Twelve Tables Adversus Furèm aeterna Lex esto But the Canons of the primitive Church seem more carefully to have secured the Rights of pâ—rticular Churches then the Secular Laws have done the possessions of particular Men. The Bishops of thâ—se overgrown Cities Rome Antioch and 〈…〉 mâ—ke Use of their Reputation and Interest to Augment their Power and Jurisdiction But as none other had the like Advantages so none Traded with such Success as the Bishop of Rome These were
then his Predecessor And he in Zeal for the Propagation of the Faith Attempts to perswade not only the Britons but the Irish to joyn with him in the Work only he seems very desirous that they would all unite in observing Easter at the same time But as for the Britons they were so far from any Accommodation that they would not Allow of any Communion with him Nor was his success at present much better with the Irish for though he Hoped to find them otherwise yet he was deceived and upon Discovery it is Acknowledged with some Grief Scottos i. e. the Irish for Beda's Scotti are Irish nihil discrepare à Britonibus in eorum Conversatione Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 4 and the Behaviour of Digamus an Irish Bishop did not a little trouble him of whom he has this Complaint Ad nos venienâ— non solum cibum Nobiscum sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebâ—mur sumere voluit id ib. so that it seems the Roman Bishops would have been content to have Communicated with the Brittish and Irish Bishops and allowed them Orthodox but the other would not own them to be so XIII By the Way give me leave to observe That the Britons Scots and Irish all unanimously Agreed in the same Religious Rites As to the Irish and Britons it appears from what hath been said already and will be more evident from what shall follow As fâ—r that part of the Island now called Scotland it was then inhabited partly by the Scotti who Flockt thither out of Ireland and from whom it afterwards took its Name And partly by the Britons under the Name of Picts For he that Considers Mr. Cambdens Reasons to prove them Britons will never be at the pains to fetch them so far as Scithia Brit. tit Picti And when Beda tells us of Columbanus an Irish Abbot going to Convert the Picts he Confesses That the Southern Picts had been Christians long before and so might the Northern too though it is probable that living in those wilde Countreys and continually Exercised in Wars and Rapine they might be so far degenerated that the Recovering them to the true sense and state of Christianity might not unfitly be called a Conversion Now as Columbanus was an Irish Man so Nynias who long before Converted the Southern Picts was a Briton And therefore doubtless both Taught the same Rites wherein both People Agreed But perhaps much stress is not to be laid on the Story so far as it Relates to Nynias For Beda tells that part of it with an ut perhibetur noâ— was he well skilled in the Ancient Brittish Affairs And I am apt to think That for the Honour of the Roman Way which Beda upon all Occasions promotes he patch'd that Piece to his Heard say Tale That Nynias was Romae regulariter Fidem Mysteria Veritatis edoctus for the Britons at that time had little or no Converse with the Roman Christians though they eveâ— kept a kind Correspondence and Friendly Communion with the French Nor can I find one clear instance that any part of the British Scotch or Irish Churches till after Augustines time differed in their Religious Rites especially as to the Observation of Easter Nay it will appear Anon that thâ— Roman Party themselves yielded them to be Unanimous in this thing Yea Beda expressly Affirms That Omnis Natio Pictorum c. The whole Nation of the Picts observe Easter the same Way Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 3. And for the other it is out of Question XIV But to Return to Laurentius He was not only frustrated in his pious Design by the Britons and Irish but fell soon after into a great deal of trouble For after the Death of Ethelbert Religion went backward amongst the Saxonâ— the Pagan Worship and Wickedness got Ground daily and a dreadful Storm seemed to grow up apace and Hang over the Heads of the Christians in so much that Mellitus and Justus the Bishops of London and Rochester discouraged with their ill success and finding themselves not safe Retire into France and Laurentius was once Resolv'd to follow them But it pleased God to be more merciful to these People and propitious to his Endeavours For he seems to have been a Man truly pious and to have discharged all the Parts of a good Christian Bishop And having happily Reclaimed King Eadbald the Son and Successor of Ethelbert he recals Mellitus and Justus And now it is very Reasonable to suppose That he Resolved to lay aside these Punctilio's and little Differences and perswaded Mellitus and Justus who both in their Turns succeeded him to do the same that they might be more serviceable to the main Christian Cause and the Propagation of the Gospel For though the Britons could by no means be Wrought on as either being Jealous of the Roman Clergy or Exasperated by the Injuries which they had and daily did Receive from the Saxons yet the Irish and Scotch who had not the like Quarrel as to their Territories in a short time fall to labour in the Harvest and that very successfully But it should seem that they first Agreed to enjoy their own Liberties and Rites For those who were Converted by them of the Roman Way kept Easter as the Romans did and observed their Rites And those who were Converted by the Irish or Scots followed the Irish Customes which were the same with the Britons and yet both Communicated with each other and joyntly promoted the Common Cause And this with some little Disputes which will always Happen in such Cases continued without any breach of Communion for a very Considerable times Aidan a Scotchman the first Bishop of the Northumbrians preached the Gospel so powerfully and lived so Exemplarily That the Roâ—â—â—istâ— themselves had him in no mean Veneration Nor doth Beda except in the Matter of the Paschal Solemnity in which he forgives no Man afford any Man a fairer or sweeter Character throughout his whole History After seventeen Years toyl God sends him a Writ of Ease and he is Succeeded by his Countreyman Finan who lived in the See ten Years All this time both Romish and British Rites were promiscuously used according as every Man was instructed by him who Converted him and yet both Parties lived in great Charity and Christian Communion And thus it held till the third year of Coleman Finans Successor which was in the Year of our Lord 664. Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 26. And then that turbalent Fellow Wilfrid set it on Foot again and violently push'd on so far that a Synod or Confeâ—ence was had about it where the King the Prince several Bishops and many of the Clergy appear Now Wilfrid had subtilely nickt his time for the King was wavering the Queen and Prince sure on his side and Agilbertus Bishop of the West Saxons a stiff Assertor of the Roman Way was then occasionally come to that Court The King opens the Conference and desires his Bishop
it with another for it were manifest Injustice to the Gallican Churches to pass by that Christian Prudence and Moderation which they steadily used during all their Heats and Controversies between the Romanistt on the one part and the Britons Scots and Irisb on the other for as if Irenaeus had left a double Portion of his Spirit among them they did not think themselves bound to break Communion with any for these Matters but did all they could to promote the Common Cause Those of the Roman Way were frequently Ordained by them and indeed without their Help and Assistance at every Turn they seem to have been able to do little or nothing in the Conversion of the Saxons and yet at the same time they shew the same kindness both to the Britons and Irisb Friendly receiving their Bishops Communicating with them and if Occasion required readily Ordaining for them But between the Gallican and Brittish â—hurches there seems to have been a more inward kindness and more close Communion then ordinary And they seem to have depended more upon the mutual Succours of each other then any other Churches Hence we find the Britons Assisting in the Gallican Councils And when the Pelagian Heresie grew too strong for them in Britain they presently have Recourse to the Gallican Churches and receive Succours thence A Gallicanis Antistitibus auxilium Belli spiritalis inquirant saith Beda Ecc. Hist lib. 1. cap. 17. And whereas Pope Gregory in his Letter to Queen Brunechild seems covertly to upbraid both French and Britons for not preaching the Gospel to the Saxons Who he saith were desirous to receive it so that Augustine had no such hard Work of it I know not what better Reason can be given for the Slackness of the French in this Case who were then a Flourishing Church and well stored with Men of Learning Piety and Zeal then their Resentment of that barbarous Usage which their Old Friends the Britons had received from the Saxons I wiâ—l not Heap up more Instâ—nces in this matter but tâ—at which will make it no impertinent Digression is this That the Britons were so inveterate against all Pretences of Roman Authority that they would not so much as â—ommunicate with them aâ—d yet at the same time the Gallican Churches held Communion with the Britons as Orthodox Now had the Roman Patriarchate then either by Council â— Custom extended over these Isles the Galâ—â—can Bishops for this constant Practice wâ—ulâ— have been Condemned as Schismaticks or at least as Schismaticis favente adhaerentes Bâ—t no such mâ—tâ—er was ever Attempted and â—owever 〈◊〉 Stories have since involved things in darkness yet it seems the Matter was than too plâ—in to be denied Noâ— was the Bishop of Rome then got to that Height as to deal with â—ll Churches as he Listed so that here we have the Testimony of a Neighbor Church who were then well Acquainted with the Bâ—itish Affaiâ—s and none of the meanest Churches in the Christian World for the Liberties of the British Churches for betwixt Six and Seven Hundred Yeares XVII But now to return where I left off The Contest with Wilfrid seems to have preduced a Separation and both Parties continued Resolutely in their own way even unto Beda's days who Flourished in the Eighth Century 'T is true they got some little Ground on the Irish and Scots but that â—ery slowly and not without great difficulty as may appear from Beda's Narrative of the Travel and pains of Adamnanus Ecc. Hist lib. cap. 16. But as for the Britons though oppressed on all Hands with their Enemies they not only Asserted but Enjoyed their Ecclesiastical Liberties and by Beda's own Confession even in his time would no more Communicate with the Saxons then with Pagans This Prescription is sufficient to secure the Right of their Liberties from the Popes pretence as Patriarch as I shall presently â—ake appear But yet they lived in possession of these Liberties several Generations after as may Appear from that known Testimony of Giraldus Camâ—rensis Episcopi Walliae à Menevensi Antistite sunt Consecrati ipse similiter ab 〈◊〉 tanquam Suffraganeis est Constitutus nuliâ penitus alii Ecclesiae factâ Professione 〈◊〉 Subjectione i. e. The Bishops of Wales are Consecrated by the Bishop of â—enevia al. St. Davids the prime See and he likewise is Constituted by the other Bishops his Suffragans without any manner of Account Given or Subjection made to any other Church And here by the way take Notice That the Britons kept close to the true and most early Antiquity in paying a jâ—st deference to him who was Episcopus primae Sedis without using the Names of Metripolitan or Arch-bishop which were termes of later date XVIII I was never an Admirer of Personal Quarrels and therefore was â—ever fond of heing engaged against particular Persons But that Arch-Traytor to his Countrey F. Parsons hath made such a Blunder and Bustle in this Matter that it may seem needful to return a particular Answer to some things alledged by him If scurrilous Language and Impudence be necessary Properties in an accurate Lyar scarce any Man was ever better Accomâ—lished Only one Qualification he wanted without which all the Learned â—ave thought a Man can never dextrously Manage that Trade for either he â—ad a very frail Memory or else thought all other Men to be very shortighted and would swallow down all his Assertions without any Examiâ—ation If a Conjecture of any Protestant fall in his Way whether of any moment or not he Teazeth it with all his might and cunning and yet the preatest part of his Proofs are meerly Conjectural and often very â—roundless He is highly Offended with Sir Francis Hastsngs for saying That the fâ—â—st Teachers of Christian Faith in Britain were rather Greâ—ians and of the East Church in Asiâ— then of the West Roman Church And for this he peâ—emptâ—rily says That there is no Author at all 3 Conver. cap 1. seâ— 4. I will not insist on it that they were Grecians they might be of the Jewish Nation But with F. Parsons good leave even the Remans themselves owe their Conversion to the Easterling either Jews or Grecians for they were bâ—fore them in Christianity And considering the early Conversion of the Britons it could come from none other unless Travelling thorough the Western Parts of the World made them of the Western Church and no other And if he were living I would desire him to tell me what Countreymen Sâ—mon Zelotes and Joseph of Arimaâ—hea were whom he himself makes great â—nstruments of our Conversion Besides the Feast of Easter was then Celebrated uncertainly and the Controversie not risen and not determined till long after And it is an Argument that we were not under the Authority of the Bishop of Rome because these Isles did not submit to their Determination But afterwards cap. 3. sect 7. forgetting himself he Acknowledgeth That Coleman Alledgâ—d a Tradition from St. John and Anatolius So