doing other workes of deuotion as I declared before he addeth mansit haec Christi capitis membrorum consonantia suauis donec Arriana perfidia c. this sweet consonance or agreement of the members of Christ the head remayned vntil the Arrian heresy spread her poyson there and although he insinuat as saynt Bede also doth that afterwards the people became new fangled and embraced other heresyes meaning no dout the Pelagian heresy which as I haue shewed before out of S. Bede was quickly extinguished there yet afterwards he signifieth playnly that neither the Arrian nor Pelagian nor any other heresy took root in Britany and that the Churche was cleare therof after the coÌ„ming in of the Saxons about the tyme of his byrth which was in the yere of our Lord 594. for speaking of the tyme and of the ouerthrow geuen by Ambrosius Aurelianus to the Saxons and Picts and of the great slaughter of them shortly after at blackamore in York-shire which as Polidore supposeth is called in Gildas mons Badonicus he sayth that the people hauing noted the punishment of God vpon them for their sinnes and his mercy in giuing them afterwards so greate victories ob hoc reges publici priuati sacerdotes ecclesiastics suum quique ordinem seruauerunt for this cause saith hee the Kings and others as wel publik as priuat personâ—â— Priests and ecclesiastical men did euery one their dutyes and although he declare presently after that by the extreame negligence of their Kings and gouernours ecclesiastical and temporal which immediatly succeded greate corruption was entred at the same tyme that he wrote yet it is euident ynough in him that it was not corruption of fayth but of manners as pryd ambition dissolutioÌ„ of lyfe droÌ„kenesse lying periury tyranny in the Kings simony couetousnesse in the clergy sildome sacrifices breach of vowes of chastity and of monastical lyfe profaning of altars and such lyke for the which he threatneth and as it were prophesyeth the vtter destruction of Britany which shortly after followed so that amongst other things which he was persuaded brought the plague of God vpon our country we see he taxed certayne customes peculiar to our aduersaries and the proper fruits of their religion tending only to the ouerthrow of ours therfore it playnly appeareth that ours was then in vre and receiued detriment by those who though they were not protestants in profession yet were protestants in humour and condition I meane profaners of Altars and holy things breakers of vowes of chastity and Apostatats from religious and monastical lyfe such as Luther and many of his followers haue ben since And now to come to later tymes after Gildas yf we consider the relicks of Christian religion which saynt Augustine found in Britany amongst other things the great monastery of Bangor wherein were aboue two thowsand monks it wil be manifest that the ancient religion of the Britains was our Catholike fayth for although in the space of a hundreth seuenty and three yeres that passed from the comming in of the Saxons vntil their conuersion the Britain Church was not only much decayed but also had receiued some aspersion of erronious and euil customes yet in fayth and opinion they diffred not from S. Augustine insomuch that he offred to hold communion with them if they would concurre with him in three things only the first in the tyme of celebrating the feast of easter the second in the manner of administring the sacrament of Baptisme and the third in preaching the faith to the Saxons all which the monkes of Bangor refused vpon no better reason then for that S. Augustine did not ryse to them when they came to the synod condemning him therefore to be a proud man notwithstanding that he had restored a blynd man to sight by his prayers in the presence of all the Bishops and clergy of Britany who vndertooke to do the lyke in confirmation of their customes but could not performe it Therfore as saynt Bede reporteth S. Augustine did foretel to the sayd Monkes of Bangor that seing they would not haue peace with their brethren they should haue warre with their enemies and yf they would not preach vnto the English nation the way of lyfe they should by their hands receiue reuenge of death which after was truly fulfilled for Edelfrid a pagan King of NorthumberlaÌ„d killed a thousand two hundred Monkes of that monastery at one tyme by the iust iudgement of God as saynt Bede sayth for their obstinacy Thus much for this matter wherby thou mayst see good reader that saynt Augustine found in wales amongst the Britains the same religion faith in substance that he then preached to the English or Saxons and which we Catholykes stil professe which being considered with that which I haue proued before concerning the continual practise therof in the primatiue Church of Britany whyles the same was in purity and integrity no man that hath common sence can dout that the same fayth was deliuered by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius and generally professed throughout Christendom at those dayes in which respect we fynd honorable mention and testimony of the faith of the Britains in the Fathers both Greekes and Latins from the tyme of their conuersion as in Tertulian in K. Lucius tyme and in Origen presently after in S. Athanasius and S. Hilarius in the tyme of the Arrians of which two the first testifieth that the Bishops of Britany came to the councel of Sardica and the other commendeth the Britan Church for reiecting the Arrian heresy as I haue noted before also in S. Chrisostome and saynt Hierom who commendeth the deuotion of the Britans that came to Bethlem in pilgrimage in his dayes about the same tyme that the Saxons entred into Britany CERTAINE POINTS OF CONTROUERSY are discussed wherby it is prooued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes CHAP. VII BVT to the end that this vndouted truth may be cleared of all dout I wil ioyne Issue with our aduersaries vpon some two or three poynts now in controuersy betwyxt vs and them and breefly proue that the doctrin that we teach concerning the same was publykly held for truth throughout Christendome in King Lucius dayes and that therfore he could receiue no other then the same from the Church of Rome and this I vndertake the more willingly for that albeit all matters of controuersy haue ben very learnedly and sufficiently handled yea and whole volumes written of them by our English Catholykes in the beginning of her maiestyes raygne yet by reason of the strayt prohibition of the sayd bookes there are an infinit number in England especially of the younger sort that neuer saw the same to whome I desyre to giue in this treatyse at least some litle tast of the truth of our Catholyke religion so farre as my determined breuity wil permit First
poynts which I haue handled what hath alwayes bin the doctrin of the Churche of God concernâ—ng the same and that therfore King Lucius could receiue no other froÌ„ the Catholyke RomaÌ„ Churche by the which he was conuerted to the Christian fayth and yf I thought it needful to rip vp euery other particuler point controuersed betwyxt our aduersaries and vs I could easely shew the same in euery one But what needeth it seing they cannot proue that any Pope I wil not say from S. Eleutherius to S. Gregory but from S. Peter to Clement the eight that now gouerneth the Churche hath taught and decreed any different doctrin from his predecessors whereas on the other syde wee shew euidently that in a perpetual succession of our Roman Bishops there hath ben also a continual succession of one the selfe same doctrin where vpon it followeth infalibly that King Ethelbert and the English could not receiue from S. Gregory the Pope any other fayth then King Lucius and the britans receiued from saynt Eleutherius and that wee which now hold communion with the Roman Churche teache no other doctrin then that which was taught by them to our ancestors and hath successiuely come from S. Peter consequently from our Sauiour Christ. Therefore thou mayst wel wonder good reader at the impudency of our English ministers that are not a shamed to preache teache the contrary wherby thow mayst also see how lamentable is the case of our poor country wherein such haue the charge and cure of soules as haue not so much as common honesty to say the truth in matters as cleare as the Sunne and teach such a religion as for lack of better reasons and arguments they are forst to mayntayne it with manifest lyes slanders yea and murders of innocent men whome they execute for fayned crymes vnder colour of matter of state acknowledging therby sufficiently the truth of our Catholyk fayth seing they are ashamed to aâ—ow that they trooble any man for it whyles they confesse that they punish and put to death heretykes namely the Anabaptists directly for their religion and their impudency is so much the more notorious for that their publyk proceedings in the dayly execution of penal and capital lawes touching only matter of religion doth contradict and conuince their sayings and writings wherein they affirme that they put none to death for religion But for as much as I haue treated this matter at large in diuers partes of my Apology besydes that I vnderstand that some others also entend to treate thereof in the answere of a ridiculous challenge made by O. E. fraught with most absurd paradoxes as wel concerning this poynt as others touching our Catholyke fayth I remit thee good reader therto and so conclude this treatys beseeching almighty God to geue our aduersaries the light of his grace and vs in the meane tyme pacience and constancy and to thee indifferency to iudge of maters so much importing the eternal good and saluation of thy soule which I hartely wish no lesse then my owne FINIS A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS TREATISE THE preface wherein are declared the causes of the long delay of printing the Apology and withall is noted the impudency of a late wryter in England disguysing his name with the letters O. E. who auoweth the fiction of Squyres employment for a truth and affirmeth that none are put to death in England for religion An Answere to two malitious slanders auowched in the foresayd libels concerning the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended sollicited by the Catholyks touching the late enterprise of the King of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning sir VVilliam Stanley and the Iesuits calumniated by the lybellers CHAP. 1. Concerning father Parsons in particular and that the extreame malice that the heretyks beare him is an euident argument of his great vertue CHAP. 2. That the Catholykes are persecuted martyred now in England for the same causes that the martyrs dyed in the primatiue Churche and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduile CHAP. 3. Of the impudeÌ„cy of a minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs aforesaid affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monk to the protestants religion by occasion where-of the truth of that poynt is euidently declared CHAP. 4. Of the first conuersion of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euideÌ„t proofes that our Catholyk fayth was then preached and planted there CHAP. 5. The same is coÌ„firmed proued out of Gildas the sage Ca. 6. Certayne poynts of controuersy are discussed whereby it is proued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiasticall causes CHAP. 7. That our Sauiour made S. Peter supreme head of the churche CHAP. 8. That the successors of saynt Peter to wit the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche CHAP. 9. That the Bishops of Rome exercised supreme autority in the tyme of King Lucius CHAP. 10. The matter of holy Images is debated and the vse thereof proued to haue ben in the Churche of God euer since our Sauiours tyme. Chap. 11. The commandment of God touching Images is explicated the practise of the Churche declared Chap. 12. Concerning the relicks of saynts and the reuerend vse thereof Chap. 13. That our doctrin concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was generaly receiued and beleeued in the tyme of King Lucius and first that it was foretold and prophecyed by Malachias Chap. 14. That not only the sacrifice of Melchisedech but also all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of the sacrifice of the masse and are changed into the same and by the way is declared the necessity of sacrifice as wel for common welth as for religion Chap. 15. That our Sauiour Christ instituted and offred at his last supper the sacrifice of his blessed body and blood proued by his owne woords by the expositions of the Fathers with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the masse and lastly that he gaue commission and power to his Disciples to offer his body and blood in sacrifice that is to say to say the Masse Chap. 16. That the Apostles practised the commission geuen them by our Sauiour sacrificing or saying Masse them-selues and leauing the vse and practise thereof vnto the Churche that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme but also for all the first 500. yeares afeer Christ taught it to bee a true sacrifice and propitiatory for the liuing for the dead Chap. 17 An answere to the obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paules epistle to the Hebrewes with a declaration that the heretyks of this tyme that abolish the sacrifice of the Masse haue not the new testameÌ„t of Christ and that they shew themselues to be most pernicious enemies of humain kynd Chap. 18.
state I wil signifie hereafter Thirdly it is not vnlikely that the deuisers of these fayned conspiracies seeing themselues employed by your Lordships otherwhyles in some matters of state take themselues for so great statists that they make no doubt to extend their care further then your Lordships meane they should do to wit to the whole state and gouernment yea to the person of her Ma tie though litle to her good or comfort holding it a high point of policy and necessary for the comon welth that her Ma tie be kept as a man may say in aw with thease bugbeares of imaginary attempts against her person to the end shee may bee the more plyable and easy to be gouerned for as the poet saith res est imperiosa timor feare is an imperious thing Furthermore the end which they may haue for their owne particular commoditie is to make themselues and their seruices more gratful to her Ma tie and to your Lordships by their pretended discouerie of so many daungerous treasons against her Ma tie and the state Whereto I wil ad that it also importeth your honours to consider whether any of those that are taken to be the cheife discouerers of these supposed treasons may be thought to fauour the title of any particuler pretender to the crowne after her Ma tie for in such case they may perhaps vse this artifice to shadow some designemeÌ„t of their owne no lesse daungerous to her Ma ties person then this which they feigne and lay to our charge to the end they may the more assuredlie and securely execute the same that afterwards the suspition and blame therof may rest vpon vs which we read was the practise of Seianus in the tyme of Tiberius the Emperour who aspiring to the Empyre and determining to make away Agripina that was a great mote in his eye first suborned some to put into her head that the Emperour meant to poyson her and after made rumors to be spred all ouer Rome that some had conspired her death I say not this my Lords to charge any man particularly for I know not who they are that are the forgers of these false coynes but because I see that the lyke practises haue beene vsed to the destruction of Princes and may with reason think that those which haue so litle conscience to procure the spilling of so much innocent blood by such damnable deuises as these wil make lesse scruple to break all lawes humayn and diuine when there is question of a crowne I therfore insinuate this to your honours as matter worthy of your consideration especially feing it cannot be thought that they beare any good and loyal affection to her Ma tie knowing that she cannot but be much afflicted with the vehement apprehension of these supposed treasons and yet neuer ceasing to torment her therwith framing dayly new fantasies of fayned feares as though heauen and earth had conspired against her the concept wherof accompagnied with other cares incident to the gouernment of such a potent state might suffise to procure the vntymely death of the most couragious prince that liueth and what it may woork in her Matie no lesse timorous of nature by reason of her sexe then decaying now in bodilie vigeur by reason of her declining yeares any man may easely iudge THAT THESE PROCEEDINGS of our aduersaries which they hold for polityke are against all pollicy and true reason of state CHAP. XVIII BVT put the case that her Ma tie be so inuincible of courage that there is no feare of any such effect to follow yet let it be considered whether in other respects it stand with true reason of state to incence her Ma tie against her subiects by lyes and slaunders and them against her by insupportable wrongs and cruelties which were no dout the next way to put all in combustion yf the Catholykes loyalty obedience and patience were not such as God be thanked yt is and I hope euer wil be such I say as neuer hath ben red nor heard of in any people so opprest so long tyme together so many in number so honorable in quality and condition and so frended abroad as they might bee in respect of their religion yf they would seek the remedy that other discontented people haue sought in former tymes whereby the state of England hath ben changed and turned vpsyde downe twyse or thryse already since the conquest for how were the two Kings Richard the 2. 3. disposessed of their crownes and lyues but by their owne subiects malcontent succored with smale forces from abroad yet no such cause geuen them as is to vs who are esteemed for no better then opprobâ—ium hominum abiectio plebis the skorne of men and outcasts of the people as saynt Paule sayth peripsema muÌ„di the very scuÌ„me of the world conteÌ„ned trodeÌ„ vnder foot derided of all men depriued of all priuiledge of natural subiects of honâ—ors dignities laÌ„des lyues for no greater offences then our auncient the vniuersal fayth of Christendome made treason yea for fayned crymes neuer meant nor dreamt of To this purpose it is to be considered that no force nor power is so great as Cicero sayth that can resist the hatred of a multitude neyther any empyre so potent that can long stand by rigour oppression and cruelty therefore amongst the causes of the ouerthrow of empyres and Kingdomes Aristotle worthely reckoneth hatred and feare of the subiects exemplyfying the same with the smale continuance of all the tyranical states that had ben in his tyme or before and Caesar confessing that he neuer knew any cruel man that could long conserue him-self and his state but only Sylla which yet was not long he wysely added that he would not follow his example wherein he had great reason for one swallow as they say makes no sommer neyther can the example of a few which escape counteruayle a common experience that teacheth what euident daungers do accompany cruelty oppression which no humain power nor pollicy caÌ„ make secure as it is euident enough to all wyse men that wil consider how litle securitie Kings and Princes that haue incurred the hatred of their people haue found in the remedyes and defences that humain pollicy hath inuented I meane in their treasures fortresses gards armies multitude of spyes wisdome and vigilance of councellours and such lyke for haue not a number of them notwithstanding all this ben by their subiects chastised and reformed deposed expelled imprisoned killed and those that haue escaped best haue they not commonly liued a miserable lyfe afflicted and tormented with continual feares ielousyes and suspitions of their best friends for as Seneca sayth he that is feared of many must needs feare many what did all the welth power and force of the Roman empyre auayle the Emperour Claudius poysoned by his raster and Nero so pursued by the people that he
of their primacy in causes ecclesiastical Seing then your religion so far as it is distinct from others hath no other ground then reason of state I doubt not but yf the matter were wel examined what God they beleeued in that persuaded her Ma tie therto or yow and your fellowes that manitayne it vpon the same reason and by such vnchristian practises as yow do yow would be found to be coÌ„preheÌ„ded in the third diuisioÌ„ of varro who said that 3. kynds of men had three different kynds of Gods the Poëts one the Philosophers an other and statists or Polityks a third that euery one of them had a different religion according to the difference of their Gods as that the religion of the Poets was fabulous the other of the Philosophers natural the third of the Statists polityke and accomodated to gouernment And this is that which yow professe For the God yow beleeue in is the Prince your scriptures are the actes of Parliament your religion is to conserue the state persas uefas and therfore as all good Christians do measure the reason of state by religion which is the true rule and the end therof and from the which it cannot in reason dissent or disagre so yow on the other syde reduce and frame religion to your fals reason of state and by that meanes peruert all the order both of nature and grace preferring the body before the soule temporal things before spiritual humayn before deuine earth before heauen the world before God and which is more yow subiect both earth heauen body soule the world yea God and all to the priuate pleasure and profit of the Prince as though he were the end the Lord and God of all the world and of nature it self whervpon ensew those monstrous pollicies which wee fee fraught with all frand hipocrisy periuries slauÌ„ders murders and all kynd of cruelty oppression and impiety which haue ruined infinite Kinges with their countries Kingdomes and what they wil bring our poore country vnto in the end tyme wil tel wherto I remit me for as the Italian prouerb sayth La vita il sine â—l di lâ—da La sera the end prayseth the lyfe and the euening the day OF THE TRVE CAVSES OF more moderation vsed in the beginning then afterwards of the difference made by the Lawes betwixt Seminarie and I Mary priests CHAP. XXIII BVt to proceed in your obseruations you go forward to geue example that there is moderation vsed in ecclesiastical causes where matter of state is not mixt with religion saying for els I would gladly learne what should make the difference the temper of the lawes in the first yeare of the Queene and in the 23. and 27. but that at the one tyme they were papists in conscience and at the other they were growne papists in faction or what should make the difference at this day in law betwixt a Queene Marie priest a Seminary priest saue that the one is a priest of suspition and the other a priest of sedition Hereto I answere that because you say you would gladly learne and that I take yow to be of a good wit and docile I wil take paynes to teach you this poynt that you say you would so fayne learne Know you therfore that there were diuers causes of more moderation and lenity vsed for some yeares in the beginning then afterwards yet not those which you speak of and so you shew your self eyther ignorant or malitious in both The first an ordinary rule of state which those great statists that procured this change could not neglect I meane in case of innouation to vse no suddayne violence but to proceed by degrees especially in matter of religion which is seldome changed without tumult and trouble wherof they had seene the experience in the tymes of both the kings Henry and Edward therfore they had great reason to water their wyne at the beginning and to vse moderation at least for some yeares vntil the state and gouernment were setled The second cause was the doctrine of your owne gospellers in Q. Maryes tyme who because some of their folowers were burnt for heresy according to the Canons and lawes of the Churche cryed out that they were persecuted and published in their bookes and sermons that faith ought to be free and not forced that therfore it was against all conscience to punish or trouble men for their religion in which respect the authors of the change that serued themselues of them in the ecclesiastical and pastoral dignityes could not for shame at the very first vse the bloody proceeding which afterwards they did though neuerthelesse they forbore not in the very beginning to imprison and otherwise to afflict all Bishops and cheif pastours and such others as would not subscribe come to their Churches for the which cause I remember that besydes a great number of ecclesiastical and temporal persons some of my owne kindred and familie were called to London and imprisoned in the second yeare of her Maiesties raigne and so remayned prisoners many yeares after The third cause was the vayne hope that those polityks had that a religion so sensual and ful of liberty as theirs authorized with the power of the Prince vpholden with lawes promulgate with all artifice of writers preachers and perswaders would easely within a fewe yeares infinuate it self into the hartes of all men especially of the youth wherby they made accompte that the elder sort being worne out there would be within a fewe yeares litle memorie or none at all left of Catholike religion but when they saw after some yeares experience how much they were deceiued of their expectation and that through the zealous endeauours of the learned English Catholikes abroad learned bookes written Colledges Seminaryes erected priests made and sent in therby infinite numbers reduced to the vnity of the Catholike Churche not only of the schismatiks that fel at the first eyther by ignorance or for feare but also of the ProtestaÌ„ts themselues and amongst them euen many ministers and principal preachers and none sooner conuerted or more zealously affected to Catholike religion then the yongest and fynest wits wherwith our new Seminaryes beganne to be peopled when those statists I say saw this they thought it then tyme to bestyrre themselues and to persecute in good earnest and yet to do it in such sort as they might if it were possible auoyd the name suspition of persecutors both at home and abroad and therfore they vsed the same pollicy that Iulian the Apostata did of whom S. Gregory Nazianzenus writeth that he professed not externally his impiety with the courage that other persecutors his predecessours were wont to do neyther did he oppose himself against our faith lyke an Emperour that would gayne honour in shewing his might and power by open oppression of the Catholyks but made warre vpon them in a cowardly and base maÌ„ner couering
men amongst the protestātes themselues haue noted heretofore But now comming hether to Rome and seing the matter reuiued and mightyly vrged to the preiudice of all Catholykes by 2. seueral lybels composed lately in England the one by an heretical minister ashamed of his name and therfore Sutly shrowding it vnder a fals Visar of O. E. and the other written very lately by a puritan as it seemeth calling himself Thomas Diggs I haue determined to set out my apology for the ful satisfaction of all indifferent men in this poynt wherto I am moued the rather for that I haue also sufficiently treated therin some other matters handled by O. E. who laboureth to proue that all the persecution which Catholykes haue hetherto suffred is iustly to be ascribed to their treasonable attēpts besydes that he is not ashamed to affirme that none haue bē put to death in all her maiestyes raigne for matter of religion which impudent assertion of his I haue so sufficiently confuted in my sayd apology as no more needeth to be sayd in that matter Neuertheles vpon this new occasion giuen by him I haue thought good to prefix this treatise to thesaid Apology to giue thee good reader some more particular satisfaction concerning this point and first to answere sincerely and truly vpon my owne knowlege an other slanderous and malitious conceit of his touching the il affection as he supposeth of diuers principal Catholykes to their country and therefore for as much as I intend also vpon occasions that may be offred to debate and discusse in this treatise some pointes of Catholyke religion now in controuersy and withal to cleare our doctrine in those pointes from certaine malitious slanders of our aduersaries I haue thought good to entytle the whole A defence of the Catholyke cause Wherein I make no doubt but that thow wilt easely note good reader amongst many other thinges the inconsideration of our aduersaries in that they are not content only to wrong vs in our goodes and persons by extreme iniustice vsed towards vs but also to wound vs so deeply in our fame by their calumniatious and slanderous lybels and reportes that they force vs much against our willes to lay open to the world their shameful and vnchristian proceedings in defence of our owne innocencie and for the honor of our cause which not only all lawes of God nature and nations do allow and permit but also conscience vrgeth and byndeth vs vnto in this case For although priuate men may somtymes with great merit suffer themselues to be slaundered without contradiction when no furder detrimēt ensueth thereof then the losse of their owne fame or their particular hurt yet when the same is ioyned with other mennes harme or with a publyke damage espetialy of religion they cannot without offence to God neglect or omit their owne iust defence Therefore I hope no man wil blame mee or other Catholykes in lyke case for offring iust purgation of our selues and our cause though it bee with the reproch of them that slander vs vt obstruatur os loquentium iniqua that the mouthes of calumniators may bee stopped And whereas the same may seeme to redound to some disgrace or dishonor of the state by reason of the publyke authority pretence of her maiesties seruice wherewith our aduersaries do comonly couer and colour all their malitious actions I purpose for my parte to vse in this my defence such due respect to the state to the supreme gouernours thereof I meane her Maiestie and the honorable Lordes of her counsel that I hope to auoyd all iust cause of offence and giue ample testimony of the loyalty of a moste dutiful subiect discouering to her Maiestie and their honors by way of humble complaint the great abuse offred by our aduersaries no lesse to them then to vs as wil more particularly appeere in my Apologie directed and dedicated to the Lordes of the councel AN ANSWER TO TVVO MALITIOVS SLANDERS CONCERNING the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended and solicited by the Catholykes and touching the late enterprise of the king of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning Sir VVilliam Stanley CHAP. I. AMONGST many malitious slanders wherwith O. E. and other heretyks seek to make vs and our cause odious to all men one of the principalest is that wee desyre and conspyre the cōquest of our countrey by the king of Spayne wherewith they charge not only F. Parsons and the Iesuytes but also other English Catholykes that haue serued and serue the Catholyke king in which respect I cannot forbeare to testify the truth of my knowledge in this poynt hauing had sufficiēt meanes and occasion to vnderstand what hath ben treated with the Catholike kings of Spayne by any of our nation since the yeare of our Lord 1589. at what tyme I passed from the court of France by reason of the troubles there to the seruice of their Catholike Maiesties whome I haue serued euer since and for some yeres together in the court of Spayne vntil now of late that I retyred my selfe from thence to Rome to satisfy my priuate deuotiō by dedicating the rest of my declyning dayes to the seruice of God in an ecclesiastical function Therfore I here protest vpon my conscience not only in my owne behalf but also in the behalf of F. Parsons and the English Catholykes that serue his Catholyke Maiesty that our dealings haue bin so contrary to that which is imputed vnto vs that we haue donne farre better offices for our country in this poynt then the malice of our aduersaries suffereth them to suppose For hauing wel considered that the breach of amity betwyxt her Maiestie and the Catholike king growing dayly by sundry acts of hostility on both parts to an implacable quarrel might moue him to seek the conquest of our country wherof his puissant preparations in the yere 88. gaue no smalle suspition to the world and not hauing any hope to be able to diswade his Maiestie from seeking some sharp reuenge of the attempts made against him by sea and land wherto not only reason of state but also respect of his reputation and honour seemed to oblige him wee determined to do our vttermost endeuour so to temper and qualify the same as it might not turne to any conquest of our country To which purpose sir Francis Englefield whylst he liued Father Parsons Fa. Creswel and my self haue at dyuers tymes represented to his Matie of glorious memory many important reasons to perswade him that it was not conuenient for him to seek the conquest of England nor probable eyther that he could conquer it or yet if he were able to do it that he could long keep it in subiection and this wee haue vrged so oft and with such pregnāt reasons as wel to his Matie that now is as to his father of glorious memory that I verely beleeue that if they euer had any inclination or resolutiō
to seek the conquest of England wee haue donne sufficient diligence to diuert them from all cogitation therof But whatsoeuer may be thought of their maiesties intentions in this behalf which is not my intention here to defend nor treat of but to signify what hath ben our treaties or dealings with them sure I am that their Ma ties haue vpō dyuers occasions assured vs that their meaning was no other but only to seek reparation of wrongs dōne vnto them with the aduancement of Catholyke religion howsoeuer the quarrel should end eyther by extremity of warre or composition of peace for though the prosecutiō of the warre should proue more prosperous vnto them then wee imagined it could do yea and that the crowne of England might therby fall to their disposition yet they affirmed that theyr intentiō was no other then to restore and assure Catholyke religion there by establishing a Catholyke king with whome they might renew and perpetually hold the ancient leagues so long continued in tymes past betwyxt the two kingdomes of England and Castile to the mutual benefit of both And if it should so fal out that they should grow to treatyes of peace which was most lykely would be the conclusion of this warre sooner or later they promised to make instance to her Maiestie eyther for liberty of cōsciēce for Catholikes or at least for relaxsatiō of penal lawes ease of the present persecutiō Now then this being the resolution of their maiesties as they signified vnto vs consisting on two poynts the one no doubt in their owne opinions vncertayne and in ours altogeather vnprobable if not vnpossible as before I haue declared and the other most lykely in tyme to ensew especially considering the frequent ouertures these later yeres to a treaty of peace and the continual reports of her Maiesties propension nor only therto but also to giue some toleration to Catholikes any indifferent man may iudge which of these two poynts wee were more lyke to expect and solicit though wee should be as i◠affected and vnnatural to our country as our aduersaries imagine who measuring our charity and zeale in religion by their owne fury and malice against vs persuade themselues that because they would if they were in our case wish and procure by all meanes possible our vtter ouerthrow ruin wee therfore do the lyke by them whereas wee following the doctrine and example of out Sauiour and his saynts in forgeuing our enemies and hartely wishing the conuersion of sinners do dayly and instantly pray to almighty God for them that it may please him of his infinit mercy to forgiue and illuminate them And although we desyre nothing more in our countrey then the extirpation of heresy and the restitution of the Catholyk fayth yet wee wish that it may please God to woork it by such sweet meanes that not only our monarky may stil retayne the former liberty dignity and honour that heatherto it hath had but also that no mannes finger may so much as ake for the same And whosoeuer doth note and regard with an indifferent eye the proceeding of such Catholykes as haue laboured most in our cause and especially of him whome our enemies do moste maligne and calumniate at this day I meane the proceeding of father Parsons in the erection and careful mayntenance of Seminaryes doth further consider the fruits therof and the progresse of Catholike religion in England of late yeres he can neither think that the fathers intentions tend to force of armes or violence of cōquest nor yet that our cause is in such desperat tearmes that wee neede to vse the swoord seing the force of the woord and apostolical preaching woorketh so good effect that wee may wel hope that heresy decaying dayly as it doth wil fall of it self within a whyle and that in the meane tyme our wyse gouernours noting the special woork hand of God therin how litle humain policy or rigour preuayleth against true religion wil not only moderate the rigorous cours hetherto held with Catholikes but also willingly receaue the light of truth for the which wee dayly pray to almighty God dayly wil. This then is the conquest that wee desyre and expect in England to wit a conquest of soules to God with the suppression of heresy iniquity to the end that the force of truth and piety may so captiuate and subdue the harts of all our countrymen that they may be freed from the bondage of the deuil wherin they liue and that the Catholyke Churche and our country withall may florish in the old manner to the glory of God saluation of infinit soules that dayly perish and thus much for this poynt Now forasmuch as I vnderstād that rumours are spred abroad and a conceyt or suspition bred thereby in the heades of many that the english Catholykes haue also solicited the Catholyke king to the late enterprise of Ireland I think good also to say somewhat concerning that point that I verely think no English Catholyke was acquainted therewith otherwise thē by comō fame or opinion seeing that neither F. Creswel nor my self both residing at the same tyme in the courte of Spaine nor Sir William Stanley who was also come thether vpon occasion of busynes were made priuy thereof which I ascrybe partly to the prudent manner of proceeding of those councelers who neuer impart any matter of impottance to any whosoeuer except to such as are necessarily to be employed therin partly to the circumspection that the Irish vse in their treaties in that court who considering that their affayres do no way perteyn to vs are wont not only curiously to conceale the same from vs but also to desyre the Kings ministers not to communicate them with vs. Of which smalle correspondence betwyxt vs and them in matters that concerne their country there muay now be sufficient testimony taken of Hugh Buy who hauing ben one of the most principal agents for Oneal Odonel in the court of Spayne and most gratful there as appeared by the reward giuen him at his departure thens passed neuerthelesse shortly after his returne to Ireland to the seruice of her Ma ie and therfore may testify if he be demaunded whether he treated with any Englishman in Spayne or was willing wee should be trusted with his affayres sure I am I think he wil witnes it that during the tyme of his negotiatiō there which was some moneths we neuer conferred togeather nor so much as saluted one another And veryly for our further purgation of all suspition in this matter I may wel say that if we had ben as badly affected in that cause as is conceaued and had ben consulted withall or list to haue intruded our selues to speak our opinions wee could neuer haue aproued the plot that was executed which any man may beleeue at
religion condemned and therfore as the whole Churche hath hetherto held and honored those old Christians for glorious martyrs so doth it now at this day and euer wil esteeme these other for no lesse as I haue shewed in my Apology more at large and therfore I wil proceed to speak a woord or two of the great iniustice donne since my Apology was writteÌ„ to two priests called M. Hunt and M. Sprat condemned and excuted at Lincolne in the yeare 1600. These two being taken in a search and confessing themselues only to be Catholykes were first imprisoned and then shortly after indited for hauing conspyred and practised the death of her Maiesty mooued her subiects to rebelion withdrawne them from theyr natural and due obedience and from the religion now established in England to the Roman fayth and finally for hauing mayntayned the autority of the Pope of all which poynts no one touching matter of state was proued against them no witnesse being produced nor so much as the least presumption of any attempt or coÌ„spiracy against her maiestyes person or state or that rhey had persuaded any man to the Catholyk religion ot sayd any thing in fauour of the Popes autority more then that which they answered to the captious question of the Queenes supremacy demaunded of them there after their apprehension lastly it was not so much as proued that they were Priests which though they denied not yet they did not confesse but put it to tryal vrging to haue it proued by witnesses or other sufficient arguments whereas there was none at all but light presumtioÌ„s therof as that there was found in thir males two breuiares which many lay men vse as wel as Priests and a few relicks and some holy oyle which they might haue carried for other mennes vse not their owne so that to conclude of all those great treasons whereof they were indited there was no one proued except the matter of the Queenes supremacy which is a meere poynt of religion as I am sure the puritans in England and all other heretykes abroad wil witnesse with vs who impugne the same as wel as wee and yet neither by the verdit of the Iury nor yet by the senteÌ„ce of the Iudge were they cleared of any one point but condemned for all as though they had bin guilty of all and so in truth executed for matter of religion though slandred with matter of state whereby their martyrdome was far more glorious the malice of our aduersaries more manifest the iniury donne vnto them vnexcusable the sinne of the Iudges and Iury most execrable which sufficiently appeared by the iustice of God extended vpon Iudge Glanduile who had shewed an extraordinary malice and fury agaynst them and was therfore as wel may bee presumed within a few dayes after strooken by the hand of God in such miraculous manÌ„er as the rest may take example therby yf their harts be not indurat And besydes these late martyrs before rehearsed M. Tichborne M. Fr. Page and M. R. Watkinson were arraigned condemned at London for beeing made Priestes beyond the seas and coming into England contrary to the statute were executed at Tiburne the 20. of April this present yeare 1602. beeing there not suffred to declare the truth of their cause and suffrance And this was donne euen at such tyme as hope was both giuen and conceaued of a more mylder cours of proceeding towards Catholykes then heretofore It is moste grieuous to consider how M. Tichborne by one of his owne cote was betrayed and apprehended almighty God vouchsafe to restore to that wretched man so great grace as he fel from in the dooing of that acte M. Page and M. Watkinson were apprehended in the tyme of the sessions the one by a wicked woman suborned to dissemble religion for such purposes the other by one Bomer who hauing late before playd the dissembling hypocrite spy at Doway returned into England there to become the disciple of his master Iudas At the same sessions was condemned for fellony and also executed one Iames Ducket a Catholyke lay man and another lay man with him about a treatise written by a martyr diuers yeares since concerning the cause of Catholyke sufferers OF THE IMPVDENCIE OF a minister who being present at the death of two martyrs aforesayd affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monke to the protestants religion by occasion whereof the truth of the poynt is euidently declared CHAP. IIII. I Can not omit to say somewhat here of the notable impudency of a foolish minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs at Lincolne aforenamed and hearing one of theÌ„ declare vnto the people his innoceÌ„cy protesting amongst other things that he dyed only for the profession of the Catholyke fayth to the which our country was conuerted from paganisme in the tyme of Pope Gregory the great was not ashamed to say publykly that the religion now taught preached there is the same wherto England was first conuerted And although I hold not this minister for a man of that woorth that he may merit my labour or any mans els seriously to confute his ydle babling yet for as much as the same hath bin oft published and preached by many others and many ignorant abused therby and seing the narration of our first conuersion may no lesse profit and edify the vnlearned reader with the testimony of the truth then content and delyte him for the pleasure of the history I wil breefly treat first of the coÌ„uersion of the Saxons or English in the tyme of King Edelbert and after of the conuersion of the Britains in the tyme of King Lucius euidently proue that our Catholyke faith was preached and planted in our country at both tymes and that our Kings and country continued euer after the latter conuersion in the obedience of the Church of Rome vntil the tyme of K. Henry the eyght It appeareth by our chronicles and histories that in the yere of our Lord 582. according to S. Bedes computation S. Gregory surnamed the great the first of that name sent into England saynt Augustin a monke with diuers others of his profession to preach the Christian fayth to the English and that they came thither bearing a siluer crosse for their banner and the Image of our Lord and sauiour as saynt Bede saith paynted in a table and hauing leaue of King Edelbert to preach to his subiects began first the exercyse of Christian Catholyk religion in the citty of Canterbury in an ancient Chutch which they found there dedicated to S. Martin from the tyme that the Romans liued there in which Church ipsi primo sayth saynt Bede conueâ—ire Psaâ—lâ—re orare missas facere praedicare baptizare coeperunt they first began to assemble themselues to sing to pray to say masse to preach and baptise vntil the King being conuerted they had â—eaue to buyld some Churches and
wil geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and Origen addeth further that there was no smalle differēce betwyxt the Apostles commission to bynd and loose and the commission of S. Peter which he affirmeth to be more ample because sayth he non erant in tanta perfectione sicut Petrus they were not in such perfection as Peter and therfore S. Leo sayth that the authority or power to bynd and loose was geuen Petro prae caeteris to Peter aboue the rest of the Apostles and the reason is for that he being their head and they subordinat to him he receiued the same for him selfe and them and they held it as from him vnder him though they had it also by Christs commissiō as wel as hee which S. Augustin teacheth clearly when he sayth that the keyes of the kingdome of heauen were geuen to S. Peter because he represented the whole church of which representatiō he yeildeth the reason adding immediatly Propter apostolatus sui primatum or as he sayth in an other place propter primatum quem in discipulis habuit by reason of the supremacy he had ouer the rest of the Apostles geuing to vnderstand therby that the keyes being geuen to S. Peter as head of the Apostles and consequently as head of the Church they were geuen also to the Apostles and to the whole Church for what is geuen to the king as king the same is geuen to the common wealth and from him or by him as head therof is communicated imparted to the whole body For this cause S. Chrisostome treating of the promis that our sauiour made to S. Peter to buyld his Churche vpō him and to geue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen affirmeth that he made him head or gouuernour of the whole world Thus much for the second proof The third and last shal be the commission and charge that our sauiour gaue particularly to S. Peter to feed his sheep wherby he made him general Pastor ouer his whole flock whereof Eusebius Emissenus sayth thus first Christ comitted vnto him his lambs then his sheepe because he made him not only a pastor or shepherd but also the pastor of Pastors Therefore Peter feedeth the lambes he feedeth the sheepe he feedeth the young ones their dammes he gouerneth the subiects their prelats so that he is Pastor of all for besydes lambes sheepe there is nothing in the Church This is more euident in the Greeke wherein the gospel of S. Ihon was written then in our latin translation for where as we haue 3. tymes pasce that is to say feed the greeke hath in the second place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which doth not only signify to feed but also to gouerne and rule wherby the Euangelist signifyed that Christ gaue to S. Peter commission not only to feed his flock with preaching and teaching but also to exercyse all pastoral authority ouer them that is to say to rule and gouern them in which sence the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often vsed in the holy Scriptures as in S. Mathew and Micheas the Prophet where it is sayd of Bethlem there shal come foorth of thee a caeptayne that shal gouern my people Israel and in the Apocalipse he shal rule them in an yron rod and againe in the Psalm thow shalt gouerne or rule theym in a rod of yron in which places as also in dyuers others of the scripture to lyke purpose the greeke hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the same sence our lord saith in the Prophet that the great Monark Cirus should be his Pastor because he should gouern and rule his people and Homer oftentymes cauleth king Agamemnon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king or Pastor of this people for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth both and therfore S. Augustin expounding those words feede my sheep sayth that Christ recommended his sheepe to S. Peter pascendas id est docendas regendasque to be fed that is to say to be taught and gouerned Theophilactus also vpō the same place witnesseth that Christ gaue to S. Peter praesecturam ouium totius mundi the gouernment of the sheepe of the whole world and S. Chrisostome treating of those words of our sauiour sayth that he would haue S. Peter to be endewed with authority and farre to excel the other Apostles and agayne expounding the same words otherwhere he sayth that Christ spake vnto him only because he was the mouth head of the Apostles and committed vnto him curam fratrum suorum the charge of his brethren and a litle after that Christ gaue him the charge of the whole world which he also affirmeth in an other place of the vniuersal Churche saying that the supremacy and gouernment of the Churche throughout the whole world was geuen him by Christ. I wil conclude with S. Leo whereas saith he the power of bynding and loosing was geuen to Peter aboue the rest of the Apostles the care charge of feeding the sheepe of Christ was more specially committed to him to whome whosoeuer shal thinck the principality or supremacy is to be denied he cannot by any meanes diminish his dignity but being puft vp with the spirit of his owne pryde he casts him selfe head-long to hel Thus thow seest good reader that our doctrin of the supremacy of S. Peter is no nouelty of our inuention but the vniform and constant opinion of the most learned and anciēt Fathers of the Churche grounded vpon the scriptures in which respect we fynd in all the sayd auncient Docctors most eminent and excellent tytles of superioritie and praerogatiue attributed to S. Peter who in S. Hilary is cauled the blessed porter of heauen in S. Augustin the first or cheef of the Apostles in Eusebius the greatest of the Apostles and maister of the warfare of God in Epiphanius the captayn of the Disciples in S. Ciril Prince and head of the Apostles in S. Ambrose the Vicar that Christ left vs of his loue and to omit others for breuityes sake in S. Chrysostome the toppe or head of the congregation of the Apostles an vnconsumable rock the vnmoueable top of the buylding and lastly the pastor and head of the Churche THAT THE SVCCESSORS OF S. Peeter to wit the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche CHAP. IX AND for as much as it is euident that our sauiour Christ gaue not this authority to S. Peeter for his owne particular benefit but for the general good of his Churche nor for his owne dayes only but during the tyme of the Churche militāt to the end that so long as their should be any sheep in his fold so long ther should be an vniuersal Pastor to feed and gouerne them and that his Churche which is a visible body
charitable man can conceiue of me that I would now without all compulsion hope of gayne or feare of losse aduisedly forsweare my self with a wilful and damnable periury frustrate and loose all that fruit of my former sufferings Neuerthelesse yf any man be so passionate and vncharitable that he wil not be satisfied with this my protestatiō and solemne othe let him way wel the matter it self with all the circumstances then I doubt not but he wil easely fee the wrong donne both to Squyre and vs that are conioyned and mentioned in his accusation First therfore for this purpose it is to be considered what was Squyres end therein seing as the Philosopher sayth the end is the first thing in intention though the last in execution in a matter of so great weight daunger as this there must needes be some great consideration that moued him therto which the contriuers of this tragedy knew so wel that for the better colouring of the deuise they forged the most forcible motiue and highest end that maybe which is zeale of religion and hope of aeternal reward induced perhaps therto by the late example yet fresh in memorie of the last King of Fraunce killed by a fryer moued with meere zeale without all hope of tēporal gayne or possibility to escape therfore they sayd that Squyre by F. Walpooles persuasions entended the death of her Ma tie and my L. of Essex to the end to do a meritorious act and to gayne euerlasting glorie but the vanity of this fiction is euident seing it is manifest that he was a protestant as he shewed playnely at his death when yt was no tyme to dissemble where-vpon I inferre that seing his religion taught him that there is no merit in workes and much lesse in such workes how could he imagyn that the killing of her Ma tie should be meritorious or any way grateful to God she being the principal piller of his religion by whose death the same should be endangered and the Catholyke fayth lyke to be furthered or at the least he must needs imagyn that F. Walpoole had no other end therin but the furtherance of his religion yf he moued him to any such matter could he then be so contrary to him-self as for zeal of religion or hope of merit to seek the ouerthrow of his owne religion this is incredible absurd and impossible Seing then it is cleare that he could haue no such motiue or end as was supposed and vrged in his accusation what may be thought of the whole matter buylt vpon so weak fals a ground but that the foundation fayling the whole buylding must needes fal withal for the further proof wherof and our ful purgation though it might suffise without further discourse that Squyre at his death cleared both himself and vs yet to the end that the impiety malice of our aduersaryes may be withal so euident that they shal haue no colour or pretence to haue proceeded according to allegata probata which in some cases may excusse a iudge from all offence though he condemne an innocent man I wil particularly examine the groundes where-vpon he was condemned THE EXAMINATION OF THE grounds wher-vpon Squyre was condemned and how vncertayne is the tryal of truthe by torment CHAP. II. ALTHOVGH I haue litle vnderstanding of our english common lawes whereof I neuer had further knowledge then that which I got by the experience of some fewe cases that I saw tryed at the common Assizes and in the Kings bench which also by my long absence from England I haue in part forgoten and therfore cannot proue by the words and texts therof nor by books cases that Squyre was wrongfully condēned yet yf I proue the same by the approued lawes of other countreys yea and by reason and conscience which are the grounds of all good lawes yt must needs follow that eyther he was condemned flatly against our english lawes also or els that the same are repugnant to conscience and reason which were as great an inconueniēce as the other and such as I am sure no common Lawyer of England wil grant neyther is it to be supposed Now then to come to the examination of this matter yf it be true that is heer reported as it is lyke to be for that we heare yt vniformely from dyuers partes that Squyre was condemned without any witnesses presented at his arraynment vpon some light presumptions and his owne confession extorted by torment as he sayd him-selfe at the barre and also at his death it is cleare that he was wrongfully condemned for that no law can allow that such a confession should suffise for the condemnation of any man without some other euident proofes yt being manifest that the innocēt may be forst by tormēt as soone to accuse himself falsly as the nocent truely to confesse his fault which the cyuil law proposeth to all Iudges carefully to be considered saying that Iudgment by torment is deceytful for that often the innocent are compelled thereby to confesse faults which they neuer committed and S. Augustin wisely noting the inconuenience of such tryals lamentably bewayleth the practise thereof and the infirmity of mānes Iudgement in this manner in these wordes When a man sayth he is tormented in his owne cause to try whether he be culpable or no many tymes the innocent suffreth most certayne paynes for an vncertayne fault not because any cryme of his is knowne but because his innocency is vnknowne so that the ignorance of the iudge causeth the calamity of the innocent and that which is more intollerable yea to be lamented with fountaynes of teares we see that whiles the Iudge tormenteth the accused least he should kyl an innocent it happeneth by the miserie of humayn ignorance that he falleth into the inconuenience that he seeketh to auoyd and ignorantly killeth a guyltles man whom he tormented to know whether he was guylty or no for the accused rather chussing to dy then to indure the torment doth many tymes accuse himself of that which he neuer did Thus much S. Augustyn in this discourse Hereof also Valerius Maximus geueth a notable exāple in a seruant of Marcus Agrius who being accused to haue kylled a seruant of Titus Fanius did for feare of torment most constantly affirme that he had donne it though after he was executed the partie whom he confessed to haue killed returned home safe wherto I might ad many examples of lyke matters that fal out in day he experience but that I wil not be tedious to your Lordships and therfor I wil only touch breifly by the way one that concerneth my self not vnlike to this of Squyres which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1595. at my being with the Dukes grace of Feria in Bruxels where I was through the rigorous yf not malitious proceedings of a certayne Iudge brought to be accused by two seueral persons not only to haue intelligence which
may haue therin the which may be considered eyther as common to all the enemies of Catholyke religiō or els as particuler to these our Aduersaries now a dayes of the first I haue spoken before discoursing of the concurrēce of calumniation and persecution where I proued that it hath beene alwayes the custome of the persecutours of Catholykes to seek by imputation of fals crymes to obscure the true cause of their sufferings and consequently the glorie of their martyrdomes wherin neuerthelesse how much they haue fayled of their purpose I meane as wel these of our tyme as those other their praedecessours it is euident by common experience seing almightie God hath in all ages so disposed and day he doth for his owne glorie that the cleare light of truth and innocencie hath dispersed the clouds of calumniation in such sort that his seruants haue triumphed ouer all the malice of men and remayned no lesse glorious with a double crowne of martyrdome then their enemies ignominious and odious for there double persecution For the proof hereof let vs look back to former tymes see what the persecutors of Gods Churche haue gayned by the lyke deuises haue they therby any iote obscured the glorie of Gods seruants who are esteemed honoured and serued through-out the Christian world for glorious Martyrs and saynts of God and receyue more honour glorie in one festiual day of theirs then all the Monarks of the world in all the feasts of their lyfe Are not the Altars Temples buylded to God in their memories more triumphant then the thrones and trophes of all earthly Kings doth any Princes power extend it selfe so farre as theirs whose dominion reacheth from the east to the west frō the one Pole to the other whose subiects seruāts and supplyants are not only the common people but Princes and potentates Kings Emperours that crouch kneele and present their petitions at their toombes and monuments or whersoeuer ther is any litle memory of them Are all the royal robes crownes and diademes of Emperours and Kings so much esteemed and reuerenced in their owne Kingdomes as is throughout Christendome the least rag or relyke of any one of them wherto we see Almightie God geueth no lesse vertue and power oftentymes when it is for his glorie and their manifestation to cure the sicke to heale the lame to rayse the dead to cast out Deuils then he gaue to the hemme of our Sauiours garment to the handkerchefs that touched S. Paules body to the shadow of S. Peter This hath alwayes beene so notorious in Gods Churche that S. Chrisostome speaking of the great miracles done by the body and relykes of the blessed martyr saint Babilas maketh the same a manifest argument against the Paynims to proue that Christ is God which I wish by the way that our Protestants in England may note for their confusion seing that denying the vertue of saynts Reliks they do paganize with them and do deny therby an euident argument of Christs diuinitie but to proceed On the other syde what honour haue their calumniatours and persecutours purchased to themselues are not their very names odious and execrable to all posteritie as the memory of the other is aeternized with immortal glorie is not theirs buryed in aeternal infamie To this purpose sayth the book of wisedome that the wicked shal see the end of the iust man and shal not vnderstand what God hath determined of him and why our Lord did humble him they shal see him and contemne him but our Lord shal deride them for they shal fal afterwards without honour shal euer be amōgst the dead in shame and infamie Hereby may our aduersaries partly iudge what they shal gayne in the end by murdering so many Catholyks as they do vnder colour of treasons and enormious crymes but for their further satisfaction in this point let them look abroad into Christendome and see what acount is alreadie made of their supposed traytors I meane such as die directlie for religion made lately treason who of all Christian Catholyke people in the world are held for no lesse glorious martyrs thē those of the primitiue Churche as appeareth not only by the publike testimonie of the most famous wryters of this age but also by the deuotion that all Catholyks yea and the greatest Princes and potentates of Christendome do beare to the least relyke of any one of them which they think themselues happie to haue keep with all due respect and reuerence besydes that it hath pleased almightie God to glorifie his name already with diuers notable miracles donne by the same which hereafter wil be knowne with sufficient testimony of the truth therof and as for their martyrdomes I haue no doubt but as alreadie they are knowne acknowledged and honoured by all true Catholykes so in tyme also conuenient they wil be approued by the authoritie of the whole Churche whiles in the meane tyme the memory of their persecutors shal be damned eyther to the deep pit of obliuion or els to euerlasting ignominie as they may see it hath alreadie happened to their praedecessours and thus much for the end common to all persecutours OF OTHER ENDS PARTICULER to our English aduersaries and of their disloyaltie therin towards her Maiestie CHAP. XVII THE other ends particuler to our home aduersaries at this day may be thought to be partlie publyke and for the common good as they in the depth of their wisedome or rather in the height of their follie do imagin and partlie for their owne particular profit or emolument The publyke are these first to incense the Queenes Ma tie against vs to the end she may geue them leaue to exercise freelie all crueltie vpon vs wherby they hope in tyme to destroy vs and to extinguish the memorie of Catholyke religion wherin I wish them by the way to note how farre they are deceyued of their expectation how almightie God doth daylie infatuate and frustrate their councels and turne them to their owne confusion seing that notwithstanding all their rigour there are at this day many more recusants in England and sincere Catholyks that wil geue their liues for their Religion then ther were when the persecution first began so that we see how true it is which Tertulian sayth Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae the blood of Martyrs is the seed of the Churche But to proceede The second is to irritate also her Ma tie against the King Catholyke who is therfore cōmōly made an abettor of all those fayned conspiracies least otherwayes she being of her owne inclination desirous of peace might come to some cōposition with him so Christendome be brought to repose which these mē imagin would in tyme grow to be daungerous to their gospel or rather to their particular states commodities which they may be presumed to esteeme more then any ghospel but how this piece of pollicie standeth with true reason of
sayth the sinnes of the people make many Princes and sometymes for the Princes faults he punisheth the people and otherwhyles for the sinnes of eyther he destroyeth both When Acham had stolne part of the spoyle of Hieâ—co contrary to the commaundement of God 3000. of the children of Israel were ouerthrowne by them of Hay for his offence which our lord imputed to them all saying Israel hath sinned and transgressed my commaundement c. For the sinne of Dauid in numbring the people 70000. of his subiects perished and for the peoples offences God permitted him to sinne For King Achaz cause sayth the scripture God did humble the people of Iuda after gaue them into captiuity for the sinnes of their King Manasses Lastly when Samuel had anoynted Saule for King he said vnto the people yf yow perseuer in your wickednes both yow and your King shal perish Herein neuertheles this difference may be noted that when almighty God doth punish both he vseth more rigour towards the Princes and heads of the people then towards the meaner sort Whereof the holy ghost declareth the reason in the book of wisdome where he speaketh to Kings Princes in this manner Audite reges c. hearken O kinges and vnderstaÌ„d learne yow which are Iudges of the bounds of the earth in respect that power is geuen vnto yow from our lord and strength from the highest who wil examine your woorkes and search your thoughts and because when yow were ministers of his kingdome yow did not Iudge rightly nor keep the law of Iustice nor walk in the way of God he wil appeare vnto yow quickly and horibly for most rigorous Iudgment is donne vpon them that gouerne with the poore and meane man mercy is vsed but mighty men shal suffer torments mightily This my lords I am bold to represent vnto your lordships that yow may see thereby the euident daunger that your whole estate may be brought into by the extreame wrongs that our persecutours do vs howsoeuer her Ma tie and your Lordships may bee free from the same in wil or consent as I make no doubt but yow are For if the Prince and people are so conioyned linked togeather with the communication of merit or demerit that God doth commonly chastise the one for the others fault and for the offenses of eyther sometymes destroyeth both as I haue before declared if the priuat theft of Acham could cause the puklik calamity of the children of Israel that had no way consented thereto what may be feared to ensew of so horible and publik a crime of our persecutours as the effusion of innocent blood thirsted sought and spilt so oft and by so many subtilities and deuises by slaunders and fayned treasons by extreame torments vniustly geuen by periuries by corruption of witnesses Iuries and Iudges where by an infinit number of all sorts are drawne to the participation of the offence and all this vnder pretence of publyk autoritie of her maiesty of her councel and her â—awes what may be feared I say but that the sinne is not priuat and particuler but pnblik and general and that the whole state remayneth engaged for the payment of the penalty It resteth then my lords that of your wisdomes and piety yow procure some redresse of these inconueniences for auersion of Gods wrath from yow vs the whole realme and for preuention of the mischeefe that otherwyse must needs ensue And if it please your lordships to geue me leaue to put yow in mynd of one necessary meane thereof and as I haue layd open the sore so to represent also some part of the salue yt importeth much that for the expiation of so great a sinne and satisfaction of Gods Iustice yow lay the penalty vpon the authors and instruments of the iniustice as appeareth by the example of Archams theft whereof our lord sayd to Iosue I wil be no longer with yow vntil yow haue destroyed him that is guilty of this cryme and when Phinees killed the Israelit which committed fornication with the Madianit he auerted the wrath of God from the children of Israel as the scripture testifieth Also when the people were punished with 3. yeares famin in Dauids tyme for the offence of Saule in killing the Gabaonits the famin lessed when seuen of Sauls ofspring were deliuered to the Gabaonits and by them crucified the lyke reporteth Plutark of a most furious plague where with God punished the citties of Rome and Laurentum for the murder of King Tatius in Rome and of certayne Embassadours of Laurentium which plague suddenly ceased in both the citties when iustice was donne vpon the murderers in both places I haue not sayd this with any desire of reuenge or vncharitable affection towards our aduersaries but in respect of my duty to her Ma tie and your lordships and for the tender loue that I doe beare to my country and vniuersal good of all For as for them I meane our enemies I assure your Lordships I am so far from desyring any reuenge of them that I pitty their case knowing that except they repent and do worthy pennance God wil surely reuenge his owne cause and ours vpon them and throw into the fyre those rods of his wrath when he hath worne them to the stumps for such is the cours of his iustice to chastise first his seruants and children by the ministery of wicked men not moouing but vsing their euil wils and malice for the execution of his holy wil and afterwards to punish them most seuerely for the same therefore though he ordayned the destruction of the Temple of Hierusalem and the captiuity of his people for their sinnes yet afterwards he vtterly destroyed the Babilonians for hauing ben the meanes and instruments thereof to which purpose the Prophet sayth our Lord stirred vp the Kings of the Medes to distroy Babilon for it is the reuenge of our Lord and the reuenge of his Temple agayne I wil render to Babilon saith almighty God by the same Prophet and to all the inhabitants of Caldea all the euil that they haue donne in Sion And after in the same chapter he comforteth his people in captiuity saying behold I wil make Babilon a desert c. and no maruel seing he also destroyed the Amonits Moabits and other their neighbours for hauing laughed and skorned at their desolation and captiuity such is the loue which our Lord beareth to his seruaÌ„ts as he reuengeth the least iniury that is donne theÌ„ of whome he hath such particular care as he nuÌ„breth the very heares of their heads as our Sauiour sayth taketh all that is donne to them be it good or euil as donne to himself And now hauing layd before your lordships by way of some degression these considerations yet as annexed notwithstanding conioyned with Squires cause by coherence of the manner of proceeding I shal returne to
his persecution with craftie and subtyle deuises enuying them the name and glorie of Martyrdome that the souldiours of Christ had got in former persecutions and therfore he endeuored to vse violence in such sort as it should not appeare ordayning that the Christians which suffred for Christ should be put to death as malefactours this affirmeth S. Gregory NaziaÌ„zen of Iulian the apostata wherein yow may see a true pattron of your owne proceedings for to exemplify the same with answere to the question yow aske concerning the temper of the lawes made in the 23. yere of her Ma ties raigne what other cause had yow to make those lawes in that yeare but that yow knew that Father Campian and diuers Seminary Priests were come into EnglaÌ„d lately before therfore to make the world beleue that their comming was to no other end but to sow sedition and trouble the State yow did not only make those lawes but also shamfully mundered the same yeare thesaid famous man and 11. godly innocent Priests with him for fayned conspiracies proued against no one of them disauowed by them all at their deathes which sufficient proof of their innocency as before I haue declared at large in the 11. chapter besydes many other since made away in lyke manner vpon lyke fals pretences and especially in the yeare 88. after the Kinges Armada had past through the channel in which yeare yow executed aboue 40. Priests and Catholykes in diuers partes of England to make the world beleeue that they had intelligence with the Spaniards or had procured the comming of thesaid Armada which could not bee proued nor so much as iustly suspected of anyone of them Moreouer I dare boldly affirme neyther shal yow euer be able with truth to controle me that wheras our Seminaries haue yeilded within these 30. yeares 5. or 6. huÌ„dreth Priests that haue laboured in that vyneyard wherof yow haue put to death more then a hundreth yow could neuer iustly charge any one of them with sedition or matter of state except it were Ballard executed with Babington and the rest whom as I wil not excuse because I know not how farre he waded in those matters so wil I not condemne him considering the proceedings of yow and your fellowes with Catholykes in lyke cases yet this I wil be bold to say that if he had any dealing therin it was without the consent or knowledg of any of his superiours yea or of any intrinsecal frend of theirs wherof I could yeild a sufficient reason if it were conuenient But let vs admit that he was as deep in those matters as any of the rest haue yow therfore any reason to condemne all other Seminary Priests for his act I do not blame yow heer for punishing any Catholyke that yow should fynd to be truly seditious but I fynd it strange against all reason and iustice that yow do not only punish vs for fayned crymes but also impute the doings of one or of a few to all which was alwayes in my tyme and I think it stil the absurd dealing of your lawyers in the araignment of Catholykes vrging against them the attemptes of Doctor Sanders in Ireland and Feltons setting vp of the Bul and such like as though euery Catholyke were priuie to their doings or thought himself bound in conscience to do as they did which kynd of argument your lawyers would neuer vse if they were not eyther most malitious or ignorant or thought all their audience to be fooles For what conclusion can be drawne from one or some particuler to a general as to say Eaton the preacher did pennance on the Pillery in cheapsyde and after at Paules Crosse for lying with his daughter such a minister was hanged for a rape such an other for sodâ—my such a one for a murder ergo all ministers are mnrderers sodomites rauishers of women and incestuous persons Would your ministers allow this conclusion or els that lawes should be made against them all for the offence of some of them and yet to say truly there haue beene so many examples of ministers conuict executed for such crymes that yow might with more reason exterminate the whole ministery as a very sink of sinne then condemne all Catholykes as seditious for Doctor SaÌ„ders and Feltons cause oâ— all Seminary Priests for Ballards But to conclude this point it is euident ynough that neyther Ballards offence yf he committed any nor theirs that were executed with him could be any occasion of those rigorous lawes against Seminary Priests which were made some yeares before when as I haue said yow had not any one example of a Seminary man that had beene or could be touched with any sedition other then such as yow fayned of them your selues Furthermore what iust cause had yow to make the distinction in your lawes betwixt Queene Marie Priests Seminary Priests haue yow found any more in the one then in the other but only that yow know the old Priests of Queene Martyrs tyme were so spent and wasted already that ther was not left of them perhaps half a score in England who also yow thought would be in a short tyme consumed wheras of the others yow saw a continual spring that would flow perpetually to the vndouted destruction of your heresy in tyme if it were not stopped in which respect yow thought good to seeme to fauour the first that yow might with more shew of reason persecute the later Neuerthelesse yow haue hanged some of those Q. Marie Priests as wel as the other only for doing their function counting them therin no lesse seditious then the Seminary Priests and yet yow say yow spare the one sort as only superstitious and punish the other as seditious But such seditious and superstitious Priests as these are were the very Apostles and Disciples of our Sauiour for they absolued from sinne as these do they administred the Sacraments of Baptisme or the Aâ—ter extreeme vnction the rest as these do they said masse that is to say they offred in sacrifise the blessed bodie and blood of our Sauiour as these do they did preach and teach the Christian Catholyke doctrine as these do finally they were persecuted punished for sedition as these are Thus Sir yow may see yow had not those causes which yow pretend to change the temper of your Iawes nor to distinguish betwyxt Seminarie and Queene Marie Priests neyther any reason at all to cal them eyther superstitious or seditious But let vs see some more of your gloses THE CONFVTATION OF an inuectiue which the Author of the Pamphlet maketh against the Iesuits CHAP. XXIIII IN your 10. and 11. page yow make a digression to treat of the strange mysteries as yow cal them of the Iesuits doctrin how they mingle heauen and hel and lift vp the hands of the subiects against the anointed of God yow wonder that Princes do not concurre in
with matter of state CHAP. XXII IN the third page yow appeale Sir Pamphleter to the knowledge of your frend in Padua for the distinction moderation of the proceeding in England in ecclesiastical causes with what lenitie and gentlenes it hath beene caryed except where it was mixed with matter of state for such are your owne wordes Hereto I answere that by your restriction exception of state matters yow ouerthrow your general proposition of clemency and proue that ther is no moderation lenitie nor gentlenes vsed at all for where is not matter of state mixed with religion now a dayes in England are not so many essential poynts of Catholyke religion made treason as no man can do the duetie of a Catholyke but he is ipso facto a traytour seing no man can be so much as absolued of his sinnes nor receyue any Sacrament of Gods Churche by the only true ministers thereof I meane Priestes but he committeth treason besydes the other captious lawes about the Supremacie the exacting of the oth and the vrging of Catholykes to come to haeretical seruice communion vnder colour of temporal obedieÌ„ce to the Prince is not in all this state mixt with religion yea and to no other end then to persecute vs vnder coâ—our of treason and matter of state while ye persecute religion and for religion Was not this the very practise of Iulian the Apostata who to couer his persecution of Christians sometymes caused his picture to be set with Iupiter or other fais Gods and sometymes made himselfe to be paynted with their enseignes and resemblance therby to make such mixture of religion and matter of state that those which should refuse to commit Idololatry might be punished vnder colour of contempt of his emperial person Hereof sayth Sozomenus Nam sic cogitabat c. for so Iulian thought that if he persuaded theÌ„ to that he should more easely bring them to his wil in other points of religion also and if they resisted in this he might punish them without mercie as offenders against both the common wealth and the Empyre It not this now practised in England in effect for what other thing is it to annex the keyes of Peter with the Princes crowne the deuine power with the humain the supremacy spiritual with the gouernment temporal dignities no lesse distinct in nature then incompatible in lay persons and especially in women sexe what other thing is it I say then to ioyne Iulian with Iupiter and to paynt the Prince with the enseignes and resemblance of deitie and to what other end then vnder colour of treason matter of state to make away all those that shal refuse to acknowledge this pretended ecclesiastical supremacy Such then is your mixture of religion with matter of state as whiles yow pretend to punish none for Catholyke religion yow persecute cruelly all Catholykes for no other true canse then religion yea and as the pharises did yow persecute and crucifie Christ agayne in his members as an enemy to Caesar and for the same reason of state that they did cry to Pilate si dimittis hune non es amicus Caesaris if yow let him scape yow are not Caesars frend for that his fault is not religion but matter of state against Caesar and agayne si dimitiunus hunc venient Romani c. yf we dismisse this man the Romans togither with Spaniards wil come and take from vs both our place and people and wil conquer spoyle destroy vs for which respect yow haue already killed some hundreths of Catholykes vpon lyke suspitions and ealumniations by vertue of your new statutes besydes many murdred for fayned conspiracies and fals imputed crymes and an exceeding multitude of others consumed and wasted with imprisonment others pyned a way in banishment others empouerished ruined with taxes impositions and penalties and an infinite number dayly languishing in captiuity penurie and miserie for that they wil not yeeld as yow cal it temporal obedience in comming to your seruice and communion yet forsooth yow trouble none for religion But yf it please yow and your frend in Padua that knoweth as yow say this matter so wel to consider it a litle better yow wil easely see that the distinction that yow and your fellowes make is confusion your moderation persecution your lenity seueritie your shew and talk of mercy nothing els but a mere mockerie and playne cosinage of the simple reader for to preache one thing and practise an other is I trow the highest point of cosinage that may be But what maruaile is it if yow draw our religion to matter of state seing your owne religion hath no other rule nor ground but reason of state for albeit the substance of religion which now yow professe different from ours be patcht vp of old and new heresies especially of these last of Luther Zwinglius and Caluin yet that which is properly yours and the key and stay of all the rest and maketh yow a bodie and part different from other Sectes of Lutheranes Zwinglians and Caluenists Puritanes Brownists Anabaptists and the lyke is the obedience that yow acknowledge in ecclesiastical causes to a lay head which although it was first introduced into England by King Henry the S. only vpon animositie against the sea Apostolyke because thesaid sea would not allow his deuorce from Queene Catherine which King in all other poynts detested your religion yet being abolished by Queene Marie her Ma ties syster and last praedecessour it was returned agayne in the beginning of her Ma ties raigne that now is only vpon reason of state as all the world knoweth and so hath hyherto byn continued For those polityke statistes of ours that had the vse of her Ma ties eares in the beginning considering that the Queene of Scotland being then maried vnto the French King pretended title vnto the crowne of England and fearing that the sea Apostolyk would fauour her pretence in respect of the mariage of her Ma ties mother yea and that the people would also incline that way if they remayned stil in the obedience of the said sea they hadrecourse to Hieroboams pollicy and abusing the facilitie of her Ma ties good nature and yong yeares persuaded her to change the religion then publikly professed and not only to banish the authority of the Pope but also to follow her father and brothers example in taking the title of ecclesiastical supremacy vpoÌ„ her self a thing absurd ridiculous vnnatural impossible therefore worthely reiected impugned and derided by Luther and Caluyn themselues and by their folowers and the Puritaines at this day in England and all other sectaries abroad as a matter without all praesident or example in any Christian common wealth or colour of Scripture except of some few texts that treat of obedience to Princes in general no lesse to Heathen Kings then Christian and therfore can not with any shew of reason be vnderstood