buildings specified before some for strength as diuers Castles in Normandie in Wales and some also in England and namely the Castle of Warwicke of Bristoll the Castle Colledge and Towne of Windsore on the hill about a mile distant from the old Towne of Windsore which afterward was much encreased by King Edward the third and after him by many Kings and Queenes succeeding Many Palaces also he built for ornament pleasure And to this end he maintained his Parke at Woodstocke wherein hee preserued with great pleasure diuers sorts of strange beasts which because he did with many demonstrations of pleasure both accept and esteeme were liberally sent vnto him from other Princes Hee first instituted the forme of the high Court of Parliament as now it is in vse For before his time onely certaine of the Nobilitie and Prelats of the Realme were called to consultation about the most important affaires of state he caused the commons also to be assembled by Knights and Burgesses of their owne appointment and made that Court to consist of three parts the Nobilitie the Clergie and the Common people representing the whole body of the Realme The first Councell of this sort was held at Salisbury vpon the 19. day of April in the 16. yeere of his reigne His seueritie in iustice the very heart string of a Common-wealth his heauie hand in bearing downe his enemies in disabling those from working him harme whom he knew would neuer loue him at the heart was traduced by some vnder termes of crueltie And yet was he alwayes more mindfull of benefits then of wrongs and in offences of highest nature euen for bearing Armes against him he punished oftentimes by imprisonment or exile and not by death When Matilde his daughter was giuen in mariage to Henry the fifth Emperour he tooke 3. shillings of euery hide of land throughout the Realme which being followed by succeeding Kings did grow to a custome of receiuing ayd whensoeuer they gaue their daughters in marriage For albeit the same be found in the great Custumier of Normandie yet was it neuer practised in England before This happened in the fifteenth yeere of his reigne and he neuer had the like contribution after but one for furnishing his warres in France So the people were not charged with many extraordinary taxations but their ordinary fines and payments were very great and yet not very grieuous vnto them For that they saw them expended not in wanton wast not in loose and immoderate liberalitie but either vpon necessitie or for the honour dignitie of the state wherein the preseruation or aduancement of the common good made particular burthens not almost sensible But both his actions and exactions were most displeasing to the Clergy the Clergy did often times not onely murmure but struggle and oppose against his actions as taking their liberties to be infringed and their state diminished by abasing their authority and abating both their riches and power When any Bishopricke or Abbey fell voyd hee did apply the reuenues thereof for supply of his necessities and wants and for that cause kept some of them many yeeres together vacant in his hands He would not permit appeales to Rome Canons were not of force within the Realme vnlesse they were confirmed by the King Legats from the Pope were not obeyed and no man would come to their conuocations In so much as one of the Popes Legates in France did excommunicate all the Priests of Normandy because they would not come to his Synode For this cause the King sent the Bishop of Exceter to Rome albeit he was both blind and in yeeres to treat with the Pope concerning that businesse Hee gaue inuestitures to Prelates by Crosse Ring and Staffe and is charged to haue receiued of some of them great summes of money for their places About this time the marriage of Priests was forbidden in England but the King for money permitted them to reteine their wiues and in the end set an imposition in that respect vpon euery Church throughout the Realme It auailed not any man to say that he had no purpose to keepe a wife he must pay for a facultie to keepe a wife if he would For these causes they fastened the infamie of couetousnesse vpon him For these causes and especially for inuesting and receiuing homage of Prelats he had a stiffe strife with Anselme Archb. of Canterburie For the King said that it was against the custome of his ancesters it could not stand with the safety of his State that the Prelats who at that time held the principall places both of trust and command in his kingdome who in very deed ruled all the rest should not be appointed onely by himselfe should not sweare faith and allegiance vnto him should either bee aduanced or depend vpon any forren Prince On the other side Anselme refused not onely to confirme but to communicate or common friendly with those who had bene inuested by the King reproching them as abortiues and children of destruction traducing the King also as a defiler of Religion as a deformer of the beautie and dignitie of the Church Hereupon by appointment of the King they were confirmed consecrated by the Archb of Yorke Onely William Gifford to whom the K had giuen the Bishopricke of Winchester refused Consecration from the Archb. of Yorke for which cause the King depriued him of all his goods and banished him out of the Realme Then the King required Anselme to doe him homage and to be present with him at giuing Inuestitures as Lanfranck his predecesior had bene with King William his father Against these demaunds Anselme obiected the decrees of the Councell lately held at Rome whereby all Lay-persons were excommunicate who should conferre any Spiritual promotions and all those accursed who for Ecclesiasticall dignities should subiect themselues vnder the homage or seruice of any Lay-man Hereupon messengers were dispatched from both parties to the Pope who determined altogether in fauour of Anselme or rather in fauour of himselfe Notwithstanding the king desisted not to vrge Anselme to sweare homage vnto him Anselme required that the Popes letters should bee brought foorth and he would doe as by them hee should be directed The King answered that he had nothing to doe with the Popes letters that this was a Soueraigne right of his Crowne that if any man may pull these Royalties from his Crowne he may easily pull his Crowne from his head that therefore Anselme must doe him homage or else depart out of his kingdome Anselme answered that hee would not depart out of the Realme but goe home to his Church and there see who would offer him violence Then were messengers againe sent to the Bishop of Rome two Bishops from the King and two Monckes from Anselme The King wrote to the Pope first congratulating his aduancement to the Sea of Rome then desiring the continuance of that amitie which had bene betweene their predecessours Lastly he tendred all honour and obedience
occasioned much disquiet and disorder in many parts of the Realme In the same Councel the censure of Excommunication was cast vpon those who did exercise the vile vice of Sodomitrie and it was further decreed that the same sentence should be published euery Sonday in al the parish Churches of England But afterward it was esteemed fit that this general excommunication should be repealed The pretence was for that the prohibiting yea the publike naming of that vice might enflame the hearts of vngracious persons with desire vnto it But wise men coniectured that after this seuere restreint of marriage in the Clergie it did grow so frequent and familiar among them that they would not giue way to so generall a punishment It is certaine that in this Kings dayes Io. Cremensis a Priest Cardinal by the Kings licence came into England and held a solemne Synode at London where hauing most sharpely enueighed against the marriage of Priests the night following hee was taken in adulterie and so with shame departed the Realme It is certaine also that Anselme the most earnest enforcer of single life died not a Virgine as by the lamentation which hee wrote for the losse thereof it may appeare Not long after Anselme died being of the age of 70. yeeres He had bestowed much money on Christs Church in Canterburie as well in buildings as in ornaments and encrease of possessions Other workes of charge he left not many neither in very deed could he by reason of his often banishments and the seasures of the reuenues of his Church But this he did more then liberally supply by the eternall labours of his penne After his decease the Archbishopricke remained voyd fiue yeeres during which time the King applied the fruits to himselfe The like hee did to other vacant Churches and compounded also with Priests for reteining their wiues and made his profit by Ecclesiasticall persons and liuings more largely and freely then he had done before For which cause it is not vnlike that the imputation of couetousnesse was fixed vpon him At the last Radulph Bishop of Rochester was aduanced to the See of Canterburie and notwithstanding all former agreements and decrees the King inuested him with Ring and with Staffe But howsoeuer we may either excuse or extenuate the two vices of crueltie and couetousnesse wherewith he is charged his immoderate excesse in lust can no wayes be denied no wayes defended And when age had somewhat abated in him the heat of that humour yet was hee too much pleased with remembrance of his youthfull follies For this vice it is manifest as well by the sudden and vnfortunate losse of his children as for that he was the last King by descent from males of the Norman race that the hand of God pressed hard vpon him As Radulph succeeded Anselme in the See of Canterburie So after the death of Thomas Thurstine the Kings Chapplaine was elected Archb. of Yorke And because he refused to acknowledge obedience to the See of Canterbury hee could not haue his Consecration but was depriued of his dignitie by the King Hereupon he tooke his iourney to Rome complained to the Pope and from him returned with a letter to the King that the putting of a Bishop elect from his Church without iudgement was against diuine Iustice against the decrees of holy Fathers that the Pope intended no preiudice to either Church but to maintaine the constitution which S. Gregorie the Apostle of the English Nation had stablished betweene them that the Bishop elect should be receiued to his Church and if any question did rise between the two Churches it should be handled before the King Vpon occasion of this letter a solemne assembly was called at Salisburie where the variance betweene the two Prelats was much debated Radulph would not giue Imposition of hands to Thurstine vnlesse hee would professe obedience Thurstine said that he would gladly embrace his benediction but professe obedience to him he would not The King signified to Thurstine that without acknowledgement of subiection to the Archb. of Canterburie hee should not be Consecrated Archb. of Yorke Thurstine replied nothing but renounced his dignitie and promised to make no more claime vnto it Not long after Calixtus Bishop of Rome assembled a Councell at Rhemes and Thurstine desired licence of the King to goe to that Councell This hee obtained vnder faithfull promise that he should there attempt nothing to the preiudice of the Church of Canterburie In the meane time the King dealt secretly with the Pope that Thurstine should not bee consecrated by him This the Pope did faithfully assure and yet by meanes of some of his Cardinals whom Thurstine had wrought to bee suiters for him by reason also of his hate against Radulph for taking Inuestiture from the King The Pope was drawen to giue him consecration and there with the Pall. For this cause the King was displeased with Thurstine and forbad him to returne into the Realme After this the Pope came to Gisors to which place the King went vnto him and desired that he would not send any Legates into England except the King should so require The reason was for that certaine Legates had come into England lately before to wit one Guidâ—… and another named Anselme and another called Peter who had demeaned themselues not as Pillars of the Church but as Pillagers of all the Realme Also he required that hee might reteine all such customes as his auncestors had vsed in England and in Normandie The Pope vpon promise that the King should ayd him against his enemies yeelded to these demands and required againe of the King to permit Thurstine to returne with his fauour into England The King excused himselfe by his oath The Pope answered that he might and would dispence with him for his oath The King craued respite affirming that he would aduise with his Counsaile and then signifie to the Pope what he should resolue So in short time hee declared to the Pope that for loue to him Thurstine should bee receiued both into the Realme and to his Church vpon condition that he should professe subiection to the Sea of Canterburie as in former times his predecessors had done otherwise said hee so long as I shall bee King of England hee shall neuer sit Archbâ—…shop of Yorke The yeere following the Pope directed his letters to the King and likewise to Radulph And herewith he interdicted both the Church of Canterburie and the Church of Yorke with all the Parish Churches of both Prouinces from Diuine seruice from Buriall of the dead from all other offices of the Church except onely baptizing of children and absolution of those who shal lie at the point of death vnlesse within one moneth after the receit of the same letters Thurstine should be receiued to the Sea of Yorke without acknowledging subiection to the Sea of Canterburie It was further signified to the King that he should also be excommunicate vnlesse hee would consent to the same
donation of Earle Herebert as before it is shewed And by donation of the King of Britaine Hengist obtained Kent the first kingdome of the English Saxons in Britaine After which time the Countrey was neuer long time free from inuasion first by the English and Saxons against the Britaines afterward by the seuen Saxon kingdomes among themselues and then lastly by the Danes By meanes whereof the kingdome at that time could not bee setled in any certaine forme of succession by blood as it hath been since but was held for the most part in absolute dominion and did often passe by transaction or gift and he whose sword could cut best was alwaies adiudged to haue most right But of this question more shall hereafter be said in the beginning of the life of King William the second Touching his propinquity in blood to King Edward by the mothers side he enforced it to be a good title because King Edward not long before had taken succession from Hardicanutus to whom hee was brother by the mothers side And although King Edward was also descended from the Saxon Kings yet could not he deriue from them any right For that Edgar and his sisters were then aliue descended from Edmund Iron side elder brother to King Edward Hee could haue no true right of succession but onely from Hardicanutus the Dane So Pepine when he was possessed of the State of France did openly publish that hee was descended of the blood of Charles the Great by the mothers side And albeit the said Edgar was both neerer to King Edward then the Duke of Normandie and also ioyned to him in blood by the fathers side yet was that no sufficient defence for Harold The vsurped possession of Harold could not be defended by alleaging a better title of a third person The iniurie which hee did to Edgar could not serue him for a title against any other These grounds of his pretence beautified with large amplifications of the benefits which he had done to King Edward he imparted to the Bishop of Rome who at time was reputed the arbitrator of controuersies which did rise betweene princes And the rather to procure his fauour and to gaine the countenance of religion to his cause hee promised to hold the kingdome of England of the Apostolike Sea Hereupon Alexander then Bishop of Rome allowed his title and sent vnto him a white hallowed banner to aduance vpon the prowe of his ship also an Agnus Dei of gold and one of S. Peters haires together with his blessing to begin the enterprise But now concerning his further proceedings concerning his victorious both entrance and cōtinuance within the Realme of England two points are worthy to be considered one how he being a man of no great either power or dominion did so suddenly preuaile against a couragious King possessed of a large and puissant State The other is how he so secured his victorie as not the English not the Britains not the Danes not any other could dispossesse or much disturbe him his posteritie from enioying the fayre fruits thereof And if we giue to either of these their true respects wee shall find his commendation to consist not so much in the first as in the second because that was effected chiefly by force this by wisedome only which as it is most proper to man so few men doe therein excell Hee that winneth a State surmounteth onely outward difficulties but he that assureth the same trauaileth as well against internall weaknes as external strength To attaine a Kingdome is many times a gift of Fortune but to prouide that it may long time continue firme is not onely to oppose against humane forces but against the very malice of Fortune or rather the power and wrath of time whereby all things are naturally inclineable to change For the first then besides the secret working and will of God which is the cause of all causes besides the sinnes of the people for which the Prophet saith Kingdomes are transported from one Nation to another King Edward not long before made a manifest way for this inuasion and change For although he was English by birth yet by reason of his education in Normandie he was altogether become a Normane both in affection and in behauiour of life So as in imitation of him the English abandoned the ancient vsages of their Country and with great affection or affectation rather conformed themselues to the fashions of France His chiefe acquaintance and familiar friends were no other then Normans towards whom being a milde and soft spirited Prince he was very bountifull and almost immoderate in his sauours These he enriched with great possessions these he honoured with the highest places both of dignitie and charge Chiefly he aduanced diuers of them to the best degrees of dignitie in the Church by whose fauour Duke William afterward was both animated aided in his exploit Generally as the whole Clergie of England conceiued a hard opinion of Harold for that vpon the same day wherein King Edward was buried he set the Crowne vpon his owne head without Religious Ceremonies without any solemnities of Coronation so they durst not for feare of the Popes displeasure but giue either furtherance or forbearance to the Dukes proceedings and to abuse the credite which they had with the people in working their submission to the Normans Now of what strength the Clergie was at that time within the Realme by this which followeth it may appeare After that Harold was slaine Edwine and Morcar Earles of Northumberland and Marckland brothers of great both authoritie and power within the Realme had induced many of the Nobilitie to declare Edgar Athelinge to be their King but the Prelates not onely crossed that purpose but deliuered Edgar the next heire from the Saxon Kings to the pleasure of the Duke Againe when the Duke after his great victorie at Hastings aduanced his armie towards Hartford-shire Fredericke Abbot of S. Albanes had caused the woods belonging to his Church to be felled and the trees to be cast so thicke in the way that the Duke was compelled to coast about to the castle of Berkhamstead To this place the Abbot vnder Suerties came vnto him and being demanded wherefore he alone did offer that opposition against him with a confident countenance he returned answere that he had done no more then in conscience and by Nature he was bound to doe and that if the residue of the Clergie had borne the like minde hee should neuer haue pierced the land so farre Well answered the Duke I know that your Clergie is powerfull indeed but if I liue and prosper in my affaires I shall gouerne their greatnesse well ynough Assuredly nothing doeth sooner worke the conuersion or subuersion of a State then that any one sort of Subiects should grow so great as to be able to ouerrule all the rest Besides this disposition of the Clergie diuers of the Nobilitie also did nothing fauour King Harold or
did there with defend himselfe for a time But because to stand vpon defence onely is alwayes vnsure he drew his sword and would not depart one foot from his saddle but making shew of braue ioy that he had nothing to trust vnto but his owne valour he defended both his saddle and himselfe till rescue came Afterward when some of his Souldiers in blaming maner expostulated with him wherefore he was so obstinate to saue his saddle his answere was that a King should loose nothing which he can possibly saue It would haue angred mee said he at the very heart that the knaues should haue bragged that they had wonne the saddle from mee And this was one of his perpetuall felicities to escape easily out of desperate dangers In the end Henry grew to extreeme want of water and other prouisions by which meanes he was ready to fall into the hands of those who desired to auoyd necessitie to hurt him And first he sent to the Duke his brother to request some libertie to take in fresh water The Duke sent to him a tunne of wine and granted a surcease of hostilitie for one day to furnish him with water At this the King seemed discontented as being a meanes to prolong the warre But the Duke told him that it had bene hard to deny a brother a little water for his necessitie Here with like wise the King relenting they sent for their brother Henry and wisdome preuailing more then iniuries or hate they fell to an agreement That vpon a day appointed Henry should receiue his money at Roan and that in the meane time hee should hold the countrey of Constantine in morgage The King enterteined with pay many of his brother Henries souldiers especially he receiued those who ouerthrew him to a very neere degree of fauour And thus all parties ordered their ambition with great modestie the custome of former warres running in a course of more humanitie then since they haue done The King was the more desirous to perfect these agreements of Peace for that Malcolme King of Scots as Princes often times make vse of the contentions of their neighbours tooke occasion vpon these confusions to enterprise vpō the parts of England which confined vpon him So as he inuaded Northumberland made great spoile tooke much prey caried away many prisoners whose calamitie was the more miserable for that they were to endure seruitude in a hard Countrey For this cause the King with his accustomed celeritie returned into England accompanied with the Duke of Normandie his brother and led a mighty armie against the Scots by land and sent also a nauie to infest them by sea But by a sudden and stiffe storme by a hideous confusion of all ill disposed weather his ships were cruelly crushed and hauing long wrought against the violence and rage of the tempest were in the end dispersed and diuers of them cast away Many of his souldiers also perished partly by penurie and want and partly by the euill qualitied ayre Notwithstanding the Scots knowing the King of England to bee an enemie mighty and resolute began to wauer in their assurance framing fearefull opinions of the number valour and experience of his armie Hereupon some ouertures of Peace were made the Scots expecting that the King by reason of his late losses would be the more moderate in his demands But hee then shewed himselfe most resolute and firme following his naturall custome not to yeelde to any difficulty King Malcolme coniecturing that such confidence could not be without good cause consented at the last to these conditions That King Malcolme should make a certaine satisfaction for the spoyles which hee had done in England That King William should restōre to him certaine lands in England That K. Malcolme should doe homage to King William Now the day was come wherein Henrie was appointed to receiue his money at Roan from the Duke of Normandie But as affaires of Princes haue great variations so they are not alwayes constant in their Counsels And so the Duke caried by his occasions and ready to lay downe his faith and word more to the traine of times then to the preseruation of his honour instead of paying the money committed his brother Henry to prison from whence he could not be released vntill hee renounced the Countie of Constantine and bound himselfe by oath neuer to claime any thing in Normandie Henrie complained hereof to Philip King of France who gaue him a faire enterteinement in his Court but was content rather to feede then finish the contention either expecting thereby some opportunitie to himselfe or els the opinion of his owne greatnesse not suffring him to feare that others might grow to haue fortune against him Henry had not long remained in the Court of France but a Normane Knight named Hacharde conueyed him disguised into Normandie where the Castle of Damfronç was deliuered vnto him and in short time after hee gate all the Countrey of Passays and a good part of Constantine either without resistance or without difficultie and perill Hereupon the Duke leuied his forces and earnestly assayed to recouer Damfronç but then hee found that his brother Henrie was secretly yet surely vnderset by the king of England Hereupon incensed with the furie of an iniuried minde hee exclaimed against his brother of England and almost proclaimed him a violater of his league On the otherside the King of England iustified his action for that hee was both a meanes and a partie to the agreement and therefore stood bound in honour not onely to vrge but to enforce performance So the flame brake foorth more furious then it was before and ouer went King William with an able armie where hee found the Duke also in good condition of strength commanding the field And albeit in so neere approach of two mighty enemies equall both in ambition and power it is hard to conteine men of seruice yet was nothing executed betweene them but certaine light skirmishes and surprizements of some places of defence In the end the King hearing of new troubles in England and the Duke finding himselfe vnable either to preuaile with few souldiers or to maintaine many and both distrusting to put a speedie end to the warre they were easily drawne to capitulations of peace And thus ended the contention betweene these brethren who vntill this time had continued like the waues of the Sea alwayes in motion and one beating against the other Besides these businesses which befell the King against his Nobilitie against the Duke of Normandie his brother and against the King and nation of the Scots the Welshmen also who alwayes struggled for libertie and reuenge perceiuing that the King was often absent and much entangled with hostile affaires enforced the fauour of that aduantage to free themselues from subiection of the English and happily to enlarge or enrich themselues vpon them So hauing both desire and opportunitie they wanted not meanes to assemble in armes to expell the English that
Vicar of Christ. The King alleaged that the custome of his Realme admitted no appeale from the king that supreame appeale was a most principall marke of Maiestie because no appeale can be made but to a superiour that therefore the Archbishop by appealing from him denied his Souereignty derogated from the dignitie of his Crowne and subiected both him and that to another Prince to whom as to a superiour he did appeale That herein hee was an enemie and a Traitour to him and to the State Anselme replyed that this question was determined by our Lord who taught vs what allegiance is due to the Pope where he saith Thou art Peter and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church c. And againe To thee will I giue the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heauen c. And againe in generall Hee that heareth you heareth me and who despiseth you despiseth me And againe He that toucheth you toucheth the apple of my eye But for the allegiance due to the King he saith Giue to Caesar that which belongeth to Caesar and to God what pertaineth to God To this the king finally said That hauing made themselues Masters to interprete and giue sence to the Scriptures it was easie to maintaine by them whatsoeuer they desired or did it was easie for them to burst their ambition with their swelling greatnes But well he was assured that CHRIST intended not to dissolue orders for Ciuill gouernment to ruine kingdoms to embase authority and right of Kings by meanes of his Church this right of a King he had and this right he would maintaine In this contention few of the Bishops did openly take part with Anselme but some and especially the Bishop of Durhame did directly declare against him The residue when he asked their aduise would answere him That he was wise ynough and knew what was best for him to doe as for them they neither durst nor would stand against their Lord. By assistance of these the King purposed to depriue Anselme and to expell him out of the Realme But Anselme auowed That as he was ready to depart the Realme so would he take his authoritie with him though he tooke nothing else Now the King had sent two messengers to Pope Vrbane at Rome to entreat him to send the Pall to the King to be disposed by him as he should thinke fit These messengers were by this time returned and with them came Guibert the Popes Legate who brought the Pall. The Legate went first priuily to the King and promised that if Vrbane should be receiued for Pope in England the King should obtaine of him whatsoeuer he would The King required that Anselme might be remoued The Legate answered that it could not be that such a man without iust cause should be remoued Notwithstanding some other things being granted to the King Vrbane was declared to be lawfull Pope and the King was content to swallow downe that moâ—…sel which had bene so vnpleasant for him to champe on The Pall was caried to Anselme with great pompe in a vessell of siluer and he came foorth bare footed in his Priestly Vestments to meete and to receiue it The yeere next following the King inuaded Wales where he repressed the rebellious enemies and returned victorious Anselme prepared to goe vnto him to salute him to congratulate his good successe But the King preuented him by messengers who layde to his charge both the small number and euill appointment of the Souldiers which he sent to that seruice and therefore warned him to appeare at the Court to make his answere Happely also the King was incensed by matters more light but taken in the worst part as it commonly falleth out in suspitions and quarels At the day appointed Anselme appeared but auoyded his answere by appealing to the Pope for prosecution whereof hee made suit for the Kings licence to goe to Rome The King said as before That this appeale was against the custome of the Realme and against the dignitie of his Crowne to both which Anselme had sworne Anselme answered That he was sworne to neither of them but so farre as they were consonant to the Lawes of GOD and to the rules of equitie and right The King replied That no limitation being expressed it was not reasonable that vpon his owne conceit of pietie or equitie he should slip out of the band of his oath Thus was the contention on both sides obstinately maintained and for a long time Anselme was commanded to attend the Court. At the last hee was released but vnder expresse charge that he should not depart out of the Realme or if he did that it should neuer be lawfull for him to returne Anselme departed from the Court went streight to Douer with purpose to passe the Seas into France Here hee was either awaited or ouertaken by William Warlewast the Kings officer not to stay him from his passage but to rifle him of all that he had Others also were appointed to seise his goods in other places and to conuert the profits of his Archbishopricke to the vse of the King making a bare allowance to the Monks of meat drinke and cloathing So the Archbishop crossed the Seas into France rested a while at Lions and then trauailed ouer the Alpes to Rome where he was enterteined by Pope Vrbane with more then ordinarie ceremonies of honour And first the Pope wrote to the king of England on the behalfe of Anselme and reteined him in his Palace vntill he should receiue answere from the king When the messenger was returned with such answere as Anselme did not like he desired of the Pope to be discharged of his dignitie which he had found he said a wearisome stage whereon hee played a part much against his will But hereto the Pope would in no case agree charging him vpon vertue of his obedience That wheresoeuer he went he should beare both the name and honour of Archbishop of Canterburie As for these matters said he we shall sufficiently prouide for them at the next Councell where your selfe shal be present When the Councell was assembled Anselme fate on the outside of the Bishops but the Pope called him vp and placed him at his right foot with these words Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam Afterwards in all generall Councels the Archb. of Canterburie tooke the place In this Councell the points of difference betweene the Greeke and Latine Churches were strongly debated especially concerning the proceeding of the Holy Ghost and for leauened bread in the administration of the Eucharist wherein Anselme shewed such deepe learning weight of iudgement and edge of wit that he approched neerer admiration then applause These matters determined complaints were brought against the King of England and the Pope is said to haue bene ready to excommunicate him but Anselme kneeled before the Pope and obteined for the King a longer terme The Pope was then at great contention with Henry the fourth Emperour who
had bene excommunicated before by Hildebrand and was then againe excommunicate by Vrbane being the first Christian Prince with Souereigne power who was euer excommunicate by any Pope And for that Vrbane at that time had his hands full against the Emperour for that also hee would not make the example too odious at the first he was willing ynough to forbeare excommunication against the King And the rather for that Anselme had intelligence from his friends in England that the excommunication would not be regarded Hereupon accompting it a sufficient declaration of his power for the time to haue menaced excommunication he caused a generall decree to be made That as well all Lay-persons who should giue inuestiture of Churches as those of the Clergie who should be so inuested also those who should yeeld themselues in subiection to Lay-men for Ecclesiastical liuings should be excōmunicate This generall sentence was pronounced The Pope also signified by letters to the King that if he would auoyd particular proceeding against himselfe he should foorth with restore Anselme to the exercise of his Office in his Church and to all the goods and possessions perteining thereto Hereupon the King sent messengers to the Pope who declared vnto him That their great Master the King marueiled not a litle wherefore he should so sharply vrge the restitution of Anselme seeing it was expresly told him That if he departed out of England without licence he should expect no other vsage Well said the Pope Haue you no other cause against Anselme but that he hath appealed to the Apostolicall Sea and without licence of your King hath trauailed thither They answered No. And haue you taken all this paines said he haue you trauailed thus farre to tell me this Goe tell your Lord if he will not be excommunicate that he presently restore Anselme to his Sea And see that you bring mee answere hereof the next Councell which shal be in the third weeke after Easter make haste and looke to your terme lest I cause you to be hanged for your tarryance The messenger was herewith much abashed yet collecting himselfe he desired priuate audience of the Pope affirming that he had some secret instructions from the King to impart vnto him What this secret was it is vnknowne Whatsoeuer it was a longer day was obtained for the King vntill Michaelmas then next ensuing And when that day was come albeit complaints were renued yet was nothing done against the King The Archb. seeing the small assurance of the Pope returned to Lions in France and there remained vntil the death first of Pope Vrbane and afterwards of the king which was almost the space of 3. yeeres By this great conflict the king lost the hearts of many of the Clergie but his displeasure had seasoned reuenge with contentment and finding himselfe sufficient both in courage and meanes to beare out his actions he became many other wayes heauie vnto them When any Bishopricke or Monasterie fell voyd he kept them vacant a long time in his hands and applied the profits to himselfe At the last hee would set them to open sale and receiue him for Prelate who would giue for them the greatest price Herehence two great inconueniences did ensue the best places were furnished with men of least sufficiencie and worth and no man hoping to rise by desert the generall endeuour for vertue and knowledge were layd aside the direct way to aduancement was by plaine purchase from the king In this seazing and farming and marchandizing of Church-liuings one Ranulph commonly called the Kings Chapleine was a great agent for the King Hee was a man of faire vse of speach and liuely in witte which hee made seruants to licentious designes but both in birth and behauiour base and shamelesse in dishonestie a very bawde to all the Kings purposes and desires Hee could be so euill as hee li◅ted and listed no lesse then was to his aduantage The King would often laugh at him and say that he was a notable fellow to compasse matters for a King And yet besides more then ordinary fauour of countenance the King aduanced him first to be his Chancellour and afterward to be Bishop of Duresme By his aduise so soone as any Church fell voide an Inuentory was made of all the goods that were found as if they should bee preserued for the next successor and then they were committed to the custodie of the King but neuer restored to the Church againe So the next incumbent receiued his Church naked and bare notwithstanding that he paid a good price for it From this King the vse is said to haue first risen in England that the Kings succeeding had the Temporalties of Bishops Seas so long as they remained voide Hee also set the first enformers to worke and for small transgressions appointed great penalties Hee is also reported to haue been the first King of this Realme who restreined his subiects from ranging into forreine Countreys without licence And yet what did the King by this sale of Church dignities but that which was most frequent in other places For in other places also few attained to such dignities freely The difference was this here the money was receiued by the King there by fauorites or inferiour officers here it was expended in the publike vses of the State there to priuate and many times odious enrichments this seemeth the more easie that the more extreme pressure as done by more hungrie and degenerous persons this may bee esteemed by some the more base but assuredly it was the better dealing And further it is euident that the King did freely aduance many excellent persons to principall dignities in the Church and especially Anselme to the Archbishopricke of Canterburie who was so vnwilling to accept that honour that the King had much to doe to thrust it vpon him And the rather to enduce him he gaue him wholly the citie of Canterburie which his predecessors had held but at the pleasure of the King This Anselme was one whose learned labours doe plainely testifie how little his spirits were fed with the fulsome fumes of surfeting and ease which to many others together with their bodies doe fatten and engrosse their mindes He so detested singularitie that he accounted it the sinne which threw Angels out of Heauen and man out of Paradise This detestation of singularitie might happily encline him to the other extreme to adhere ouer lightly to some common receiued errours It is attributed to him that hee would often wish to bee rather in hell without sinne then with sinne in heauen The king also aduanced Robert Bloet to the Bishopricke of Lincolne a man whose wisedom was highly graced with goodly personage and good deliuery of speach from whom notwithstanding the king afterwards wiped fiue thousand markes Hee also freely receiued Hugh de Floriaco a man for his vertue much esteemed to be Abbot of the Monastery of S. Augustines in Canterburie and likewise diuers others to other Ecclesiasticall preferments
which in former times the Kings of England did yeeld to the See of Rome desiring againe that he might not be abridged of such vsages as his father did enioy concluding that during his life hee would not suffer the dignities of his Crowne to be empaired and if he should so doe yet the Nobilitie and common people of the Realme would in no case permit it but would rather recede from obedience to his See The Pope wrote backe againe to Anselme that for one mans pleasure hee would not reuerse the decrees of former Popes and therefore gaue him both encouragement charge to continue constant and to see them obserued in euery point Hee directed also his letters to the King which the King did suppresse but his Embassadours declared by word that the Pope permitted Inuestitures to the King so as in other things hee would execute the Office of a good Prince Anselme called for the Popes letters The King answered that his Bishops were to be credited before the Monckes who were disabled either for voyce or testimonie in Secular affaires Anselme said that he was desirous to yeeld vnto the King but he durst not although it should cost him his head vnlesse he had a warrant from Rome and therefore he would send thither againe to haue a more full and ample answere The King and diuers of the Nobilitie perswaded him to goe in person to trauaile to the Pope and to trauaile with him for the quiet of the Church and of his countrey With much adoe he was entreated and so set forth on his iourney towards Rome and after followed the kings Embassadour Wiliam Warlewast new elect Bishop of Exceter When the Bishop came to the Popes presence he declared vnto him what great commodities did rise out of England to the See of Rome that the Inuesting of Prelats had bene an ancient right to the crowne of that Realme that as the King was by nature liberall so was he stout and resolute in courage that it should be a great dishonour to him who in power exceeded any of his ancesters if hee should not maintaine the dignities which they held that for this cause the Pope should doe well to preferre to his consideration what preiudice might follow to his Estate if hee should remit nothing of the seuerities of those Canons which had bene lately made The Pope gaue an attentiue eare and seemed to pause vpon that which had been sayd Which the Kings Ambassadour taking to be a degree of yeelding did more earnestly insist and said that the King his master would not for the Crowne of his Realme loose the authoritie of inuesting his Prelates Hereto the Pope with a starting voice and countenance answered Neither will I lose the disposing of spirituall promotions in England for the Kings head that beareth the Crowne before God said hee I aduow it His flattering followers applauded this speach as proceeding from a magnanimous courage or rather as some flash of diuine inspiration and the Kings Ambassador not a little abashed was content to descend to lower demands In the ende it was ordered that the King should be restored to certaine customes which had been vsed by his father but that all they who had bin inuested by the King should be excōmunicate that their satisfaction and absolution should be committed vnto Anselme Thus Anselme with full saile of victorie and ioy returned towards England but the Kings Ambassadour stayed behind to assay whether by any meanes hee could worke the Pope to a milder minde But when hee saw that he trauailed in vaine he followed Anselme and ouertooke him at Placentia and there deliuered vnto him certaine priuate instructions from the King that if he would come into England and behaue himselfe as his predecessours had done towards the Kings father hee should be welcome otherwise you are wise enough said hee you know what I meane and may easily coniecture what will ensue With these words he flang suddenly away by occasion whereof his speaches setled with a more strong impression and multiplied many doubtfull constructions So the Embassadour returned to the King but Anselme went to Lions and remained there a yeere and halfe In the meane time much posting was made betweene England Lions and Rome but nothing was concluded nothing could please For neither the Pope would yeeld to the King nor the King to Anselme At the last Anselme threatned to excommunicate the King whereof the King being aduertised by the Countesse Adela his sister hee desired her to come to him into Normandy and to bring Anselme with her Here the King restored Anselme to his former possessions but his returne into England was respited vntill the Pope had confirmed certaine things which Anselme did assure So the King tooke his passage into England and Anselme abode at the Abbey of Beck Then were dispatched for Rome William Warlewast mentioned before and Baldwine Abbot of Ramsey by whose meanes the controuersie was composed betweene the King and the Pope that the King should receiue homage of Bishops elect but should not inuest them by Staffe and Ring After this the king went into Normandie and there agreed to Anselme in these points following 1 That all his Churches which had been made tributary to King William the second should bee set free 2 That the King should require nothing of the sayd Churches whilest the Sea should remaine vacant 3 That such Priests as had giuen money to the King to reteine their wiues should surcease from their function the space of three yeeres and that the king should take no more after such maner 4 That all such goods fruits and possessions as the King had taken from the Sea of Canterbury should bee restored to him at his returne into England Thus Anselme returned into England and after a short time the king followed hauing taken his brother prisoner and subdued Normandie to his subiection Forthwith Anselme by permission of the K. assembled a great Councell of the Clergie at Westminster wherein hee so wrought with the King that at length albeit not without great difficultie it was newly decreed that no temporal man should giue inuestiture with Crosse or with Ring or with Pastoral staffe Also he directed 〈◊〉 to the Priests of his Prouince that they and their wiues should neuer meete within one house that they should not keepe any woman in their house but such as were next in kinred vnto them That hee who held his wife and presumed to say Masse within eight dayes after should solemnely be excommunicate That all Archdeacons and their Officials should bee sworne not to winke at the meetings of Priests and their wiues for any respect and if they would not take this oath then to lose their office that such Priests as would forsake their wiues should cease fourty dayes from ministration in their office and performe such penance as should be enioyned them by their Bishop The execution of these Canons importing both a great and sudden alteration
faces of the French inuolued them all as in a thicke and darke cloud which depriued them of all foresight and direction in gouerning their affaires The valiant was nothing discerned frō the coward no difference could be set betweene contriuance and chance All laboured in one common calamitie and euery one encreased the feare of his fellow The Normans hauing well spent their shot and perceiuing the French in this sort both disordered and dismayed came downe from the hils where they houered before and falling to the close stroke of battaile-axe and sword most cruelly raged in the blood of their enemies By whom if any sparke of valour was shewen being at so great disaduantage it was to no purpose it was altogether lost it was so farre from relieuing others that it was not sufficient to defend themselues And doubtlesse no thing so much fauoured the state of the French that day as that the number of the Normans sufficed not to enclose them behind For then they had bene entrapped as Deere in a toile then not one of them could haue escaped But the entrance of the valley remayning open many f◅ed backe to the plaine ground tumbling together in such headlong hast that if the Normans had sharply put vpon them the chase it is certaine that they had bene extreemely defeated But the Duke gaue ouer the execution vpon good aduise For knowing himselfe not to be of force vtterly to vanquish the French he assayed rather by faire forbearance to purchase their friendship Here the French king assembled his broken companies and encamped them for that night so well as he could The ioy of their present escape expelled for the time all other respects But after a little breathing their remembrance began to runne vpon the losse of their cariages whereby they had lost all meanes to refresh themselues Of their Vaward they made a forelorne reckoning and the like did the Vaward of them Many were wounded all wearied and the Normans gaue notice by sounding out their instruments of warre that they were at hand on euery side The rudest of the Souldiers did boldly vpbraid this infortunitie to the King one asked him where his Vaward was where were his wings where were the residue of his battell and Rereward Others called for the cariages to preserue those in life who had not been slaine Others demanded if he had any more mouse-traps to leade them into But most sate heauy and pensiue scarce accounting themselues among the liuing The King swallowed downe all with a sad silence sometimes he dissembled as though he had not heard sometimes hee would fairely answere Good words good souldiers haue patience a while and all will be well which was indeede a truer word then he thought it possible to bee when he spake it In this extremity the King assembled the chiefe of his commanders to aduise with them what was best to be done It was generally concluded that in staying their case was desperate and dangerous it was to stirre But here lay the question whether it was least dangerous to remoue together or euery man to shift for himselfe Whilest this point was in debating whilest they expected euery minute to be aslailed whilest no man saw any thing but death and despaire behold a messenger came from the Duke not to offer but to desire peace and to craue protection of the French king according to the trust which Robert the Dukes father reposed in him There needed not many words to perswade Peace was signed protection assured in a more ample maner then it was required Then the messenger with many good words appeased the Kings heauinesse telling him that his Vaward was safe his cariages not touched and that he should be furnished with horses both for burthen and draught in stead of those that had been slaine These words as a sweete enchantment rauished the French King with sudden ioy But when they came to gather vp their baggage a spectacle both lamentable and loathsome was presented vnto them The valley couered and in some places heaped with dead bodies of men and horses many not once touched with any weapon lay troden to death or else stifled with dust and sand many grieuously wounded reteined some remainder of life which they expressed with cries and groanes many not mortally hurt were so ouerlaid with the slaine that they were vnable to free themselues towards whom it is memorable what manly both pitie and helpe the Normans did affoord And so the French King more by courtesie of his enemies then either by courage or discretion of his owne returned in reasonable state to Paris Vpon these euents of open hostilitie Guy Earle of Burgogne who had taken to wife Alix daughter to Duke Richard the second and Aunt to Duke William conspired with Nicellus president of Constantine Ranulph Vicecount of Bayon Baimond and diuers others suddenly to surprise the Duke and slay him in the night A certaine foole nothing regarded for his want of wit obseruing their preparations secretly got away and in the dead of the night came to Valogne where the Duke then lay no lesse slenderly guarded with men then the place it selfe was sleight for defence Here he continued rapping at the gate and crying out vntill it was opened and hee brought to the presence of the Duke To whom he declared the conspiracie with circumstances of such moment that the Duke foorthwith tooke his horse and posted alone towards Falais an especial place for strength of defence Presently after his departure the conspirators came to Valogne they beset the house they enter by force they search euery corner for the Duke And finding that the game was start and on foote in hote haste they pursued the chase About breake of day the Dukes horse tired and he was ignorant of his right way He was then at a little village called Rie where the chiefe Gentleman of the place was standing at his doore ready to goe abroad Of him the Duke enquired the next way to Falais The Gentleman knew the Duke and with all duetie and respect desired to know the cause of his both solitarie and vntimely riding The Duke would willingly haue passed vnknowne but perceiuing himselfe to be discouered declared to him the whole aduenture Hereupon the Gentleman furnished him with a fresh horse and sent with him two of his sonnes to conduct him the direct way to Falais No sooner were they out of sight but the conspirators came and enquired of the same Gen◅leman who still remained at his doore whether he saw not the Duke that morning as if forsooth they were come to attend him The Gentleman answered that he was gone a little before and therewith offered them his company to ouertake him But he lead them about another way vntill the Duke was safely alighted at Falais And thus the more we consider these and the like passages of affaires the lesse we shall admire either the wisdome or industry or any other sufficiencie of man In
to Swaine Earle Goodwins eldest sonne Vpon this assurance he was furnished by the duke his cousin with all meanes fit both for his enterprise and estate And so hee passed the Seas arriued in England and with generall iov was receiued for King He tooke to wife Edith the daughter of Earle Goodwine but whether vpon vow of chastitie or whether vpon impotencie of nature or whether vpon hatred to her father or whether vpon suspition against herselfe for all these causes are alleaged by seuerall writers of those times he forbore all priuate familiaritie with her When he was well locked into the chaire of State Duke William came out of Normandie to see him to shew his magnificence to the English people to shew to the English both that he loued their King and that he was of power to relieue him in case his necessities should so require Here besides honourable enterteinement besides many rich gifts both to himselfe and to his followers the King hauing neither hope nor desire of issue promised him in regard of his great fauours and deserts that hee should be his next successour in the Kingdome And for further assurance thereof sent him also the like message into Normandie by Robert Archbishop of Canterburie After this Harold sonne to Earle Goodwine passed the Seas into Normandie to deale for the discharge of his brother Wolnoth and Hacon his nephew who had bene deliuered for hostages to the Duke In his passage he was much tossed with troublesome weather and in the end was cast vpon the coast of Ponthieu and there taken by the Earle and committed to prison But at the request of the Duke of Normandie hee was released with honourable respect and by the Earle himselfe accompanied to the Duke who enterteined him with great magnificence at Roan The Duke was then going in Armes against the Britaines in which iourney Harold did accompany him and shewed himselfe a man neither rash in vndertaking nor fearefull in perfourming any seruices of the field After prosperous returne the Duke declared to Harold the purpose of King Edward cōcerning the Dukes succession to this Crowne Harold did auow the same to be true and promised to affoord thereto the best furtherance that he could Hereupon the Duke assembled a Councell at Boneuill where Harold did sweare fidelitie vnto him and promised likewise by oath that after the death of King Edward he would keepe the Realme of England to the vse of the Duke that he would deliuer vnto him the castle of Douer and certaine other pieces of defence furnished at his owne charge Hereupon the Duke promised vnto him his daughter in marriage and with her halfe the Realme of England in name of her dower He also deliuered to him his nephew Hacon but kept his brother Wolnoth as an hostage for performance of that which Harold had sworne In short time after King Edward died and Harold being generall commander of the forces of the Realme seized vpon the soueraignetie and without any accustomed solemnities set the crowne vpon his owne head The people were nothing curious to examine titles but as men broken with long bondage did easily entertaine the first pretender And yet to Harold they were inclinable enough as well vpon opinion of his prowesse as for that hee endeauoured to winne their fauour partly by abating their grieuous paiments and partly by increasing the wages of his seruants and Souldiers generally by vsing iustice with clemencie and courtesie towards all About this time a blasing starre appeared and continued the space of seuen dayes which is commonly taken to portend alteration in States Of this Comet a certaine Poet alluding to the baldnesse of the Norman wrote these verses Caesariem Caesar tibi si natura negauit Hanc Willielme tibi stella comata dedit Duke William sent diuers Ambassadours to Harold first to demaund perfourmance of his oath afterward to mooue him to some moderate agreement But ambition a reasonlesse and restlesse humour made him obstinate against all offers or inducements of peace So they prepared to buckle in armes equall both in courage and in ambitious desires equall in confidence of their fortune but Harold was the more aduenturous William the more aduised man Harold was more strong in Souldiers William in Alies and friends Harold was seated in possession which in case of a kingdome is oftentimes with facilitie attained but retained hardly William pretended the donation of King Edward and that he was neere vnto him in blood by the mothers side Now there wanted not precedents both ancient and of later times that free kingdomes and principalities not setled by custome in succession of blood haue been transported euen to strangers by way of guift Attalus king of Pergamus did constitute the people of Rome his heire by force wherof they made his kingdome a part of their empire Nicomedes King of Bithynia made the people of Rome likewise his heire whereupon his kingdome was reduced to the forme of a Prouince So Alexander King of Egypt gaue Alexandria and the kingdome of Egypt and so Ptolemie gaue the kingdome of Cyrene to the same people of Rome Prasutagus one of the kings of great Britaine gaue the kingdome of the Iceni to Caesar Nero and to his daughters Yea in the Imperial state of Rome Augustus designed Tiberius to be his successour and by like appointment Nero became successour to Claudius Troiane to Nerua Antonius Pius to Adrian and Antoninus the Philosopher to another Antoninus When the Emperour Galba did openly appoint Piso for his successour he declared to the people that the same custome had been obserued by most approued and ancient Princes Iugurth being adopted by Mycipsa succeeded him in the kingdome of Numidia and that by the iudgement as well of Mycipsa himselfe as of the Senate and people of Rome The holy histories report that Salomon gaue twentie cities to Hiram king of Tyre and if the argument be good from the part to the whole he might in like sort haue disposed of all his kingdome Who hath not heard of the donation falsly attributed to Constantine the great being in trueth the donation of Lewis sirnamed the pious whereby he gaue to Pope Paschal the citie of Rome and a large territorie adioyning vnto it the instrument of which gift Volaterrane doth recite So the Ladie Matild daughter to Roger the most famous Prince of Cicilie and wife to king Conrade sonne to Henrie the 4. Emperour gaue the Marquisate of Apulia to the Bishop of Rome which when the Emperour Otho the 4. refused to deliuer hee was for that cause excommunicate by the Pope In like sort the countrey of Daulphin was giuen by Prince Vmbert to the King of France vpon condition that the eldest sonne of France should afterward be called Daulphine Lastly the Dukes first auncestor Rollo receiued the Dukedome of Normandie by donation of Charles King of France And himselfe held the Countie of Maine by
that as he rode in chase hee was hanged vpon the bow of a tree by the chaps others more probably doe write that he perished by a fal from his horse He was buried at Winchester with this inscription Hic iacet Richardus filius Wilielmi senioris Berniae Dux William did succeed next to his father in the Kingdome of England To Henry the King gaue at the time of his death fiue thousand pounds out of his treasure but gaue him neither dignitie nor lands foretelling that hee should enioy the honour of both his brothers in time and farre excel them both in dominion and power Whether this was deuised vpon euent or whether some doe prophesie at their death or whether it was coniecturally spoken or whether to giue contentment for the present it fell out afterward to be true For hee succeeded William in the Kingdome of England and wrested Normandie out of the possession of Robert Of these two I shall write more fully hereafter His daughter Cicelie was Abbesse of Caen in Normandie Constance was married to Allen Fergant Earle of Britaine Adela was wife to Stephen Earle of Blois to whom she bare Stephen who after the death of Henry was King of England Margaret was promised in marriage to Harold she died before hee attained the Kingdome for which cause he held himselfe discharged of that oath which he had made to the Duke her father Elianor was betroathed to Alphonso King of Gallicia but she desired much to die a Virgine for this she daily prayed and this in the end she did obtaine After her death her knees appeared brawnie and hard with much kneeling at her deuotions Assuredly it will be hard to find in any one Familie both greater Valour in sonnes and more Vertue in daughters In the beginning of this Kings reigne either no great accidents did fall or else they were obscured with the greatnesse of the change none are reported by the writers of that time In the fourth yeere of his reigne Lanfranke Abbot of Caen in Normandie but borne in Pauie a Citie of Lumbardie was made Archbishop of Canterbury And Thomas a Norman and Chanon of Bayon was placed in the Sea of Yorke Betweene these two a controuersie did arise at the time of their consecration for prioritie in place but this contention was quieted by the King and Thomas for the time subscribed obedience to the Archb. of Canterbury After this they went to Rome for their Palles where the question for Primacie was againe renued or as some affirme first moued before Pope Alexander The Pope vsed them both with honorable respect and especially Lanfrank to whom he gaue two Palles one of honour and the other of loue but their controuersie he referred to be determined in England About two yeeres after it was brought before the King and the Clergie at Windsore The Archbishop of Yorke alleadged that when the Britaine 's receiued the Christian faith in the time of Lucius their King Eleutherius then Bishop of Rome sent Faganus and Damianus vnto them who ordeined 28. Bishops and two Archbishops within the Realme one of London and the other of Yorke Vnder these the Church of Britaine was gouerned almost three hundred yeeres vntill they were subdued by the Saxons The Saxons remained Infidels vntill Gregorie Bishop of Rome sent Augustine vnto them By his preaching Ethelbert King of Kent was first conuerted to the Christian faith By reason whereof Augustine was made Archbishop of Douer by appointment of Pope Gregorie who sent vnto him certaine Palles with his letter from Rome By this letter it is euident that Gregorie intended to reduce the Church of the Saxons to the same order wherein it was among the Britaines namely to be vnder twelue Bishops and two Archbishops one of London and the other of Yorke Indeede he gaue to Augustine during his life authority and iurisdiction ouer all Bishops and Priests in England but after his decease he ioyneth these two Metropolitanes in equall degree to constitute Bishops to ouersee the Church to consult and dispose of such things as appertaine to the gouernement thereof as in former times among the Britaines Betweene these he put no distinction in honour but only as they were in prioritie of time and as he appointeth London to be consecrated by no Bishop but of his own Synod so he expresseth that the Bishop of Yorke should not bee subiect to the Bishop of London And albeit Augustine for the reason before mentioned translated the Sea from London to Douer yet if Gregorie had intended to giue the same authoritie to the successours of Augustine which hee gaue vnto him he would haue expressed it in his Epistle but in that he maketh no mention of his successours he concludeth or rather excludeth them by his silence The Archbishop of Canterbury alleaged that from the time of Augustine vntill the time of Bede which was about 140. yeeres the Bishops of Canterburie which in ancient time said he was called Douer had the Primacie ouer the whole land of Britaine and of Ireland that they did call the Bishops of Yorke to their Councels which diuers times they kept within the Prouince of Yorke that some Bishops of Yorke they did constitute some excommunicate and some remoue He alleaged also diuers priuiledges granted by Princes for the Primacie of that Sea diuers graunted from the Apostolike Sea to confirme this dignitie in the successours of Augustine that it is reason to receiue directions of well liuing from whence we first receiued directions of right beleeuing therfore as the Bishop of Canterbury was subiect to the Bishop of Rome because hee had his faith from thence for the very same cause the Bishop of Yorke should be in subiection to the Bishop of Canterbury that like as the Lord said that to all the Bishops of Rome which hee said to S. Peter so that which Gregorie said to Augustine hee said likewise to all his successours And whereas much is spoken of the Bishop of London what is that to the Archbishop of Canterbury For neither is it certaine that Augustine was euer resident at London neither that Gregorie appointed him so to be In the end it was decreed That Yorke for that time should be subiect to Canterburie that wheresoeuer within England the Archbishop of Canterburie should hold his Councell the Archbishop of Yorke should come vnto it with the Bishops of his Prouince and be obedient to his decrees that when the Archbishop of Canterburie should decease the Archbishop of Yorke should goe to Canterburie to consecrate him that should succeed that if the Archbishop of Yorke should decease his successour should goe to Canterbury or to such place as the Archbishop of Canterburie should appoint there to receiue his Consecration making first his oath of Canonicall obedience And thus was the contention for this first time taken vp but in succeeding times it was often renued and much busied the Clergie of the Realme In the ninth yeere of the
words for his sufficiencies for diuers vertues especially for that hee did alwayes stand firmely by him alwayes declare himselfe both a faithfull Subiect and dutifull sonne It was also coniectured by some that the King was guided in this choise no lesse by his iudgement then by his affection for that he esteemed the fierce disposition of his sonne William more fit to gouerne a people not well setled in subiection then the flexible and milde nature of his eldest sonne Robert So William taking his last leaue of his father who was then taking his last leaue of this world iourneyed towards England and in short time arriued at the port called Whitesand where he receiued the first report of his fathers death Hereupon with all speed hee posted to Lanfranck deliuered his fathers letters and foorthwith was declared King vpon the 9. day of September in the yere 1087. and vpon the first of October next ensuing was by the same Lanfranck with al ceremonies and solemnities perteining to that action crowned at Westminster Robert either by negligence and want of foresight or by the perpetuall malice of his destinie or happily not without his fathers contriuance was absent in Germanie whilest his yonger brother William did thus possesse himselfe both of the Kingdome of his father and of his treasure Otherwise he wanted neither pretence nor purpose nor fauour of friends to haue empeached his brothers proceedings For it was then doubted by many and since hath bene by many debated whether in any case vpon any cause or consideration whatsoeuer a King hath power to disinherite his eldest sonne and to appoint another to succeed in his estate That a King may aduance any of his sonnes to bee his successour without respect of prioritie in birth there seemeth to want neither warrant of example nor weight of authoritie Dauid a man greatly prooued and approoued by God did preferre Solomon to succeede him before his eldest sonne Adonia And in like sort Rehoboam the sonne of Solomon appointed the yongest of all his sonnes to succeed him in the Kingdome So some Lawyers affirme That a King may determine in his life which of his sonnes shall reigne after him But this must be vnderstood either when a State is newly raised to the title of a kingdome or else when by Conquest Vsurpation or some other meanes of change the gouernment thereof is newly transferred from one stemme to another For then because there is no certaine Law or Custome of succession in force the right seemeth to dâ—…pend vpon the disposition of the Prince And yet euen in this case the eldest or neerest cannot be excluded without iust cause For so when Iacob depriued his eldest sonne Reuben of his priuiledge of birth he expressed the cause For that he had defiled his fathers bed which fact of his Hierome applieth to the case in question So when Ptolemie the first King of Egypt commended the State to his yongest sonne he yeelded a reason for that which he did So Henrie the fourth Emperour crowned Henrie his yonger sonne King reiecting Conrade his eldest sonne for that hee had borne armes against him and ioyned in league with his open enemies But when by expresse Lawe or long grounded Custome the Succession of a State is established to the eldest sonne the best approoued interpreters of the Canon and Ciuill law doe conclude that the father hath no power to inuert or peruert that course of order For parents may debarre their children of that which proceedeth from themselues of that which dependeth vpon their appointment but of that which is due by nature by the immutable law of the State the parents can haue no power to dispose When by a fundamentall Lawe or Custome of State Succession is annexed to the dignity of a Crowne according to prioritie in birth it followeth that so soone as the first borne commeth into light the right of succession is fixed in him not in hope onely but also in habite whereof neither the father nor any other can dispossesse him And therefore when Prusias intended to depriue his eldest sonne Nicomedes of his prerogatiue of birth and to preferre his yonger sonnes which he had by another wife in succession before him he could not assure it by any meanes but by determining the death of Nicomedes which Nicomedes to preuent dispoiled his father both of kingdom and of life Ptolemie the first King of Egypt of that name who after the death of Alexander the great possessed himselfe of Egypt part of Arabia and of Affrick left his kingdom to the yoÌ„gest of his sons but afterward when Ptolemie surnamed Phiscon vpon the importunity of his wife Cleopatra attempted the like the kingdome being then setled in succession the people opposed reuersed his order after his death So Pepine after hee had made seisure of the kingdome of France ordered all things which he thought necessary for the suerty therof disposed the succession therein by his Testament leauing the Realme of Noion to his sonne Charles and to Carloman his other sonne the Realme of Soissons The like was done by some other of the first Kings of his race But since that time the custome hath been strongly stablished that the kingdome passeth entirely to the eldest sonne and possessions are assigned to the rest vnder the name of Appanage And therefore the French writers affirme that the eldest sonne of France cannot be depriued of succession vpon any cause of ingratitude against his parents and that if the King should institute his eldest sonne yet cannot hee take the kingdome by force of his fathers guift but onely by the immutable law of the Realme Yea Girard writeth of Charlâ—â— the simple that hee was King of France before hee was borne And in this regard the Glossographer vpon the Decrees noteth that the sonne of a King may bee called King during the life of his father as wanting nothing but administration And the same also doth Seruius note out of Virgil where hee saith of Aescanius regémque requirunt his father Aeneas being then aliue Now then for that the right of Succession to the Crowne of England was not at that time so surely setled as it hath been since but had waued in long vncertainetie First in the Heptarchie of the Saxons and English afterward betweene the English and the Danes and was then newly possessed by the Normane and that chiefly by the sword For that also Robert the Kings eldest sonne gaue iust cause of offence by bearing armes against his father it may seeme that the King might lawfully direct the succession to his second sonne And yet because as Herodotus saith It is a generall custome amongst all men that the first in birth is next in succession because as Baldus affirmeth Semper fuit semper erit c. Alwayes it hath been and alwayes it shall bee that the first borne succeedeth in
inconuenience by disturbing a setled forme of gouernment to open an entrance for all disorders wherein ambition and insolencie two riotous humours may range at large For as euill is generally of that nature that it cannot stand but by supportance of another euill and so multiplieth in it selfe vntill it doth ruine with the proper weight so mindes hauing once exceeded the strict bounds of obedience cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another vntil they haue inuolued the whole State in confusion BVt now to returne to the person and gouernment of this King William He was a man of meane stature thicke and square bodied his belly swelling somewhat round his face was red his haire deepely yealow by reason whereof he was called Rufus his forehead foure square like a window his eyes spotted and not one like the other his speech vnpleasant and not easily vttered especially when he was mooued with anger He was of great abilitie in body as well for naturall strength as for hardinesse to endure all ordinary extremities both of trauaile and of want In Armes he was both expert and aduenturous full of inward brauerie and fiercenesse neuer dismayed alwayes forward and for the most part fortunate in counsaile sudden in performance a man not doubting to vndertake any thing which inuincible valour durst promise to atchieue Hee had bene bred with the sword alwayes in action alwayes on the fauourable hand of Fortune so as albeit he was but yong yet was he in experience well grounded for inuention subtill in counsaile quicke in execution resolute wise to foresee a danger and expedite to auoid it In a word the generall reputation of his valour and celeritie made him esteemed one of the best Chiefetaines in his time His behauiour was variable and inconstant earnest in euery present passion and for the most part accompanying the disposition of his mind with outward demonstrations Of nature he was rough haughtie obstinate inuincible which was much enlarged both by his soueraigntie and youth so singular in his owne conceit that he did interprete it to his dishonour that the world should deeme that he did not gouerne by his owne iudgement In publicke he composed his countenance to a stately terrour his face sowerly swelling his eyes truculent his voyce violent and fierce scarce thinking himselfe Maiesticall in the glasse of his vnderstanding but when he flashed feare from his presence And yet in priuate he was so affable and pleasant that he approched neere the degree of leuitie much giuen to scoffing and passing ouer many of his euill actions with a ieast In all the other carriages of his life he maintained no stable and constant course but declared himselfe for euery present as well in vertue as in vice strong violent extreeme In the beginning of his reigne he was esteemed a most accomplished Prince and seemed not so much of power to bridle himselfe from vice as naturally disposed to abhorre it Afterwards either with variation of times or yeelding to the pleasures which prosperity vseth to ingender euen in moderate minds or perhaps his nature beginning to disclose that which hee had cunningly concealed before corruptions crept vp and he waued vncertainely betweene vertue and vice Lastly being imboldned by euill teachers and by continuance both of prosperitie and rule he is said to haue made his height a priuiledge of loosenesse and to haue abandoned himselfe to all licentious demeanour wherein he seemed little to regard God and nothing man Assuredly there is no greater enemie to great men then too great prosperitie in their affaires which taketh from them all iudgement and rule of themselues which maketh them ful of libertie and bould to doe euill And yet I cannot conceiue that this King was so bould so carelesse so shamelesse in vices as many writers doe report It is certaine that hee doubted of some points of Religion at that time without any great contradiction professed and namely of praying to Saints worshipping of Reliques such like It is certain also that out of policie in State he endeuoured to abate the tumorous greatnes of the Clergie at that time as well in riches as in authority and power with the people and that he attributed not so much to the Sea of Rome as diuers Kings before him had done Insomuch as he restrained his subiects from going to Rome and withheld the annuall paiment of Peter pence and was oftentimes heard to giue foorth that they follow not the trace of S. Peter they greedily gape after gifts and rewards they retein not his power whose pietie they do not imitate These were causes sufficient for the writers of his time who were for the most part Clergie-men to enlarge his vices beyond the trueth to surmise many vices vntruely to wrest his true vertues to be vices And this I doe the rather coniecture for that I doe not find his particular actions of like nature with the generall imputation which is cast vpon him for that also I finde the chieâ—…e of these generall imputations to bee these That he was grieuous to the Church of no deuotion to God preferring respect of temporall state before the rules of the Gospel Verely it is hard to doe that which will beare a cleere beauty in the eyes of all men and if our actions haue not the fauour of time and the opinion of those men who doe estimate and report them they are much dimmed with disgrace Out of all doubt he was a magnanimous Prince mercifull and liberall and in martiall affaires most expert diligent and prosperous wise to contriue his best aduantage and most couragious to atchieue it But two things chiefly obscured his glory one the incomparable greatnesse of his father to whom he did immediatly succeede the other was the prowesse of those men against whom he did contend in armes especially of Malcolme King of Scots and of Robert Duke of Normandie To these I may adde that hee died in the principall strength and flourish of his age before his iudgement had full command ouer his courage Many doe attribute his excellent beginnings to Lanfranck Archb. of Canterburie who during the time of his life partly by authoritie and partly by aduise supported the vnstable yeeres and disposition of the King which after the death oâ—… Lanfranck returned by degrees to their proper sway But I do rather attribute many of his first vertues to the troubles which happened in the very entrance of his reigne which partly by employment and partly by feare held his inclination in some restraint For Odo Bishop of Baion and Earle of Kent the Kings vncle by the mothers side had drawen the greatest part of all the Prelates and Nobilitie that were Normans into a dangerous confederacie against the King to deiect him from his Srate and to aduance Robert his elder brother for their King The secret cause of this conspiracie was partly vpon a generall discontentment at the great though worthy estimation and authoritie a
vp the reputation of the enterprise And further hee prepared a nauie to guard the seas and to impeach the passage of his brother into England Hee prepared great forces also by meanes of the treasure which his father had left and disposed them in places conuenient either to preuent or to represse these scattered tumults But the successe of his affaires was by no meanes so much aduanced as by Lanfranck Archbishop of Canterbury and by Woolstane Bishop of Worcester the authority of which two men the one for his learning wisedome and mild moderation the other for his simple sanctitie and integritie of life was greatly regarded by all sorts of people By encouragement of Woolstane not onely the citie of Worcester was maintained in firme condition for the King but his enemies receiued there a famous foyle the greatest part being slaine and the residue dispersed This was the first sad blow which the confederates tooke afterward they declined mainely and the King as mainly did increase The King in person led his chiefe forces into Kent against Odo his vncle the principall firebrand of all this flame Hee tooke there the castle of Tunbridge and of Pemsey which Odo had fortified and lastly hee besieged Odo himselfe in the castle of Rochester and with much trauell tooke him prisoner and compelled him to abiure the Realme Vpon these euents the Bishop of Durham aduising onely with feare and despaire fled out of the Realme but after three yeeres he was againe restored to the dignitie of his Sea The residue did submit themselues to the Kings discretion and were by him receiued all to pardon some to gracious and deare account For in offences of so high nature pardon neuer sufficeth to assure offenders vnlesse by further benefits their loyaltie bee bound Robert Duke of Normandy was busied all this time in making preparation for his iourney into England but his delayes much abated the affections of those who fauoured either his person or cause At the length hauing made vp a competent power he committed to sea where his infelicities concurring with his negligence diuers of his ships which he had sent somewhat before him to assure the confederats of his approach were set vpon and surprised by the nauie of King William After this hee arriued in England sent vnto many of his secret friends and made his comming knowen vnto all but no man resorted to him he receiued no aduertisement from any man but plainely found that by the fortunate celeritie of King William the heart of the conspiracie in all places was broken So the Duke returned into Normandie hauing then good leisure to looke into the errour of his leisurely proceedings When the King had in this sort either wisely reconciled or valiantly repressed his domesticall enemies because an vnperfect victory is alwayes the seede of a new warre he followed his brother with a mighty armie and remoued the seate of the warre into Normandie For he coniectured as in trueth it fell out that the Duke his brother vpon his returne would presently disperse his companies for want of money and for the same cause would not easily be able to draw them together againe So his valour and his power being much aduantaged by his sudden comming ioyned to the want of foresight and preparation in the Duke he tooke in short time the Castles of Walerick and Aubemarle with the whole Countrey of Eu the Abbacie of Mount S. Michael Fescampe Chereburge and diuers other places which he furnished with men of Armes and Souldiers of assured trust The Duke feeling his owne weakenesse dealt with Philip King of France and by liberall promises so preuailed with him that he descended into Normandie with a faire Armie and bent his siege against one of those pieces which K. William had taken But he found it so knottie a piece of worke that in short time wearied with hardnesse and hazards of the field he fell to a capitulation with King William and so departed out of Normandie receiuing a certaine summe of money in regard of his charges and conceiuing that he had won honour ynough in that no honour had bene won against him The money that was payd to the King of France was raised in England by this deuise King William commanded that 20. Thousand men should be mustered in England and transported into Normandie to furnish his warres against the French When they were conducted neere to Hastings and almost ready to be embarked it was signified to them from the King that aswell for their particular safeties as not to disfurnish the Realme of strength whosoeuer would pay 10. shillings towards the waging of Souldiers in Normandie he might be excused to stay at home Among 20. Thousand scarce any was found who was not ioyfull to embrace the condition who was not ready to redeeme his aduenture with so small a summe which being gathered together was both a surer and easier meanes to finish the warres then if the King had still struggeled by force of Armes For when the French King had abandoned the partie Duke Robert being prepared neither with money nor constancie of mind to continue the warre enclined to peace which at the last by diligence of friends was concluded betweene the two brothers vpon these conditions That the Duke should yeeld to the King the Countie of Eu the Abbey of Fescampe the Abbey of S. Michaels mount Chereburge and all other Castles and fortifications which the King had taken That the King should subdue to the vse of the Duke all other Castles and houldes which had reuolted from him in Normandie That the King should giue to the Duke certaine dignities and possessions in England That the King should restore all those to their dignities and lands in England who had taken part with the Duke against him That if either of them should die without issue male the suruiuour should succeed in his estate These Articles were confirmed by twelue Barons on the Kings part and as many on the part of the Duke so long obserued as either of them wanted either power or pretence to disanull them This peace being made the Duke vsed the aide of King William to recouer the fort of Mount S. Michael which their brother Henrie did forceably hold for the money which hee had lent to the Duke of Normandie Fourtie dayes they layed siege to this castle hauing no hope to carrie it but by the last necessity which is hunger Within the compasse of this time as the King straggled alone vpon the shoare certaine horsemen salied foorth and charged vpon him of whom three strooke him together so violently with their lances as because he could not be driuen out of his saddle together with his saddle he was cast vpon the ground and his horse slaine vpon the place for which he had payed the same day 15. markes Extremitie of danger as it often happeneth tooke from the King all feare of danger wherefore taking vp his saddle with both his hands he
be not satisfied and apt to breake forth into dangerous attempts Of those who any wayes declared themselues in his fauour or defence some were despoiled of their goods some were banished the Realme others were punished with losse of their eyes or of their eares or of some other part of their bodie William d'Owe was accused in a Councell holden at Salisbury to bee a complice of this Treason And albeit he challenged his accuser to the combate yet his eyes were pulled out and his stones cut off by commandement of the King And yet some authours affirme that he was ouercome in combate before For the same cause the King commanded William Aluerie to be hanged a man of goodly personage and modest behauiour the Kings â—…ewer his Aunts sonne and hiâ—… godfather Before his execution hee desired to be whipped through manie Churches in London he distributed his garments to the poore and bloodied the street as he went with often kneeling vpon the stones At the time of his death he tooke it vpon the charge of his soule that he was cleere of the offence for which he suffered And so committing his innocencie to God and to the world his complaints he submitted himselfe to the Executioners hands leauing an opinion in some a suspition in many that others also died without desert For the king gaue an easie eare to any man that would appeach others for his aduantage whereby it sometimes happened that offenders were acquited by accusing innocents He was liberall aboue measure either in regard of his owne abilities or of the worthinesse of the receiuers Especially hee was bountifull if that terme may be applyed to immoderate lauishing to men of warre for which cause many resorted to him from farre Countries for entertainement To winne and retaine the fauour of these hee much impouerished his peaceable people From many he tooke without iustice to giue to others without desert esteeming it no vnequall dealing that the money of the one should bee aduentured and expended with the blood of the other He much exceeded in sumptuousnes of diet and of apparell wherewith great men vse to dazel the eyes of the people both which waies he esteemed the goodnesse of things by their price It is reported that when his Chamberlaine vpon a certaine morning brought him a new paire of hose the King demaunded what they cost and the Chamberlaine answered three shillings Hereat the King grew impatient and said What heauie beast doest thou take these to be conuenient hose for a King Away begger and bring me other of a better price Then the Chamberlaine departed and brought a farre worse paire of hose for a better could not at that time bee found and told the king that they cost a marke The king not onely allowed them for fine enough but commended them also as exceeding fit Assuredly this immoderate excesse of a King is now farre exceeded by many base shifting vnthrifts In building his expences were very great He repaired the Citie and Castle of Caerlile which had been wasted by the Danes 200. yeres before Hee finished New castle vpon Tine Many other Castles he erected or repaired vpon the frontiers of Scotland many also vpon the frontiers and within the very brest of Wales Hee much enlarged the Towre of London and enuironed it with a new wall Hee also built the great Hall at Westminster which is 270. foote in length and 74. foote in breadth And when many did admire the vast largenes thereof he would say vnto them that it was but a bed chamber but a closet in comparison of that which he intended to build And accordingly he layd the foundation of another Hall which stretched from the Riuer Thames to the Kings high street the further erection wherof with diuers other heroicall enterprises ceased together with his life Thus partly by reason of his infinite plots and inuentions and partly by his disorders and vnbrideled liberalities he alwayes liued at great charges and expences which whilest the large treasure lasted which his father left him were borne without grieuance to the subiects But when that was once drained he was reduced to seeke money by extraordinary meanes So many hard taxes were laidvpon the people partly for supplie to his owne necessities and partly to imitate the policie of his father that the people being busied how to liue should reteine small either leisure or meanes to contriue innouations For this cause he was supposed vpon purpose to haue enterprised many actions of charge that thereby he might haue colour to impose both imployments and taxations vpon the people And because the riches of the clergie at that time were not onely an eye-sore vnto many but esteemed also by some to bee very farre aboue due proportion Hee often fleeced them of great summes of money For which cause it is euident that the writers of that age who were for the most part Clergie men did both generally enueigh against him and much depraue his particular actions He withheld his annuall paiment to the Sea of Rome vpon occasion of a Schisme betweene Vrbane at Rome and Clement at Rauenna He claimed the inuestiture of Prelates to be his right Hee forbade Appeales and entercourse to Rome For which and other like causes he had a very great contention with the Clergie of his Realme especially with Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury The seedes of this contention were cast when Anselme was first receiued to his Sea For at that time two did striue for the Papacie of Rome Vrbanus and Guibert called Clement the third some Christian States fauouring the one and some the other King William inclined to Clement the third and with him the Realme generally went but Anselme did fully goe with Vrbane making so his condition before he did consent to accept his dignitie When he was elected and before his consecration the King demanded of him that such lands of the Church of Canterbury as the King had giuen to his friends since the death of Lanfranck might still be held by them as their lawfull right but to this Anselme would in no case agree Hereupon the King stayed his consecration a certaine time but at length by importunitie of the people hee was content to receiue his homage and to giue way to his consecration Not long after the Archbishop desired licence of the king to goe to Rome to receiue his Pall which when the King refused to grant he appealed to the Sea of Rome Now this was the first Appeale that euer before had been made in England For Appeales were not here in ordinarie vse vntil after this time vnder the reigne of King Stephen when Henrie Bishop of Wint. being the Popes Legate brought them in Wherefore the King offended with this noueltie charged Anselme with breach of his fealtie and oath Anselme answered that this was to be referred to the iudgement of a Councell whether it bee a breach of allegiance to a terrene Prince if a man appeale to the
of his angry wordes but to men of moderate iudgement hee would make it appeare that hee entended no more in offending him then to prouide for defending himselfe So the Duke obseruing few complements but such as were spiced with anger and disdaine returned into Normandie associated to him the English exiles and made preparation for his defence The King followed with a great power and found him in good appointment of armes nothing inferiour to the King in resolute courage but farre inferiour both in number of men and in fine contriuance of his affaires For the King had purchased assured intelligence among those that were neerest both in place and counsaile to the Duke in whom the Duke found treacherie euen when he reposed most confident trust Herewith Pope Paschal to attaine his purpose in England for deuesting the King of inuesting Bishops did not onely allow this enterprise for lawful but encouraged the King that hee should doe thereby a noble and a memorable benefit to his Realme So many stiffe battels were executed betweene them with small difference of aduantage at the first but after some continuance the Dukes side as it commonly happeneth to euill managed courage declined dayly by reason of his dayly increase of wants At the last the Duke wearied and ouerlayed both with company of men and cunning working resolued to bring his whole state to the stake and to aduenture the same vpon one cast committing to Fortune what valour and industry could bring forth The king being the Inuader thought it not his part to shrinke from the shocke being also aduertised that the French King prepared to relieue the Duke On the Dukes side disdaine rage and reuenge attended vpon hate the King retained inuincible valour assured hope to ouercome grounded vpon experience how to ouercome They met vpon the same day of the moneth iust 40. yeeres after the great battaile of William the first against King Harold of England The Kings footemen farre exceeding their enemies in number began the charge in small and scattering troupes lightly assayling where they could espie the weakest resistance But the Dukes Armie receiued them in close and firme order so as vpon the losse of many of the foremost the residue began somewhat to retire And now whether the Duke had cause or whether confidence the inseparable companion of courage perswaded him that he had cause he supposed that hee had the best of the field and that the victory was euen in his hand But suddenly the King with his whole forces of horse charged him in flanke and with great violence brake into his battaile Herewith the footmen also returned and turned them all to a ruinous rout The Duke performed admirable effects of valour and so did most of the English exiles as fearing ouerthrow worse then death But no courage was sufficient to sustaine the disorder the Normans on euery hand were chased ruffled and beaten downe Hereupon the Dukes courage boyling in choller hee doubled many blowes vpon his enemies more furiously driuen then well placed and set and pressing vp hardly among them was suddenly engaged so farre that hee could not possibly recouer himselfe So he was taken manfully fighting or as some other authours affirme was beastly betrayed by his owne followers With him were also taken the Earle of Mortaigne William Crispine William Ferreis Robert Estotiuill with foure hundred men of armes and ten thousand ordinary souldiers The number of the slaine on both sides is not reported by any authour but all authours agree that this was the most bloody medly that euer had been executed in Normandie before portended as it is thought by a Comet and by two full Moones which late before were seene the one in the East and the other in the West After this victorie the King reduced Normandie entirely into his possession and annexed it to the Realme of England Then hee built therein many Castles and planted garrisons and with no lesse wisedome assured that State then with valour he had wonne it When he had setled all things according to his iudgement he returned into England brought with him his brother Robert and committed him to safe custodie in the Castle of Cardiff But either by reason of his fauourable restraint or else by negligence or corruption of his keepers he escaped away and fled for his libertie as if it had been for his life Notwithstanding this proued but a false fauour or rather a true flatterie or scorne of Fortune For being sharply pursued he was taken againe sitting vpon horsebacke his horse legs fast locked in deep tough clay Then hee was committed to straight and close prison his eyes put out as if hee should not see his miserie and a sure guard set vpon him Thus he remained in desolate darkenesse neither reuerenced by any for his former greatnesse not pitied for his present distresse Thus hee continued about 27. yeeres in a life farre more grieuous then death euen vntill the yere before the death of King Henrie So long was he a suitor in wooing of death so long did the one brother ouerliue his good fortune the other his good nature and disposition esteeming it a faire fauour that the vttermost extremitie was not inflicted Albeit some writers doe affirme that the Dukes eyes were not violently put out but that either through age or infirmitie he fell blind that he was honourably attended and cared for that hauing digested in his iudgement the worst of his case the greatnesse of his courage did neuer descend to any base degree of sorrow or griefe that his braue behauiour did set a Maiestie vpon his deiected fortunes that his noble heart like the Sunne did shew greatest coūtenance in lowest state And to this report I am the more inclineable for that it agreeth best both to the faire conditions and to the former behauiours and to the succeeding fortunes and felicities of the King For assuredly hee had a heart of manly clemencie and this was a punishment barbarously cruell For which cause Constantine did forbid that the face of man adorned with Celestiall beauty should be deformed for any offence Others auow that he was neuer blind but that it was the Earle of Mortaigne whose eyes were put out And this seemeth to be confirmed by that which Matth. Paris and Matth. Westm doe report That not long before the death of Robert the King vpon a festiuall day had a new robe of Scarlet brought vnto him the cape whereof being somewhat too streight for his head he did teare a little in striuing to put it on And perceiuing that it would not serue hee laid it aside and said Let my brother Robert haue this Robe for whose head it is fitter then for mine When it was caried vnto him being then not perfectly in health he espied the crackt place and thereupon enquired if any man had worne it before The messenger declared the whole matter Which when Robert heard he tooke it for a great indignitie
estranged himselfe as it was enterpreted to be a reuolt being charged with intent to aduance William cousin to William sonne to Robert Curtcuise to the Duchie of Normandie Wherefore the King besieged and at last tooke his chiefe Castle called Pont. Audomer and at the same time enuironed the towre of Roan with a wall He also repaired and fortified the Castles of Caen Arches Gisore Falace Argentine Donfronç Oxine Aubrois Nanroye Iuta and the Towne of Vernone in such sort as at that time they were esteemed impregnable and not to bee forced by any enemie except God or gold In the meane time the Earle of Mellent with Hugh Geruase his sonne and Hugh de Mountfort his sisters sonne calling such as either alliance or friendship did draw vnto them besides those whom youthful either age or minds had filled with vnlimited desires whom discontentment also or want did vainly feed with hungry hopes entred into Normandy in armes being so transported with desire to hurt and troubled with feare of receiuing hurt that they had neuer free scope of iudgement either to prepare or manage the meanes to hurt They were no sooner entred the Confines of Normandie but William Tankeruill the kings Chamberlaine came against them brauely appointed and resolute to fight The very view of an enemie turned their euill guided furie into a feare and whatsoeuer they did proceeding rather from violence of passion then ground of reason made them stumble whilest they ran and by their owne disorders hindered their owne desires So with small difficultie they were surprised and taken and brought to the King who committed them to streit prison at Roan An ordinary euent when rage runneth faster then iudgement and power are able to hold pace About this time Charles Earle of Flanders as he was at his deuotions in the Church of S. Donatus in Bruxels was suddenly slaine by conspiracie of his owne people And because hee left no issue in life Lewes King of France inuested William sonne to Robert Curtcuis late Duke of Normandie in the Earledome of Flanders as descended from Earle Baldwine sirnamed the Pious whose daughter Matilde was wife to King William the first and grandmother to this William This he did not so much in fauour to William or in regard of his right as to set vp an assured enemie against King Henry an enemie not onely of singular expectation but proofe whose courage was apt to vndertake any danger whether for glory or for reuenge And herein his proiect did nothing faile For no sooner was the Earle aduanced to that estate but he raised a great hostilitie against the King of England as well to recouer the Duchie of Normandie as either to relieue or to reuenge the hard captiuitie of his father In this warre the Earle did winne a great opinion both for iudgement to discerne and for valour to execute what hee did discerne shewing himselfe in nothing inferiour to his vnckle the king but onely in treasure and command of men For this cause he craued supply of Lewes king of France who as he was the first that blew the cole so was he alwayes ready to put fuell to the flame But the King of England entered France with a strong Armie where his sword ranged and raged without resistance and yet more in prosecution of prey then in execution of blood He lodged at Hesperdune the space of 8. dayes no lesse quietly no lesse safely then if he had bene in the principall Citie of his kingdome By this meanes hee kept the French King from sending succour to the Earle of Flanders And in the meane season drew Theodoricke Earle of Holsteine nephew to Robert who had bene Earle of Flanders and Arnoldus sisters sonne to Earle Charles not long before slaine to inuade Earle William Both pretending title to his dignitie both bringing seueral armies consisting of men tough in temper and well exercised in affaires of the field Theodorick vpon his first approch tooke Bruges Ipres and Gandt either willingly yeelding or with small resistance and vpon the necke thereof Arnoldus tooke the strong towne of S. Omer Earle William being thus set as it were betweene the beetle and the blocke was nothing deiected nothing dismayed either in courage or in hope And first he went against Arnoldus with a small company but with such a liuely countenance of a Souldier that Arnoldus fell to capitulation for his safe departure and so returned home as if he had bene vanquished Then the Earle made head against Theodorick and gaue him battaile albeit farre inferious to him both for number and furniture of his men The fight betweene them was long furious and doubtfull The Germans confident in their number which made them trust the lesse to their valour the Flemings rather desperate then resolute vpon importance of their danger And indeed it often happeneth that good successe at the first doeth occasion the ouerthrow of many great actions by working in the one side a confidence in themselues and contempt of their enemies and by making the other more earnest and entire So at the last the violent valour of the Earle well followed with the braue and resolute rage of his Souldiers did such effects that the Germans were shaken and disordered many slaine in the field and the residue chased out of Flanders The Earle hauing now no enemie in open field layed siege to the castle of Alhurst which was defended against him by the English The assaults were so liuely enforced and with such varietie of inuention and deuise that a wide way was opened through all impediments and the defendants were constrained by many necessities to desire faire conditions of yeelding This whilest the Earle delayed to grant he receiued in a certaine light cōflict a wound in his hand whereof in a short time after he died hauing first raised himselfe very high in opinion with all men for his courage industrie and skill in Armes And thus Duke Robert and his sonne William were brought to their vnhappy ends rather through the malice of their Fortune then through any bad merit or insufficiencie in themselues whereby the Duchie of Normandie which had bene both the cause and the seate of very great warres was then strongly setled in possession of King Henry Hee was neuer infested with domesticall warres which in regard of those tumultuous times is a manifest argument both of his iustice and prouidence the one not giuing cause the other no hope for his subiects to rebel The King of Scots did homage vnto him for what territories I doe not determine Morcard King of Ireland and some of his successors were so appliable vnto him that they seemed to depend vpon his command The Welsh who hated idlenesse and peace alike did striue beyond their strength to pull their feete out of the mire of subiection but in loose straggling companies without either discipline or head For this cause hee made diuers expeditions into Wales where he had many bickerings and put
no lesse sordide in his expences giuen to Magicall enchantments as many doe affirme On a certaine day as he slept vpon a cushion after dinner in his Garden at Southwell and many of his Chapleines walked neere him he was found in such a stiffe cold dead sleepe as will require the trumpe of an Archangel to awake him His face then looked with an ougly hell-burnt hue His body was caried to Yorke few vouchsafing to accompany none to meete it according to the vse of Exequies when it came to the Citie but the boyes in scorne throwing stones at the hearse He was basely buried without the Church without any funerall solemnities without any signe either of honour or of griefe Escapes Pag. Lin. Errat Correct 7 17 Tresuy Tresuy 15 7 for strength of defence of strength for defence 17 17 in hand with hand 41 12 Troiane Trâ—…iane 68 1 Beaumant Beaumonte 70 8 example excellent example 71 25 desiled deâ—…iled 75 7 Morcher Morchar 77 11 blow of an arrow bow and arrow 84 11 204 200  18 those these 102 5 become became  19 but vpon but by 104 13 Boline Bologne 113 4 Pontoife Pontoise 121 11 Castilion Chastilion 127 19 Bowe Bough 146 8 Aescanius Ascanius 188 4 rancks rancke 201 4 the place that place 209 in marg principium principum 216 in marg fata fato 260 7 hose house 279 8 this his 283 18 with great pleasure Dele a 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 simuâ—… d Adulatâ—… Lib. 3. in princ Ingulph lib. 6. cap. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euripâ—… Aâ—…drom Râ—â—h I. Râ—â—â— 2. I. Râ—â—ert I. William Emma I. Edward Heu vani mâ—…nitus â—…morantia Parcas Prodigia Lucan â—…o lib. 2. Eutr lib. 4. epit Liu. â—…9 Eutâ—… lib â—… epit 〈◊〉 â—… 〈…〉 Tâ—… lib. 〈◊〉 Tacit. Aâ—… 〈◊〉 Saiust bel 〈◊〉 1. Râ—…g 9. 〈◊〉 â—… â—…em cap. 22. Theod. Nehem. lib. â—… cap. 25. Aâ—…g l. creâ—…itor l. Claudius D qui 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 â—…a Moribus antiquis res stat Romanae Virisâ—…ue Aeneid Imperiumijs arâ—…bus facilâ—…me retinetâ—…r quibus partum est Sâ—…l Catil Quos vâ—…ceris â—…aue amicos tibi credas Curt. lib. 7. Tranquil in Calig Nicet pag. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrys. orat 76. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suid. dict 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agath lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Temperatus anim timâ—… est qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 siduus 〈◊〉 ad vinâ—…ctam excitat Senâ—… 1. de clemen Perfecto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scelâ—…re magnitudo eius intelligitur Tacit. xv Annal. 3. 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉 Baâ—…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7. § item 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 49. â—…ust lib. 16. Host. Iâ—… Anâ—… Collect. Pet. Anch. 〈◊〉 Imo. Card. Fâ—… fere 〈◊〉 nes in c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Voto L. si arrogatoâ—… D. de Arrog l. 3 de interd 〈◊〉 Io. And. in â—… significasti de 〈◊〉 comp Pan. cons. 85. li. 1. Molin consuet Paris tit 1. § 85. gl q. q 2. in fi Iust. lib. 34 Iust. lib. 〈◊〉 Pausan. lib. 1. Iustin lib 39. Glraâ—…d lib. 1. de l'estate D. Benedict in â—…ep c. Rainutius Verâ—… in eodem tâ—…stamento le 1. 〈◊〉 209. Io. dâ—… terr 〈◊〉 concl 9. 10. 11. 12. Li. 1 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de France In c. vlâ—… â—…4 â—… In Polybiuâ—… L. ex hoc D. 〈◊〉 Iust. 〈◊〉 In Epist. ad Oâ—…agr in gen 49. Chrys. hom 5. aduers. Iudaeos Glo. Pan. in c. 1 de cens Luc. Pen. in l. decurio c. de decu lib. 10. Gen. 4. â—… Deut. 21. 17. Exo. 13. 22. 34. Leuit. 27. Num. 3. 8. 18. Neh. 10. Ezeâ—…h 44. Luc. 2. 23. Io. â—…gn in 〈◊〉 An. Rex Fraâ—… câ—…ae recognosâ—…at superiorâ—…m 〈◊〉 28. Ang. in l cum Pretor § non autem D de Iudi. Ias. â—…n l. nemo D. de leg 1. L. 1. c. de tuâ—… vel cur Illustâ—… c. grandâ—… de sup negl 〈◊〉 Herodâ—…n Terpsych Herod ibidem Pausan. lib. 7. Plut. Aemil. in eius vita Oros. lib. 3. cap. 2. Plut. in Lisandr Ioseph Ant. 14. cap. 1. Liu. lib. â—… â—… belli Punâ—… â—… Allobrogâ—… Plut. in eâ—…u vita Mich. Ricciâ—… Cons. 20. 〈◊〉 â—… De l' estate de France lib. 1. Onely the Persians had rather a superstition theÌ„ a law that no man might be King who had but one eye for which cause Cosroes the sonne of Cabades was preferred before Bozi his elder brother Procop. lib. 1. Bald. cons. 389. l. 1. Socin cons. 47. l. 3. Card. Alex. in c. 1. tit an mut vel imperfect And. Isern in c. vlt. tit episc vel Abb. L. vlt. D. de senat l. 3. D. de interd rel l. 2. c. de libâ—…rt 〈◊〉 lib. l. Diui. D. de iure patr l. quaeritur D. de bo lib. Pan. cons. 85. l. 1. Iâ—… And. in c. significasti de fo comp 〈…〉 Nihilest quod maâ—… narrando non possit deprauarier 〈◊〉 Eun. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Râ—… puâ—…chra lingua cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Milites ditate reliquos omnes spernite Seuerus apud Dionem Concilium Baronense Haec conditio principium vt quicquid faciant praecipere videantur Quint. declam 4. Quae fata manent quamuis significata non vitantur Tacit. â—… hist. Seris venit vsus ab annis Ouid. 6. Metam In Polybâ—â— Iust. lib. 2. Plut. de fraterna beneuolentia Antiq. lib. 16 cap. 3. Guicc lâ—…b 1. Blond decad â—… lib. 2. Sâ—…geb in Chron. a L. neque Doroth. 61. l. doctiâ—…ij 63. l. neminem 64. curâ—… l. pen. vit C. de decur lib. 1â—… l. ex libera 6. C. suis legit b L. imperiâ—…lis 23. § â—…is â—…lud C. de nuâ—… 〈◊〉 quicunque 7. C. de princip agent in reâ—… c Leos qui. 65. D. de rit nupt l. Etsi 6. C. de nupt d L. senator 11. C. de dignit lib. 10 e L. emancipatum 7. D de Senat facit l. Diuo Marco 11. C. de quaest l. 3. D. de Interd rel l. 2. C. de lib. eâ—…r libâ—… f Gl. in d. l. Imperialis Bar. in l. si Senator C. de dig li. 12. Bald. in l. cum suis. D. de lib. posth Anch. Phil. Franc. in c. ne aliqui de priuil li. 6. 4. Ana. in c. 2. de Iudae facit l. ex libera C. de su le l. j. § fi D de bo po co 〈◊〉 l. si nequâ—… §. si deport D. de bon libert l. filij §. senatores D. ad municipia l. quicunque C de princ agen in reb lib. 12. ib. Luc. Pen. g In d. l. Impâ—…rialis §. illud h In l. si Senatâ—… C. de dign li. 12. i In c. liceâ—… de Vâ—…t k In c. ex tenorâ—… qui fil sunâ—… leg it l In l. 2. §. in â—…ilijs D. de Decu in l. moriâ—… § sed vtrum D de â—… oenis m Sing 50 â—… ib. addit n In tract pâ—…mogen o In c. Adrâ—… nus di 63. p In c. inter 〈◊〉 â—…eras de resâ—… q In l. bona 〈◊〉 des D. deposit r In tract 〈◊〉 bilitatis â—…art 3. ad fin s In tract de poten excellentia regiâ—… t Pet. laâ—… in arb succ Reg. Franc. lo. Ray in c. praetercà de prohi feud â—…li in tract nâ—…bil q. 10. â—…a à S. Georgio 〈◊〉 tract feud D. Benedict in 〈◊〉 c. Ramutiuâ—… 〈◊〉 200 de test In Artax Blond dec 2. lib. 6. Mich. Ritius de Reg. Hung. lib. 6. Lâ—…si quiâ—… 〈◊〉 poenis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 11. 14. Dunne a famous thiefe Sapien. 4. 3. Iam. 5 1â—…
his cause for that he was a manifest vsurper naked of all true title to the Crowne pretending onely as borne of the daughter of Hardicanutus the Dane Yea he was infamous both for his iniurie and periurie towards the Duke and no lesse hatefull for his disloyaltie in former times in bearing Armes with his father against King Edward Hereupon the Nobilitie of the Realme were broken into factions Many of whom his owne brother Tosto was chiefe inuited Harold King of Norway to inuade with whom whilest Harold of England was incountring in Armes the residue drew in Duke William out of Normandie And these also were diuided in respects Some were caried by particular ends as being prepared in diuers maner by the Normane before hand others vpon a greedy and for the most part deceiueable ambition in hunting after hazard and change others were led with loue to their Countrey partly to auoyd the tempest which they saw to gather in clouds against them and partly to enlarge the Realme both in dominion and strength by adioyning the Country of Normandie vnto it In which regard because the lesse doeth alwayes accrue to the greater they thought it more aduantageable to deale with a Prince of an inferiour state then with a Prince of a state superiour or equal As for Edgar Atheling the next successour to the Crowne in right of blood he was not of sufficient age of a simple wit and slow courage not gracious to the English as well for his imperfections both in yeeres and nature as for that he was altogether vnacquainted with the customes and conditions of their Countrey vnfurnished of forces and reputation vnfurnished of friends vnfurnished of all meanes to support his title So Duke William hauing better right then the one and more power then the other did easily cary the prize from both Now touching the state of his owne strength albeit Normandie was but little in regard of England yet was it neither feeble nor poore For the people by reason of their continuall exercise in Armes by reason of the weightie warres which they had managed were well inabled both in courage and skill for all Militarie atchieuements Their valour also had bene so fauoured by their Fortune that they were more enriched by spoile then drawne downe either with losses or with charge Hereupon when preparation was to be made for the enterprise of England although some disswaded the Duke from embracing the attempt affirming that it was a vaine thing to streine at that which the hand is not able to conteine to take more meat then the stomacke can beare that he who catcheth at matters too great is in great danger to gripe nothing Yet did others not onely encourage him by aduise but enable him by their aide Among which William Fitz-Auber did furnish 40. ships with men and munition The Bishop of Baieux likewise 40 the Bishop of Mans 30 and in like sort others according to the proportion of their estates And yet he drew not his forces onely out of Normandie but receiued aide from all parts of France answerable not onely to his necessitie but almost to his desire Philip King of France at that time was vnder age and Baldwine Earle of Flanders was gouernour of the Realme whose daughter the Duke had taken to wife By his fauour the Duke receiued large supplies from the state of France both in treasure and in men of warre for countenance whereof it was giuen foorth that the Duke should hold the Realme of England as hee did the Duchie of Normandie vnder homage to the Crowne of France Hereupon diuers Princes of France did adioyne to his aide and especially the Duke of Orleance the Earles of Britaine Aniou Boloigne Ponthieu Neuers Poictou Hiesmes Aumale and the Lord of Tours Many other of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen did voluntarily aduenture both their bodies and whole estates vpon the euent of this enterprise So greatly had he either by courtesie wonne the loue or by courage erected the hopes of all men yea of many who had bin his greatest enemies With these also the Emperour Henry 4. sent him certaine troupes of Souldiers commanded by a Prince of Almaine Hee receiued also many promises of fauour from Swaine King of Denmarke And who can assure for the sequele maketh the coniecture probable that he held not intelligence with Harold Harfager King of Norway to inuade England with two armies at once So partly by his owne Subiects and partly by supply from his Alleys and friends hee amassed a strong Armie consisting chiefly of Normans Flemings French and Britaines to the number of fiftie thousand men and brought them to S. Valeries before which Towne his ships did ride Here he stayed a certaine time attending the wind as most writers doe report but rather as it may be coniectured to awaite the arriuall of Harold Harfager K. of Norway knowing right well that the inuasion of Harold of Norway vpon the North parts of the realme would draw away Harold of England to leaue the coasts towards the South vndefended During his abode at S. Valeries certaine English espials were taken whom King Harold had sent to discouer both the purposes and power of the Duke When they were brought to his presence with a braue confidence he said vnto them Your Lord might well haue spared this charge hee needed not to haue cast away his cost to vnderstand that by your industrie and faith which my owne presence shall manifest vnto him more certainly more shortly then he doth expect Goe your wayes goe tell him from me If he find me not before the end of this yeere in the place where hee supposeth that hee may most safely set his foote let him neuer feare danger from mee whilest hee liue Many Normans disliked this open dealing of the Duke preferring to his iudgement the valour and experience of King Harold the greatnesse of his treasure the number and goodnes of his men but especially his strong Nauie and expert Saylers accustomed both to the fights and dangers of the Sea more then any other people in the world To these the Duke turned and sayd I am glad to heare this opinion run both of his prowesse and of his power the greater shall our glory bee in preuailing against him But I see right well that I haue small cause to feare his discouery of our strength when you who are so neere vnto mee discerne so little Rest your selues vpon the Iustice of your cause and foresight of your Commaunder Who hath lesse then hee who can iustly tearme nothing his owne I know more of his weakenesse then euer he shall know of my strength vntill he feele it Performe you your parts like men and he shall neuer be able to disappoint either my assurance or your hopes Now Harold King of England had prepared a fleet to resist the inuasion of the duke of Normandie but by reason of his long stay at S. Valeries speeches did spread whether by error or subornation
yea assured aduertisement was sent out of Flanders that he had for that yeere abandoned his enterprise In the meane time Harold Harfager King of Norway then whom no man was esteemed more valiant hauing assured both intelligence and aide out of England arriued in the mouth of Humber and from thence drawing vp against the streame of the riuer Owse landed at a place called Richhall Here he Marshalled his Armie and marched foorth into the Countrey and when hee came neere vnto Yorke he was encountred by the English led by Edwine and Morchar the principall commanders of all those quarters The fight was furious but in the end the English were ouerthrowne and with a great slaughter chases into Yorke Vpon aduertisement hereof Harold King of England caried all his forces against Harfager His readinesse was such and such his expedition that the fifth day after the fight before mentioned he gaue him battell againe wherein Harold Harfager was slaine and so was Tosto the King of Englands brother Tosto by an vncertaine enemie but Harfager by the hand of Harold of England Their armie also was routed and with a bloody execution pursued so long as day and furie did last Here a certaine Souldier of Norway was most famous almost for a miracle of manhood He had been appointed with certaine others to guard the passage at Stamford bridge The residue vpon approach of the English forsooke their charge but hee alone stepped to the foote of the Bridge and with his Battle-axe sustained the shocke of the whole armie slew aboue fourty assailants and defended both the passage and himselfe vntill an English Souldier went vnder the Bridge and through a hole thereof thrust him into the bodie with a Launce If this victory of King Harold had been so wisely vsed as it was valiantly wonne he should haue neglected the spoyle and returned with the like celeritie wherewith he came But hee gaue discontentment to his Souldiers in abridging their expectation for free sharing the spoile and hauing lost many in that conflict he retired to Yorke and there stayed as well to reforme the state of the Countrey greatly disordered by meanes of these warres as also both to refresh and repaire his armie In the meane time the Duke of Normandie receiuing intelligence that the Sea-coasts were left naked of defence loosed from S. Valeries with three hundred or as some writers report 896 or as one Norman writer affirmes with more then one thousand saile and hauing a gentle gale arriued at Pemsey in Sussex vpon the 28. of September The ship wherein the Duke was caried is said as if it had runne for the garland of victory to haue outstripped the rest so farre that the sailers were enforced to strike saile and hull before the winde to haue their companie When hee first stepped vpon the shoare one of his feete slipped a little The Duke to recouer himselfe stepped more strongly with the other foote and sunke into the sand somewhat deepe One of his Souldiers espying this sayd merrily vnto him You had almost fallen my Lord but you haue well maintained your standing and haue now taken deepe and firme footing in the soyle of England The presage is good and hereupon I salute you King The Duke laughed and the souldiers with whom superstition doth strongly worke were much confirmed in courage by the ieast When he had landed his forces he fortified a piece of ground with strong trenches and discharged all his ships leauing to his souldiers no hope to saue themselues but onely by victory After this he published the causes of his comming in armes namely 1 To chalenge the kingdome of England giuen to him by his cousin King Edward the last lawfull possessor at that time thereof 2 To reuenge the death of his cousin Alfred brother to the same K. Edward and of the Normans who did accompanie him into England no lesse cruelly then deceitfully slaine by Earle Goodwin and his adherents 3 To reuenge the iniurie done vnto Robert Archbishop of Canterburie who by the practise as it was then giuen foorth of Harold had been exiled in the life time of King Edward This last article was added either to please the Pope or generally in fauour of the Cleargie to whom the example grew then intollerable that an Archbishop should bee once questioned by any other then by themselues So the Duke leauing his fortification furnished with competent forces to assure the place as wel for a retreit as for daily landing of fresh supplies marched forward to Hastings and there raised another fortresse and planted likewise a garison therein And in all places he restrained his Souldiers either from spoyling or harming the Countrey people for feare that thereby they would fall into disorder but giuing forth that it were crueltie to spoile them who in short time should be his Subiects Here the Duke because he would not either aduenture or trust his Souldiers went foorth in person to discouer the Countrey with 15. horsemen in his company and no more His returne was on foote by reason of the euill qualitied wayes and when Fitz-Osberne who went with him was ouer wearied with the weight of his armour the Duke eased him by bearing his helmet vpon his shoulder This action may seeme of slender regard but yet did gaine him both fauour and dutie among his Souldiers K. Harold hearing of these approches hasted by great iourneyes towards London sending his messengers to all places both to encourage and entreate the people to draw together for their common defence Here he mustered his Souldiers and albeit hee found that his forces were much impaired by his late battaile against Harfager yet he gathered an able armie countenanced and commanded by diuers of the Nobilitie which resorted vnto him from many parts of the Realme The Duke in the meane time sent a messenger vnto him who demanded the Kingdome in so stout maner that he was at the point to haue bene euill entreated by the King Againe the King sent his messenger to the Duke forbidding him with loftie language to make any stay within that Countrey but to returne againe no lesse speedily then rashly he had entred The Duke betweene mirth and scorne returned answere That as he came not vpon his entreaty so at his command he would not depart But said he I am not come to word with your King I am come to fight and am desirous to fight I will be ready to fight with him albeit I had but 10000. such men as I haue brought 60000. K. Harold spent little time lost none vnlesse happely that which hee might haue taken more both in appointing and ordering his Armie And when he was ready to take the field his mother entreated him first moderately then with words of passion and with teares that he would not aduenture his person to the battaile Her importunitie was admired the more for that it was both without any apparant cause and not vsuall in former times But Harold with
vndaunted countenance and heart conducted his Armie into Sussex and encamped within seuen miles of the Normans who thereupon approched so neere to the English that the one Armie was within view of the other First espials were sent on both sides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uer the state and condition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They who were sent from the English 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 large report both of the number and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ment and discipline of the Normans Whereupon Girth yonger brother to King Harold presented him with aduise not to play his whole State at a cast not to bee so caried with desire of victory as not to awaite the time to attaine it that it is proper to Inuaders presently to fight because they are then in the very pride and flourish of their strength but the assailed should rather delay battell rather obserue only and attend their enemies cut off their reliefe vexe them with incommodities weary them and weare them out by degrees that it could not be long before the Dukes armie being in a strange Countrey would be reduced to necessities it could not bee long but by reason it consisted of diuers nations it would draw into disorder that it was proper to an armie compounded of different people to be almost inuincible at the first whilest all contend to excell or at least to equal other in braue performance but if they be aduisedly endured they will easily fall into disorders and lastly of themselues dissolue Or if sayd he you resolue to fight yet because you are sworne to the Duke you shall doe well to withdraw your presence to imploy your authoritie in mustering a new armie to bee readie to receiue him with fresh forces And if you please to commit the charge of this incounter vnto me I will not faile to expresse both the loue of a brother and the care and courage of a Commander For as I am not obliged to the Duke by oath so shall I either preuaile with the better cause or with the quieter conscience die Both these counsailes were reiected by Harold The first out of a violent vehemencie of these Northerne nations who doe commonly esteeme delay of battell a deiected cowardise a base and seruile deflouring of time but to beare through their designes at once they account a point of honourable courage The second he esteemed both shamefull to his reputation and hurtfull to the state of his affaires For what honour had he gained by his former victories if when he came to the greatest pinch of danger hee should fearefully shrinke backe with what heart should the Souldiers fight when they haue not his presence for whom they fight when they haue not their Generall an eye witnesse of their performance when they want his sight his encouragement his example to enflame them to valour The presence of the Prince is worth many thousands of ordinarie Souldiers The ordinary Souldier wil vndertake both labour and danger for no other respects so much as by the presence of the Prince And therefore he did greatly extenuate the worth of the Normans terming them a company of Priests because their fashion was to shaue their faces But whatsoeuer they were as he had hee said digested in his minde the hardest euents of battell so either the infamie or suspicion of cowardise in no case hee would incurre Hee resolued not to ouerliue so great dishonour he resolued to set vp as his last rest his Crowne and Kingdome and life withall And thus oftentimes Fortune dealeth with men as Executioners doe with condemned persons she will first blindfold and then dispatch them After this the Norman sent a Monke to offer the choise of these conditions to Harold Either to relinquish his kingdome vpon certaine conditions or to hold it vnder homage to the Duke or to try their cause by single combate or to submit it to the iudgement of the Pope according to the Lawes of Normandy or of England which he would Againe some conditions were propounded from K. Harold to the Duke But their thoughts were so lifted vp both with pride and confidence by reason of their former victories that no moderate ouerture could take place and so they appointed the day following which was the 14. of October to determine their quarrell by sentence of the sword This happened to be the birth day of K. Harold which for that cause by a superstitious errour he coniectured would be prosperous vnto him The night before the battaile for diuers respects was vnquiet The English spent the time in feasting and drinking and made the aire ring with showtings and songs the Normans were more soberly silent and busied themselues much in deuotion being rather still then quiet not so much watchful as not able to sleepe At the first appearance of the day the 〈◊〉 and the Duke were ready in Armes enâ—…ging their Souldiers and ordering them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in whose eyes it seemed that 〈◊〉 did sparckle and that in their face and gesture victorie did sit The Duke put certaine reliques about his necke vpon which King Harold had sworne vnto him It is reported that when he armed the backe of his Curasses was placed before by errour of him that put it on some would haue bin dismayed hereat but the Duke smiled and said Assuredly this day my Fortune will turne I shall either be a King or nothing before night The English were knit in one maine body on foot whereof the first rancks consisted of Kentishmen who by an ancient custome did challenge the honour of that place the next were filled with Londoners then followed the other English Their chiefe weapons were pole-axe sword and dart with a large target for their defence They were paled in front with paueises in such wise that it was thought impossible for the enemie to breake them The King stood on foot by his Standard with two of his brothers Girth and Leofwine as well to relieue from thence all parts that should happen to be distressed as also to manifest to the Souldiers that they reteined no thought of escaping by flight On the other side the Normans were diuided into three battailes The first was conducted by Roger Montgomerie and William Fitz-Osborne it consisted of horsemen of Aniou Maine and Britaine commanded by a Britaine named Fergent It caried the Banner which the Pope had sent The middle battaile consisting of Souldiers out of Germanie and Poictou was led by Geoffrye Martell and a Prince of Almaine The Duke himselfe closed the last battaile with the strength of his Normans and the flowre of his Nobilitie The Archers were diuided into wings and also dispersed by bands through all the three battails Thus were both sides set vpon a bloody bargaine ambition hope anger hate enflaming them to valour The duke edged his Souldiers by declaring vnto them the noble Acts of their ancesters the late admirable atchieuement of their fellow Normans in subduing the Kingdome of Sicill their owne braue exploits vnder him by shewing them all that pleasant and