Vain-Glorious Bounties must be supply'd by ill practices 5 The Liberality of Princes iâ— oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counterâ—eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers and our Historians have very well observ'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Government to their Minions Augustâ—s gave you Money Hortalus but without importunity and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you If Men have no reliance on themselves Industry will flag and Laziness will grow upon them and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others they will do nothing for themselves and be a constant Burthen to us 6 An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do or are capable of doing service to his State Machiavel saith that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects Cap 21. of his Prince It hath been a saying That Princes ought not to keep Fowls which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Voluptuous Persons This Speech though it met with Approbation from those whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong whatsoever the Emperor said or did yet many mutter'd softly and others by their silence shew'd their dislike 7 As it is dangerous to blame Princes and shameful to flatter them when they do ill honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty which is Silence which Tiberius perceiv'd well enough 8 When Courtiers keep Silence it is easie for the Prince to perceive that they approve not that which they durst not condemn Witness the Young Italian who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati when he was in dispute with a Person who was playing at Chess with him at first â—ight gave it against him without hearing the Reasons on either side And the Cardinal asking him why he judg'd so before he knew the Fact Because said he if you were in the Right all these Gentlemen pointing to the Company â— culd have immediately given it for you whereas no body â—urst speak his Opinion â—â—â—ause you are in the Wrong and therefore after a little pause he added That he had given Hortalus such an Answer as he thought his Speech requir'd however after all if the Senate thought sit he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece 9 When â— Prince gives â— little and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth it is a sign that he gives unwillingly and consequently that no more is to be expected from him There are Princes who have not resolution enough to give a Denial but who in revenge give such small Gifts that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons as if they gave nothing Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal The History of the Union of Portugal and Castilâ—e Lib. â— The whole Senate thank'd him only Hortalus said nothing either out of Fear or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty XXXIX The same year the bold attempt of one Slave if it had not been timely prevented had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War 1 A whole Council hath work enough to settle a State that is troubled with Civil Dissentions but there needs but one dangerous Man to disturb a State that is in Peace especially if he be one who hath nothing to lose Anthony Perez saith That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock and the Elephant to see a Mouse is an Example which reacheth Princes that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames In his Aphorismâ— He was a Slave of Postâ—umus Agrippa u In the last Age one Cornelius Hock who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such and to hearken to the Proposals which â—e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague 1583. Herâ—era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14. named Clemens who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it which was to rescue his Master Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Planasia whither he was Banish'd and to convey him to the German Army But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd made him too late for this Design Posthumus being kill'd before he came which however put him on a greater and more hazardous Enterprize for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosa x In Toscany near Porto-Hercole a Promontory of Etruria he conceal'd himself in desart Places till his Hair and Beard were grown long intending to Personate Agrippa being much about his Age and not unlike him y In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova and the Son of a Tile-maker the other named Matthew Alvarez a Native of the Isle of Tercera and the Son of a Stone-cutter both Hermites and drawn out of their Hermitage to be imaginary Kings of Portugal When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Battel of Alcasar and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men which fell in that Battel he had retir'd into a Desart for seven years the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Superstition believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King who hath lost a Battel The Country People who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led suspected that this might be King Sebastian Thâ— first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde who received the Alms that were given him and had set down the Names of all those who gave to the end said he that Sebastian might recompence them when he should return to Lisbon This Bishop was hang'd and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him and to undeceive themselves by seeing him for he was not at all like King Sebastian Herrera Cap. 18. Lib. 1â— of the second Part of his History As for Matthew Alvarez in the beginning he was sincere telling all those who took him for Don Sebastian because he had the Air of his Face and brown hair as he had that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter but when he saw that his words were interpreted
restrain their Madness Their Rage was chiefly bent against Auâ—idieâ—â— Rufus who from a private Soldier had been rais'd to a Centurion and from thence to a Prefect or Mareschâ—l de Camp 1 Those Men who from private Soldiers 〈◊〉 to the great Offices of 〈◊〉 Army are commonly the most 〈◊〉 because they know better â—han 〈◊〉 the Licentious Humour of Soldiers and all the Tricks which 〈◊〉 use to dâ—ceive the Vigilance of 〈…〉 as also all the 〈◊〉 and Injuries which they 〈◊〉 in the Towns where they 〈◊〉 Garison Such a one in the 〈◊〉 Age was Colonel 〈…〉 who from a private Soldier and a very poor Gentleman rose by his Merit to be one of the General 〈◊〉 of the Spanish Army and 〈…〉 He was 〈◊〉 to say That he was Fransisco for the good Soldiers and Verdugo for the bad A Name that in Spanish signifies a Hangman D. Carlos Colomâ— lib. 8. of his Wars of Flanders They pull'd him from his Chariot they loaded him with Baggage and made him march at the Head of a Battalion asking him in scorn If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden and to travel so far on Foot For Rufus was an indefatigable Man who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Discipline 2 Rigour is the Soul of Military Discipline and we see every Day by Experience that there are no worse Soldiers than those who serve under an indulgent Captain But we must observe by the way that as Military Seditions which arise from the Severity of a General are less frequent so they are more dangerous and of longer continuance than those whereof Indulgence is the cause and who spar'd their Labour so much the less because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tumult and roaming lawlesly round the Country they made Waste of all Things in their way Blesus caus'd some of them who return'd loaden with their Plunder to be beaten and made Prisoners thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest For the Centurions and the sober part of the Soldiers still continu'd in their Duty The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force 〈◊〉 to Prison embrace the Knees of their Camerades implore their Succour either in particular by their Names or in general the Company the Cohort or the Legion in which they serv'd crying out Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General and call the Gods to witness his Injustice In short they omit nothing to move Compassion to raise Envy and Fear and to foment Sedition The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief break open the Prisons deliver their Companions and strengthen their Party with Deserters and Criminals condemn'd to Death XVI From thence the Mutiny grew more outragious and the Numbers of their Heads inâ—reas'd One Vibulenus a private Soldier 1 Nam hi saith Tacitus Hist. 1. 〈◊〉 temporibus partâ—m se Reipub. faciunt For in troublesome 〈◊〉 the meanest People make a Figure in a State and private Soldiers have more Authority than Generals Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Hist. 2. being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions was carried as it were in Triumph before the Tribunal of the General and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech and thronging to hear him thus began 'T is true Companions you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers but who shall give me back my Brother who being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany for our common Interests has this Night been butcher'd by the Gladiators who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus for our General Massacre Tell me Blesus where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses command me to be murder'd and I consent to my own Death provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave like Brothers who suffer'd Death not for the Guilt of any Crime but only for defending the Cause of the r When the Duke of Maiâ— heard at Lyons the News of the Duke and the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 his Brothers he caused it to be published through the whole City that Henry the Third had taken away their Lives for no other Reason but because they protected and defended the Catholick Religion against the Huguenots Herrera l. 5. of the Third Part of his History c. 3. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise being at the Estates of Blois had refused to sign a Declaration which the King caused to be offered to him by a Secretary of State wherein he promised and swore to make War on the Hugâ—â—â—ots provided that his Subjects would assist him with their Forces and would make no League with Foreigners without his Approbation and that those who should act contrary to this Condition should incur the Penalties of High-Treason c. 11. l. 4. of the same Part. I cite this Historian here because being a Spaniard his Testimony is of greater force against the Guises whom all the Spanish Writers make to be Maccabees notwithstanding at the bottom they were acted only by Ambition to make themselves Kings of France with the Catolicâ—â—â— of Spain against all Laws both Divine and Humane Ligions 2 All Rebels and Traitors cover their wicked Designs with the Cloke of publick Good The Count de Charolois and other Princes of France having taken Arms against Lewis the Eleventh this War was afterwards called the Publick Good because it was undertaken as they said for the Publick Good of the Kingdom Memoirs of Câ—â—mines l. 1. c. â— The Demands of the Lords adds he in cap. 12. weâ— great The Duke of Berry demanded Normandy for his Share the Count de Charolois the Cities seated on the River of Somme as Amiâ—ns Abbeville S. Quentin and Perenne and several other Demands for each with some Overtures for the Good of the Kingdom But this was not the bottom of their Designs for their Publick Good was turned into Private Interest and as Salust saith speaking of Cataline and his Accomplices Bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia â—â—rtabant XVII He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge 1 In Seditions he is always the most mutâ—nous who is most hearkned to that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus another secur'd his Menial Servants whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion And if by good Fortune it had not been immediately discover'd that Vibulenus never had a Brother that there was no such Body to be found and that the
not destroy by their Complaints Lewis Sâ—orsa Duke of Milain beheaded Cecco Simoneta his Secretary of State for saying to him Thet he could not defend Milain against the French but by the good-will of his People because his Counsel gave him to understand that his Minister was too popular Now-a-days Princes have no jealousie in this Particular of Tiberius The Quarrels betwixt the Women contributed not a little to this Enmity For Livia behav'd herself with the Loftiness of a Mother-in-Law to Agrippina and Agrippina carry'd it somewhat too resentingly towards Livia but her known Chastity and the Love she bore her Husband to whom she had born many Children wrought so far upon her Soul that though naturally haughty and inflexible she contain'd herself within the Bounds of what was Virtuous and Laudable XXVIII But Germanicus the nearer he approach'd to the height of Sovereignty the more eagerly he strove to maintain Tiberius in Possession 1 The next Heir of a Crown or of a Principality ought according to all the Rules of good Policy to shew himself the most zealous in the Service of the reigning Prince As he hath more to lose he hath more to fear and consequently he ought to be more complaisant and submissive than all others Strada attributes the cause of all the Misfortunes of Francis Duke of Alenson to the Envy which he had conceived against his Brother Henry the Third For want of considering that he was the Heir Apparent of the Crown and as it were upon the point of being adored on the Throne seeing his brother had no Children he could not bear that the casual order of Birth had made Henry his Sovereign Thus looking on his Fortune only on the worse side he lived in a continual Agitation equally a Burden to his Brother and to the State so that being desirous to Command whatever it cost not caring in what Country he put himself at the Head of the Rebels in Flanders who invited him rather to be the Pretext of the War than to make him their Prince and who hastned his Ruine by the eager Desire which de discovered of imposing the Yoke on that People who had not shaken off that of the King of Spain but that they might live as a Free-State l. 5. of the Second Decad of his History he caus'd him to be recogniz'd by the Neighbouring Provinces e By the Sequani now the French Counties and by the Belgâ— who are the â—â—mings of the Sequani and Belgae and when he was inform'd that the Legions were tumultuously up in Arms he made all possible Expedition in his Iourney to them They met him without the Camp with dejected Eyes as in sign of their Repentance But as soon as he was enter'd the Camp resounded with confus'd and jarring Clamours Some of them taking his Hand as it were to kiss it put his Fingers into their Mouths to make him sensible that they had lost their Teeth Others shew'd him their decrepid Limbs and Shoulders bending under the weight of Age. As they were all mingled in a Crowd and without Order he commanded them to draw up in their several Companies under pretence that they might with more convenience hear his Answer and to separate their Colours that he might distinguish every Cohort by its proper Ensign They obey'd him but as slowly as possibly they could 2 It is a Degree of Rebellion for People to deliberate whether they shall obey they do not seem to have been willing to obey who have a long time deliberated whether they shall obey or no Qui deliberant desciverunt Tacit. Hist. 2. Then beginning his Oration with the Praises of Augustus 3 As the Memory of Augustuâ— was pleasing to them he gained their Good-will by beginning with his Praises And as they loved not Tiberius whose Humour was wholly different from that of Augustus he made them favourable to him by putting them in mind that they had a great Share in the Glory of his Exploits he descended to those of Tiberius but above all enlarging on those Exploits which he had perform'd with them in Germany He set before them the Universal Consent of Italy the Fidelity of the Gauls and the Concord of all the other Provinces of the Empire And thus far he was heard with a respectful Silence or at least with little or no Disturbance XXIX But when he came to ask them what was become of their Obedience and of their ancient Discipline where were their Tribunes and what they had done with their Centurions They stripp'd themselves naked to shew him by way of Reproach the Scars of the Wounds and the Bruises of those Blows which they had receiv'd from their Officers and afterwards speaking all at once they complain'd of their scanty Pay and the intolerable Price with which they were forc'd to purchase their Exemption from Duties and the Miseries they suffered in 1 Indeed all this is worthy of Compassion but Seditions and Revolts are evermore inexcusable and consequently Punishment is absolutely necessary for fear lest Impunity open the Gate to Licentiousâ—ess Good and Evil are so contrary that they ought not to be put in the Ballance against one another They are two Enemies betwixt whom there ought to be no Quarter nor Exchange given If one deserves Reward the other doth Punishment and both of them ought to be treated according to their Merit Chap. 5. of the Second Part of the Politick Testament Otherwise the Hopes which every one will have of obtaining Pardon in consideration of past Services will make them not care how they offend 〈◊〉 who had defended the Capitol against the Gauls whence he was honoured with the Name of Capitolinâ—s and of Protector of the Peâ—ple notwithstanding he recounted the long Services which he had done his Country and shewed the Scars of Three and thirty Wounds which he had received in several Fights the Romans condemn'd him to Death as soon as his Adversaries had proved that he aspired to Regal Power There is an indispensable Necessity of proceeding thus according to the Opinion of Machiavel in his 22 th châ—p of l. 1. of his Discourses and of Scipio Aâ—â—â—nirato in the 7 th Disc. of l. 2. of his Commentary on Tacitus And it is also the Opinion of Tacitus himself who saith That the City of Treves effaced by its Revolt all the Merit oâ— the great Services which it had done to the Romans Hist. 4. labouring Night and Day on their Retrenchments in providing Forage for their Horses and Beasts of Burden and heaps of Faggots or Fascines and what other Employments are invented to keep the Soldiers in exercise when no Enemy is near A fierce Clamour of the Veterans arose who having serv'd the space of 30 or 40 Years besought Germanicus to take Pity on them and not suffer them to die in the Hardships of Warfare but to give them their Discharge and wherewithal to subsist afterwards in their Age 2 In a State
wasting all Things in their way betwixt the Rivers of Amisia and Lippa k The â—ippe LV. The Army being now within a small march of the â—orest of Tâ—uâ—burg where it was told Germanicus that the Bones of the Legions which were slain with Varus lay yet unbury'd l The Field in which Varus was slain with his Legions is called at this 〈…〉 i. e. in High-Dutch the Field of Victory Bernardin de Mendoâ—â—â—â— â—aith That there remains also to this Day in the Bishoprick of Munster a place called 〈◊〉 that is to say the Borough of Varus which was 〈◊〉 by the People of the Country to preserve the Memory of the Defeat of the 〈◊〉 His Memoirs of the Low-Country Wars l. 3. c. 3. he was seiz'd with a violent Desire of rendring their last Dues to those sad Relicks The whole Army approv'd their General 's Design whether mov'd with Pity for their Friends and Relations or by a Natural Reâ—lection on the Chance of War and the wretched Condition of Mankind Cecina was sent before to discover the Fastnesses of the Woods prepare Bridges and lay Caâ—seways where the Footing was unsure and the Ground treacherous by reason of the Bogs m Tâ—citus saith Fallacibus Campis The same Mendoza saith That 〈…〉 are Lakes and Marshes of 30 Leagues extent and make the 〈◊〉 almosâ— a Deâ—art Ibid. Entring into these mournful Places which were dreadful to their Sight and iâ—ksom to their Remembrance the first Obâ—ect presented to their view was the Camp of Varus remarkable by its large Compass and by the three Voids n Principia was a void Place where the Eagles and the Colours were set As each Legion had its Eagle it had also its Principium so that by these three Principia it was known that there had been three Legions which separated the three Legions A little farther might be seen the Retrenchments half in Ruine inclos'd with a Ditch now choak'd up and almost sill'd in which it was believ'd that the shatter'd Remnants of the Army had been rally'd for their last Reâ—uge The middle of the Field was â—trew'd with Carcasses and white dry Bones some scatter'd here and there and others pil'd on heaps by which might be observ'd whether they receiv'd their Death in flight or fell together in manly Resistance to the last Every where were found their broken Pikes and Iavelins the Limbs of Horses and their Iaw-bones and the Heads of Men which were fix'd to the Trunks or hung on the Branches of the Trees In the Woods about the Field were seen the Altars where those Barbarians had executed the Tribunes and Captains of the first Orders o That is to say three Cohorts For they rise from Cohort to Cohort according to their Merit or the time of their Service They who had escap'd from this Battel or afterwards from their Captivity related many Particulars of that dreadful Day On this Place said they were slain the Commanders of the Legions and there it was we lost our Eagles Here Varus receiv'd his first Wound and a little farther he fell upon his Sword and perish'd by his own unhappy Hand Behold the Eminence from whence Arminius harangu'd his Soldiers and yonder he rais'd Gibbets for the Prisoners or sunk Ditches p These Ditches served for Burying-places for Malefactors whom they covered with the Earth soked with their Blood to behead and bury them according to the Roman Fashion While the Proud Conquerour forgot not to drag along the Ground with Scorn our Ensigns and our Eagles LVI In this manner the Roman Army six Years after the Defeat interr'd the Bones of the three Legions it being impossible for any Man to distinguish those of his Relations from the rest Every one performing his Duty to all in general as to so many Friends and Brothers with Hearts equally divided betwixt Sorrow and desire of Vengeance Germanicus partaking in their Grief laid the first Turf on the common Sepulchre q Don Diego de Mendoza hath finely imitated this whole Funeral Description in his History of the Wars of Grenada l. 4. c. 9. in his relating the Circumstances of the Defeat and the Death of Don Alphonso d'Aquilar Brother to him whom in Spain they call the Great Captain Which I have taken notice of here for the sake of those who love to read Works written on the Model of Tâ—â—itus whom Don Diego had much studiâ—d But this pious Office to the Slain was nothing pleasing to Tiberius whether he took in the worst sense all the Actions of Germanicus 1 When a great Man begins to displease the Prince a sinister Interpretation is put upon all his Actions The Memoirs of Queen Margaret are full of Examples of this and particularly the Second Book in which are to be seen all the Ombrages that Henry the Third took at the least Actions of the Duke of Alenson his Brother or that he thought so sad a Spectacle as that was of unbury'd Bodies would slacken the Courage of his Soldiers 2 Whereas Germanicus ought to have rouzed the Courage of his Soldiers he ran the hazard of wholly sinking it by letting them see that which he should have carefully hid from them The frightful Dream of Cecina of which Tacitus speaks in one of the following Chapters plainly shews the Effect which this Spectacle was capable of producing in the Soldiers Imaginations For Somnia fallaci ludunt temeraria nocte Et pavidas mentes falsa timere jubent Tibul. Epigr. l. 3. So that although Tiberius was angry to see the Care which Germanicus took to gain the Affections of the Soldiers he had yet most just cause to blame a General who let his Army see just as they were going to fight the Remains of the Butchery of the Roman Legions and make their Enemies appear more formidable Besides that the General of any Army vested with the Augural Priesthood and design'd for the Ministry of Religious Rites ought not to have put his Hand to Ceremonies belonging to the Dead LVII In the mean time Germanicus pursu'd Arminius who retir'd into Places unfrequented and inaccessible when at length he had join'd the Enemy he commanded his Cavalry to advance and dislodge him from the Post he had possess'd Arminius with his Forces drawn up in close Order march'd along the Forest and suddenly wheeling fac'd the Romans giving the Signal to those Soldiers whom he had laid in Ambush in the Wood. The Roman Horse amaz'd at the sight of these new Enemies was put into disorder and the Cohorts coming up to their Assistance being incumber'd with a Croud of those who fled from the Germans and press'd upon their Ranks were forc'd to open as they could and make a Passage for them In this Confusion and general Affright the Enemy who knew the Country were driving our Men headlong on the Morass from whence it was impossible to disingage themselves if Germanicus had not with timely foresight drawn up the
not to regard Dreams too much so neither ought we wholly to slight them especially when they nearly relate to the present State of Affairs for the Contempt of them is the cause that we neglect to apply Remedies to those Evils whereof they are the Fore-runners There is a prudent Mean betwixt Superstition and Incredulity which commonly proceeds from Self Love which always flatters us rather than from a true Solidity of Spirit The Queen Margaret makes a Reflection which is of great weight Some saith she hold That God doth in an especial manner protect the Great and that to Minds in which there shines some uncommon Excellency he gives by good Genius's some secret Wâ—rnings of Accidents that are like to happen to them either of Good or Evil as to the Queen my Mother who the Night before the unfortunate Race dream'd That she saw the late King my Father wounded in the Eye as it happen'd and aâ—ter she awaked desired him several times not to run that Day ... Being dangerously sick at Metz and having about her Bed the King Charles my Brother my Sister and my Brother of Lorraine and many Ladies and Princesses she cried out as if she had seen the Battel of Iarnaâ— See how they 〈◊〉 away my Son hath the Victory behold in this Lane the Prince of Conde dead All that were there believed that she raved But the Night after Monsieur de Losses bringing her the News of it I knew it well enough said she did I not see it yesterday Then they perceived that it was not the raving of a Feaver but a particular Notice which God gives to illustrious and extraordinary Persons And for my self I own that I was never near any signal Accident either Unfortunate or Prosperous of which I had not some Advertisement either by Dream or otherwise and may well say this Versâ— Of my Good or my Evil My Mind is my Oracle L. 1. of her Memoirs implor'd his Assistance t Two or three Months before the Death of Henry the Fourth the Queen his Wife being in Bed with him saw in a Dream a Man who stabb'd him to Death with a Knife The News of his Death flew to Lisle in Flanders to Antwerp to Bois-le-Duc and to Mastriâ—h ten Days before it happen'd For it often comes to pass that the News precedes the Accident On the Eve of his Death as he aâ—â—isted at the Coronation of the Queen a Maid named Iane Arnaud seeing him said to her Sisters Behold a dead Man who resembles the King who are buried here The Day that he was stain several Billets were thrown into his Chamber which all gave him warning of his Fate But he neglected all this as Caesar did and perished like him Homer saith That as the Dreams of common People are to be slighted because of the Weakness of their Brain on the contrary there ought to be a great Regard had to those of Persons who have the Management of State Affairs because they arise from their Experience and the continual Reflection which they make upon the great Events of Civil Life L. 2. of the Iliads Cabrera saith That Ioan of Austria Mother of Sebastian King of Portugal being with Child of him thought that one Night she saw enter into her Chamber a great many Moors clad in Habits of divers Colours The first Presage of what was to besal this Prince at the Battel of Alâ—asar in Aâ—rick His Philip II. l. 11. c. 10. but that he far from answering his Request had push'd him backward At break of Day the Legions plac'd on the Wings forsook their Post whether through Fear or Disobedience is uncertain and precipitately rang'd themselves in Battel beyond the Morats Arminius did not immediately charge them though nothing hinder'd but when he saw their Baggage fasten'd in the Mire and sticking in the Ditches the Soldiers out of their Ranks and only sollicitous how to save themselves as commonly it happens on such Occasions when the Commanders are ill obey'd he encourag'd the Germans to the Charge calling to them with repâ—ated Cries Behold Varus and his Legions who are offering themselves to be once more vanquishâ—d Having said this he forc'd through our Battalions with the flower of his Troops and charg'd impetuously on our Horse who sliding on their own Blood and floundring in the Mud of the Morats cast their Riders to the Ground and then running furiously through the Ranks crush'd those to Death who were already fallen and threw down others whom they met That which gave us the greatest Trouble was the defence of our Eagles which could not be carried into the Combat because of the multitude of Darts which were continually lanc'd against the Bearers nor yet fasten'd in the Ground by reason of the Marshes While Cecina with great Courage sustain'd this unequal Fight his Horse was kill'd under him and himself upon the point of being taken if the First Legion had not hasten'd to his Succour On the other side the Enemy was so greedy of the Spoil that they intermitted the Slaughter to seize the Prey This Covetousness of theirs was the safety of the Legions for it gave them the opportunity of making their Retreat 2 The greediness of Soldiers who are commonly more intent upon Enriching themselves than upon Fighting is the cause that there is scare ever a compleat Victory This is an Evil that seems to be without Remedy seeing that after so many Ages the Prudence and Severity of Princes and Generals have not been able to put a stop to it at the close of Day into a Plain where the Footing was â—irm and the Ground solid But the end of their Miseries was not yet come They were of necessity to make new Palisades and new Retrenchments though they had lost the greatest part of their Instruments which were to be employ'd in casting up the Earth and cutting of the Turfs They wanted Tents to receive the weary Soldiers and Salves to dress the Wounded Their Food which they divided into Portions was soak'd in Mire and Blood and they deplor'd that fatal Night which only hid them till the approach of Day which was to be the last to so many Thousands of valiant Men 3 Reflections of this kind do Soldiers no good because they serve only to abate their Courage witness the false Alarm spoken of in the following Chapter LX. By chance a Horse who was broken loose from his Standing and terrifi'd with the Cries of his Pursueâ—s bore down those whom he encounter'd in his way The whole Camp possess'd with a panick Fear took thâ— Alarm every one believing that the Germans 1 When an Army hath been beaten it is very subject to take false Alarms And it is on these Occasions saith Xenophon that a General is much perplex'd for the more he encourages his Soldiers the greater they imagin is the Danger Quanto magis jâ—beat illos bo no esse animo tanto existimabunt in majore se esse
his Son Iohn III had a great many Children The Family of Valieri at Venice is as they say a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers which changed the first Letter of their Name to shew that they detested and execrated the Memory of the Doge Marin Falier who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sovereign of the State Pomponius Flaccus that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance Lucius Publius Gallus Asinius Papius Mutilus and Lucius Apronius that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter to Mars and to Concord and that the 13th of September being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anniversary Festival I have given the Names and the Flattering Opinions of these Men to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers and Magicians out of Italy of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone Publius Martius according to the ancient Custom s Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off was executed without the Esquâ—line Gate the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet XXXIII In the next Assembly of the Senate Q. Haterius who was a Consular Person and Octaviâ—s Fronto who had been Praetor spoke much against the Luxury of the City and a Decree pass'd that for the time to come none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold nor should Men wear t A very Rich and Costly Silk much different from ours in which the Great Men of Rome so magnificent in their Habits would have thought themselves poorly clad Indian Silk Fronto went farther and mov'd that Silver Plate Furniture and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptuary Laws for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State as well as to give their Opinion on the Matter already propos'd Gallus Asinius oppos'd this saying That the Empire being enlarg'd the Wealth of Private Persons was also proportionably Encreas'd and that this was no new thing but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio 's than what had been in that of the Fabricii and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times When That was little the Romans liv'd in little Houses but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Moderation in Plate Equipage and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life but from the Riches of the Possessor That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights not for any natural difference that was betwixt them but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind or the Health of the Body 1 It is but just that Princes who have so great Cares and such laborious Employs should have Diversions in proportion to their Toyls that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body that one might not be a Burthen to the other The nature of Affairs of State saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind as the weight thereof is heavier than that of all other Affairs and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited continual labour would in a little time exhaust them It allows all sorts of honest Diversions which do not take off the Persons who make use of them from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testament Sect. 5 Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People it is their Mind that measures them and not their Body They keep a certain Mean by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vigorous in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body and consequently to continue still Princes For in effect they are not so when Health fails them seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd Audiences not given their Designs broken or suspended and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Movement Whereupon follow Complaints Murmurings Change of Minds Tyranny in the Ministers and Despair in the Subjects In short nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health since without it there is no true Pleasure and with it any labour is supportable Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History And in another place he saith that it is Health that makes great Kings whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them And from this Principle he concludes that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women the Frequency of which enervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body and is the Cause that most of them die in the Flower of their Age Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Epâ—rnon who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life under a Pretence of taking care of his Health he saith That on the contrary there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer than those who have employ'd their Minds most about the Affairs of Government lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy and â—hristian IV. King of Denmark both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe and both threescore and ten years old Happy was that King of Portugal Alphonso who having spent some days successively in hunting met with Counsellors at his return who took the Liberty to tell him that at the Hour of his Death God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear * In a Spanish Treatise Entituled Audiencia de Principes Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes unless they would have the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares and be expos'd to more Dangers and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives and secure their Persons Gallus with these specious Colours gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way which however was no better than a Confession of their Vices 2 Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions Laâ—dibus arguitur vini vinâ—sus Homerus saith Horace Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19. Tiberius added That this was not a time for Reformation and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared the State should not want
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
uncertainty of Sea and Tempest a For all their Corn came out of Egypt and consequently by Sea and were it not for the Plenty of the Provinces 't is not our Farms and Possessions would maintain us and our Slaves These My Lords are the Cares employ your Prince without which the Commonwealth could not subsist For the rest every Man should apply the Remedy himself let Shame amend us Necessity the Poor and Saâ—iety the Rich 5 Pleasures leave us when they entertain no longer Many Voluptuouâ— Persons become Abstemious because they want new Pleaâ—ures But if any of the Magistrates finds he has Courage and Ability enough to put a stop to this Evil I shall be glad of his Help and shall own he eases me of a great part of my Labour But if they only complain of these Faults and think to gain themselves Credit and raise me Hatred and then leave me I assure you My Lords I will not make my self Enemies to no purpose 1 There is this Difference betwixt a Prince and his Ministers The Prince should avoid all he can what may draw upon him the Hatred of the People or of the Great Mâ—n because the keeping his Authority depends upon the Affection of his Subjects On the other side his Ministers being obliged by the Duty of their Places to sacrifice their particular Interests to the Publick Good and their Master's Service are never to suppress any good Advice for fear it should make them odious to the People or to the Great Men For according to Richelieu the Probity of a Minister of State should be Proof against all Interests and so constant that neither Calumnies nor Opposition should discourage him doing well nor turn him from those Ends he has propos'd to himself for the good of the State Chap. dernier de la premiere Partie du Testament Politique Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of a Knight of Malta â—â—om whose Importunity he could not quit himself without promising tho' coldly to recommend him to Henry IV. of France for a Favour he unseasonably ask'd I repent my self says he and will another time conquer this Pâ—sillanimity without exposing again the Impertinences of such Imporâ—uners nor my own cowardly shame to reâ—use them Letter 197. and though I may have many and for the most part unjustly 2 It is common for Princes to do well and their Subjects to approach them There are scarce any Princes have Iustice done them wâ—ile they live because Men naturally hate those whose Authority they fear for the Commonwealth I desire I may not make my self more when it is neither of Advantage to you nor me LVI After these Letters were read the Aediles were discharged that Care And the Luxury in their Tables which had been very profuse from the End of the Battle at Actium till the Accession of Servius Galba to the Empire that is for about 100 Years b The Battle at Actium was in the Year of the City 724. and Gâ—lbâ— came to the Empire in the Year 822 was by Degrees left of 3 In France Excess in Entertainments begins to moderate but it is to give place to another Extravagance in their Cloaths and Furniture which is more dangerous 'T is this has so multiplied Ladies that Persons of Quality and Birth are not to be discover'd from Citizens Wives and Daughters but by their Civility and Modesty In the last Age the first Presidents de Thou and de Harlay were content to â—at upon Pewter now the meanâ—st Officers of the Revenue are served in Plate The Chancellor de Bellievre gave his Daughters only 20000 Livres now one of the King's Farmers gives his 100000. Adeo praecipiti cursu a virtute descitum ad vitiâ— transcursum The Causes of this Change were these Formerly the most considerable Families for their Birth or Riches were ruined by their Magnificence For then they were permitted to court the People their Allies and Princes and be courted by them And the more splendid any man was in his Houses Furniture and Attendants it gained him the greater Reputation and more Clients c People that made Court to Great Men for their Protection But after they began to murder one another and their Greatness was a Crime 4 Great Reputation is as dangerous as ill Reputation If it revives the Dead it often makes the Living die Princes cannot bear Merit that is too much taken notice of It is therefore a great piece of Knowledge to know how to conceal it well not only from the Prince but from the People whose Applauses are fatal others grew wisers And new Men that were oft taken into the Senate from the free Towns the Colonies and Provinces brought with them the Frugality they had been used to and though several through Fortune or Industry had great Riches in their Old Age yet they never chang'd their manner of living But Vespasian was chiefly the Occasion of this Frugal way of living who conforming himself to the ancient Economy rais'd in every Man a desire of Imitation 5 Nothing establishes Virtue more than the good Life of a Prince which is a speaking Law and prevails more than all they make If it be true that whatsoever Fault a Prince commits he oâ—â—ends more by his ill Example than the Nature of it â—is not less certain that let him make what Laws he will if he practises what he prescribes his Example will go as far to make them executed as the Penalty he lays A Prince that never Swears shall sooner suppress Swearing and Blasphemies among his People than the Security of his Magistrates against those are subject to such Impieties Chap. 1. de la second partie du Testament Politique which prevailed more than all the Laws or Fear of Punishment Unless there be a Circulation in all things that Manners change as well as Times and Seasons all things were not better formerly 6 All our Veneration is for what is past and we despise the Present for the Present Troubles and Disquiets us with Objects that displease when what is past instructs us without shewing us any thing we can repine at or that can put us into ill Humour It is certain as the Word is fram'd we should judge the same of those we admire because they were some Ages before us as we do of our Contemporaries for Vices are as old as Men. than now and our Age has set Examples worthy Praise and Imitation But let such Disputes continue between us and our Ancestors LVII Tiberius having got a Reputation for his Moderation for suppressing Informers d That would have Inform'd against their Luxuâ—y writ to the Senate to make Drusus Tribune 7 When Princâ—s have done any thing that gives them Reputation they are wont to maâ—e use of it as a Right to obtain what they desire and they generally succeed in the first Heat of popular Applause Augustus found out this Title instead of that of King