Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
servile State wherein the Nobility is either too timerous or so besotted with the love unto a bad King that they will not be moved upon the just complaints of the poor and distressed Commonalty to enforce him to call a Parliament and in this kind of violence I require discretion and judgement in the Confederates lest they mar a good Cause with evil handling thereof as did Iulius Caesar who when he had deserved a triumph took so violent a course in demanding the same that his sure was rejected to his endless dishonour and his Countries great detriment Let the Subjects be therefore humble Petitioners unto the Princes to reform such abuses as are notoriously known to be abuses Let them yeeld such measure unto their kings as they would desire for themselves let them when neither their humble suits may prevail nor their gentle connivence or toleration mitigate the wrath or moderate the affections of their Soveraigns humbly beseech the Peers of the Realm to be their Patrons and Protectors of their Innocency Then will he that ruleth Princes and hath their hearts in his hand that can prevent their imaginations and cross their intentions raise up some better disposed then others better minded then the common sort of men are better able then the Commonalty is to judge of wrongs to redress injuries and to repress evil-disposed Princes All Authority is divided into Ecclesiastical and Temporal of the one the Pope of the other the Emperor challengeth superiority and yet both these Heads notwithstanding their preheminence their power and prerogatives have been reduced to Reason when they have swerved from all Reason by those who by Reason were led to challenge Power and Authority over them For both the Colledge of Cardinals and the States of the Empire have claimed and according to their claims have used a certain Right both over the Pope and over the Emperor when the one or the other of them hath been found negligent in their duties and therefore have presumed that the power of the one and the other hath been devolved unto them Even when an inferiour Prelate is negligent the Bishop may assume into his hands all his Jurisdiction and Authority or when the Bishop is careless in performance of his duty either the Dean and Chapter or the Arch-bishop may lawfully rebuke his negligence and reform whatsoever he vouchsafed not to amend so although the Pope challengeth to be by many degrees higher then all the Princes of Christendom yet divers Cardinals in the time of Pope Iulius the second considering that the Church had need of Reformation as well in the Head as others Member thereof implored the aid of the Emperor and of the King of France and with assurance of their help and assistance caused certain peremptory citations to be set up in Modena Bolognia and other Cities of Italy by which they cited the said Pope to appear at a general Councel to be heâ—d at Pisa and to answer to such Articles as should be layed in against him touching his Simony negligence and other abuses not specified in the said Citations In regard of which faults and of his Negligence they affirmed that the Pope was not sufficient and fit to govern the Universal Church of Christendom and that the Power and Authority to call and summon a general Councel was lawfully devolved unto them So although our Kings as I have said are the greatest and most absolute Kings of the world next unto the Kings of France yet the Barons after the battel of Lewis in the time of Henry the third ordained that two Earls and a Bishop elected by the Commonalty should chose to them nine other persons whereof three should alwayes remain about the King and by the whole twelve both the Court and the Realm should be governed So in the fourth year of the Reign of Edward the second the Prelates Earls and Barons made Ordinances for the State and Government of the Realm which because the King would neither confirm not allow were confirmed by sentence of Excommunication against all them that should go to break the same So the Scotchmen in the time of Iohn their King being moved thereunto by his negligence chose twelve Peers and four Bishops four Earls and four Barons by whose advice and counsel the King should Govern the Realm So to be short although as Bodin reporteth when a certain Advocate pleading a cause in France said that the Kings of France had received their Power and Authority from the common-Common-people the Kings Atturney stepped up and requested the Court that those things might be razed out of his Plea shewing that the Kings thereof never received any Power or Authority from the common people and required that both that Advocate and all others might be commanded as he and they were never to use the like words in their pleas yet before and since that time divers Kings of France have been censured by the three Estates of their Realm as it may appear by the examples of those Kings which were as I have said deposed in France Thus it appeareth that if Princes offend they may be chastened according to the nature and quality of their offences and it cannot justly or truly be said that that is against a Law or without Law which is done by an high Court of Parliament from whence all or most Laws have their beginning their foundation their strength Neither can this manner of correction embolden Subjects to conspire against the life of their Soveraign For either the Majesty of their Prince or the remembrance of their duâ—y towards him or the fear of punishment or the danger that followeth Rebellions or the hope of Reformation by imploying the aid of the Peers and Nobility will alwayes restrain their insolency and keep them within the bounds and limits of true obedience But when Subjects are disposed to be rid of their Kings they may say the Favourers of the Scotish Queen implore the aid of Forreign Princes to suppress them Whereunto I answer that if their cause be just and good I grant it to be lawfull so to do But if it shall proceed of Malice and not of Justice of their desire and not of their Princes desert of a rash and foolish dislike and not of manifest Tyranny or evil Government there will be no Prince so ill advised as to hear them much less to succour them for he that should hearâ—en to such light complaints and in regard of them molest another King would undoubtedly by Gods good and just punishment in time be troubled with the like Subjects himself Now whereas it is said that a Prince coming upon what occasion soever into another Princes Country cannot be put to death without the breach of Humanity and Hospitality Hereunto I answer briefly that if such a Prince shall so much forget himself as although he be detained for never so unjust a cause to attempt and conspire by himself or others his death that detaineth him truly neither
THE TRVE EFFIGIES OF Sr HENRY WOTTON K T EMBASSADOVR IN ORDINARY TO THE MOST SERENE REPVBLIQVE OF VENICE AND LATE PROVOST OF EATON COLLEDG Anno Aetat is Suae 72 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM OR A most Exact and Curious Discovery of many Secret Passages and Hidden Mysteries of the Times Written by the Renowned Sr HENRY WOTTON Kt. Ambassadour in Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of VENICE And late Provost of EATON COLLEDG LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Church-yard 1657. To the Judicious Reader THe Author of these Politique and Polite discourses knew the world so well and the world him that not to know Sr Henry Wotton were an ignorance beyond Barbarism in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of State A Knight he was of choice Intellectuals and noble Extraction who may be said to have King'd it abroad half his age in Embassies by representing the person of his Soveraign Prince in most of the Courts of Christendom amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of Nations for he was thrice sent Ambassadour to the Republique of Venice from the most serene Prince James the first King of Great Britain by whom the Order of Knighthood was conferred upon him Once to the States of the United Provinces Twice to Charls Emanuel Duke of Savoy Once to the United Princes of Upper Germany in the Convention at Heylbrun Lastly He was sent Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Archduke Leopold the Duke of Wittenberg Imperial Cities Strasburgh and Ulm and to the Roman Emperour himself Ferdinand the second And however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments the Provost ship of Eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition it seems to have been rather his own choice then any want of regard in those times to a man so highly deserving of the Commonwealth and consequently it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his King and Country then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit which he merited at the hands of a great King for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement Had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called Reliquiae Wottonianae there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer Arts. Not to insist upon the many Elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both Native and Forraign I shall only insert what the most vogu'd Poet of this age hath sung of his skill in Tongues He had so many Languages in store That only Fame can speak of him in more It were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth but only this that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign Courts he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of Government and make inspections into those Arcana Imperii those mysteries of State which he communicates here to the world in many choice and judicious Observations whereby the discerning Reader may be will acqnainted with the state of Europe and the interest dependencies and power of most Princes together with the occasions and motives of most of the Wars that hapned the last century whereof some came from slight quarrels for he tells you that Charls the Hardy Duke of Burgundy made a war for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins in which he breath'd his last With these Modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages both of Greeks and Romans which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the Reader The Contents of the Several Discourses I. THe Occasion of Sir Henry Wootton 's undertaking this Treatise p. 1. II. His Opinion both in general and particular concerning Princes their means and designs 5 III. That notwithstanding the Invasion of the Turks the Civil Wars among Christian Princes cease not 10 IV. That Princes aiding of Rebels is no new thing but hath been practised in former Ages 13 V. That it was not without just cause that the Flemmings rebelled against the king of Spain 16 VI. The several rebellions of the Frenchmen against their King and the causes thereof 19 VII The practises of Sejanus Pompey Crassus Piso and Curio with a comparison between the Duke of Guise and them and also other great Rebels 23 VIII That the Salique Law of France did not infringe the Title of former Kings of England to that Crown and the Frenchmens Objections concerning the same answered 29 IX That Kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons and given their Kingdoms either to strangers or to their younger sons 37 X. Reasons why the Kings of England having a right to the Crown of France and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right do not still continue to presecute their demands and the causes and means of their losing all France 42 45. XI How the Kings of Spain Came to arrive to this height of Power which they enjoy at present from so small a beginning 52 XII That the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been fatal to most Nations of Europe 54 XIII By what means the Spanish King obtained Naples and Navar. 58 XIV The Spanish King 's Title to the Kingdom of Portugal 59 XV. The Authors opinion concerning the claim of the several Competitors to the Crown of Portugal 60 XVI The Spanish King's Title to the Indies 61 XVII The Spanish Kings Title to Milan 62 XVIII The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy and how he retaineth all those States which he possesseth 63 XIX VVhat inconveniences Armies have bin subject to going far from home with the causes of Hannibal's ill fortune 69 XX. The manner of the king of Spain's dealing with the Turk 71 XXI The manner of the Spanish King 's proceeding with the French 73 XXII The Spanish King 's proceeding with the Princes of Germany 79 XXIII VV hat account the Spanish king maketh of the Princes Italy 80 XXIV Queen Elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the Spaniard 82 XXV Divers examples shewing that what God hath decreed cannot be prevented by any foresight of man 87 XXVI Queen Elizabeth justified in her attempts against Spain and Portugal 91 XXVII Several examples in what manner Princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour 95 XXVIII That Princes have oft broken Leagues with their confederates upon occasion given or upon some
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
And when you see this then you may boldly say that things are at the worst that violent courses cannot long endure that a time of a change and alteration is not far off and lastly since those things which Philosophers and wise men have noted to be the Forerunners of the Subversion of States are hapned and fallen upon our State that it will quickly change and perish All things therefore being well considered and that especially remembred which was said when I handled the first oversight of the Spanish King I may boldly inferr that Conquests are chargeable before they bee gotten easie to be lost after they be attained and wholly depending upon the Government of such Officers as are placed over them who if they be good Servants many times make themselves Masters and if they be bad put in great hazard all that is committed to their charge And since there are not many that endeavor to be such as they should bee there can be no great good looked for at their hands so long as they continue such as they appeare to be Besides the great ingratitude of Iustinian the Emperor to Marcelles of Ferdinando of Spain to Gonsalvo breedeth a Jealousy and feare in the hearts and heads of as many as are imployed in the like services that their Kings and Princes will reward them with the like recompences And this Jealousie maketh them to seek meanes how to be able to match or rather overcharge their Soveraigne in Power and Authority Was not this Jealousie the sole and onely cause that Tiberius had like to have been deprived of his State by Sejanus Commodus by Pervicius Theodosius the second by Eutropius Iustinian by Bellizarie Xerxes by Artaban and the Merovingians and Carolovingians by the great Masters of their Pallaces Is not the feare of the like danger the cause that Princes change their Liuetenants and Deputies often least that growing in too great Credit and love with the people their Credit may breed in them Ambition their Ambition a disloyalty and their disloyalty a plain Rebellion and their Rebellion a lamentable overthrow of their Kingdomes Is not this yearly or continuall changing of Officers the cause that they knowing that their Authority is of no long continuance study more to enrich themselves then to benefit the people to oppress and overcharge the Subjects then to comfort and relieve them And is not their study the cause that the people are discontented and ofâ—entimes enforced to Rebell Moreover how can it be but all or most part of those Inconveniencies of which I have spoken must needs fall upon the King of Spain whether he live long or die shortly since many motives and causes of Rebellion in Subjects and discontentment in Noblemen concur together in him For hee is old and will leave a very young Infant or no old Prince to succeed him in all his States who perhaps will Governe by Deputies and Liuetenants as his Father did before him in those Dominions which are far distant from Spain and will participate some small portion of Government with his Sister that hath been a long time nourished and nousled up in the sweetness of commanding Of his Governors some will be ambitious and desire to rule Others of baser minds but yet greedy of Recompencâ—es and Rewards for services done to him and his Father He will be jealous of some and give too much credit unto otheâ—s His Courtiers will engage and indebt themselves in setting themselves foâ—th in Triumphs and pâ—stiumes that they will devise to shew him His Captains will â—rave to be always imployed in wars and to levy those Soldiers in those Countries which will not be well conâ—ented with those Leâ—ies Bâ—iefly then will some Potentates and Frinces considering the years and weakness of this young Prince lay claim unto some of his States and every man will snatch what so ever shall be fittâ—â—t for his purpose nighest to his State and most open to his Invasion The Soldiers of Rome rebelled against Othâ— because hâ— was old Certain Cities of France against the Romans because they were greatly in debt The People of Thraciâ— against Rome because there were Soldiers lâ—vied in their Country against their wills Orgatorix Prince of the Switzers because he was desirous to be a King Morgovias and Cavedagins against Cordiâ—a their Aunt because she was a woman The Englisâ—man against Edward the Fourth because he dishonored the Earle of Warwick against Henry the Third because he would have made new Laws The Duke of Buckingham against Richard the Thâ—rd because he brake promise with him for the Earldom of Hertford the Scots against Iames the Third because he gave greater credit unto some of the Courtieers then they deserved and the Spaniards against Charls the Fifth because he lived more in Flanders then in Spain and governed Spain by Flemings Lastly when as Alexander the Great died Seleucus seised upon the Kingdome of Syria Ptolomy usuâ—ped upon Egypt Antigonus made himself King of Asia and Cassander reigned in Greece and Macedonia So whensoever the King of Spaine shall die his Son will enjoy most of his Dominions the Duke of Savoy will look for part of them His other Daughters Husband will look for a proportionable share and the Princes of Italy will perhaps lay in for their part and for their portion For every Kingdom hath a certain Period an end and declination And it is seldome seen that any State flourisheth many hundred years And as those bodies die soonest that are subject to most diseases so those Kingdomes perish soonest whose Princes are most inclined to many vices Saul reigned but Forty years and he and his posterity perished for his Infidelity David ruled other Forty and his Kingdom was divided for his Adultery Achan was King no longer time and his Kingdome was destroyed for his Idolatry And Cyrus enjoyed his Crown and Scepter not many years and his race failed in his Son Cambyses for his Cruelty And how can the Spanish Kings declining glory last long since many probable and very learned Authors do greatly belye him if he be not infected with all or most part of those vices which possessed incredulous and unbelieving Saul adulterous and leacherous David Idolatrous and Superstitious Achan Cruel and incestuous Cambyses I favor and reverence his Person because he is a King hate and detest his vices because they become not a Prince have declared and discovered his indiscretion because he may be no more thought so wise as common Fame reportâ—th him to be And now because of a dissembling friend he is become our professed Enemy I may not conceale the means how his courage may be cooled his Pride abated his purposes prevented his courses crossed his Ambition restrained his hopes frustrated his strength weakned his Alliances dissolved and Briefly all or part of his Kingdom rent and dismembred To know how all this may be done you shall need but to look back upon the means that he useth to conserve his
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
therefore follow That there is no Superior out of France who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France And it appeareth by their own Histories That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments For Dagobert King of France in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm made his last Will and Testament and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany unto Pipin Italy and Baivera and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence And caused this his Will to be ratified confirmed and approved by the Pope and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings It is also written by French Historiographers That Philip de Valois who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France ordained by his last Will and Testament that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion the Dukedom of Orleans and the Earldom of Valois Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings Dagobert of the Merovingians Charlemain of the Charlemains and Philip de Valois although not directly yet collaterally of the Capets which are the three only Races that ever were in France and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son who by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir and could not for any cause whatsoever be deprived by his Father or by any other of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France In this Objection there are two things intended The one That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs for any occasion whatsoever of their Right Title and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity The other That the next of the blood Royal according to the Custom before mentioned must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom This Obâ—ection is in my simple opinion of greatest force because I read not in all the Histories of France that ever any King thereof but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects as himself was sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son who had divers times rebelled against him and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son in whom he never found any manner of disobedience but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament as is to be presumed that it may also be taken away from one and bestowed upon another when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto why he should be dis-inherited especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance as hath hitherto been mentioned And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir and be bequeathed unto another the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered because most commonly such as the Law is in part such it is in the whole and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity do follow and imitate the manner Law and Order of their Kings touching the disposition of their Kingdoms And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities so do the other of their Baronies and inferior Estates by what Name or Title soever they be called If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like when the like occasion is offered unto them The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind been of such power and might in France that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them And the present King of France is Lord thereof and by his Adversaries the Spaniards who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms is commonly called in their Writings Lord of Bearne The Earls also of Foix have beyond the memory of man been of such worth and estimation that it is written of them when they were also Lords of Bearne they cared neither for the King of Aragon nor for the Kings of Navarra for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time then both those Kings could make at two several Levies Both these Lordships or Seigneuries are now under the Kingdom of Navar and the principal members thereof and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them for the French Histories report that Gaston Lord of Beaâ—ne had but two Daughters the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack and the younger unto the Earl of Foix who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack who refused to succour him and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace in recompence of which service Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen together with all other his Subjects to confirm and ratifie his Grant whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls It is also written in the Chronicles of France that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix because his Son by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar went about to have poisoned him gave his Earldom from him to the King of France who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh and why should it
of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
short time Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point That either in or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth we flourished and possessed most in France and lost all or most part of all in the time of his Son Henry the sixth The ways how this came to pass were many I have reduced them unto four and twenty the least of every of which was and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom not gotten by Conquests which are easily recovered but descending by Inheritance which are hardly lost The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France was the death of King Charls the sixth for when he was dead many of the French Nobility which before either for fear of the English puissance or for the love which they bore unto King Charls favoured and furthered our part revolted from us unto the Dolphin his dis-inherited Son and it is usual in Factions the head of one side being dead or suppressed the residue be so weakned or feared that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries or else make their peace with them with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly as was seen by the death of Pompey whose Adherents fled unto Caesar or sought his favour after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy our principal Aider and Abettor who was highly discontented with us because that Humphry Duke of Glocester either blinded with ambition or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet sole Heir unto the County of Holland had married her notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn Duke of Brabant and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy was then living The third Cause was the liberty of Iames King of Scotland who being Ransomed with courtesie and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth was no sooner in his own Country then he forgot his Oath and allyed himself with the French King The fourth was the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany and his Brother from us unto the French King The fifth Cause was the dissention betwixt the Bâ—shop of Winchester and the Duke of Glocester who governed the young King for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford Regent of France was called home The sixth the liberty of the Duke of Alancon who being Ransomed in the Regents absence did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power The seventh the death of the Earl of Salisbury and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline The eighth was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies The one That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman then unto an English Prince although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England and seeing their offer refused grew as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion so wilful obstinate and desperate that we could never get their Town but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same that even until this day as I saw of late years my self they yearly celebrate this day as Festival to our great dishonour whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces The other That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was then to suffer it to yeild unto him although it were as I have said to our own use and advantage began by little and little to remove his affection and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us The ninth The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant who as mortal enemies warred one upon the other for the cause above mentioned and also into Bohemia by the Bishop of Winchester for the Pope Martin who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia The tenth The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel The eleventh The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin and return to Paris The twelfth The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford then Regent and the Cardinal of Winchester proceeding of this cause especially for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France affirming the chief Ruler being present the Authority of the substitute to cease and to be derogate The thirteenth The death of the Dutchess of Bedford Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes The fourteenth The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet and end all contentions betwixt them both thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first as Son Brother and Uncle unto Kings And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place would not vouchsafe him that Honour but offered to meet him half way which the Duke of Bedford refusing they departed the Town discontented and without seeing one another and never after saw and conâ—erred together The fifteenth The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasioâ— and won partly by the outcries of his own people overwearied with wars and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings joineth with the French King The sixteenth The death of the Duke of Bedfore who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France by reason of his long continuance in the one and conversation with the other died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne and presently after many French Noblemen and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke with-drew themselves from the English Faction The seventeenth The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset that before his coming into France Paris and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin The eighteenth The sending over but of hundreds yea of scores where before thousands were sent to keep
Holds not comparable to Paris and other such like places The nineteenth An unprofitable marriage concluded betwixt our King and Margaret daughter unto Rainer king of Sicily and Ierusalem by the means of the Earl of Suffolk corrupted as it was thought by money for the King had nothing with her but delivered for her the Dutchy of Anjoyne the City of Mouns and the County of Mayne which Countries were the very stayes of the Dutchy of Normandy The twentieth The Earl of Arminack with whose Kinswoman the King should have married by reason of the aforesaid marriage became the Kings enemy and the chief cause of the loss of the Dukedom of Aquitain The one and twentieth The Queen disdaining that the King her husband should be ruled by the Duke of Glocester never left till she had brought him to his untimely death The two and twentieth The Dukes death which divers French Noblemen hearing of revolted from our King whose Realm was as he knew divided within it self because Richard Duke of York allyed by his wife unto the chief Peers of the Realm began to contemn the King who was ruled by his wife and to lay claim privily unto the Crown whereby mens minds were not attentive unto Forreign affairs but wholly given to prevent and keep off proffered wrongs at home The three and twentieth The King himself who being more given to a purchase of an heavenly then of an Earthly Kingdom regarded not the matter but suffered the Queen to be governed by ill counsel The four and twentieth The sudden and as it were in a manner the miraculous coming of the Virgin of Orleans unto the Dolphin who wrought him very strangely to leave those follies whereunto he was vainly given and to betake himself with more courage and diligence unto the violent pursuit and following of his cause And because as of a few sparkles somtimes ariseth a great fire so of very light occasions now and then come wondrous effects I will briefly declare unto you the history of this Virgin and also the means how she being a base and mean Maiden was reputed to be sent from heaven to work such wonders as I may say in some manner with the Dolphin This Maiden was a poor Shepherds daughter and alwaies brought up to attend and keep her Fathers Sheep until a Gentleman of some accompt and worth dwelling not far off thought it expedient by reason of a bold spirit which was seen and observed to be in her somwhat exceeding the common courage of women to use her as an instrument to bring the Dolphin who lay at Borghes besotted with the love of a very fair Damsel and careless of his own estate and of the honour of his Realm from that wretchless security unto a better trade of of life and a more earnest desire of the recovery of his losses First he made the Maiden privie to divers secret qualities of the Dolphin which he being an ancient and continual Courtier had observed from him in his Infancy Then by shewing her every day his Picture as truly and lively drawn as might possibly be done he acquainted her so well with the form and shape of his face that she might easily know him although he were never so much disguised amongst a number of other Courtiers And thirdly he learned her many other things far beyond the reach and capacity of a poor simple Maiden and taught her both to foretel and to do such things as made her to be taken for a very wise woman in the Country This done he resorteth to the Court acquainteth divers Courtiers with his purpose and intention and how that he considering that many other policies and devices had failed to make the Dolphin to be more careful of the present lamentable estate of France had with much labour travel and study invented a very ready way to stir him up to diligence and care of his Realm and Country and to enforce or perswade him to forsake those pleasures which had not only seduced and mis-led him but also the most and better part of his Nobility by whose negligence France was already fallen into bondage servitude and thraldome This matter saith he must be brought to pass not by humane policy but by perswading the Dolphin as I have found a means how to do it that God hath sent a Virgin as it were from heaven to be his Guide and Leader against his enemies whom as long as he should follow he should undoubtedly be accompanied with good and fortunate success Having won divers friends of his to allow of his device and to consent to the putting of the same in execution he and they spread a rumour in the Dolphin's Court of many strange things which they said had been already done by this Virgin which report came in time to the Dolphin's ears who being as Princes and others commonly are very desirous to know the truth of this report sent for this Gentleman because it was told him that he dwelt very nigh unto her and asked him what wonders she had wrought He verified the common report and added further That she must needs have some secret vertues more then other men or women could commonly have for that she had told him divers secrets of his own which he never told unto any man Which seeming somwhat strange unto the Dolphin he to make up the matter assured him that if she were called from her Fathers poor cottage to the Court he would not think any thing untrue that was reported of her for I dare undertake said he that she shall tell you your own secrets and know you and reverence you as King although she never saw you in her life and albeit you disguise your self in the habit of the meanest Courtier within your Court And further I have heard say that she can and will direct you a course how you shall within a very short time drive the Englishmen your enemies out of France The Dolphin somwhat astonished with the strangeness of this tale and very desirous to see the Maiden caused her presently to be sent for disguised himself in a mean apparel and willed one of his chief Noblemen to be honoured apparelled and accompanied as King upon whom he amongst the rest attended in proper person The Maiden being brought to Court in a strange attire made for the nonce and apparelleld like a Souldier and instructed in some points of Chivalry by the Gentleman before she came thither and especially in the fashions of the Court and other circumstances of the same so demeaned her self that it may be said of her Non minuit sed auget praesentia famam She findeth out the Dolphin presently in the midst of the thickest thâ—ong yeildeth him reverence due and usually shewed unto a King Who ravished with the strangeness thereof for that it was certainly known that she was never in the Court nor had at any time seen him talketh with her findeth her wise in her answers and able to
tell â—im mâ—st part of his secrets and to be short she being seconded by the Gentleman and others whom he and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven to direct him in all his doings and by her perswasions left his Love and followed this maiden to the wars who being always accompanied with good Captains and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted and especially in raising our siege at Orleans where I have seen her picture in brass mounted upon a very large brazen horse and there is yearly as I have said before a solemn Feast and procession kept in remembrance of her that she drave the Englishmen from thence The Dolphin being thus animated by her and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while proceeded so manfully that he never left until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France So he by her sped not ill but she for him had no good end for being in the end taken by the Englishmen and arraigned at Roan upon divers articles of witchcraft was found guilty and there burnt for a witch A strange metamorphosis and not so strange as ridiculoâ—s But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do which were almost impossible to be done by a few only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess who counselled him to put those things in execution and promised him good success in those enterprises you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God by as mean a device as this for he carryed a shew of holiness was better learned then their Teachers were had the gift of Eloquence secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God and that whatsoever he Preached unto them was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon â—is shoulder ever when he Preached unto them and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear as though it did whisper something into his Ear Whereby he won such credit that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them he invented a policy never used or heard of before he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight and held them in consultation until night then he provided a great and costly Supper which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink fell all asleep then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown made of fish skins with the scales still remaining upon them who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood because that it as the scales of the fish do in the dark maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like and in the other hand a great Oxes horn out of which the man speaking should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man These men so apparel'd entring into the Counsellors chambers spake in a great and grave voice and said That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven to tell the Scottish Nobility that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts When they had thus said every one of them as he was taught hid his staff under his Gown and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner that it seemed unto the beholders that as the glittering so they suddenly vanished away In the morning the Nobility met together and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night he wondred thereat as though he had not known thereof telleth them he had the like vision but thought not good to acquaint them therewith lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them should by revealing the same before it was time unto over many greatly offend his heavenly Majesty but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report yeilded presently unto his Counsel and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts But now from these by-tales again to my purpose which I might dilate and beautify with examples confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh you know that our Kings eldest Son during the life of his Father ever sithence that Wales was first conquered by England was called the Prince of Wales And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France have bin called Dolphins of France since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois King of France with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life when he was dutiful and retained after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers after his decease for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France because our King was then entituled by that name but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom calling him still by the name of Don Antonio as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent and the Leaguers call the now King of France not by the name of
the better knowledge of them and difference between them it was added The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris at Orleans at Soissons or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris as unto the chief and principal King until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one So was England divided into many kingdoms as into the kingdom of Kent of Northumberland c. So the three sons of Brutus as Camber Locrinus and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death And this division continued in France in England and in the Empire until their mortal wars or friendly marriages voluntary agreement or forceable violence greedy ambition or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time who being king of Aragon matched with Isabella Queen of Castile as heir unto her Brother Henry and in her right held himself and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan begotten upon her body all the Kingdoms of Spain which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begate upon her body Charls the fifth who was Emperour and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth And thus he came by the States within his own Country The States without the limits of Spain some of them are Kingdoms as of Naples of Navarra of both Sicilies and of Portugal together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies some Earldoms and Dukedoms as of Milan Brabant and Flanders of Burgundy and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces How he came by all these it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof and by vertue of that Title to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure according to the variety of their humours their affections their quarrels and their factions they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen other times upon Italians somtimes upon Germans other times upon Swetians somtimes upon Spaniards other times upon Hungarians and once upon the Englishmen So that all these Nations either for the conqâ—est or for the deâ—ence thereof have lost their blood hazarded their lives and spent infinite treasure which is shortly proved by these examples following In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion Charls Prince of Tarento King of Sicily who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily and of Ierusalem the which Ioan for default of heirs adopted for her son and heir Lewis Duke of Anjou and made him king of Naples Sicily and Ierusalem and Duke of Cambria and Earl of Provence This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban who was favoured by the king of Castile and of Hungary thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause as divers of his Predecessors had done before him and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis who was then Regent of France that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban they could not prevail with him because the said Lewis who governed the king and all the Realm was wholly for Clement insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions of France without any respect being had to their lives to their learning to their qualities or to their Religion The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms most willingly because they were desirous to send him far from home who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes and unaccustomed grievances Pope Urbane on the contrary side to gratifie his friends and to be assured of their help gave these Kingdoms unto Charls Nephew of the King of Hungary who willingly accepted the same as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise as for to revenge the death of his Brother cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife Wherein he had so good success as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner and caused her to be put to death Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom And before these later Contentions you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis and having divers ways so wronged him that he lived many years indurance Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms Conradin Duke of Suavia and Son to Conrade the Emperour being disposed and purposed to retire himself after the death of his Father into his Kingdom of Naples obtained great help of divers German Princes and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria his very neer and dear Kinsman but being encountred by Charls brother of the King of France and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners and by the advice of the Pope not long after beheaded So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian unto the Frenchman and the Dukedom of Suavia ended and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms the Chronicles of Italy report And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home and what quarrel presence or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms and their pretensive right unto them for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity And when they began to be weary upon any occasion of the present King of Naples they incontinently set upon another displaced their enemy and called such a Prince as best pleased them or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions and to persecute their Adversaries into Italy and there continued and cherished him for a time until they likewise grew weary of him or he could no longer stand them in stead This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country who spent their time travel and treasure in those Wars But there is not one Example that
confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third King of England This King by reason he had Reigned many years saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms and as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time and many of them were glad of his amâ—ty and friendship for as he was mighty so was he very wise and therefore able to help them with his strength and counsel them with his wisdom yet neither so strong nor so wise but that his power was abated and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs had suborned divers Princes against him and when all had either failed him or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion he used divers sinister means and many subtle devices First he defamed the said Conrade accused him of Heresie layed murther to his charge burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother thereby making him odious to the world Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him for that the Princes neither then nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed he to encourage our King the more gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead and forsaken by his friends With these devices and his Embassadors subtleties he induced our King to bind himself upon pain of loss of his Kingdom to spend and send 140 m Marks to those Wars and this promise was so readily performed and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want both of men and of money Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points you may be fully satisfied I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms Charls the eighth king of France challenged the Kingdom of Naples because Renatus Duke of Anjou his very near Kinsman dying without children and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan Queen of Naples had made and declared in his last Will and Testament Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition that he got the kingdom by force of Arms in so short a time that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years for Ferdinando king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son yet both Iohn his Brother and Successor in the kingdom of Naples and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title therâ—unto because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon it should of right belong unto that Crown This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia of Forracina and of Spoleto to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom besought Ferdinanâ—o king of Aragon to undertake the defence of the Church and of the States and Dominions thereof against all those who persecuted the same and especially against Lewis the 11. of France and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant and his possibility to prevail the greater because of his assured help and furtherance prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen wherein he had so good success that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them This composition as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are was kept inviolable until Gonsalvo General for the Aragonian king in those parts who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain as Pompey was amongst the Romans took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples First he alledged that the division was not equally made because the Dogana of Puglia which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen and neither any part thereof nor any thâ—ng else that might countervail the same in worth value and goodness was assigned unto the Spaniards Secondly there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie and because the waters which they drank as it was thought were poisoned by the Spaniards that most part as well of the private souldiers as of the chief Captains died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp Thirdly that poor and small remainder that was lest presuming that this composition should be held inviolable grew so negligent and careless that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would and never distrusted them until it was too late Lastly Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of
hostility answered That he could not leave off his wars because he knew not what authority Don Philip who was the Mediator of that Peace and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen permitted him to proceed as he began and disclaimed all that was agreed or yeilâ—ed unto by the said Don Philippo saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do and further before he departed out of Spain he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists and upon the Image of Christ crucified that they would confirm ratifie and observe whatsoever should be concluded by him Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth did voluntarily renounce all his Right Title and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons who were Prisoners a long time in Spain as pledges for their Father From Naples and Sicily I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors and held as unlawfully by him as the two other kingdomes for when as Ferdinando so often before mentioned had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope he demanded safe passage of the King thereof who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign denied him passage Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial the Pope excommunicated the King and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness invadeth the kingdom taketh the King unprovided and before he could have any help from the French king depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity and his Heirs have held the same ever â—ithence by no better Title then this Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns so it is undoubtedly true that the Kings of Navarra owe homage faith fealty and obedience unto the king of France as unto their Lord and Soveraign for their kingdom in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever and never to leave him upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him which is so true that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case make this question whether a Vassal such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field and forsaking him in that case doth forfeit his Estate or no And they all generally conclude that it his wounds be not mortal and such as they leave no small hope of life then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate be it never so great But I will not stand upon the proof of this point nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place whereunto when I come you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king deny or resist his Commandment This then being most manifest it must needs follow that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands who never having any just title thereunto justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession which giveth no just title especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain for the recovery thereof Now to the Kingdom of Portugal This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain for Alphonsus the sixth king of Spain had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal because he had done him very great service against the Moors But his Son Alphonsus the first was the first that was named King of Portugal and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity This kingdom hath had many alterations and sundry Wars moved by such as layed claim thereunto but none considering the small continuance thereof more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio and no lawful king of Portugal for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard their natural and professed enemy the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance to live as you know in a strange Country with the Princely and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom imitated in some measure the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first king of France for the Empire brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king if they made not choice of him Whereas in very deed his
gracious Queen Elizabeth hath hitherto enjoyed that it lieth not in the ambitious Spaniard nor in the proud Prelate of Rome her mortal enemies her sworn and professed adversaries to shorten her days but one day or one minute Their wishes are on earth but cannot ascend to heaven they may purpose but not dispose they have often desired but could never prevail they have suborned many but never found nor shall find any that shall be able to accomplish their desire the Axe may be layed to the root of the Tree but it shall not have power to fell it the Lyon perhaps may go about to seek his prey but he shall never find it the divel as a divel may provoke and procure his instruments to be ready to further his attempts but Gods Angels attending on her person having a care of her health and a special charge of her safety will not permit divellish ministers to have the least power that may be over her The Rule and Government of Women is rare and omnia rara sunt chara Their Sex is weak and the Almighty hath promised to be the Protector of the infirm and weak Their capacity is not answerable to mans policy and the Lord hath said that his elect shall not be confounded with humane wisdom he hath said and we may swear That heaven and earth shall sooner perish then his word shall fail Why then do the Princes rage Why then do the Pope and the King of Spain fret and fume against the Lords Anointed Against his chsen Vessel Against his dear Virgin Why the cause is the Lords and he will try it he will end and determine it Is it because she upholdeth and defendeth the Spaniards afflicted and oppressed Subjects Why therefore she was ordained therefore the Lord preserveth her Is it because she liveth in peace and they in wars Why the Almighty hath blessed the Peace-makers and hath vowed to be the Protector and Patron of as many as love peace Is it because her subjects rebel not against her as theirs do Why that is an express and manifest sign of their evil and her good Government Is it because she withstandeth their attempts and purposes Why she medleth not with their doings but with such as tend to her hinderance and those it is both lawful and honourable for her to cross and prevent Briefly Is it because the wisest Princes and Subjects of the world favour her more then them Why that is because their actions are not in any respect equal or comparable unto hers for they pretend one thing and intend another her thoughts and pretensions do alwaies agree together They would seem to love Peace and yet dwell continually in wars she seeketh peace and embraceth it They combine themselves and employ their strength and Forces against Christian Religion she useth her power to no mans detriment or destruction Briefly they do or would usurp more then belongeth unto them and she requireth no more then is her own That such is her mind desire and purpose is most apparent to all the world because when she might have had the Soveraignty and universal Government of Flanders she accepted it not when she might have excluded the Spaniard out of the possession of his rich and wealthy Indies she deprived him not of them And when as her Forces are sufficient to disturb his whole Realms of Portugal and Spain she employeth them not to his disturbance But In magnis voluisse sat est She hath assaulted the Indies attempted the conquest of Portugal and assayed what her Forces could do in Spain It cannot be denyed but that her Majesty hath done as much and perhaps more then is said but not before she was provoked thereunto neither with a mind so much to prejudice the Spaniard as to provide for her own safety For when Sir Francis Drake with such Forces as he and his friends with a very slender help from her Highness had provided happily spoiled part of the Indies and returned thence with no smal prey if he had gone thitherward somwhat sooner then he did better furnished then he was with a larger commission then he had al which lay in her Majesty to have granted him undoubtedly either the season of the year or the number of his ships or the largenes of his Authority would both have encouraged and also enabled him to have done those her Highness enemies much more and greater despight then he did But as wise men going about a great piece of work and finding when they have begun the same that their ability will not serve to accomplish it sit down and study what ways to take and how to put those ways in execution for the full perfection of their enterprise So her Highness having so mighty an enemy as the Spaniard whose Attempts and purposes it was necessary for her own security to cross and prevent And finding that her Treasure was not comparable to his wealth especially seeing he attempted divers ways to annoy her and purposed to weary her with length of time and variety of expences resolved with her self that it could not be amiss to permit her loving Subjects to adventure some part of their wealth and a small portion of her own Treasure inâ—hope to bring from the Indies much more then they carried thither The which her Resolution being put in practise found the same event which was expected and the sequel thereof sufficiently declared that a greater Navy well furnished with sufficient men and good store of Victuals and Munition might then and may yet put her Majesty in quiet possession of the richest and best part of the Indies But it sufficeth her Highness to try the Forces of those Countries to acquaint her Sea men and Souldiers with the way thither to give them a taste of the Indian wealth and to make her power known as well unto the Inhabitants of those remote Countries as of other nearer Regions of the world who thought too basely of her strength and carried too good a conceipt of her Adversaries might and puissance And finally to fetch from her mortal enemies own Dominions some Treasure wherewith to withstand the Rancor and extremity of his malice In which Action her Majesty fully and wisely imitated the example of the Florentines who fearing that Pope Iulius the second would war upon them for consenting unto that Counsel which divers Cardinals with the consent and furtherance of the French King and other Princes had summoned against him and thinking it convenient to defray the charges of Wars moved in defence of Church-men with Church goods seized upon so much of the Clergies goods as they thought would suffice for the maintenance of those Wars Even so her Highness hearing that the Spaniard had a long time prepared to invade her Realm and being well assured that as soon as he could be well able he would send the same preparation towards England held it expedient and necessary to seek all means possible whereby
afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes that some have received their professed Enemies others have fallen out with their dearest friends rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour when he was demanded at their hands some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes some have given them whole Cities to dwell in others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them It is written in the Histories of France that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France who was his eldest son banished him out of his Realm and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him The Duke of Burgundy who was then Vassal unto the French King and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin did not only receive him but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle Hold or City of his soever he would to dwell in and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him Piero Mexias in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours reporteth That the Emperour Henry the third when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects who for his evil Government had rebelled against him did not only harbour and entertain him but also restored him unto his Kingdom although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia who rebelled against the said Emperour The King of Cochin being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour Answered that he could not expel them out of his Cities having received them upon his word with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased wrot him a Letter full of great threats whereat the King of Cochin laughed and willed the Messenger to tell him that he would not do that for fear of all his threats which he vouchsafed not to do at his request whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm drave him out of his Kingdom and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom Our Chronicles report That both Edward the fourth and Richard the third offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry Earl of Richmond who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire The same Chronicles testifie that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth and entertained him with a yearly Pension and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom David distrusting the protection of God slyeth unto Achich King of Goth who giveth him Siglag to dwell in And Ierobâ—am flying unto Shishack King of AEgypt was honourably received of him and maintained there like a Prince until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty and he sent for out of Egypt and made King of Israel Frederick King of Naples being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain used unto the French King unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie made him Duke of Anjou and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples confirming the equity and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours to their enemies to their Allies and to meer strangers being enforced to crave their aid and assistance But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others It is commonly said that troubles come in post and depart by leisure And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection the danger which the Receiver may incure and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude this kinde of charitie is sometimes termed crueltie this pity peril this favour extream folly and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions would neither receive them nor succour them unless they were well rewarded for their labour to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them Alexis sometimes Emperour of Greece being deprived of his Empire could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians the Marquess of Montferrat and the King of France until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess Macrinus having slain the Emperour Bassianus enjoyed the Empire and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile until his Mother Messa by great gifts and extraordinary liberality won the Soulders of Macrinus and his best Captains and Colonels to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire and in regard thereof and of the duty of the young child whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem and Imperial Authority Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes when they have once received them either restore them to their enemies or detain them as lawful Prisoners or cause them to be secretly murthered So did Alarick King of the Goths send King Siagrius who fled unto him for succour back again unto Clovis King of France his mortal enemy So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend from the wrath and indignation of
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
General with 150 men at Armes A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question and therefore I will afford you some such examples Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion publikely protested that he was not in League with the Scot because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority and while he being under Age had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes and spying a convenient time to molest them whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent invaded the Realm and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom The same people notwithstanding their League invaded the Brittanes another time saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant who had concluded the same League The Brittans in the time of King Arthur entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict for heir and successour unto King Arthur but when Arthur was dead contrary to the Convenants of this League they made Constantius and not Aludred their King and being accused of the said Picts for breach of the said League they answered that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition that as soon as the one or the other dyed the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto adding further that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements Now having seen by this that hath been said already that Leagues are lightly broken it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another and how upon such occasions offered of great friends they have become mortal enemies For hereby you shall see that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples insomuch that they hold all things to be well done which not being apparently unjust or dishonest are done by example that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir may most lawfully fall from the same and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal and the aid given unto him I find many causes in such Histories as I have read which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship to fall at variance and either to war one upon another or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones yet he held them yea and used them as Enemies because they aided the Helvetians which are now called Swizzers with corn and other provision Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples because he not making him privy thereunto had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself and Laurence de medicis and the City of Florence So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second because at what time France stood in most need of him he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies and for this injury offered unto him published bills and books of greivous complaints against him saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth reporteth That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard and allied themselves with the French King for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona one of the Captains of the Spanish Army did not presently give unto them Bressia which he had taken from the French King and should as it seemed have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King and to join with Charls the fifth First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia The pity he took of Italy to see what misery it endured under the French Thirdly The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes unto the See of Rome Fourthly his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth Governour of Milan because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois with a thousand vexations and grievances but also gave all the Benefices Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Livings within the Dukedom of Milan without the Popes leave and licence And further because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis his Father and his Brother Here you see the Pope whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness leaveth them and joyneth himself unto their enemies Now you shal see another Pope named Clement the seventh and with him also the Venetians finding that Charls the fifth with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King yeildeth not accordingly as he was bound the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan unto Francis Sforza who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates and to marry with whomsoever it should please him and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion And further conjecturing
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
were as yet not seen moved with reverence prepared the Ark to the saving of his Household By faith Abraham obeyed God when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an Inheritance By faith Sarah received strength to coâ—ceivâ— Seed and was delivered of a Child when she was past Age. By faith Moses forsook Egypt By faith he with his people passed through the red Sea as on dry Land By faith the Walls of Iericho fell downe after they weâ—e compast about seven dayes And by faith â—he Prophets subdued Kingdoms stopped the mouthes of Lyons quenched the violence of Fire escaped the Edge of the Sword of weak were mâ—de strong waxed valiant in Battaile and turned to Flight the Armies of the Aliens Then since faith is of this force and efficacy shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit for if any man hath erred from the truth saith St Iames and some men hath converted him know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way shall save a soul from death and shall hide a multitude of sins And is it not a thing commendable before men acceptable unto God and worth the lâ—bours of any good Christian to save a soul and to hide a great multitude of sins But to leave these Divine arguments and to come unto humane reasons because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world whom mee thinketh it should suffice for proof that Papists and Protestants may live in peace and quietness together because that in Poland where there are many Religions professed you seldome heare of any civil contention and in Switzerland in many Townes thereof the Papists and Protestants eate together lye in bed one with another marry together and that which is most strange in one Church you shall have a Mass and a Sermon and at one Table upon Fish daiâ—s Fish and Flesh the one for Papists the other for Protestants And whosoever shall look upon the present State of Spaine or the present Government of Italy in this Age in which Countries there is but one Religion professed shall finde no greater peace no more assured Friendship no streighter League of Amiâ—ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of Poland Switzerland and other Nations which give Friendly entertainment unto pluralitie of Religions neither can any mâ—n say with reason that the Protestants of Flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their Country For there is no man that reverenceth the Magistrate obeyeth the Laws of God and man or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of boâ—h Laws more willingly then they as their Supplications their Leâ—ters their Apologies do testifie It is not they but their Enemies not they but their evill Governors not the Inhabitants of their Country but the Strangers sent into the Country and delâ—ghted wiâ—h the pleasures and the profits thereof that have occasioned these Troubles Neither is it to be thought that so many Princes as the King of France the Queen of England the Archduke of Austria and the late Duke of Anjou being all strangers unto them would ever have undertaken their defence and pâ—otection if they had thought or seen that the principal câ—use of Sedition might justly be imputed unto them It was the Tyranny of Don Iohn de Austria the Crueltie of the Duke of Alva the intolerable Priâ—e of the Spaniards in general the unreasonable exaction of the Hundreth the Twentieth and the Tenth Penny of â—vâ—ry mans substance together with other Causes mentioned in the bâ—ginning of this discourse that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull Obedience Devotion service and observance of their Prince Iâ— the time of Philip the Fairâ— King of France as now in the Raigne of Philip the second King of Spaine whereby it may appeare that the name of Philip hath been fatall unto this Country there were the like troubles is Flanders as there are now and as now there were some of the Country it selfe that favoured Spaine more then their owne libertie so then there were many Liliari that tendred the French Kings Factions more then the safetie of their owne Connâ—ry and as now so then those Liliari together with the King of â—â—ance imputed the cause of the Troubles and Wars unto the peevish willâ—ullness of the poor Flemings and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the French King and his Councellors Moreover as now so then diverse flourishes and shâ—wes of peace were made unto the Flemings not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them but to make the world believe that they were desirous of Peace whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a Battel when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage or to forsake it with great dishonour Such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the United Provinces and such were they that were tendered many years ago by which the Spaniards received alwaies some benefit sometimes he got a Town a Hold or a Castle sometimes he distracted some of the Nobility from the Prince of Oranges faction and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped This will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers Apologies set out by the Prince of Orange and the States of the Low-Countries And therefore I know not with what conscience or with what shew of truth the cause of this Civil Discord may be ascribed unto the Subjects of Flanders and not unto the king of Spain and his evil Officers The first and second Reasons are sufficiently refuted Now to the third He hath promised the Popes Holiness not to admit any other Religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or Dominions How is his promise proved What ground hath it Upon what Reasons standeth it He is in some manner subject unto the Pope Be it he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him Let it be so he beareth the title of the Catholick king as an especial gift from him or his Predecessors It shall not be denied Lastly it is he whose friendship and amity â—is father willed him to embrace and entertain this must also be granted But what of all this He may not break promise with his Holiness True if the promise be possible for no man is bound to things impossible And is this promise impossible It is or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon â—mpossibilities â—r whatsoever cannot be done by a Prince without offence â—o God without effusion of blood without ruin of his Estate and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dignity that may in some respect be esteemed impossible and whosoever
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
Again this was no direction but an admonition no counsel but a request and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him not onely to have listened but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Honourable and Princely Intercessors Was it think you a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile and to Garsias King of Navarre that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second King of England Wise Princes rather then they will enter into wars or being at wars continue therein do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals and sometimes to their far inferiours and although the cause be far greater and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zerzes was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians because he was the first begotten son of his father Darius and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten and a King whenas he begat him and therefore his Fathers private Patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus who after due examination of the Cause gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes and this judgement hath ever since remained and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes There are few or no Historiographers of France England or Scotland that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll Robert Bruse and Iohn Hastings Husbands unto the three Daughters of David King of Scotland and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander and by common consent of all Historians this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first King of England who chose forty or some say eighty the one half English men and the other half Scotish-men who having throughly discussed every mans right gave sentence for Iohn Balliol who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland which Award was confirmed by the King The Chronicles of Flanders and our Histories testifie that Henry the second and Philip King of France and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair and the Flemings his subjects after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars the first two compromitted their difference unto their Archbishops and the later unto men of meanner condition and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbitâ—ement I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose but they would rather dilate thâ—n discuss my purpose and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Reason And the rest shall be confuted more conveniâ—ntly in another place Then to the third Error Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England that the Princes Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism entred into League with the Pope the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise with express condition that he as head and they as principal Adherents should labour travel and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary Religion unto theirs To sound the depth of this Alliance and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious honest or commendable for him it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers qualities conditions and means of every one of these Allies For although some or most of them have been spoken of before when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes The Pope as Christs Vicar the Holy Father of the Church the lawfull successor of St. Peter and the chief Protector of the Roman and the Catholick Faith for all these are his Titles that he challengeth as proper and peculiar to himself will think that his sacred Holiness is greatly wronged if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself yet be his confederates never so great let their charges never so much exceed his and their Armies be they by Sea or by Land far excel his as well in number as in valour yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confederacy and Umpier and Arbitrator of all conâ—entions that may arise thereof The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk by Pius Quintus King Philip that now is and the Venetians For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges imployed more Gallies and greater Forces then his Holiness and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative must needs have the honor of the first place in that League and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League the same was to be referred unto his Holiness and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine For fear therefore of his heavy indignation I will not presume to defraud him of his honour The Princes of Italy shall have the second place and the Peers of France the last It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance that will consider that his City of Rome which is the chief seat and the greatest part of his strength retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue that she loseth her Reputation Prosperity Peace and Dignity as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious Ursini and Colonesi two notable Families of
it seemâ—th that the custome of Princes is to receive into their protection such Subjects as other Princes have banished ouâ— of their Realms although in truth this kinde of Clemency ought to be shewed and extended unto Princes only which are constrained by necessity to flie from their kingdoms and not unto Subjects for succouring of whom many Princes of great friends have become mortall Eâ—emies it seemeth I say that this custome doth somwhat excuse the Spanish Kings indiscretion in this action But wise men consider not so much what men do as what they ought to do and true Glory consisteth in vertue and not in shew or shadow of vertue and as Caesar would not have her to wife who was more defamed by suspition then by action so it becometh the Princes of our time to hate those who are vicious not in deed onely but in common fame also especially whenas it is in question whether the friendship of a kinsman be to be preferred before the Amitie of a Stranger of a king before that of a Subject of one that is equall in power to the greatest Prince of the world before those who depend wholy upon the power and authoritie of others And undoubtedly the Guisards of France have no other Credit strength or reputation then that which hath been derived and given unto them by the late French King and his predecessors the which in time will decay and returne unto the place and person from whence it came even as rivers returne unto the Sea from whence they have their first original and being I may therefore boldly say that the King of Spain hath carried himself very indiscreetly in entring into League with these Guisards for four principall causes The first because the shame and dishonour which will arise thereby shal alwaies continue and never be forgotten through length of timâ— or voluntary silence of the Authors and writers of our time The second because the profit arising thereby will be of small conâ—inuance The third because the quarrel betwixt him and France proceeding thereof will be both dangerous and immortall The fourth because the hatred ingendred by this quarrell will rekindle the fire of old dissentions and revive the memorie of ancient rights titles and Interests which the Crown of France pretendeth unto diverse States lately fallen unto the house of Spain For the dishonor which is gotten by wicked waies cannot so be buried in silence but that it will alwaies be reported by the Father unto the child and by that child unto his posterity alwaies finding increase and augmentation by the report which is made thereof And it is and alwaies hath been the nature of man to remember one only error evill deed or oversight of a Prince far better then many of his vertues valiant exployts or wise and discreet Actions Witness the common consent and accord of all Historiographers as wel of ancient time as of our Age who although in other things they be oftentimeâ— very contrary the one unto the other yet they agree very well in this point that they all as it were with one mouth and one voyce speak ill in their writings of the wisest Philosophers Orators Emperors Kings Princes and Captains that ever were in the world So the Author that greatly busied himself in commending Alcibiades a great Philosopher saith that as he did many notable deeds spake many worthie sayings and shewed many apparent Arguments of his great wit and Dexteritie so he was too delicâ—â—e in his ordinary Diet too dissolute in fond Love of foolish women too inordinate in his daily banquets and too superfluous and effeminate in his usuall Attire To maintain himself in which things he often times took dishonest rewards and was corrupted with unlawful Bribes So hee that laboured to set forth the praises of Marcus Cato a notable Senâ—tor of Rome would not conceale that he had lett out his money at Interest that he became so severe in time that he took a very young damsell descended of base Parantage to Wife when he was of such years as required not marriage So Plutarch recounting the Valor Magnanimitie and vertues of Titus Quintus Flaminius and of Philopaemon two notable Captains was so bold as to say that the one was Ambitious Turbulent and easie to be displeased and the other conceited opinionative and very hard and difficult to be pleasâ—d So Cajus Marius by the sâ—me Author who for his valor was called the son of Mars for his delicacy and effeminate behavior was sirnamed the Child of Venus so Alexander the great who is commended by many Authors for the greatest and mightiest Conqueror of the World is reprehended by as many for that he was somwhat hateful for his vain glory and imitated therein those vain Souldiers who are never well but when they are commâ—nding themselves So Cicero who for his excellency deserved to be called the Orator was disgraced in this that he was fearfull and timerous as well in the field as in his Pleadings and it is written of him that he never begâ—n to speak but with great feâ—r and â—â—â—mbling So Pompey sirnamed the great who had these qualities to make him well beloved Temperance in his Life Dexterity in Armes Eloquence in his Speech Faith and loyaltie in his Word good Grace in his behavior and an Amiable Carriage towards all men that had to deale with him was hated and in the end ruinated because he would endure no Superior So Iulius Caesar who hath this commendation that he took a thousand Cities by Assault subdued more then 300 sundry Nations took above a Million of Men prisoners and slew better then an other Million in the Field the least of which things the best Captain of our Age never was nor will be able to do is greatly blamed not only because he was indebted above 700000 Crowns before he bore any Office in Rome but also for that he could not endure to have any companion in tâ—e administration of the Roman Commonwealth So to be short and to come to the Princes of our Age diverse men spare not to speak very ill of Charles the fift although he was a most wise veâ—tuous and valiant Prince because he took the Pope prisoner at Rome and shewed himself very hard and severe unto Francis the first of France when he was his prisoner at Madrill and whereas some commend his wisdome for resigning his Empire unto his Brother and his Kingdoms unto his Son Others reprehend his folly and pride therein because he did it with a hope and full intention as they say to be chosen Pope and with a purpose in his Popedome to give unto his Son all or most of those States which he held in Italie of the See of Rome meaning thereby to leave in his house and Familie the Government or the meanes to attain and usurpe the Regiment and Monarchie of all the world By these Examples it is apparent that the Prince who by
shall please God to send an end of these Civil Wars The occasions are great And if you remember what hath been said of the Strength of France you will think that the means which the French king may have to be revenged of these wrongs are far greater and so in this respect the Spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into League with the Guisards Of whose Friendship I pray you let us now consider what hold and good assurance he may have There are divers kindes of assurances to be taken together some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their Allies others require Hostages many demand to have some Holds and Towns of strength in their custody and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured unless they unarm their confederates But the strongest and best bond is in the opinion of the wisest a firm conjunction and binding of the Allies together by the way of Wedlock Now of all these sorts of Alliances which hath the king of Spain taken Or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet May he content himself with the faithfull promise of his Allies Will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their Liege Lord and Sovereign Hath he taken Hostages of them Will they carefull of other mens lives who have so small care of their own Will they give him any strong holds With what reason can he detain them since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them Will he unarm them Take their weapons from them and what good can they do him Will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage What honour or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his Blood his Honour and his House with the Infamy Dishonour and Ignominy of Rebels and Traytors But of Traytors some one of them will become a king O poor and unadvised Prince who shall spend his money to honour him who deserveth no honour and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance But how shall he become a King By the Forces of Spain O simple and indiscreet King who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible Kingdom from a Stranger when he is not able to recover a poor Country taken from him by his own Subjects But by what means and by what colour shall he become a King By the Example and imitation of Hugh Capet who as you have heard was made King by shewing unto the Pope and the People of France that in choosing a King the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent he that governeth in Person before him that ruleth by a Deputy he that is both carefull and vertuous before him that is careless and vicious But what manner of imitation is this unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his Actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate For he that was deposed by Hugh Capet governed by his Lieutenant and the present King of France ruleth by his own person he was hated by reason of his great negligence and this King was beloved for his great pains and diligence He was insufficient to Govern and this King hath given many Experiments of his great wit and sufficiency And to be short This Hugh Capet who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the Arch-Traitor that would make himself king of France used as his most principle reason this Argument to shew that Charles Duke of Lorrain and Uncle unto Lewis the fifth deserved not to be chosen king because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the Empire and the Kingdom of France the said Charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the Emperor then unto the French King How blinde then are those Guisards who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their King the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion they will cry out that their King is yet alive that it is not reason to take the crown from his head and to put it upon a Strangers or upon one of his inferiour Vassals that many can witness that in all contentions betwixt France and Spain they have alwayes shewed themselves more favourable unto Spain then unto their own Country And lastly that the Duke of Lorrain because he was a Prince of the Empire had more Reason to favour the Emperor then the Guisards have to befriend the Spanish king whom they should hate and abhorre because he loveth not their Country You have seen the Spanish kings indiscretion in contracting this League Now give me leave to shew you the Leagueâ—s great solly in subscribing thereunto The Causes which moved them to enter into this League were as you understand already very many But it appears not how true or rather how false their pretentions are This must be discovered and then their folly cannot be concealed They lay to their late kings charge that he was an Heretick a Parricide a wicked and impious despiser of God a Tyrant and Hypocrite a perjured Prince and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness They charge him further that he wasted the Revenues of the Crown and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned To all these that their malice falsehood and folly may appear I will answer briefly A full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer were it not that I seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth I must therefore run thorow the kings life and to purge him of the crime of Heresie I think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king against those whom the Leaguers term Hereticks Now to omit other matters testifying his great zeal and affection unto the Roman Catholicks before he was king of France I will prove the same by four principal Arguments First it is apparent unto the world that he was one of the chief Authors of the Massacre of Paris which was general through Erance and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the Protestants in France Next it is certain that no Prince living could shew greater hatred stomach or courage against men of a contrary Religion unto himself then he did at the â—iege of Rochel before which he lay until he was fetcht thence into Poland Thirdly it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his Election unto the Kingdom of Poland that there was nothing that more estranged the Affections of the Electors from him then his great hatred shewed against the Protestants both in the time of the massacre and also at
his kingdoms aswell of that which came unto him by discent as of that which he received from their Election how greatly he was honoured by their choice and how dangerously he had forsaken them they prayed his returne if it might stand with his good liking if it migâ—â— be to his benefit if not they humbly besought him to consider in what danger they stood of Forreine Enemies what troubles hung over their heads by reason of the hatred and quarrels that were betwixt them and the Princes of Walachia Scythia and Muscovia and how needfull and necessary it wâ—s for them not â—o be long without a King whose presence might comfort them whose counsel might advise them whose experience might direct them whose Authoritie might govern them and whose Credit might countenance them They forgot not the Inconveniences that had hapned unto them since his departure nor the difficulty and impossibility to provide for their redress and their owne safetie without his presence for that it is an inviolable Law in Poland that although the States of the Country have decreed Wars against an Enemy yet it can neither be denounced nor prosecuted without the consent and suffrage of their King These necessities being thus expressed they set him down a peremptory day within which to returne with a plaine intimation that if he shall not returne by that day they will proceed unto the Election of an other King beseeching him not to thinke that they will choose another for that they are weary of him or desirous to forsake him there is no such conceit lodged in their hearts no such Cogitation entred into their heads but they and he must consider that Poland is so situated that barbarous Enemies do environ it on every side and that it is the stay of all Christendom and that therefore it behooveth them to be carefull when others are negligent and to watch that others might keep in quiet without danger And lastlie that these premises well and dulie considered such a kingdome cannot be long without an Head without a Captaine without a King He receiveth these Letters and they receiving no such Answer from him as might assure them of his returne unto them by the day appointed proceeded to a new Election And hence his Enemies derive their best Arguments to condemne him of Infideltie and Heresie Of Infidelitie in that he returned not according to his promise and of Heresie in that living there amongst a number of sundry Sects and Sectaries he learned to bear with Heretiques I finde in the Histories of Poland that when the States had agreed upon his Election the Ambassadors which he had sent into Poland about those Affairs were sworne in the name and behalfe of their Master by the Archbishop of Cracovia to maintaine uphold conserve and increase the Ancient Laws Rights Liberties and Immunities of the kingdome of Poland and of the great Dukedome of Lituania The which Oath being thus taken the Palatine of Cracovia being high Marshall of the Kingdom of Poland and the great Captaine of Samogitia being Marshal of the great Dukedome of Lituania presently proclame him King of Poland and Duke of Lituania Here is no promise to abide with them for ever Here is no Oath not to returne againe into France Here is no Bond to tie him to continuall Residence And though he promised to return at his departure yet you shall understand that although he could 〈◊〉 would have return'd yet hee had small occasion to return unto them For first the kingdom of France is farr better then that of Poland Next few Princes have ever left their native Countries unto the Government and administration of a Lieutenant to rule themselves in a Forreign Dominion Then hee found his own kingdom at his return in such broyles and contentions that hee câ—uld not possiâ—ly appease them to return into Poland at his day prefixed And lastly they not admitting his lawfull excuses chose another king before hâ—e refused to come back unto them This last cause is sufficient to excuse his not returning into that kingdom And this is so true that when I was in Italy I remember that it was a fresh news that the Polacks had sent an Ambassador unto the Pope to excuse their suddain choise of their new King and to do such ceremonies unto the Pope as in such cases is required This Ambassador pâ—ssed by Padua where I saw him and hee staied there so long that he spent all the money that was allowed for his Journy to Rome and home again before he went thence The cause of his long stay was the Protestation that was made by the French Ambassador residing then at Rome and requiring the Pope not to accept of the said Ambassador as an Ambassador sent unto him by the lawfull King of Poland because the French King his Master had not resigned his Right and Title unto that Crown And the validity of this exception was so long in debating that intimation being given to the Poland Ambassador not to proceed any further on his Journy towards Rome untill the same question was fully decided he was enforced to continue so long as I have said in Padua to the great hinderance of himself and of all his company Besides as our Kings still carry the Title of Kings of France in remembrance of their Right unto that kingdom so the late King of France caâ—sed himself to be called King of Poland untill his dying day in token that he never had resigned his Interest and claime thereunto This Argument brought against his fidelitie is sufficiently refelled It resteth to refute the exception made against his carriage and Government in Poland This shall need no great Confutation because it appeareth by the aforementioned letters of the Senatoâ—s unto him and the Emperor after his departure that there was no dâ—slâ—ke conceived against him and the earnest entrâ—aty which was made unto him to return testifieth the good opinion hope and confidence which they had to be well and wisely ruled by him Now whereas it is said that he learned to bee favourable unto Hereticks in Poland It may be that he conversed with some of them whilst hee was there because he could not otherwise do their generall Assemblies and meetings requiring his presence and consisting of such Peeres and Nobles as were of diverse Religions But it appeareâ—h by his letters written unto his especiall Friends of that kingdom when he departed thence that he had no great confidence or trust in them that were contrary unto him in Religion For besides the letter that â—e wrote to the Generall States of all the Country he wrote unto certain choice men as unto the Bishop of Cinavia unto the Palatine of Cracovia â—nto the Marshall of Eboronius unto the Vice-Chancellor Wotkins unto the Castellan of Meymcimer his Vice-Chamberlain and unto the Marshâ—l of the Court of Lituania all which were very zealous and earnest Catholicks and the oâ—ely men of whom â—e made any â—eckoning during
his short abode in Poland Thus I have freed him from suspition either of Heresie or of any favor shewed unto Hâ—reticks whilst he was abroad Now lâ—t me examine his liâ—e at home and see whether untill his dying day he might be justly â—axed or touched with the crime of Heresie He came to Lyons about the 9 of September in the year 1574 where the Queâ—n his Mother the Duke of Alencon his Brother the King of Navarre Charles Cardinal of Guise and others met with him The 10 of September a short space of recrâ—aâ—ion and solace after so long a Journey he falleth to consult with all those before namâ—d what meanes were best to be used to renew Waâ—rs against those whom they termed Hugonetts he beseigâ—th Pusania upon the Roane and taketh the same the 5 of October assaulteth Mombrim laieth seige to Lioron and never left in the dead of Winter to Warr against the Protestants untill he took a little Truce during the solemnitie of his Coronâ—tion Not long after his Coronation there came Ambâ—ssadors unto him from the Switzers to intreat libertie of Conscience for the Protestants of France They are heard with small favor and their Petition rejected with so great indignation that the Queeâ— Mother was fain to pacâ—fie her son in hâ—s great rage and fury The Protestants require ayde out of Germany Duke Casimer cometh into France The Prince of Conde groweth strong the king of Navarre flieth from the French Court unto him the Catholicks want money the Pâ—pe sendeth them 400000 Florins The Duke of Guise is sent to meet with Casimir either to repell him with force or to deceive him with policy and becauâ—e they feared the king of Navarre diverse waies and meanes are practised â—o make him suspected unto the Prince of Conde immediatly after the Duke of Guise followeth Mounsieur the kings Brother with greater troupâ—s but both he and the Duke finding themselves not able to encounter with the Pâ—ince of Conde and the Duke of Casimir Mounsieur receiveth the Duke with great Friâ—ndship in Burgony and talketh very familiarly with him To be short the king and Queen and Casimir meete a Peace is concluded all offences are forgiven and liberty of conscience is granted to be used in all places saving Paris The Duke Casimir depâ—rteth and hee is no sooner gone but the Catholicks cry out against this peace the Citizens of Paris tread the Articles thereof under their feet A generall Assembly is called at Blâ—ys The king of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Mashal Damule come not to this Assembly The Articles of the beforenamed Peace are abrogated and a full resolution is taken to subvert the Protâ—stants or to enfoâ—ce them to receive the Counsell of Trent The Decrees of this Assembly are sent to the Prince of Conde and they are required to subscribe unto them which they refuse to do The king is discoâ—tented and sweareth not to leave untill he hath uâ—terly overthrown the Protestants Hee writeth unto Duke Casimir and unto the Lansgrave of Hesse requiring them not to give any more succour unto the Prince of Conde The one answereth the king gently and prayeth him to keep the late concluded Peace and the other threateneth that if the same be not observed to return into France with far greater strength then he brought thither the year before New troubles begin but are quickly ended by reason of Mounsiâ—urs going into Flanders and taking upon him the defence and Patronage of that Country This is the kings behaviour and carriage before the holy League the which beginneth in the year 1585. Of this League three especial causes are pretended The Troubles of France the kings sterility and the right of succession which belongeth unto the king of Navarr By the confederates in this League these things are required That the Catholick Religion and the Nobility that professed the same may be restored unto their ancient dignity That a Parliament might be called that Tributes may be gathered for the king and the kingdom that extraordinary exactions may be mitigated that evâ—ry third year a Parliament may be held And lastly that an Army of 16000. footmen and 3000 horse may be gathered and maintained with the kings treasure against the Hugonets and the same Army to be lead by the kings own person or by the Duke of Guise as his Lieutenant General They set foâ—th an Apology containing their Griefs and these Petitions and end the same with a promise to lay down their weapons if the king will be content to subscribe to these Articles and to overthrow the Protestants The king of Navarr finding himself to be the mark whereat these Leaguers shot published his Apology proveth himself to be no Heretick Apostate Persecutor or Rebel sheweth that the Duke of Guise is the onely Perturber of the peace and quiet of France and that he cannot feel the wound thereof because he is a stranger and lastly for the ending of all troubles without more effusion of blood challengeth the combat The late King published likewise his Answer to every Article and promiseth that all these things shall be done answerable to Gods Word and the prescript rule of Justice praying the Leaguers that since both he and the Queen are yet young enough to have children and that children are the Gift of God they will not rashly think him to be without all hope of children Here I might trouble you with the rehearsal of many examples of many Rebels like unto these who when their demands have been so reasonably answered as these were desisted from wars or had but an evil issue But I must restrain my self and labour to be short otherwise I shall be both too long and tedious What could a king nay the most absolute king of the world the mightiest king of Europe do more then this king did Or what would they require more at this kings hands then he performed He entered not into this League would not be one of their confederates Hinc nostri fundi Calamitas But he seemeth to allow the proscription and disinheritance of Navarr he banisheth all Protestants out of the Realm he answereth the king of Denmark who becometh a sutor for them that he neither can nor will have Peace with them he writeth to the Prince of Germany who likewise intreated his favour for the Protestants That he knoweth well enough what to do without their counsel and marvelleth that they have so great leisure as to meddle with other mens matters and especially with such things wherewith they have nothing to do This is not enough He provideth an Army against the Protestants he sendeth to encounter with the Forces of Germany that were coming into France to succour them The Duke of Guise overthroweth them and the kings Brother-in-Law the Duke of Ioyesa is overthrown by the king of Navarr with the loss of his own life and of 12000. of his Souldiers The Duke of Guise made proud and insolent with this victory
the execution praiseth her Sons wisdom thanketh God that it hath pleased him to put that counsel into the Kings head and to give him grace to execute the same and now saith she my Son playeth the king indeed The Parisians are presently certified of the Dukes death there is weeping and gnashing of Teeth the Crochilers have lost their Countenance the Facâ—ious their Father the Seditious People their ambitious Patron and the Malitious Sorbonists their Religious Protector What followeth Sudden accidents must have suddain consultations new devises hasty resolutions hastie executions and the new year must begin wiâ—h new Treasons They chuse the Duke of Aumale for their Head they draw the kings picture in the durt through the streets they rob and ransack his Exchequer his Palace his Store-houses and for their last resolution they conclude that he must be no longer their king According to this conclusion after that their City was hardly beset and they had almost endured as hard a siege as the Citizens of Ierusalem they send out a desperate Jacobin Fryer as their Iudith to behead Holofernes to execute their doom and devillish sentence upon the Lords anointed and their lawfull king The Fryer goeth to the kings Camp which was at St. Clovis feigneth to have Letters of great weight to deliver unto the king he is brought to his presence kindly received for the king alwayes loved those Fryers too well and lovingly willed to declare the cause of his coming he delivereth his Letters the king readeth them seriously and the Jaobin more like a Iudas then a follower of St. Iames seeing the kings doublet loose about him aiming at a place where he might be sure to dispatch him whilest he was busied in reading the Letters thrusteth a poysoned knife into his Bowels of which wound he died within a few hours after You have heard his Tragedy his Reign and his End and what can you finde that savoureth of Heresie Was it Heretical to persecute those whom they call Hereticks before he Reigned and as long as he reigned Was it Schismatical to proscribe banish and massacre them Was it Apostatical to proclaim and make Wars against them whensoever and wheresoever the Guisards required him Was it irreligious and hypocritical for him in a Lent time when men use to be penitent for their Sins to whip themselves while the blood followeth by his own Example to induce the Cardinal of Lorrain and others his chiefest Counsellors and Courtiers to do the like Was he a despiser of God who with consent of the Popes Holiness to shew his zeal and to leave an Eternal Monument thereof did erect a new order of Knighthood of the Holy Ghost and took an Oath to live and die in defence of the Catholick Faith Was it impious and an Act not beseeming a Christian Prince to go in person and accompanied with most of the Peers of his Realm in Procession bare-headed and bare-footed If none of these things be Heresie Apostacy and contempt of God and Religion then undoubtedâ—y the late French King having done all these things was no Heretick no Apostate no Schismitick no despiser of God but a Zealous a Religious a Catholick and a most Christian Prince But the Duke of Guise his death is the matter that is most urged is the sore that most grieveth is the objection that needeth a present and large confutation He was murthered without any desert without any rightfull administration of Justice without any manner of proof that he had committed a Crime worthy of death God said unto Cain where is thy brother Abel He said unto the woman accused or Adultery Where are thy Accusers He said unto his Disciples In the mouth of two or three consisteth a Truth He said unto the Judges of the Earth Be ye wise and discreet in your judgements And why said he all these Forsooth to shew that in every Capital Cause there ought to be an Accuser divers witnesses and a Judge to give Sentence according unto Law and unto his Conscience Truly the Laws of France and the Lawes of all Nations require that a man being held guilty of any Crime be it never so odious never so horrible be called unto Judgement and be convinced by his own confession or some other pregnant and forcible proof before he can be condemned But if the crime whereof he is accused be so manifest that all the world knoweth it that he cannot deny it and hath nothing to say for his defence it is lawfull to condemn him yea to execute him without hearing his Cause especially if by giving him notice of his Arreignment you give him time and opportunity to escape without punishment The Word of God saith Thou shalt do no murther But the Laws of Nature the Laws of Nations yea the Laws of Princes say That it is better to kill then to be killed The Apostles have taught that the testimony of two or three witnesses is sufficient in any Cause but the Civil Laws require sometimes seven other times five and commonly they are contented with two and by Canonical constitutions according to the degrees of dignities of Ecclesiastical persons the testimony of seventy two of sixty four of twenty seven and of seven is oftentimes requisite and necessary God hath commanded every man to do according to his conscience but the Lawes of Princes command all Judges to give judgement according to the proofs and allegations that are made before them I may therefore boldly say that not onely the Pope unto whom the Canonists onely attribute this power and authority but also every lawfull secular Prince unto whom God hath commanded that every soul should be obedient may upon good occasion and consideration of some circumstances qualify and interpret the Lawes of God He that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword sayeth the holy Scripture and there is no express commandment given not to suffer Malefactors to live But Humane Policy hath thought it convenient and equitable that children because they know not what they do that mad men because they are deprived of the use of Reason and Understanding that any man killeth one another by mischance because he offendeth through ignorance and not of malice And lastly that an honest man if he chance to kill a Thief by night or by day in defending his own person or goods because it is lawfull to repel force by force shall not be condemned to death although his crime in it self in strictness of Law be Capital There is nothing more certain then the commandment of God not to swear and yet it is lawfull to swear yea it is an offence not to swear if a man be commanded by a Magistrate to swear and if a truth cannot be known but by an Oath and the oath that a man hath taken must be inviolable It cannot be broken and there is no mans more odious no crime more detestable then the sin of perjury and yet a Judge that hath
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes if the Eâ—rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him for which afterwards they were worthily executed Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person or his State or his kingdom but when as he seeth manifestly that never a Province never a City never an house of his kingdom can or will long continue in good estate in dutifull obedience in naturall affection towards him and his Crown unles he do somâ—â—imes use to play the King to revenge wrongs and to punish Treasons hee must needs change his naâ—ure make a verâ—ue oâ— necesâ—iâ—ie and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale France nâ—vâ—r had any King that was more gentle kinde and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was â—irnamed The Meek And yet the same Lewis as you have already heard forgot that name and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes kept him in perpetuall prison and in thâ— end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders Who can then blame the late Kâ—ng of France if he chose rather to rule then to be ruled to kill then to be killed to murder the Duke of Guise then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom The Prince that 〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie or to a private person is in danger somtimes to lose his life or his kingdom â—as were the Romans and Philip King of Macedania he because he punished not Aâ—tilas at the request of Pau sanias and they because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors were found in the foremâ—st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country or unto â— private man and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself May he command a Juâ—g to proceed Defacto without taking full knowledg of the cause and every circumstance of the Subjects cause and shall it not be lawfull for him to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case The least and meanest Judg may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions and shâ—ll it not be lawfull for the King from whom he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie to do the like We say and confess that Theâ—e is manifest when the Theif is taken in the Fact and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for notorious which the Traytâ—r hath Committed If a man finde a stolle â— thing about a Theef he is in danger of death and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous Attempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor The Law sayeth that whatsoever a King doth it seemeth to be done with great reason If he commeâ—deth any thing every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same His Actions are manifest but his thoughts are hidden and secret it is our dutie to tolerate the one and not to murmur against the other nor to enquire or demand the Causes Motives and Reasons of his Commandements his pleasure must be unto us as a Law and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest his Commandment although it be done in hast and without great advisement yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined wisely perused diligently considered and solemnly pronounced Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull since the King commanded the same not for hatred to the Duke but for securitie of himself for love of the weal publique not without 〈◊〉 Justice but according to Law and Equitie because a Princes pleasure is held for Law not without example but with approbation and imitation of many who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment briefly not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes but to preserve his Right and his Crowne upon which the wealth the life and the wellfare of all his good and loyall Subjâ—cts do depend He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death and will not leave it unrevenged But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death they will not take the same in evill part and if they were his Enemies he needs not to care for them or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects He was one of the Peers of France But honor may not be a Priviledg unâ—o any man to emboldeâ— him to offend the Laws but the more honor a Subject receiveth from his King the more he is bound to love and fâ—are him But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murtherâ—d shall the Subjects be grieved therewith shall they seek Revenge thereof shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father although he have done him great wroâ—g And is not a King the Father of his Subjects and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inhabitants thereof Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow Ruine and destruction of their Country Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subjâ—ct But it is onely said and no way proved that the Duke of Guise had any such intâ—nâ—ion as to deprive his Sovereigne and to crown himself it may be suspected but it is not notorious This must appeare more manifestly then it doth or else all that is said will be to no purpose To manifest this therefore
I will briefly examine that which hath been already said and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do And yet the Duke of Guise not once but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants blameth him of Negligence and telleth him more boldly then wisely that hee must not spare them but subvert them And what was that but to spoile his kingdom The Counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as Office and charge with modesty that is laid upon him then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King but nâ—med himself for his Lieutenant And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers Wee read of Saul that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies and Saul but ten Thousand and yet the Duke of Guise after that he had overthrown the Germans is termed an other Gideon and he termeth his King a loiterer and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign It is commonly said that where there is no offence committed there needeth no pardon and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned and buried in Oblivion And what was that buâ— to betraâ— a guilry conscience and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment when there is no fear of a Forreign Enemy or any other in arms within a Realm giveth many presumptions and arguments of a Rebellious minde And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes but also proteâ—teth that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands and what was that but to threaten and menace his king The Count of St. Paul High Constable of France was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh and so executed because he betrayed his counsel and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor who revealed the kings secrets and withheld many Towns and Cities from him and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth and bore arms in his quarrel against him and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon and therefore he must be banished the Court He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England because he had no Towns in France to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion for that was his purpose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France Why demanded he no office for himself Forsooâ—h because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king France could not brook two kings The late king must be first deposed and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depoâ—ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled That was the matter of great wait the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness the one in Picardy and the other in Dolphine to bridle those who were most likely to withstand hâ—s Coronation and not to admit and receive him for their king The Hugonets also must be all subverted They were the Oratoâ—s that preserved Athens they were the Geâ—se that saved the Roman Capitol they therefore must be taken away or else he must fail of his purpose That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Châ—istian king may not brook an Heretick for their king and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away he must not live any longer the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him was already dispatched by poyson and his young infant was not fit to rule But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him if his overthrow might have set France at Liberty and utterly have subverted the Protestants why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted Why refused he the combat whereunto he was challenged Such a Champion as the Duke was should not have refused such a challenge such a Gideon that flew so many Germans should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel as debased himself to contend with a Traitor as if he won the battle could not but lose some of his honour because he had encountered with an infamous person and if he lost the field lost both his life and Scepter Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends who have been killed since the time of that challenge But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin and he knew how to be king without such a hazard he had preferred many and therefore they would and should prefer him But of him enough And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged It followeth in the Accusation that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown is a fault that exceedeth all other faults a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice because when Princes Treasures are wasted they flie to their subjects Coffers and empty their Chests to fill their own Exchequers Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetriâ—s It is a quality that is required in a good Steward it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince by how much his charge is greater then other mens but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty yet they would not have them covetous and as they can be contented that they should be liberal so they like not that they shall be prodigal Thrift maketh them able to live with their
unto his Majesty in the year 1575. to negotiate a general peace betwixt the King and his discontented Subjects as well Papists as Protestants This Ambassador in the preamble of his Speech to the King used these words We thank God that it hath pleased him so highly to favour us as to send us a King that both will and can hear himself the wants and complaints of his Subjects and order and redress the same according to his good pleasure and the laudable course of Justice For if our Writers have imployed their Labours in writing to blame and reprehend those Kings which hear not but by the Ears of others which see not but by the Eyes of others and speak not but by the Mouthes of others We have most great occasion to think our selves very happy and blessed unto whom God hath sent a King so gentle and so loving unto his Subjects as that he will hear all our causes and controversies himself and a King of so rare and excellent Wisdom as that he is able to decide and determine our Contentions This commendation given him by Seigneur Darennes far exceedeth Sir Henry Cobhams because he was the Ambassador of a Prince that was in League with the late King and the Siegneur Darennes of a Prince that not long before had born arms against this King And Sir Henry might speak for favour but the other spake as he thought because it appeareth by the rest of the speeches which he used in the same negotiation that he neither would or could dissemble And because this praise and commendation was given by an Enemy rather then by a friend it cannot but be void of all partiality assertion or flattery Thus you have heard the French Kings Vertues and his Imperfections the Leaguers folly and the Spanish Kings indiscretion Now it resteth to declare unto you his further error which although it be the last yet it is not the least and I fear me I shall have occasion to enlarge my self more of it then I did of the other three It is not unknown unto all or most part of the World that the King of Spain too much crediting the light and false reports of certain English Fugitives did once attempt and doth still intend to invade and subdue England This attempt and this intention although it seemeth to be grounded upon good reasons and to be allowed by the wisest Councellors yet I will shew that it was neither begun with wisdom nor is continued with any great discretion To shew this it shall be needful to examine all and every of the causes which moved him to undertake this attempt and purpose The causes are many and some of them are already sufficiently declared others rest first to be discovered and then then to be confuted It hath already been shewed that for succouring of France for aiding of Flanders for intercepting his money and for favouring and furthering of Don Antonio his resolution to recover the Kingdom of Portugal the Spanish King had no just occasion to be offended with the Queens Majesty It remaineth to prove that the Popes Excommunication That the false and sinister reports of the English Fugitives the death of the late Queen of Scots OF the sending away of his Ambassador with some small disgrace out of England giveth him no just occasion to trouble her Majesties quiet and peaceable Government All this being proved his indiscretion shall be made appear by three principal Reasons The first because he took no good course for the accomplishment of his enterprise The second Because that although his course had been good yet he neither was nor is able to subdue England And the third Because albeit he should chance to conquer our Realm yet he could not hold the same long The order whereunto I have tied my self requireth that I begin with the Popes Excommunication And for the better clearing of this point it were necessary to shew what Authority he hath to excommunicate But this is a matter that requireth a whole and large Volume and therefore I have thought good not to medle therewith but to refer you for your better instruction unto the large Apology which Marsilius Paturius wrote above 266 years ago in the defence of the Emperor Lewis of Baviera against the Pope that would not admit or allow him for Emperor There you shall see that the Pope although he were Christs lawfull and indubitate Vicar a point which never was nor will be proved yet he hath no more Authority then Christ himself had There you shall read that Christ came not into the world to Rule that he took not upon him to Command Princes but that both he himself obeyed and taught his Apostles to obey Princes There you shall understand that Saint Paul the Apostle Saint Peter and other of Christs Disciples obeyed the Civil Magistrate and submitted themselves unto Temporal Government There briefly you shall learn that not Clergy man ought to meddle with Temporal matters And that the Pope hath no more Authority to pardon sins or excommunicate any man then other Inferior Priests and Ministers have All this being true as in that Apology you shall finde it learnedly substantially and sufficiently proved not by humane Reasons which may be erroneous but by sacred Scriptures which cannot be controlled your own discretion may sufficiently warrant you that this Excommunication can be of no great force And yet because many of our Countrimen attribute too much unto the Popes Authority and cannot be perswaded but that he came unto the same directly and holdeth it immediately from Christ. I will shew you as briefly as I can how the Pope of Rome attained unto that great Authority which he now enjoyeth It appeareth by Du Haillan in the French Chronicle that in the time of Charles the Great the Popes of Rome had no power or authority in Rome it self they medled but onely with matters of Religion with Ecclesiastical Discipline and with points of Divinity It appeareth also by Platina Dr. Illescas and Robert Barnes three notable Writers of the Popes lives the first being an Italian the second a Spaniard and the third an Englishman that many years after Christs passion and after St. Peters death they were cruelly massacred and martyred by the Emperors of Rome It is also notorious and apparent by the testimony the same Writers and of many more that they were wont to be chosen approved and confirmed by the Roman Emperors insomuch that he was not held for a lawful Pope which had not the Emperors approbation Briefly you shall find in the Histories and Chronicles of France that three Popes being chosen at one time they came into France the Kings whereof were then also Emperors to excuse themselves and their election because it was made without the consent or privity of the Emperor and to stand to his opinion that then was Emperor which of the three should be Pope but now there is a great alteration and a marvellous change
Ioshua King of Iuda commanded Heikias the high Priest of the second Order and the Keepers of the Doores to bring out of the Temple of the Lord all the Vessels that were made for Baal and to do any manner of things mentioned in the 23. Chapter of the second Book of Kings David assembled the Sons of Aaron and the Levites to bring the Ark of the Lord into the House prepared for it Commanding them to sanctifie themselves And David had a Linnen Garment as all the Levites had that bear the Ark And upon David was a Linnen Ephod David also blessed the People in the Name of the Lord and appointed Certain of the Levites to be Ministers before the Ark of the Lord He Likewise divided Offices to the Levites to their Preists and to their Sons Solomon set the Courses of the Pâ—iests to their Offices according to the order of David his Fathâ—r and the Levites in their Watches for to praise and Minister befoâ—e the Priests every day and the Portersby their Course at every Gate For so was the Commandment of David the Man of God Iehosaphat in the third year of his Raigne sent his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah and with them the Levites and Priests And after he had appointed Judges in Civil Causes over all Iudah the set in Ierusalem certaine of the Levits and of the Priests and of the Chiefest of the Famâ—lâ—â—s of Israel for the Judgement and Cause of the Lord and made Amoriath the Priest the chief over them in all matters of the Lord. Ioash Commanded the Levites the Preists and Iehoiada the Cheif Preist to gather Money of all Israel to repair the House of the Lord. Briefly Hezekias goeth furthen then all these for he repaireth the Temple of the Lord and commandeth the Levites to cleanse themselves and to sanctifie the House of the Lord. He commandeth the Preists the Sons of Aaron to offer his Sin Offerings upon the Altar of the Lord. He appointeth the Levites in the House of the Lord with Cymbals with Viols and with Harps He willed the Levites to praise the Lord with the words of David and of Asaph the Seer He set posts through all Israel and Iudah to command them to come to keep the Passover with him and to turn unto the Lord He appointed the Courses of the Priests and of the Levites by their turns every Man according to his Office Briâ—fly he commanded the People of Ierusalem to give a great part to the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord. Since therefore the Queens Majesty intermedleth not in Ecclesiastical Causes somuch as these Princes did or any thing more then other Kings some of her Predecessors have done Since when her Majâ—sty called a Parliament to Consult of temporal matters the Bâ—shops and Prelates of this Reâ—lme have a meeting also in their Congregation House where whatsoever they decree and order is ratified by her Highness Royall Assent and Approbation since not her Majesty but her Graces Father was the first that assumed unto himself not without just occasion the Title of Supream head and Governor in all Causes Ecclesiastical within his Majesties Realms and Dominions And Briefly since what power soever the Pope had over England was loâ—g since taken from him This sentence of Excommunication against her Majesty is neither warrantable by Law nor any sufficient cause for the King of Spaine to invade our Realme Now to the false Reports of our English Fugitives who as all other Fugitives have accustomed to do fill the King of Spains ears with many vain Fables seeking thereby to exasperate him against our Realm to extenuate the Forces thereof to the end he may think the Conquest of England to be a matter of no great difficultie They calumniate her Majesties Justice â—ccuse her Government and blame her Proceedings against Seminaries and Romish Priests sent into this Realm from Rome as out of the Trojan Horse to seâ—uce her Majesties loving Subjects and to withdraw tâ—em from thâ—ir Obedience These grievous Accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned Treatise Called the Execution of Justice But the Chiefest Point which they reprehend in Her Highness Goverment is there unanswered and therefore I have thought good to reâ—ell it in this place They signifie unto the Spaniard That her Majâ—sty had before the Coming of his Invincible Navie so overcharged her Subjâ—cts with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Taxes and Impositions that they neiâ—her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requisite and necessary to maintain an Army by Sea and an other by land This Accusation is auggravated because her Majesty hath called a Parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the Crown and in some of them hâ—th not been contâ—nted with a single Susidie but hath charged her Subjâ—cts with a double Subsidy A matter as they say never heard of in any of her Predecessors times nor then needfull when it was required For the better answering of this objâ—ction I must run over the whole Raignes of some of her Majâ—sties Predecessors thereby to make it appear that they called Parliaments and levied Subsidies as often as her Highness hath done And because it would be tedious to trouble you with many I have restrained my self unto two only namely unto Ed. 1. and Ed. the 3. The Commons granted a Subsidy unto Edward the First in the third year of his Reign and another within two years after then having no extraordinary expences until the eleventh year of his Reign which was six years after he obtained another Subsidy And when he had reigned two and twenty years the Clergy gave him the half of their goods the Inhabitants of the Cities the sixth part and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed And yet within two years after he levied of all Towns-men and Citizens the Eighth part and of the Country people the Twelfth part of their goods and because the Clergy refused to grant him a Subsidy at that time they were all excluded from his favor and protection for the recovery whereof some by themselves and others by their friends gave him the Fifth part of all that they possessed Neither did the Liberality of the Laity nor the bounty of the Clergy so free them from further Contribution but that the very next year after the King having occasion to War against Scotland the common people gave him very willingly the Ninth part of their Goods the Clergy subject unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Tenth and the Clergy of York Diocess the Fifth part because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the Enemy Edward the Third had a Subsidy of his people the sixth year of his Reign and another the next year after and within four years after the Commons granted him a Fifteenth the Burgesses of Towns and Inhabitants of Cities a Tenth and
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
purpose before the meeting in such manner that they may see and hear one another but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions The Answer is very easie â—ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sakâ—s or for their Masters but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility nor any â—eace after Wars Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War but that there may be both a convenient time and a good occasion to punâ—sh an Ambassador For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots as Hector Boetius recordeth that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador as Polybius reporteth that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well as Herodotus testifieth and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo Ambassador unto him from the Venetians as Illescas writeth because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty rather then of Justice and Equity I will shew you by a few examples that an Ambassador hath been and may as often as the like occasion happeneth be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador Titus Livius writeth that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome to demand him to be delivered into his hands as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage but remained still in the Clusians Camp and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus he left the siege of Clusius and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome and therewith spoiled and sackt the City Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome sent his Chancellor Rowland and Cardinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master drew his sword and had not the Emperor staid his hand he had slain the Ambassador in his presence and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Caâ—us Flaminius were Consuls delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion because they had beaten their Ambassadors Edward the Second King of England amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France whom the French King had not the Queen purchased his pardon had excommunicated as a Traytor because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him Francis the First King of France sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy and presently slew them both The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis and the other a Milanois and both in some manner his Subjects they feared not to serve the French King his enemy Henry the Eighth King of England commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm for no other occasion but for that hâ— was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them and when the Ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those Officers to enter into his house the Senate made no more ado but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal whereby they would have beaten down the house had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose but I should be over long and tedious And yet I may not omit these two following because they are worthy observation and make more for my purpose then all the rest In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor and unto the Princes Electors in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters and to shew the cause of his coming further he is commanded to keep his lodging and that no man should be suffered to speak with him and within four days he is willed to depart and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions another time without his leave he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert because he had broken the Laws of Arms And as concerning his Letters it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor and all the whole state of Christendom that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them This answer was given unto him written in French and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France The second example is of a Bishop who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope practised certain Treasons in France against the King whereof he is accused arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris and being found guilty is committed unto prison But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador and the King to requite him with the like courtesie commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents the one that if Ambassadors fail in their duty or fall into these follies which I have mentioned they are either punishable or may be sent away in disgrace The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of Dâ—n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty as did Ambustus against Brennus yet he perswaded divers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick yet he did both backbite and
slander her unto her Subjects and unto other Princes although he did not beat her Ambassadors as Martinus and Manlius did the Carthaginian Ambassadors yet he did both vilifie and discredit her Ambassadors abroad spared not to speak evil of her best and wisest Councellors at home although he was not an Ambassador of a professed enemy to the Sea of Rome as was the French Ambassador residing in England in Henryâ—he â—he Eighth his time yet he was an Ambassador of a professed enemy unto her Highness because he was his Ambassador who was in league with the Sea of Rome Briefly although he denied not to deliver Traitors unto hâ—r Majesty as the French Ambassador did at Venice yet he not onely received but procured her many Traitors and both counselled and encouraged them to commit sundry Treasons against her Majesty The premises being therefore duly considered why might not her Majesty imitate Charls the Fifth who hardly admitted the French King Lerold to his presence because his Master was his professed Enemy Why might not her Grace command the Spanish Ambassador to depart out of her Realm since he had lived many years in England not as a Mediator but as a Perturber of a peace not as a friend to her Estate but as a debaucher and corrupter of her loyal Subjects not as one that desired her welfare but endeavoured to procure her overthrow Why might not her Highness send him away in peace who as long as he lived in her Realms would continually have interrupted her peace Might the King of France arreign and condemn a Bishop for practising Treason against his person might he commit him to prison and after his deliverance profess open enmity against the Pope his Master against the Pope that had or at lestwise challengeth some authority over him and might not her Majesty do the like unto a Spanish Gentleman a meer Lay-man not so priviledged as a Prelate not so favoured in Law as a Bishop briefly not so worthy of favour or compassion as was a Popes Legate a Legate either equal or as the days were then and are in some places yet not inferior to a Prince It was Mendoza that misled the Scottish Queen it was he that drew Francis Throgmorton into dangerous Treasons it was he that had secret Intelligence with Babington and his Complices it was he that encouraged Morgan and Paget abroad it was he that studied night and day to procure us Enemies at home Briefly it was he that spared no labour no money no expences whereby he might either openly or secretly endanger our State He lived not many months but years in England without bringing so much as a Letter from his Majesty unto her Majesty without performing any Function belonging to an Ambassador And how lived he Not in Court but in the City not in open view of the World but in secret corners not as an Ambassador but as a Spy And when was he dismissed Not so soon as he was found to have committed one action of hostility but after that he was admonished not once but many times to leave off his Treachery not when he was suspected but after that many Traytors had confessed that he was not only privy but principal unto their Treasons Breifly how was he dismissed Not with a crimination and threatning as was the French Herald but with faâ—r words and a kindly farewel not with a Troop of Soldiers to conduct him to Sea side but with a company of Gentlemen to associate him to the place where he took shipping not to pass with danger through the Country that hated him for his Treasons but to be conveyed without danger unto the Country that loved him for his Treachery intended against her Majesty To be short not slightly sent away in disgrace but then commanded to depart when as his Master would not vouchsafe audience unto a wise and discreet Gentleman sent by her Majesty unto him to signifie his demeanor and his carriage Well he is gone out of England and whether Into France And to what place in France To Paris And what to do there To persevere in his malice against England to confer with the English Traytors personally with whom he talked before by Letters to confirm the Guisards in their Treasons to dispose the French Leaguers to favour and further his Majesty against us and our friends Briefly so to behave himself that without him neither whole France nor rebellious and obstinate Paris had held out so long as it did against the late and present French king for the people of Paris are as a Spanish writer reporteth of them proud rich and rebellious which humor this Ambassador nourisheth in them and when they were most hardly besieged there were five things as the same Author writeth that made them hold out First The valour and courage of the Duke of Nemours Governour of the Town Secondly the presence of the Popes Legate Thirdly the Alms and Liberality of this Embassador Fourthly the perswasions of the Preachers Fifthly the news that were daily sent to the Town by the Duke of Mayne and published by Mendoza and other Princes Thus it appeareth that he was a notable Instrument of Rebellion and a fit man to be imployed in factious services For as God hath deprived him of his sight and made him blinde so he intended to deprive others of their senses and to blinde their fight and judgement to the end they might not be abe to see and discern the hidden projects of his conspiracies But of him enough Now again unto the Queen of Scots It appeareth that being culpable she might be arraigned and being found guilty she might be condemned But the manner of her arraignment and of her condemnation seemeth very strange unto as many as hear of it and â—is repugnant unto the Laws and Customs of England observed in the Trial of meaner Subjects It seemeth strange that her Majesty should be a judge in her own cause in a matter of Treason and especially against a Princess And of this strangeness many of the Scotish Queens Favourites take such hold as they hold it for a matter without Example without any former Presidents But if it might please these her Favorers to consider that although it be a certain rule in Law that no man shall be a Judge in his own cause yet the Preheminence Excellency and Prerogative of Kings and Princes is and hath alwayes been such that they may Judge and determine in any causes that concern themselves For Tiberiâ—s Caesar sate Judge in his own cause in dividing certain Inheritances with him was substituted one Parthenius Caesars servant Marcus Antonius the Emperor judged that the goods of Valerius Nepos were lawfully devolved and as it were confiscated unto the Exchequer And Quiltilian testifieth that he pleaded a cause for Queen Berenne whereon she her self sat as principal Judge What Scholar hath not read the Orations of M. Tullius Cicero made in defence of Quintus Ligarius of Deiotarius of Marcus
Marcellus before Iulius Caesar he being the onely Judge and Arbitrator of his own cause And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves as well concerning their subjects as themselves until that Servius Tullius the sixth king reserved all publick causes for his own audience and referred his own private matters unto the Senate There was nothing so great or so small saith Suetonius Tranquillus but Tiberius when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs referred the same unto his Senators And so did Marcus Antonius as Capitolinus testifieth But after that Princes began to grow absolute after that their States became hereditary and they had established a certain order in Judgement then began they to have their Judges who sat as their substitutues as well in other mens as in their own causes as Choppianus reporteth And although they appoint such Judges yet they wrong not their Subjects therein because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained and their Judges are sworn to Judge according unto their Laws But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish Queens cause It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof What wrong then was there offered unto her since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had As namely Richard the second and third and Henry the fourth and sixth She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her whereof the one half should have been Englishmen and the other Scots or other strangers This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers offending within the Queen Dominions But where should such strangers have been had but that they would have been partial on the one side or on the other what course might have been taken for their coming into England And when they were come if she had made as she might have done any manner of exception against them had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges And who should have born their charges The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost The Scotish Queen was not able to maintain them And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges Let it be granted yea and those whom he would have sent would have saved her life because they durst not displease him and he must needs have gratified her because she had as she confessed sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England Is it likely that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty and the whole Parliament condemned her In which Parliament by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof any man might have spoken more freely in her defence then in any other place And was it not seen that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House and were heard with all favour and indifferency And if she had been saved by the Spaniards benefit would he not have used her to our destruction And should not we have lived in continual servitude then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a Prince May it be thought that that King who objected unto our Queen in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner that he had saved her life and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life May it be thought I say that he wouâ—d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen if she had not been alwayes at his disposition But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death It was not strange in Scotland where more Kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death where Alphinus not onely King of Scots but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts was openly beheaded It was not strange in Hungary where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Husband It was not strange in France where Bernard King of Italy and lawful King of France was adjudged and done to death It was not strange in Asia where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty It was not strange in Spain where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples where Conrad rightful King thereof was beheaded Briefly it was not strange in the holy Scripâ—ures where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings and hung them all upon trees that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kiling Agag King of the Amalakites whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel and Ahaziah King of Iudah There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was careless of her life when her Subject were careful of the same that she would not hear of her death when they desired nothing more then her death That when the Parliament had condemned her she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment Briefly That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others who were of opinion that Vita Mariae would be Mors Elizabethae as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death she imprisoned and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did whereby it seemed that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was she would hardly have yeeled to her execution and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived but also after she was dead and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death although it was there made most apparent unto her Grace that as long as that Queen lived she could not be without continual danger of losing her life This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since as before that time It followeth that her execution gave
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
we hardly change our opinons and yet when we have changed we stand stiff and obstinate in our new and late received conceits and are very hardly removed from them Insomuch that whatsoever the Childe receiveth from his Father or whatsoever the Grandfather teacheth the Grandchildren that seemeth to be irremoveable and subject to no kinde of alteration A man may therefore boldly say yea swear that the Spaniard let him try all the means he can possible shall never inforce a general change in Religion For since his Father whose power although he should surpass yet he shall never match him in good fortune could not constrain the Protestants in the very infancy of Religion to return unto his profession is it credible that the Son should ever be able to compel far and remote Nations mighty and great Princes manly and warlike people which of late years have forsaken Popery to reassume their old opinions But if any man think him great sufficient and mighty enough to effect his disire let that man consider how many how noble and how learned men the cruel War of Charls the Fifth against the Protestants in Germany the most barbarous cruelty of Francis the First against them in France the bloody five years persecution of Queen Mary in England the Spanish Kings terrible and horrible Inquisition in Spain Italy and Flanders lastly the most execrable and hateful Massacre of Paris hath sent headlong and before their times unto another World And when he hath considered all these let him likewise remember that the more these Tyrants murthered the more the Protestants as though others sprang out of their blood encreased daily If all these shall not content and satisfie him let him call to mind how many years the Wars continued in France and Flanders for Religion with far greater obstinacy then with good success and happiness Lastly Let that man weigh with himself how unlikely a thing it is for the Spaniard to prevail against so many Nations who in almost Thirty years continuance hath not been able to replant his own Religion in a few Provinces of one Nation Besides the rare success and the wondrous events that have alwayes followed the Proâ—estants make me beleeve that their Cause is a good Cause and whosoever so beleeveth must likewise beleeve that were their number smaller their Forces weakerâ— their exprience far more slender then it is yet God that can win with a few as well as with many with the weak as well as with the strong will not onely protect them but also confound their Adversaries How many examples find we in prophane Histories which record that small sroops have oftentimes subdued great Armies and that mighty Kings have been put to flight by weak Princes How can we then but think that the Protestants who are Gods Souldiers who fight in his Cause and are defended by his Forces are able to beard the proud Spainard yea to brave and foil all his Confederates It is no small comfort to have God on our â—ide It is a geat Consolation to sight in a good cause And who can desire better advantage then to contend with and Adversary that beginneth to decline that is ready of himself to fall And is not the Pope and his Kingdom in this case Have not many Nations as I said said long since shaken off the intolerable burthen of his grievous yoke and bondage And do not all States when they begin once to decline sooner fall from the half way towards the end and to their utter destruction then from the beginning of their first declination unto the middest of their downfull Shall not those then that seek to defend Popery do even as a Physitian doth when he laboureth to preserve a very weak and old man from the danger of death Hath not St. Paul said that Antichrist shall perish as soon as he beginneth to be known And if God by the mouth of St. Paul hath pronounced this Judgement this Sentence against him who either can or will be able to prevent or hinder the execution thereof He is now no more able to encounter with Henries Othons and Fredericks great and mighty Emperors He hath no more Kings of France to fight in his quarrels No more Kings of England to be Defenders of his Faith No more Switzers to be Protectors of his Church all these have forsaken him and by Example of these many other Princes have learned not to set a Fig by him Thus the First point is cleared now it remaineth to clear the second and to make it appear that the Spanâ—ard although he could yet he should not constrain his Subjects by force of Armes to change their Religion This point although it hath been already touched in some manner yet it was not so sufficiently handled but that it needeth a more ample Declaration For the better understanding therefore of this Question you shall understand that the Common people which are Princes Subjects never did and particular men although they change their lives yet they leave most commonly behinde them their posterity and their Children which succeed them not onely in their Lands and Inheritances but also in their quarrels and affections Insomuch that there dieth scant any man so bad so wicked so unbeloved but that he leaveth behinde him either children kinsmen or friends who will not onely be sorry for his death but also revenge the same if he chance to be violently or wrongfully put to death This appeareth by the Wars of France and Flanders This appeared most evidently by the Bloody and long Civil contentions that were betwixt Lewis the last Earl of Flanders for after his death the Earldom fell to the House of Burgondy as it did after the death of the County Charles unto the house of Austria and the Citizens of Gaunt who after that they had unadvisedly born arms against their said Earl and began to repent themselves of their folly most humbly intreated the Dutchesse of Brabant the Bishop of Leige and other Noble men to be Mediators of a friendly peace betwixt them and their Earl The Dutchesse and the rest became humble Suitors for the poor Gantois the Earl was obstinate and would not yeeld to their Request unless the Inhabitants of Gaunt would be content to meet him at a place appointed bare-headed and bare-footed with halters about their necks and there ask him pardon and forgiveness which being done he would then pardon them if he thought good The rich Citizens hearing these hard conditions and considering that when they had made this humble submission it was doubtfull and uncertain whether they should be pardoned or no of humble Suitors became most desperate Rebels and as Men careless of their lives resolved rather to die then to yeeld to so unreasonable conditions and with this resolution before they were constrained to leave their Town not above Five Thousand of them issued out of the City and as roaving Wolves seeking for their prey went in a great
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
to prevail in England cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and Country whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests And if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spanish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land that man whatsoever he be may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security and used in convenient time and place of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage the most discreet and wisest Subjects of Italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes and the Princes themselves who willingly enter into no action whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience that shall review their memories and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage a commodity far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express It may therefore be shewed unto them in general that Maximilian the Emperor and the Spanish Kings great Grandfather for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy brought them into their Country besieged their Cities cast down their Walls ransacked their Houses changed their mirth into sorrow and never lest to trouble and molest them until that his strength and not his good will to annoy them failed him Charles the fifth his Father for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years and therefore could not greatly trouble them because he wanted the means doth the like and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die some by the sword others by famine some through grief and others by infinite labour and travel neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy and he ruleth there too much imposeâ—h new Tributes unaccustomed Subsidies and extraordinary impositions and where he hath no Authority to rule there he borroweth money and payeth his Debts with fair words and sweet promises and when he useth them best with Bonds and Obligations which shall be paid when every brother payeth another When this is said and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs but they dare not adventure to contend with him they will fear him because he is wealthy stand in aw of him because he is mighty and strive amongst themselves who shall first begin to trouble him because they distrust one another His might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them and their distrust may be removed by a general League and perfect imitation of their Predecessors It must therefore first be remembred that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome fearing the great wealth of France under Philip the son of Lewis sirnamed The Godly used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent the like remedies may be applied Then was France to be feared because there was no Civil War in France Now Spain must be suspected because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king and are they not so in Spain The French king was then in League with England and Germany and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes The king of Navar a Vassal of France ruled all things then in Spain because he was Tutor unto the young king and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Rebâ—s thereof Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard The same Charles was of great authority in Rome he was Lieutenant General unto the Empire and under that Title either commanded by force or prevailed by authority through all Italy And hath not the Spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then The face and countenance of both times are alike the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy the one in Lombardy and the other in Tuskany and both of the House of Ursim of which he was the chief and principal branch And if the like device were now practised undoubtedly the Great Duke of Florence and some other Potentates of Italy upon whom the most should agree would accept the Title of kings and be able both for their wealth and their might to maintain the same with credit and reputation Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spaniard Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy But Italy of it self is not able to do all this what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this Italy must then be strengthened and holpen lest it faâ—l in doing this But how shall Italy be assisted Forsooth by an imitation of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time and envied his greatness Forsooth when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire and that what with the vigour of his youth what with the reputation of his might and strength he was so puffed up with pride that he intended to make
the defence of his quarrel wherein many thousands were slain and many more had been murthered had not the Almighty who alwayes favoureth just causes vouchsafed to give the Emperor Lewis grace to take him prisoner in the Field After which disgrace he and his Family had been for ever been undone had not the good Emperor been so gratious unto him as after three years imprisonment to set him at Liberty and to restore unto him the Dukedom of Austria the which he might have returned with more reason unto the Empire then Rodolph had to distract it from the Empire The fourth Emperor of this Family was Albert the second who married the daughter and heir of the Emperor Sigismond and had with her in Dower the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary This Emperor ruled scant Two years and therefore did not any good or bad exploit worthy of memory The fifth Emperor of this Family was Frederick the third whose Government was such that his own Subjects with the help of his own Brother Albert besieged him a long time in the Castle of Vienna where they had taken him prisoner had not George king of Bohemia delivered him by deceit and cunning rather then by strength and fortitude For although he came to Vienna with an Army of eight thousand good Souldiers yet was not this Force able to succour him but he was fain to play the Umpier betwixt him and his Citizens and so under a colour of conference called him his wife and his son forth of the Town and when he had cunningly set them at Liberty he conveyed them secretly unto a place of security This Emperor to prosecute a Bishop which was deposed by the Pope raised such troubles in Germany that the Princes thereof were not able to succour the Emperor Constantine of Constantinolpe whom the great Turk Mahomet drove from his Imperial City caused him to be slain before the gates thereof set his head upon a Lance and commanded it to be carried about the City his wife daughters and many other Ladies and Gentlewomen were invited to a banquet after which they were all deflowred and then cut into small pieces as flesh to the pot And lastly in despight of Christ and all Christians he caused the Picture of our Saviour to be set up in the Town with this Inscription Behold the Saviour of the Christians that could not save them Immediately after Frederick succeeded Maximilian and after him Charles the fifth his grand-childe of which two I have already said enough and might say much more to make them more hatefull but I should be too long and over-tedious And yet I may not forget three notable Arguments of of Charles the fiâ—hs dissembling and of his turbulent nature and conditions The First sheweth that he pretended to be a zealous Catholick and was indeed no better then a dissembling Hypocrite The second proveth that although he shewed an outward desire of peace yet he cared not what occasions he took to make war The third declareth that albeit he would seem to love Germany as the Nation from whence all his greatness proceeded yet he sought the advancement of Spain more then of Germany or of his own Family or House of Austria The first point is proved because that having obtained of Leo the tenth great sums of money and ten thousand well appointed Souldiers in regard of his faithfull promise to subvert and utterly overthrow the Lutherans of Germany as soon as he had with those men and that money fully revenged himself upon certain Princes of Germany wâ—th whom he was highly offended and whom he had never subdued had he not had the Popes help he gave over his wars and granted both unto them and all others liberty of conscience wherewith not only the Pope had just occasion to be displeased but his own Confessor took it so grievously that the next time he came to Confession he denied him Absolution This zealous Christian when he had troubled Italy with long and tedious wars not meaning as it seemed to end the same wars without doing some notable action worthy of eternal memory took the Pope prisoner at Rome and kept him a long time in the Castle of St. Angelo And although he would not suffer him to be set at Liberty before he had paid a great Ransom yet he dissembled and handled the matter so cunningly that he caused publick Praises and Supplications to be made unto God generally throughout all Spain for the delivery of this Holy Father and protested openly unto the World that his unruly Souldiers full sore against his will and pleasure being in great distress of money and other necessary provision had sacked Rome and imprisoned the Popes Holiness The second point shall need no other proof but his great malice and continual spight notwithstanding that the Princes of France were in some manner the onely and special cause of his greatness For had not Lewis the eleventh with great cunning policy weakned the last Duke of Burgondy had he not most wisely and providently nourished the wars betwixt him and the Switzers had he not covetously and carelesly set him at variance with the Duke of Lorrain and lastly had he not secretly privily won Nicholas Campobasso to leave the said Duke in the midst of the battel which he fought with the Prince of Lorain a practice not to be forgotten against the Spaniard valiant Charles of Burgundy had never been slain in the Field nor the troublesome Maximilian should ever have inherited his Dukedom by matching with his daughter How sought he continually to perturb and disquiet the peace thereof Which side left he unassaulted Which way to enter into France untried And what cause had he to disquiet France especially after that he had taken the king thereof prisoner and made him yeeld unto all unreasonable demands It is written that many times entering into a serious cogitation of the great slaughters that had been committed in France by him and his Souldiers of the great wrong that he had done to the good and vertuous Kings thereof and of the simple and weak causes that moved him thereunto he was often and greatly troubled in his Conscience and sometimes sought peace of himself and yet the wicked spirit overcoming the good inclination that sometimes guided him he returned presently and without any just occasion unto wars The last point is proved by a Diet and a general Assembly of the States of Germany which he held at Auspurge under a colour to reform and order divers abuses in Religion unto which Diet many great Princes of Germany would not vouchsafe to come because they knew certainly that the reformation of Religion was but the pretence and colour of keeping that Diet but the very end and pâ—rpose thereof was to reverse the order of the Election of the Emperors and to tranfer the Empire from Germany unto Spain The which his intention was afterwards so apparent that although in regard of his brotherly love
one terrible and mighty Adversary raise up another who may be in all respects as dangerous and as well to be feared as he For because France lieth neerer unto us then Spaine and Vis unita is alwaies held to be Fortior if France should recover Burgondy and the Low Countries should we not have great and just occasion to fear France For neither may our happy victories against France encourage us not to esteem France since it is no point of wisedom not to fear the least Enemy that may be nor the late benefits pleasures and Offices of kindness shewed by us unto the late Kings thereof can assure as that France will never endammage us I have already shewed the causes of our fortunate success against France and if those causes should once begin to fail us the good fortune which proceeded of them would soon leave to follow us and as well Princes as private men receive favours and courtesies readily look upon their Benefactors unwillingly remember good turns slowly and requite received benefits faintly Then because the fresh memory of new courtesies cannot extinguish the grievous and unpleasant remembrance of ancient quarrâ—ls we must as we have said still have a very careful and watchful eye over France and intreat France to be content to joyn with us in placing and preferring some such Prince unto the quiet and assured pâ—ssession of the Low Countries as may be well able with the help of us and France to retain the same and yet unable to hurt us or France Neither must the cross dealings of the late Duke of Alencon discourage us to attempt any such matter for we saw that they whom he had handled somewhat unkindly might easily have been perswaded to have received him again for their Duke And there may a Prince be found that shall be less suspected and more acceptable unto the Flemings then any French-man can be The Duke Ernestus who was lately sent to be their Governour in my simple opinion seâ—meth to be a fit man for that purpose For whereas the Spanish King of late would have bestowed the Infanta his Daughter upon him it may easily be thought now that that hope faileth him because he knoweth now where to find a fitter Husband for her then to match her with him and to give him the Low Countries for her Dowry But common same reporteth that there is an intent and purpose to marry her unto the French King as well because he is now become a Catholick as for that France and Spain have often matched together and the Pope may easily be entreated to dispeâ—se with the French King to take her for his Wife Truly it were hard to permit him to marry so near a Kinswoman as is his now living wives own Neece But grant that the Popes dispeâ—sation may salve this sore that the French King may forget the wrongs and indignities offered unto him by Spain that this were a good and ready way to reconcile these Princes that have lived too long togeâ—her in contention and variance and that of this reconciliation there is likely to follow a great and general benefit unto all Christendom Yet I can hardly think that the Spanish King would ever yeeld his consent unto such a Match And though he would ever yeeld his consent thereunto yet it behoveth all the Princes of Christendom to hinder such a marriage For if his Son should die whose life is in Gods hands should not all the Kingdoms and Dominions of the Spaniard because there is no Law Salick in Spain descend unto his Daughter And would not the desired addition of all those unto the Kingdom of France make the warlike and mighty Prince thereof not onely to think upon but also to attempt the Conquest of all Europe Should he not grow too mighty Should he not be able to Tyrannize over all the world more then the Spaniard doth now And then doth it not greatly import all Christian Princes to withstand this Marriage Besides grant that his son doth live to have many children were it not a very unwisâ— and indiscrect part of the Spanish King to give hâ—s Daughter in marriage unto such a one as what for his old grudge unto Spain what in regard of the Title and Interest that this wife may give him unto the Crown of Spain will undoubtedly be content to take her for wife were it for no other occasion but to have so good just and colourable a cause as her right would give him to challenge invade and conquer Spain For the Prince of Orange by noting the Spanish Kings son of Bastardy in his Apology and by animating the French King to defend his Neece right whensoever God should call her Father to his mercy hath set open such a gap as will give a very easie entrance into the Kingdom of Spain unto the Spanish Daughters ambitious nature or unto his valiant minde if there be any valour in him who shall have her to wife The surest and safest way then for the Spaniard is either to match her lowly as Austiages did his Daughter with some mean Prince who shall not be able to hurt or prejudice his Son or else to bestow her upon the said Duke Ernestus who although he be her neer kinsman and a Prince of no great living yet because it is a matter very usual in the House of Austria to match in their own blood and for that the Spaniard hath Kingdoms and Dominions enough to bestow upon her in marriage neither the propinquity in blood nor the want of living can be an obstacle unto the match But it may be said what shall it avail if she be married to the Duke Ernestus and Flanders be her Dowry Shall it not be all one Will he not be at the devotion of his Father in-law And will it not be a means to make the Emperor more fast and assured unto Spain and to carry the less love and affection unto us and our Friends But I suppose the Empire shall be transferred unto some other Prince and although it shall remain still in the House of Austria yet I know he that shall be or is Emperor can have no great means to annoy us Besides we may finde many wayes to set a variance and separaâ—ion betwixt the Father and the Son and when God shall have wrought his will and pleasure upon the Father betwixt the Brother and the Sister Were there ever more hot and bloody wars betwixt us and France then when the French Kings Sister was married unto our King Or when our Kings Daughters have matched with France Did not these marriages breed and bring forth the chiefest causes of our most deadly contentions And did not our and their profit and gain make us forget blood affinity and Alliance But if it shall seem dangerous to hazard our safety upon so weak an hope it shall not be amiss to use all policy to procure such a match and to cause her Dowry to be either the Kingdom
of Naples or of Portugal For so shall his Sons power be weakened his Daughter further off from us and from France and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess too base a name for so proud a woman and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen And we finde that the desire of that Charâ—es his wife who of a Duke of Anioâ— was made and crowned King of Naples to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel for his wife who was descended of a King and still lived among Queens would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes possession rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain because he being a young Prince and King of so many Dominions will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them For experience hath taught them that when Naples and Sicily were governed by a proper King and he alwayes Resident amongst them they lived not then in such danger or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us the question would be what Government would best content us in Flanders whether it were best to have a Prince there and if a Prince what he should be or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces and if such a Government whether it were best to unite the rest of Flanders unto them that are already united The questions are full of difficulty and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them And yet because this is my last task I will as I have done in the rest adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces The consideration of their Subjects quiet and welâ—are The regard of their wealth The credit whereunto they are grown The accompt that their Neighbours make of them The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations The recourse of Strangers unto them The beauty and increase of their Cities lately enlarged and beautified and their strength being as I have once said already almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time that their might would make them ambitious and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their Neighbours who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity would happily be content to shake off their Kings and live under their wings and protection Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed that drew other people to follow the example of those Nations Was it not then seen and may it not be seen again thâ—â— the less Cities iimitated the greater and whether the first inclined thither the last repaired Is it not generally said that two eyes see more then one And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Venetian and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight resolve them not so soon but better then the Floâ—entines The reason whereof is given by Bodin because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments because they proceed from them who are either their enemies or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they whereas the later distrusting every man his own judgement and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro con in any matter whatsoever after long conâ—erence and consultation conclude upon the best and wisest resolution Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces especially in the Hollanders who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings Italians French or Spaniards Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their Island into England and other places Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours and continue themselves therein who not long ago cared for no Princes favour but â—or one Kings good will and countenance Sent they not their Ambassadors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince Gave they not their Present as well as others and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery Do they not daily encrease their Revenews Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat and govern an Oar now manage a Lance and handle a weapon as well as other Nations Do not the better sort amongst them who heretofore never medled with matters of State match the wisest Politicians in Counsel and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings And to be brief is it not likely that if they proceed as they have begun they will in time grow too strong and exceed the Seigniory of Venice the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk I have once already said it and cannot say it too often God grant that all the Princes of Christendom yea the Child that is unborn have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers and call to minde upon
Iohn for the execution before and the possession after the conquest The Pope writeth unto the King in the behalf of his Brother he fearing that when his brother had obtained England he would not rest satisfied therewith but coveted greater matters and that he should find many Christian Princes ready to assist him in his endeavours thanketh the Pope for his loving and kindly care of his Brothers advancement and denieth not his suit for fear he should offend his Brother but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter for the enterprize said he is honourable but hard and difficult and my Brother a fit man to be employed therein but his credit must be regarded and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires This answer runneth for currant until the plot laid for England was prevented and broken by the wisdom and policy of the Queen and Council of England Then Don Iohn and his Secretary together with the Pope and other Italian Princes think upon another Kingdom for him and altogether practise how to make him King of Tunis a place that required a man of his worth as well to keep it as to contain the Turk within his limits The Pope therefore writeth again unto the Spanish King praying him to bestow the Kingdom upon his Brother He entertaineth both the Pope and his Brother as he did for England alwaies forbearing to make Don Iohn greater and mightâ—er then he was himself All these practises with the Pope were done secretly and Escovedo was the man that was still employed in them The King was never made privie unto them until that the Popes Nuntio talking by chance with Antonio Peres revealed all their secret intelligences with the Pope and he presently made report thereof unto the King The Spanish Ambassador also advised the said Peres that Don Iohn de Austria by means of Escovedo had great recourse unto the King with whom his Messenger had several privie conferences and never acquainted him with any and after they had been with the King they went unto the Duke of Guise who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between Don Iohn and the said Duke upon pretence that the defence of both Kingdoms France and Spain was the cause of this League Antonio Peres imparteth the news unto the King who dissembleth his knowledge thereof and entertaineth both his Brother and his Brothers Secretary with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection Don Iohn wearied with continual crosses and untoward proceedings in Flanders resorted on the sudden into Spain without giving the King any notice of his coming The King giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment confer together about his preferment and dispatcheth him in all haste for Flanders pretending the troubles there to be such as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his State Don Iohn departing leaves Escovedo behind him to solicite and follow his business in his absence Here endeth Escovedo's prosperity and beginneth Antonio Peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time For when the Duke Don Iohn was gone the King consulteth with him how to proceed against Escovedo Then they call to mind all their former intelligences they think it dangerous to send him back again into Flanders because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour Then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by Order of Law because that was to call his Brother in question and so to offend his Brother thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies Then they resolve that the best and safest course was to give Escovedo a Baccado that is a morsel to shorten his days because that being done secretly his Brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him This resolution being thus taken Antonio Peres is commanded by the King to put the same in execution and he performeth the charge so cunningly that no man but he and the King knew by whom Escovedo was poysoned He being dead his son Pedrâ— Escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him and seeking findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against Antonio Peres which is nourished by Peres his enemies Escovedo counselled by Peres adversaries and his Fathers best friends presenteth an humble supplication to the King wherein he accuseth Antonio Peres of his Fathers death and beseecheth his Majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of Law and Justice against the Murtherer His Petition is received and read by the King that he shall have Justice with all favour and expedition Peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house and order is given for his examination The King wavereth betwixt hope and fear as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt somtimes he hopeth well because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and Peres he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter and somtimes he doubteth that Peres may in hope of pardon from him by whom he was set on work confess the murther and the cause thereof These perplexities thus troubling the King Peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions somtimes he liveth in hope because the King comforteth him and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation within a while after he beginneth to fear because he is committed to harder durance commanded to confess the fact and conceal the cause willed to compound with his accuser and so eagerly prosecuted that he flyeth to Aragon The people there being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge rise up in Arms make Ghilmesa their Head and by main force deliver him out of prison he being at liberty flyeth into France and thence cometh into England Thus you have briefly heard the fact now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact The Questions are these 1. First Whether the King commanding Escovedo to be murthered in this manner may not worthily be accompted and called a Murtherer 2. Next Whether Antonio Peres obeying this Commandment hath not committed as great an offence as the King 3. Then Whether the King being found a Murtherer deserveth not to be Deposed or Excommunicated for this Murther better then the King of France did deserve to be deprived of his Life and Crown for murthering the Duke of Guise 4. Lastly Whether this Excommunication and Deposition may be warranted by the example of other Princes who having committed the like offences have endured and undergone the like punishment To clear the first question it shall be needful to know whether the King had just occasion offered him by Escovedo to cause him to be murthered For though Princes have life
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
crime worthy of death unless his Princes State be greatly endangered by his fault and folly Let all the ancient and new Histories be perused that handle matters of State All the large Volumns of Civilians be read that ever writ of points of Treason and all the Negotiations that have passed betwixt Prince and Prince be well and duly considered and it will appear that never any Princes servant or minister hath lost life for practising with his Masters Friends and Allies unless it were proved that through his fault of Friends they were made enemies For the Laws take not any man to be a traytor by whom his Princes State is not weakned or endangered or his Countries adversaries strengthned or assisted in deed or in counsel by advice or by action Then since it was not proved that Escovedo his practises with the King of France or with the House of Guise tended to the disadvantage of his Prince to the loss of his Realms the diminution of his Friends but rather to the advantage of the Kings Brother the benefit of the Low Countries and the continuance of the League and Amity betwixt France and Spain For Don Iohn de Austria his League with the Duke of Guise was concluded for the benefit and defence of both Kingdoms I see no reason why Escovedo should lose his life for contracting with France openly or secretly with the Kings pleasure or without his commission especially if it were not shewed that he had some express commandment not to deal in any matter of what nature soever with France without his privity For although it be a fault in a servant to be over-busie in his masters affairs into which divers servants fall many times either because they are desirous to be always doing somthing or for that they think they cannot be too careful and vigilant in any thing that concerns their masters yet it is an offence pardonable And the fault that proceedeth from temerity and rashness deserveth rather commiseration then cruelty pardon then punishment especially unless it be such a fault that hath no certain kind of chastisement appointed out by the Law But Escovedo was once well affected unto the Kings service and afterwards changed that affection But how will this be proved Bartell in his Book de Guelphis Gibellinis setteth down four causes or changes or signs of a changed affection and of a mans mind estranged and departed from that faction which he once liked and followed The first If he have any sudden occasion of quarrel and contention with a man that is mightier then himself amongst his own faction The second If any inheritance or great commodity be fallen unto him which he cannot enjoy unless he leave his old friends and lean unto their enemies The third If he be lately joyned in affinity with the contrary faction And the fourth and last if moved with any of these causes he departeth from one side unto another Of these four signs which was found in Escovedo Had he any quarrel with any one about his King that was greater then himself It appeareth not and Don Iohn de Austria testifieth unto the King that he was generally well liked and loved of all men Had he any league of kinred or affinity in Rome or France It was never urged against him and he never sought any occasion of any such alliance Left he his Masters service to serve the Pope or the French King There was nothing further from his heart Had he any pension of the Pope any fee of the French King any yearly reward of the House of Guise The intelligence that was given against him mentioneth no such matter and although he had some benefit by all these yet it maketh him no traytor For servants and Kings Counsellors may and do usually receive rewards of their Princes enemies much more of their friends which are given to the end they should do some good offices about their King and what Counsellor can be greatly blamed if he take a reward of an enemy to effect that which he knoweth his master would have effected Or who can justly think evil of that Counsellor who when an enemy seeketh a peace that will be both honourable and profitable to his Prince receiveth some notable reward to be a mediator of such a peace Is it not good to ease an indiscreet enemy of his money And have you not heard of Philip de Commines that divers great Officers of England had yearly Fees of the French King and yet were held and taken and that not wrongfully for good and faithful Counsellors unto their own King and Country It is noted for indiscretion and a great over-sight in the Seignory of Venice that when they send their Generals into the Field against their enemies they give them express charge and commandment not to fight a Battel without leave of the Senate because while they are sending for that leave they many times lose very good opportunities to overthrow their adversaries For that oft times it falleth out that the time the place and other circumstances give him opportunity to do better service then he should be able to do if he were precisely fastned unto his Instructions And undoubtedly the late Duke of Parma might have benefitted the Spaniard much more then he did in the Low Countries had he not been constrained to let slip many good occasions whilst he attended for advice and resolution out of Spain And it is certain that Don Iohn de Austria after his Victory at Lepantâ— might have done great service unto all Christendom had he not refused when he was requested by the Venetians to follow the victory because he had no warrant out of Spain to go further then he did And the Duke of Medina might as common fame reporteth in the late Spanish enterprize against England have annoyed our Realm much more then he did had he not stood so nicely to his Commission If therefore Flanders which in those days was very tumultuous and subject to divers accidents if France which favoured not England at that time so much as it doth at this present if the Pope who wanted not a number of fugitives to incense him against England if the House of Guise which had their secret friends and their privie practises in England if England it self which was the mark whereat the Pope the Spaniard and Don Iohn de Austria did shoot Briefly if all these together might minister many sudden occasions speedy resolutions and better furtherance from France from Rome then from Escovedo's practises were tolerable and his secret dealings gave the Spanish King no just occasion to put him to death It remaineth to see whether the cause of his death being unjust the King had any reasonable excuse to extenuate the murther He that cannot escape death but by killing another shall not be punished by death if he kill another because it is lawful to repel force by force The husband or father that killeth an adulterer in
the same he and his subjects lived afterwards in great peace and tranquility Had Antonio Peres imitated this Bavilion the Spanish Kings honour had not been blemished as now it is Escovedo's children had not troubled him as they did Peres himself and his posterity had not endured the calamities which he and they suffer and Aragon had not tasted the miseries and inconveniences which fell upon Aragon In handling of the negative I may not altogether excuse Antonio Peres for I know and so must he that his reputation should have suffered less indignity his conscience less troubled and he should undoubtedly have less to answer for hereafter if he had imitated Bavilion but because it is hard in these days to find any Prince like unto the Duke of Britany few Counsellors or Ministers dare adventure to follow the footsteps of Bavilion For they remember that Hydaspes or Harpagus as before being commanded by Astyages to kill Cyrus saved the harmless innocent but his son smarted for his fathers offence and the father could not chuse but smart and sorrow in his sons death They remember that Cambyses his servant spared Croesus when they were commanded to kill him but he lived and his wife was the cause of their death and this remembrance maketh them fear the Princes displeasure and this displeasure putteth them in fear of their lives and this fear causeth them willing to obey and execute their hasty and furious commandments the rather because they see that although Princes somtimes chance to return to favour those persons whom they willed to be destroyed yet they always hate those ministers that would not destroy them at their commandment And Peres knew or might learn that a Princes Judges may command an ordinary or an inferiour Judge to execute his sentence and he upon whom he layeth this command is bound to execute the same although he knoweth that his sentence be unjust and if the ordinary or inferiour Judge shall refuse to obey his commandment the Delegate may inforce him thereunto by excommunication and ecclesiastical censure And this is so true that the Popes Legate who is an ordinary and one of the highest dignities that may be cannot impeach or hinder a sentence given by the Popes Delegate and the Delegate may if it please him both command and compel the Popes Legate to execute his sentence because that in the cause that is so committed unto him he is greater then the Popes Legate And if a Popes Legate may be constrained to obey a Judge Delegate how much more may an inferiour Judge or a common or a mean Ordinary be enforced to yeild him dutiful obedience The reason why this obedience is required because he unto whom the execution of sentence is only committed hath no authority to examine the equity or injustice thereof he must think that all is just that such a judge doth he must look upon the commission and commandment given unto him without making any further enquiry into the matter and he must presume that whatsoever might be said against that sentence hath been already said and duly considered Now if this obedience must be shewed unto a Judge delegate and for no other reason but for that he representeth the Princes person how much more ought a Kings commandment not to be disobeyed although he should will and command any man to hang one of his Subjects without acquainting him with the cause or examining the same cause before his commandment for the pleasure of a Prince is held for a sufficient cause and he hath no superiour who may presume to examine his will or his actions And this is so true that no manner of proof may be admitted against this general and infallible conclusion Again a Judges authority maketh that just which was otherwise unjust for although whatsoever is done by a false Guardian be not lawful especially if it be done to his prejudice that is under years yet if the Civil Magistrate shall ratifie such a Guardians action it shall be of full force Shall not a King from whom such authority is derived have the like power the like prerogative Again every superiours authority and commandment must be obeyed and he that obeyeth not must dye the death and may be lawfully called and chastised as a Rebel Now to apply all that hath been said unto Ant. Peres his case the resolution of the second question may be briefly this if he knew either because the King had acquainted him therewithal or that in conscience he was assured that the King would not command any unjust thing that Escovedo had deserved death he might boldly see him executed Or if it were doubtful unto him whether Escovedo had given the King just occasion to command his death he needed not fear to perform his commandment But if his secret conscience could tell him that the King had not just cause of death against Escovedo then undoubtedly it had been Peres his part not to have obeyed For as the Judge who is bound to judge secundum allegata probata if any thing be falsly proved before him and he not know that it is so shall do better to give over his office then to pronounce sentence against his own Conscience So Antonio Peres although it had been dangerous for him to refuse to obey and execute his Princes command yet if he knew that the same was repugnant to the Word of God which permitteth no man to be slain without just desert he should have done better to obey God then his King For although a King be called God's Minister and his judgements seem to proceed from God's own mouth yet when he doth wrong and breaks God's commandments he is not then God's minister but the divel 's and then he is no Judge no King because he leaveth God and fulfilleth not that charge which the Almighty hath laid upon him and he that obeyeth not his King in such commandments obeyeth God yea the subject against whom the King taketh such unlawful course may defend himself against his violence and oppression Betwixt God therefore and Antonio Peres his Conscience be it whether he proceeded against Escovedo in malice or in justice and if his conscience shall accuse him undoubtedly he shall one day finde that the fear of the Princes displeasure will be no sufficient warrant or lawful excuse and that it had been better for him to have said unto his King God commandeth me one thing and you another he biddeth me not to kill and you command me to murther he threatneth me if I obey not him and you menace me if I disobey you but you threaten me with imprisonment he with hell you with short pain and he with everlasting torment you with death and he with damnation and therefore good King give me leave to lean to him and leave you Now followeth the third question a matter the proof whereof must rest upon the Spanish King's Conscience
and Antonio Peres his voluntary confession which is a slender kind of proof and especially against a King for exceptions may be made and taken against it As that Antonio Peres bewrayeth his own filthiness and therefore is not to be heard That he is but one witness That he is as Socius Criminis and therefore his accusation of little force and many other like which for brevity I omit and will dispute tanquam ex concessis and have two principal reasons to induce me thereunto The first because I presume that no man will be so impudent as to accuse a King and his own Soveraign to his face and to the view of all the world of a horrible murther unless his accusation were true and tended rather to purge himself then to defame and discredit his Prince The second cause I find that the Spanish Kings friends and favourers have not made any conscience or difficulty to calumniate our Princess her life and actions upon far more slender presumptions then we have of this murther The Author of that seditious Book which was written against the late King of France delivereth it for his resolute opinion That the said King deserved to lose his Crown because he not only consented but also commanded the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his Brother to be murthered He aggravateth his murther by three principal reasons and instances The first Because they were innocent The second Because they were allied unto the King And the third Because they were massacred by common murtherers These reasons have already been sufficiently reproved Their innocency hath been shewed to be horrible treasons their alliance unto their King not worthy of pardon or commiseration and their death to be warrantable by Law and equity It resteth to make a brief comparison betwixt them and Escovedo and the comparison may be this Escovedo practised with friends they with foes He for the King's Brother they against the King his Brother and all his blood He to the benefit of his Prince and Country they to the hurt and ruine of the King and his realm He with the consent and command of the King's Lieutenant they against the will and pleasure of all the King 's loving and faithful Officers He to reduce the King's subjects to their obedience they to alienate their Princes subjects from their allegiance He to submit strangers unto his Princes Dominions and they to subject their Prince and Country unto strangers He to â—oyn other Countries with the Spanish Kings they to dismember and distract many provinces from the French Crown He was never admonished to desist they were oft-times required to depart from their unlawful League and Confederacy He was cut off before he came to any open action they lived after they had committed many notable and notorious treasons He was accused but of presumption they were convicted by divers and evident proofs He perished because it was thought he would or might have done evil they were not executed before it appeared that they had done too much evil He living could not endanger his Kings life and they if they had not been slain when they were would have shortned their King's days and utterly have subverted his Realm and their Country Briefly his death did the Spanish King no good their punishment had freed the French King and his Country of many troubles and dangers had not a factious and wicked Fryer ended his life before he could see an end of those troubles If ergo the King of France deserved to be excommunicated and deposed for murthering them much more deserveth the King of Spain the like punishment for massacring him although they far excelled him in honour and dignity And if great crimes are to be punished with great penalties small offences with small correction and such as the fault is such is the chastisement I shall not need to prove my opinion with more arguments And if the common and Ecclesiastical Laws have no greater punishment then degradation and excommunication and both of them are equal unto deposition unto death in the Civil Law and if for what faults they may be afflicted by an Ecclesiastical Judge deposition and death may be imposed for the same crimes by a Civil Magistrate Murther being punished with degradation and excommunication in an Ecclesiastical Court Murther must needs be capital before a Temporal Judge But what need I stand any longer upon the proof of my opinion The Author of the before-named seditious Book easeth me of that pain Ergo since the Law saith Such Judgement as a man giveth against another such must he expect and look for himself and he that approveth a witnesses honesty and integrity when he is produced to testifie in a matter for him cannot refuse to take exceptions against his person if he chance to be brought forth afterwards for a witness in another cause against him The Leaguers were the Spanish King's friends who by the mouth of this author have condemned the French King for a murtherer and have thought him worthy to be deprived for those murthers must needs allow the same reasons the same Law the same judgement against the Spaniard Thus the third question is cleared Now followeth the fourth in the handling whereof I shall likewise be eased by the same author for the same examples which fortifie his opinion may serve to confirm my assertion He mentioneth many Princes who were deposed or excommunicated or censured by the Pope for murther The Princes deposed were Ptolomeus Phisco King of Egypt Tarquinus superbus King of Rome Philip King of Macedonia Herdanus King of Castile and Edward and Richard both the second Kings of England The Kings excommunicated by the Pope were Peter King of Castile whom Pope Urban excommunicated because he killed Blanch the daughter of the Duke of Barbon and divers Peers of his Realm Maganus Nicholas King of Denmark who was likewise excommunicated for the murther committed by his sons procurement on the person of Canutus his Nephew And lastly King Iohn of England who incurred the like punishment for causing his Nephew Arthur to be murthered without any desert without any due observance of Law or Equity The same author aggravateth again the French King's murther because the Cardinal was an Ecclesiastical man and a man of great Calling and Dignity and proveth again his opinion by the example of Henry the eighth King of England whom the Pope excommunicated and absolved his subjects from the oath and duty of obedience which they owed unto him because he cause Fisher Bishop of Rochester to be done to death And by the example of Bolislaus King of Poland whom Gregory the seventh not only excommunicated but also deprived him of his Crown and Dignity because he had killed holy Stomlaus But it may be said that the French King killed two and the Spaniard but one that Escovedo was a man of no such quality as the Duke and the Cardinal that their death alone was not the only crime that
was proved against the French King but many other matters as hainous as their murther Briefly that in Kings one fault be it never so grievous may be pardonable a few somwhat tolerable but many must needs be punishable in the highest degree and with the greatest extremity To this I may answer that I have already sufficiently cleared the French King of all that was more wrongfully then truly laid to his charge and that the Spanish King may be charged with many crimes as many as the late King of France but in particular Escovedo his death was an horrible murther but the proceeding of Antonio Peres and his friends made it much more horrible for wherein did Peres offend the King Was it an offence against his Majesty that he fulfilled his commandment in causing him to be murthered whose death he desired Was it a treason not to confess this murther which could not be revealed without the King's prejudice Was it a fault to confess the murther as he was commanded and to conceal the cause as he was willed Was it not a crime punishable to compound with the accuser and to buy his quiet as Peres did with twenty thousand duckets Briefly Was it a sin unpardonable to blemish his own reputation and to impoverish himself and all to please and content the King If all these be no faults then had the King no just cause to be displeased with Peres as he was somtimes friendly other times hardly pleased to day favouring him to morrow persecuting him one while promising him great rewards another while taking from him his own goods and his own substance and if all these be faults whose faults be these Are they not the King 's as well as Peres his faults Nay came they not from the King and not from Peres who did nothing but what the King commanded him what he thought fit and convenient to be done which he not only required him but also promised him great rewards to do But grant that Peres offended the King highly what offence had Peres his wife and children committed that they should be imprisoned and his Son lose his ecclesiastical living Offended they because they became suitors for his enlargement for his speedy and just tryal Had he been a manifest Traytor it was lawful for his wife to sue for his pardon Had she been guilty and consenting to his treason she could have endured no more then he did unless he had been first condemned and the Law favoureth women even in cases of treason because it presumeth that by reason of the infirmity of their Sex they dare not attempt so much as men and had his son joyned with his mother for his fathers liberty that was no sufficient cause to take away his Living For the Law which enjoyneth a childe to prosecute and revenge his fathers death if he chance to be killed upon pain of loss of his childes part and portion cannot but permit him yea either expresly or secretly charge him to do his best and uttermost endeavour to preserve and keep his father from a wrongful and undeserved death And the Cannons which permit not the Pope who is a competent and the highest Judge in any Ecclesiastical cause to take away a Benefice from any man at his pleasure suffer not a Lay Prince who is no competent Judge in Ecclesiastical causes according to those Cannons to make his pleasure a just and sufficient reason to deprive any man of a spiritual Living It is ergo manifest that there was and is great wrong done unto Antonio Peres to his wife and children and this wrong ceaseth not in them but reacheth unto others and not unto mean men only nor in the least kinde of injury For Iohn Don de la Nuca a man of no mean authority a Magistrate the chief Justice of all Aragon must not be lightly punished which had been somwhat tolerable but unjustly beheaded which was extream tyrannie and for what cause If I may not tell you the King 's own letter shall tell you This Letter written by the King unto Don Iohn Alonso contained these short but sharp words Assoon as you receive this Letter you shall apprehend Don John de la Nuca chief Iustice of Aragon and let me assoon be certified of his death as of his Imprisonment you shall cause his head straightway to be cut off and let the Cryer say thus This is the Iustice which the King our Lord commandeth to be done unto this Knight because he is a gatherer together of the Kingdom and for that he raised a Banner against his King who commandeth his head to be cut off his goods to be confiscated and his House and Castle to be pluckt down to the ground Whosoever shall presume so to do let him be assured so to die You see the cause he is a Traytor How is that proved The King said so He gathered together the Commons How doth that appear By the King's Letter He raised a Banner against the King who is his Accuser The King Who the Judge The King What Tryal had he Assoon as he was taken he was executed a Judgement goeth before an Arraignment and Execution before a Judgement Who was the Executioner Don Alonso de Vargas With what solemnity is the execution done Whoso is a Traytor shall die so whoso raiâ—eth the Country shall die so whoso raiseth a standard in the field against the King shall die so all is treason and all is death all upon a sudden and all without due and lawful proof For such a Justice as Don Iohn de la Nuca was could have no other Judge no man else to condemn him but a certain Court called Contes Lateras the King and the States of the Kingdom such a crime as was laid to his charge cannot be heard and determined in Aragon by the King such a sentence as passed against him hath no more power or force against a mans person his goods or his honour then a sentence given by the complainant against the defendant such a King as the King of Spain should be in Aragon is no longer a King if he break the Laws of the Union and of those Laws there are two especial branches the one That whensoever the King breaketh those Laws the Subjects may presently chuse another King The other That all the States and rich men of the Country may assemble together and forbid any rents to be paid unto the King until the Vassal whom the King doth wrong be restored unto his right and the Law which he doth presume to violate be likewise re-established in full force and strength Moreover because there is no other Law and Obligation wherewith to binde a King then with an Oath an Oath is taken of the King at his Coronation to keep those Laws and the Oath is given him with these words We who are able to do as much as you do make you our Lord and King with this condition that you shall keep our Laws and
Liberties and if you will not keep them you are not our King Here you see Laws broken a King forsworn and subjects authorized to depose such a King or rather a King de facto deposed and not only deprivable if he shall break those Laws And in Antonio Peres his Book you shall see how often and how violently those Laws were broken Now it followeth to shew you briefly whether voluntary perjury and wilful breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince These questions if you look upon the rebellion of the Flemmings and the deposition of the Scottish Queen are in some measure lightly resolved but not so fully discussed but that they need a more ample and large declaration Perjury is a most grievous offence but much more grievous when it is voluntarily committed and then a man committeth perjury willingly when he doth any thing willingly against an Oath taken not by force but by free will not unadvisedly but with great consideration not to his hurt but to his advantage not to perform a thing impossible or dishonest but to binde and tye himself to a condition that is both possible and honest For when a man not being forced thereunto by just fear or irresistable necessity breaketh such an Oath there can be no colour or pretence to excuse his perjury it argueth it convinceth him of fraud and deceit and giveth an occasion to think that he regardeth not an oath The seditious Author thought the late French King worthy to be deprived for his offence and yet he hath no such proof of his perjury as may be had against the Spanish King The Civil Laws hold perjured men for infamous persons and the Cannons receive no infamous person fit to execute an office of honour and dignity A perjured man is alwaies repelled from bearing witness in any cause whatsoever because that being convicted to have forsworn himself in one cause it is not only a presumption but a sufficient proof that he will depose falsly in another And this is so true that although he hath amended his life yet he cannot be admitted for a witness be it either in a civil or criminal cause Again a Priest that hath forsworn himself for a Benefice is not only deprived of the Benefice for which he committed perjury but also of all other Benefices that he had before and the Bishop that hath deprived him cannot bestow another Benefice upon him for the collation that the Bishop maketh unto such a man of such a Benefice is void by Law And although a man may say that such a collation made by the Pope is good and valuable in Law yet it may be answered that the Pope making the like collation seems to dispense with the inability of the person and so the collation is not of force of it self but by reason of the Popes dispensation who hath full power to dispense with men in such cases Since ergo perjury is a sin so detestable and odious that it not only excludeth men from preferment and honour but also removeth them from their offices and dignities which are advanced it must needs be granted that the Spanish King who hath violated his Oath made unto his subjects at the time of his Coronation and broken the Laws which he then swore to observe keep inviolable may with more reason and justice be deprived of his Crown and Dignity then the French King who neither was nor could be justly convicted of the like perjury But many things may be said for the Spaniards purgation and especially these First That subjects cannot receive an oath of their Prince without the authority of some Judge and that a promise made before no competent bindeth not any man Next That Princes which are above Law are not bound to the observation of their contracts which have their full force and strength from Law that Princes may change and alter their own Laws at their pleasure Then That although they should be strictly bound to stand to their Contracts yet if they were induced to make a contract touching any thing wherein they were well informed or if the contract do contain things too much derogating or diminishing their jurisdiction or authority Royal or if they have made a promise that may be very prejudicial unto them then in these three cases they may lawfully break and violate their contract And lastly That an oath containing a promise not being grounded upon some other good cause giveth no good action no good bond and obligation and notwithstanding that the bond were good and the oath of force yet Princes who may dispense with others may give a sufficient dispensation to themselves and so revoke their contracts that if their own dispensations shall not be available the Pope may absolve them of their oath and from the due observance thereof or that if the Pope will not absolve them they need not care or seek for his absolution because considering their might their power and their authority there is no Law no Judge that can compel them to keep their oath or to observe their contract To all these observations I answer briefly because I mean but to give light unto others or to my self to answer them more fully hereafter The Law that requireth the authority of a Judge for the validity of a promise speaketh of a transaction and for victuals and sustenance without the Magistrates consent and authority and holdeth the transaction made for victuals for unlawful because the composition was too little and the Law in these cases is favourable and the Magistrate charged to interpose his authority when favourable persons are overmuch prejudiced especially in favourable cases and although Princes be numbâ—ed among favourable persons yet this Law stretcheth not unto Princes who do usually at their Coronation swear to observe the ancient Laws and Liberties of their Kingdoms And this oath is held lawful and lawfully taken as well because general custom hath the ful force and strength of a Law for that the States and Commons of the Country being then present do stand and are taken by general custome for sufficient Judges to give and receive that oath And although it may be said that neither all the States nor all the Commons are or can be present at the taking of such an oath yet the oath shall avail them that are absent as much as though they were present But Princes being above Law are not so bound to the Laws but they change and alter them at their pleasure True unless they be grounded upon the Laws of God and the Laws of Nature The first They may interpret the second they cannot alter or abrogate the first binde them as well as their subjects and so doth the latter The breach of the first maketh them odious unto God and the breach of the latter maketh them hateful unto men In breaking the first they offend their
Realm to poison a private man and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a Kingdom of murtherers as procurers as Maâ—uel Aridrada Xpofero de Moco Rodorigo Marquess Stephano Ibacco and the Count Fuentes as many executioners as Dr Lopas Ferrara Truoca Williams and York and more perswaders as Stanley Holt Frogmorton Ower Gefford Northington Paget Tipping Garret and Naddel all of one mind but of sundry Nations of one desire but of divers conditions of one conspiracy but of contrary vocations to poison a stranger a woman a Virgin a Princess one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice of pity favour and honour for who doth not justice to a stranger as God's word commandeth pitieth not a woman as man's Law willeth favoureth not a virgin as humanity requireth honoureth not a Princess as God's word man's law and humanity prescribe This only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn but I must strive to be short and if you call to mind what hath been said already you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections An oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause bindeth not a man to any performance but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a Kingdom Or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a Crown and Royal Diadem The gift is contained in these words We make you our King and the forfeiture is expressed in these words You shall not be our King unless you keep our Laws The condition is usual and ordinary for the Emperour as soon as he is chosen taketh the like oath when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties jurisdictions rights honours dignities and priviledges of the Electors of the sacred Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal and it seemeth that as the seven Electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the Emperour of the world received this bounty of him so the Nobility of Aragon in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their King in making choice of him for their King received the like benefit at his hands and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath then the Nobility of England should have cause to be sorry if after a number of good and gracious Princes who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient Laws and Liberties of our Realm and especially in the trial and arraignment of Noblemen the Almighty should plague them with such a Prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble Kingdom by an honourable Jury of twelve Peers but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions The promise then is good and better for the oath but the oath may be broken and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach He that offendeth in hope of a pardon is not thought worthy to be pardoned and although it be a greater commendation in a Prince to be prone to shew mercy ready to forgive and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his Laws yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against God I find that Princes may dispence with Bastardy restore infamous persons to their good name and fame make their own children legitimate not as their Fathers but as their Princes not as their children but as their subjects free and emancipate bondmen briefly pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their Temporal Laws But the Cannons of which the Spanish King will seem to have more regard then any other Prince of that Religion permit not his Catholique Majesty to dispense with an oath that is a priviledge and prerogative which the Pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part and would not take it in good part that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority and he as a dutiful and loving childe will be loth to offend so good and loving a father But the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience will absolve him of his oath If his Fatherly love should make him forget himself so much as to dispense at one time not with one but many crimes the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors For the Pope cannot dispence with wilful murther such as was the violent death of Escovedo nor with any thing done against the Laws of Nature such as the breach of this contract should be nor with an oath such as this oath is without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath But grant that the Pope will dispense with this Oath what would or could all avail when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue and the Aragonian Nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their King to the performance thereof Truly this absolution should benefit him no more then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds unto whom he owed so much upon account for such a creditor when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt So the Spanish King when he hath with great difficulty and perhaps with some expences made himself beholding to the Pope for his dispensation must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose but that it should be the great burthen unto his Conscience if he should violate his contract But how may the Aragonian Noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract By forfeiting his Kingdom by taking away his rents and by putting the Laws whereunto he was sworn into execution But he is too mighty and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force What remedy shall you then find against him The course is ordinary For every Bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn to keep and observe his oath which hath alwaies paratum executionem and is so true that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a Temporal Magistrate a Bishop or Ecclesiastical Judge may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination And this is the reason why many Doctors are of opinion and especially Baldus that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one Court to another But what Prelate in Spain dareth be so bold as to call his King into his Ecclesiastical Court If the Prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the Laws there is another ordinary way A subject of the Emperour may without
going to any other Judge convent the Emperour himself before the Pope if he will not maintain his bargain or contract and if the Emperour may be immediately convented by his own subjects before the Pope with much more reason may the Spanish King be called in this case to Rome to answer the contempt of his oath as well because he is inferiour to the Emperour by many degrees as for that the peers of his Realm and the whole Nobility of Aragon are of better consideration and more regard then any private subject I finde that the Laws and common consent of all Doctors allow subjects when their princes will not do them right and justice there principal remedies against such Princes The first That subjects may compel their Prince by his Superiour if he have a Superiour to whom he oweth homage and duty to try the equity of his cause before that Superiour The second That a Subject may convent his adversary before the common Ordinary of the Diocess if his Lord and Prince chance to be negligent in the administration of Justice The third That the Prince denying to do justice to his subjects may lawfully be deprived of his power and royal authority over them The first and second perhaps will not seem fit to be practised against the Spanish King for that although he be a subject unto the Pope for many of his Kingdoms yet he will hardly acknowledge that subjection The third is more proper and therein the question may be whether subjects can lawfully expel their Prince out of his Country and from his Crown and Dignity if he do oppress them too much Some men hold hardly for the affirmative and St. Thomas holdeth an opinion that they may lawfully kill such a Prince and that it were a work somwhat meritorious And this opinion is condemned by others and the Councel of Constance determined the contrary against Saint Thomas and yet all agree in this That subjects need not obey such a prince In this contrariety I think salvo meliori judicio that the best course is to admonish such a prince of his duty and to pray him to reform and reform all that is amiss But who shall admonish him His best subjects and other princes and if after such admonition he shall still remain incorrigible then may his actions his cruelties his tyrannies be made known unto the world and after this Declaration duly justified and truly certified to all Christian princes it may be lawful to implore and employ their help and assistance for the speedy suppressing such a manifest and incorrigible oppressor and tyrant But the Emperour is too weak and the Pope will not be willing to joyn against the Spanish King The Emperour will be strong enough if other princes may be entreated to joyn with him in this honourable action and the means to perswade him and entreat them hath been declared already It resteth therefore to shew that the pope may be brought to enter into this action it may be doubted that the pope will be hardly induced to displease and offend so mighty a prince and so faithful a friend as the Spaniard You have heard that Leo the tenth and Clement the seventh crossed his father who was alwaies mightier then he and when they saw him to grow to strength they sought means to weaken him by joyning in league against him with divers French Kings But to leave his late predecessor and to come to himself Was there not a pope who in the flower of the Spanish King's youth when he had not one foot in the grave as he hath now did openly oppose himself against him Did he not imprison his Ambassador Garcilase de la Vega when he was sent unto him about matters of great weight and of greater benefit to all Christendom Did he not cast Iohn Antonio his postmaster at Rome into prison Did he not command that there should be no more any such officer in Rome which had continued there for a number of years together How many times did he stay his Ambassadour sent out of Spain to other princes took away their packets opened their letters and read them Did he not oftentimes when he meant to deceive the Spaniard send him Ambassadours to entertain him with vain hopes and when they were half way towards Spain revoke them and command them to go with the said Letters and the same conditions unto other princes Did he not in the Decree against Asconio Caciaco declare his Catholique Majesty to be an open and professed enemy unto the See of Rome What could he do more then all this unto the Turk the common enemy of Christendom What have the later popes done more then all this against the late French King William for the Spaniards sake they made their professed enemy And why may not this pope be induced with the report of all that hath been already said to as much as all this against the Spaniard now that he declineth that he is going to the grave or against his son that shall be coming into the world and may be of more terror unto Italy and the rest of Christendom then his grandfather or his Father because he is heir to as many Kingdoms as they were and is likely to succeed his father when he shall be very young and youthfull I have said enough to make the Spaniard hateful and odious to all the world but I may not end without adding somwhat more to all that I have said The seditious Author inveigheth most bitterly against the French King for his two murthers but I have shewed that the Spaniard hath committed many more then two and I must add to these murthers the unlawful execution of Diego de Meneses somtimes Vice-roy of the Indies and the Governour of Guscabs of Henry Perera Captain of the same Town of Emanuel Seradas of the Count de Terras Vedras of Peter Alpeene and Sforza Ursino whom he caused to be poysoned The same Author aggravateth as I have said the French Kings murther because he killed an Ecclesiastical person and I promised to shew you that the Spaniard hath killed many more then one witness Fryer Iohn who because he stood for the liberty of his Country was hanged in the Isles of Madera witness Fryer Hector Pinto who was poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile witness Iames de Moronake who was beaten to death with Souldiers although he was brother to the Earl of Myra witness many others who were either thrown into the Seas or hanged or poysoned The same Author burthened the late French King to be an author of heretiques because he did not utterly subvert the protestants in his Realm but I have cleared him of that accusation at large and yet forgot to tell you that he did more against the protestants in his Realm then the Spaniard did in his Dominions and he had done much more then he did had the Spaniard not favoured the protestants against him and had he not known that
it was not Religion but private quarrels that caused a division in his Kingdom and this division was as you have heard and shall hear maintained and nourished by the Spaniard For when the troubles began first in France the princes of Vendosme and Conde being displeased with the greatness of the House of Guise drew into their faction and side the Houses of Montmorency and Chastilian that they might be the better able with their help to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late Duke of Guise his Father and Uncle who had usurped and gotten into their hands all the authority credit and power of the Kingdom during the minority of Francis the second their Nephew afterwards the same Duke of Guise and the Constable fall into variance for no other cause but for that the first was jealour of the other both of them being in great favour and credit with Henry the third Four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes The first was the office of great Master of France which the King gave unto the Duke of Guise when he made the Duke of Montmorency Constable of France who was great Master before and had a promise of the King that the office should have been reserved for his son The second occasion of their discontentment was the Earldom of Dampmartin which both of them had bought of sundry persons pretending right thereunto and when they had sued for the same a long time in Law the Constable obtained the suit The third cause of their discontentment was because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other the Constable procured the Duke of Guise to be sent into Italy that he might in his absence possess the King wholly and alone and when he was there he could not do any thing worth his labour or worthy of commendation because the Constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business But the Duke of Guise being returned out of Italy and finding that the Constable was taken prisoner at St Laurence to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in Italy procured that the Constable was held a long time in prison and used all the policies that he could devise to delay and defer his deliverance the which delays occasioned his Nephews of Chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late King of Navarra and the Prince of Conde his brother who had married his Neece The fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was the competency between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Iamvile for the office and charge of Colonel of the light Horsemen of France This debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time in this manner it hapned that the first Author thereof being dead the Duke of Guise prevailed too much in the French Court the which the Lords of Chastilian perceiving to their great sorrow and discontentment left the Court and in returning from thence were it in earnest or in policy began to favour the Lutherans of France who at that time began to preach in cellars and in houses secretly and became their friends more to defend themselves from the House of Guise then to seek and procure any alteration or change of Religion until that the King himself at the instigation and instance of the Duke of Iamvile took Monsieur de Andeles at Cressy and sent him prisoner to Molin and imprisoned the Videan of Chatres and many others These imprisonments and years of further mischiefs caused the friends and followers of the Constables to prepare with great silence and secrecy a mighty Army in Germany with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the House of Guise under a colour to free the King from that bondage wherein the late Dukes of Guise and Aumale held him of which followed the great execution of Amboise the rigorous commandment that was given to the King of Navarra and the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde at the assembly of States held at Orleans and many other accidents which had continued with far greater cruelty then was used against the Houses of the Constable and of Chastilian had not the sudden death of the young King prevented the bloody intentions of the House of Guise The unexpected death of the young King perplexed and dejected the House of Guise much and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation had not the Spanish King revived their hope and put them in great comfort who until he saw them in great extremity stood in doubt which part to favour most and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides to the end it might at the length burn and consume France in such manner as it did of late years It was the Spanish King that when the King of Navarra was made Governour of Charls the ninth and the Constable restored to his ancient Honour and Dignity supported the Duke of Guise and gave him such counsel that he both won the King of Navarra and the Constable to favour him and his enterprises against their own Brothers and Nephews and took the young King and his Mother at Fountain-bleau and carried them to Melind The Queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the King and her self was sain to entreat the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastilian to help to set him and her at liberty And then the said Prince and Lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the Guisards were especially being aided with the power and authority Royal became protestants in good earnest and declaring themselves Protectors and Heads of the Huguenots craved their assistance wherewith they seized upon many Cities of France not making any mention of their Religion but pretending to free the King and his Mother from that captivity wherein the House of Guise held them It was the King of Spain who when the Duke of Guise was slain at Orleans by Poltrot practised with the Cardinal his Brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in France not to subvert the Lutherans but to weaken the Kingdom wherein the Cardinal proceeded so cunningly that he drew the Queen-mother from the Prince of Conde and the Chastilians by whom she was set at liberty by perswading that the Prince of Burbone the Constable and the Chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion and would never leave until they had sent her into Italy unto her friends there for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them that she caused the one brother to be killed at the Battel of Iarvack and the other at the Massacre of Paris it is thought that if the Montmorencies had been there at the same time they had drunk of the same cup. Thus you see that the troubles of France grew not for Religion but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the House of Guise
and the Chastilians and Montmorency then those competencies were nourished by the Spaniard for his benefit and not to subvert the protestants and that the King might and would easily have reduced all his subjects to one Religion had not the Spaniard hindred his course for even towards his latter days perceiving that wars were not the right and ready means to subvert the protestants he took another way which was to forbid them to resort to the Court or to enjoy any Offices Dignities Governments or Benefices whereby he mâ—de the old Hugonots cold in their Religion and to suffer their children to become Catholiques that they might be admitted as well as others unto Honours and that very few or none that were not protestants before fell to the open profession of their Religion which course if it were taken with both kind of Recusants in England would sooner call them home then other courses that are taken against them Again The same Author thought the French King worthy of deprivation because he was in his opinion disloyal and not trusty unto his old and ancient friends and favoured not the House of Guise so much as they deserved the which crime may very well be returned upon the Spanish King who when he might have pleased one of his best friends and one of the mightiest Kinsmen that he had refused to pleasure the one or the other when the pleasure done unto them should greatly have benefitted all Christendom For when as Pope Gregory the thirteenth purposing with the aid and assistance of certain Christian Princes to have undertaken a sudden enterprise against the Turk to the benefit and augmentation of Christendom prayed the Spaniard to have some help and succour he not only refused to send him any manner of help but also would not lend him any of his Gallies which the Pope offered to have entertained and sent to that enterprize at his own charges But this unkindness was nothing in respect of the discurtesie and disloyalty which he shewed unto Don Sebastian late King of Portugal the which unnatural and unkinde practise all Christendom hath occasion to lament for when as Sebastian intending to aid Muly Mahomet King of Fez and Morocco against Muly Malucco his brother who had driven him out of his Kingdom which intention by reason of the profitable composition which Sebastian had made with the said Mahomet had greatly advanced all Christendom required the Spaniard his Uncle to give him help towards this honourable action he promised to furnish him with fifty Gallies well appointed and with four thousand fighting Souldiers The which when Malucco heard he offered him presently certain Maritime Cities if he would not assist his Nephew the which condition the covetous Spaniard accepted and was not ashamed to forsake his own Kinsman and a Christian King and entred into League with a barbarous Infidel But he was rewarded accordingly for when he sent Vernegas his Ambassadour to take possession of the City Zaracha and of other Towns that were promised unto him The Barbarians mocking him for his covetousness and disloyalty made his Ambassador to dislodge with cannon shot But he forsook his Nephew as some say of purpose knowing that for his honour and the maintenance of his promise Don Sebastian would adventure himself in that enterprize although he had not help from the Spaniard and so losing his life in defence of so honourable a quarrel leave him a great possibility to attain unto the Kingdom of Portugal which fell out as you have heard according to his expectation Lastly The same Author concludeth the French King to deserve to be deprived of his Crown because he was in his opinion a Tyrant But you shall hear the marks whereby a Tyrant is known and then judge whether he or the Spaniard may best be called and reputed a Tyrant Bartol in his short Treatise of Tyrannie setteth ten principal observations to know and discern a Tyrant from a good and just King which he took out of Plutarch his book de Regimine Principum First Such Princes kill the mightiest men in their country that they may not rebel against them Secondly They keep their doings hidden and secret from wise men that they may not reprehend their actions and provoke the common people to rebellion Thirdly They suppress Learning and the Students and Professors thereof left they should wax wise and dislike their unlawful proceedings Fourthly They suffer no great meetings or general assemblies of their Subjects lest that they should enter into some conspiracy against them Fifthly They have their spies in every corner and place to hearken and observe what men say of them for knowing that they do not well they alwaies fear to be ill spoken of and therefore they entertain those spies very willingly Sixthly They maintain their Subjects in Divisions that the one part standing in continual fear of the other both may be afraid to rebel Seventhly They keep their subjects as low and poor as they can possible that being continually occupied and busied in getting their livings they may have no time or leisure to conspire against them Eighthly They nourish wars and send their souldiers afar off from home because that by wars their subjects are impoverished and they provided of sufficient souldiers to defend them in their unjust quarrels Ninthly They have their guards of strangers and not of their own subjects because they stand in great fear of their own Lastly When their subjects are divided they favour the one part that the other may the more easily be destroyed by their help These be the properties which Bartol examineth in this manner to kil Noblemen and not to spare his own brethren is the action of a tyrant unless the murther be grounded upon a just occasion to suppress wise men is likewise tyrannical except they commit some offence worthy of death to hinder Learning is not a work beseeming a just Prince unless he doth forbid the study of such Sciences as are not lawful and fit to be entertained in a Christian Commonwealth to permit no assemblies of subjects argueth tyrannical inhumanity if their assemblies tend not to evil purposes to entertain spies may be lawful if it be for the punishment of sin and not for the suppressing or false accusation of good and loyal subjects to nourish divisions can in no wise be commendable because a good Prince should procure his subjects peace quiet and tranquility to impoverish subjects is simply most unlawful for that the wealth of their subjects is the riches of good Princes and good Kings will rather labour to enrich them then to impoverish them to comfort then to afflict them to succour then to leave them succourless to procure forraign wars for any other cause but to avoid wars at home is a manifest argument of a notable Tyrant and especially if his wars be unjust to have a guard of strangers may be lawful if a Princes subjects may not be trusted if they have been such
as have been lately subdued if prone and ready to rebel and if they shewed themselves mutinous and disobedient unto good Princes lastly to destroy one faction by another is of all actions the most inhumane of all inhumanity because it behoveth a Prince to preserve his subjects at home and abroad in time of peace and in time of wars against open adversaries and secret enemies Now if you look back upon all that hath been said you shall easily perceive that all these marks may be found in the Spanish King who hath not spared his son his brother his kinsman his nobility and peers whose Country hath by the testimony of their own writers no great store of learned men whose natural subjects are employed in forraign services whose forraign Dominions are maintained by domestical divisions whose guard consisteth of Flemmings although his Spaniards be the most trusty and loyal subjects that he hath whose spies are infinite or else his intelligences could not be so great as they are whose subjects cannot be rich because he fleeceth so mâ—ch whose wars are unlawful because they are begun without just occasion continued with iniquity and performed with barbarous cruelty briefly whose studies endeavours and purposes tend to no other end but to weaken all Christian Princes that he may tyrannize without comptrolment and make himself or successors monarchs of the whole world without resistance Then to conclude this Treatise which is added only to give some light to the precedent matter If it be perjury to break an oath willingly sacriledge to murther not only one but many Ecclesiastical persons unjustly hypocrisie to dissemble with friends cunningly tyrannie to afflâ—ct subjects wrongfully impiety to betray Christians unto Infidels wilfully and to murther kill and massacre subjects unlawfully I may more justly conclude then the French seditious author did against the late French King that the Spanish monarch may be lawfully excommunicated and deposed because all these crimes concur in him together and that no wars of what nature soever can be held unjust and unlawful that shall be enterprised and exercised against him so long as he shall continue to be as he is the common and only perturber of Christian peace and tranquility FINIS A. Coâ—ley Carion Plutarch Plutarch Herodorus De Hailon Plutarch Carion Plutarch Herodotus Titus Livius Holinshed Polid. Virg. Plutarch Herodot Don Antonius Apology Râ—stbergius Dubraevius Dinothus de Bello Belgico Plutarch Justinus Carion Du Haillan The same Author with Pol. Virg. and Hector Boetius Mores gentium Munster Frâ—â— Lean. Guido Donato Tit. Livi. Du Hailan Carion Terapha de vitis Reg. Hispan Polid. Vir. Holinshed Guicardin Paradin Dinothus de bello Belgico Gio. Giov. Pontavo della guerra di Napoli Nicolle Giles Annales de Aquitanie Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Hect. Boetius That the Turk is grown great by the dissention of Christian Princes Mar. Arrogo Pietro Mexias Illescas Du Haillan Carions Cron. Guyl Atchives Di Tyro nella Historia della guerra Hiâ—rusalemme An answer to an objection that Princes aid Rebels proving that in times past they did the like Terapha Holinshed Pol. Virg. Du Haillan That the Flemming had just cause to rebel against the King of Spain Anales Flandriae Marchantius Smillerus de Repub Helvetior Dinothus de bello Belgico Responce ala Declaration de D. Jehan de Austrice Discourse summarie de Estates Generals du Pags Bas. Dinothus D. Chytraeus That France hath rebelled against their Kings before this time Pedro Corn de la lyga q confederation Francesa The causes of the Leaguers rebellion their proceeding policies David Chytraeus Risembergius The Duke of Guise the head of the League his proceedings and policies The Duke of Guise his imitation of other great Rebels and a Comparison betwixt him and them C. Tacitus C Tacitus Plutatch Dion Piero Mexias Da Haillan A strange Interpretation of the Oath of Allegiance A comparison betwixt the Duke of Guise and Sâ—jan Caesar Pipin and Hugh Capet Du Haillan Du Haillan Holinshed Du Haillan denieth the Law Salique The Frenchmens first Objection and the answer thereunto Hottomanus de jure successionis The second Objection with the answer The third Objection and answer Guido Papnis quest 23. 9. Hostiensis extrâ—de major et obedientia c. dilecti filii Alexander Cent. 25. n. 20. vel 5. Baldus in tit Si defendo fuerit contra in t Dom. in generalâ— n. v. The fourth Objection and Answer John Bodin Philip de Comines Guicciardine Gâ—oviano Pontavo della guerra di Napoli Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Du Haillan Froissart The fifth Objection with the answer Hottomanus Gul Benedictus inc Raghutius in verb. mortui n. 49. Terrixubeus tract 2. Con Clus. q. Terapha Holinshed Hect. Boet. Hist. Poloniae Du Haillan Piero Mexias vida de Carlo Magno Du Haillan lib. 15. p. 214. The sixth Objection with the Answer John de Terra Rubea tract 2. conclus 9. 10 11 12. Guliel Benedictus in c. Ragnat in verbum eodem test num 148. Guido Papius quest 279. Nich. Gyles Froissart Froissart Nich. Gyleâ— Du Haillan lib. 21. Vita de Marc. Aurelio Tarapha Illescas lib. 6. Du Haillan lib. 6. Du Haillan lib. 8. Du Haillan lib. 2. Du Haillan lib. 2 6 8. Nic. Gyles Idem Idem Smillerus de republica Helvetiorum The reasons why England challengeth not her right in France Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Da Haillan Phil. de Comines Holinshed Polid. Virg. Hect. Boet. Vie da Francois Primier dece nom Phil. de Comines Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Annales de Aquitain T. Walsing in his Neustria Hect. Boet. The Causes and means how we lost all France Holinshed Polid. Virg. Du Haillan Ph. de Comines Paulus Aemilius Marco Arrogo sans occino nel suo governo Hect. Boet. Hottoman Joh. Tilletius Du Haillan lib. 15. Pedro Corneio de la lyga y Confederation Francesca How the King of Spain his Predecessors grew from mean Earls to be mighty Kings Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Spanish Piero Mâ—xi Vida de Ludovico Sp. Nich. Giles Guicciard Vida de Don Alonso Du Hailan Nic Gyles Froissart Munsterus Functius Polid. Virg. Holinshed Terapha Guicciard That the Kingdom of Naples hath been fatal to many Nations Nic. Gyles Du Haillan Functius D. Illescas Piero Mexias vida de Wencelao D. Illescas vida de urbano 6. Functius lib. 10. Caxton Du Haillan Math. Paris Math. Paris Paul Jovius lib. 2. Guicciardine D. Illescas vida de Fagenio Phil. de Comines Guicciard lib. 5. Guicciard lib. 1. D. Illescas vida de Julio 2. Guicciard D. Illescas vida de Clemente 7. How the Spanish King came by Naples Guicciard lib. 5. 6. 9. Sleidon lib. 16. How the Spanish King came by the kingdom of Navarra Guicciard Terapha de Regibus Hisp. The Spaniards title to the Kingdom of Portugal Sleidens Commentaries Don Antonio his Apology Froissart vol. pr. c. 252. Du Haillan lib. 6. Froissart vol. 3. c. 25. D. Anton.
his Apol. The Spanish King 's right to the Indies The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan Guicciard lib. 14. Vie de Fâ—ancois pâ— Guicciardin The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy Dâ— Com. De Com. How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth Titus Liv Corn. Tac. Polibius Appianus Alexand. Tit. Liviuâ— Plut. in the life of Eumenes Plut. in the life of Theseus Idem in the life of Romulus Holinshed Polid. Virg. Tiâ—us Liv Guicciard lib. 15. Polid. Virg. Hect. Boâ—t Holinshed Appianus Alexand. Tit. Livius Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Neustra Tho de Walsingh Justinus Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Turk The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the French King Bodin Tit. Livius lib. 33. Tit. Livius lib. 9. Monsieur de la Nove en le discourse politiques Plutarch Du Haillan Andreas Friccius de Repub. Polib l 1. The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Princes of Germany The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Pope of Rome The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Venetians the rest of the princes of Italy The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath Da Hailan Plutarch Man cannot prevent what God intendeth Herodotus lib. 1. Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius Herodotus lib. 3. Just. lib. 44. The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal Guicciard lib. 10. Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius That it is lawful for a prince to receive succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief Du Haillan lib. 24. Vida de H. 3 Holinished Du Hailan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Bible in 2 Kings Chap. 12. Illescas vidâ— de Alexandro 6. Biondo lib. 16. Du Haillan lib. 9. Piero Mexias vide Macrino Du Haillan lib. 1. Jul. Caesar lib 3. Terapha de Regibus Hispan Justin. lib. â—7 Holiâ—shed Polid. Virg. T. Walsing in his Neustria Du Haillan That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them Guicciard lib. 5. â— 2. Polid. Virg. lib. 19. Hect. Boet. lib. 7. Idem lib. 9. Idem Princes for lawful occasions may have bin offended with their confederates and leave them Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. Idem vida de Julio 2. Idem vida de Leon. 10 Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius l. 26. Idem vida de Clement 7. Idem de Paulo 3. Holinshed Pol Virg. Du Haillan Dinothus de bello Belgico Czsars Commen◠〈◊〉 That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England Dinothus de bello Belgico Dinothus de bello Belgico The Spâ—â—niaâ—d is not so strong as men â—â—pose him to be The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be Paul Jovius Comines Guicciard Paul Jovius Illescas Dinothus Paul Jovius Tho. Wals. Idem Math. Paris Dinothus M. Ant. Arrayo David Chytâ—aeus Munsteri Cosmog Vasoeus Vide de Elutherio Functius lib 1. Nic. Gyesâ— Polid. Virg. lib. 4. Rob. Barns in vita Pontiâ—icum pag. 68. Guicciard lib. 10. 5. 18. Nic. Giles Munsterius Vide de Marq. de Pescara Holin shed Dionthus de Bello Belgiâ—o Silâ—a 〈◊〉 aei The fiâ—st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low◠〈◊〉 by Spaniards The Spaniardsâ— Error in not graâ—ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders Memories de France Caâ—ion Sleidanus Herodotus Holinshed Pol. Virgil Boetius Annales Flandriae The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guisâ—rdâ— Mar Antonio Arrogo That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help De Comines Guicciardine That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Spâ—niards That the Spaniards can neither have prâ—fit nor hâ—nour by the Leaguers Du Hatllan Finis coronat opus Four causes proving the Spaniards indiscretion in entring into League with the â—â—isards Fama crescit eundo Plutarch in his life Guicciardine Aâ— unknown Author in Italian Du Hailan Pedro Corneiodâ— la ligay Consideration Francâ—seâ— A French discoursâ— written by an unknown Author Du Haillan Carion De Comines Du Haillan Carion Objection Answer Hâ—linshed Pol. Virgâ—l Guiâ—ciardine That the Spaniards can have no good assurance of the Leaguers firm friendship A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bishop of Lyons The same Authors accusations refuted Oâ—jection Answer Declaration del Estate de France en temps les Roys Henry 2 Francis 2 Charles 9. Objection Answer That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise Caesar Comment Tresor deTresoâ—s Declaration del Estate c. Quosemel est imbuiâ— recens c. Negotiation de la pax del an 1575. That the Popes excommunications are not to be feared nor a lawful cause to invade England The Popes means to grow up to authority The great wrongs losses and Indâ—gnities which England sustained by Acknowleding the Popes Authority Temporal Princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the Scriptures The Spaniards indiscretion in crediting our English Fugitives The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England Six Arguments in the bâ—half of the Scottish Q. used by her friends to provâ— that she could not lawfully be condemned by our Queen The Answer to the first Argument The Queen of Scots is inâ—erior to the Queens Majesty That the Kings of Scotland owe homage unto the Crown of England for Scotland The answer to the third Objection Quo semel est imbuâ—a recens c. Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae Pidaces Herodotus Pastoralis De officio Delegati Gloss Pastoralis Felinus in Eccl. n. 6. L. 1. idem Pompon C. 2 Felinus in Eccl. n. 6â— Qui resistit 11 quest 3. Bald. Barroll Lucias F. Bald. de fid mis. Abb. Fe. ex parte de test Abb. Fe. Fel. Glossa Jason n. 32 Autent de Monarchis in principalibus Fel. in Ep. 1. de prob n. 6 7 Bodin de Repub. Specul l. 2. de actione seu pet 93. n. 3. Fel. in cap. Pastoralis Speculum l. 5. de Legibus S. 6. n. 29 Jason in leg mil. n. 7. Bald in anth sacr puber in 3. coll Advertisement de Seignior Vasc. Fign
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
enough to rule his own Kingdom reâ—uâ—â—d their offer and they in disdam of him presently made choice of this Rodulph who had been the Master of his Palace and had learned divers Feats of Chivalry under him in regard of which experience the Electors as some men write yeelded him their consent But others report that after that for his ingratitude and evil demeanor he was put out of Othagarius his service he followed the Arch-bishop of Ments and attended so diligently upon him in the Journey which he made unto Rome that when he returned thence he made him Emperor although he was then of a very mean living as Albertus Argentinensis Iohannes Vitudaranus Rotridano Molespini Giovani Villani and Aeneas Sylvius who was afterwards Pope Pius the Second with many others do testifie And it is written that the same Arch bishop bragging many times with his friends in secret conference what a great deed he had done to make so mean a man Emperor would say unto them merrily that he carried an Emperor behinde him in his riding Hood when he travelled by the way You have heard how he came to the Empire now let me tell you how he demeaned himself therein The first thing he did wisely considering his own weakness he insinuated himself into the favour of the German Princes and whether it were to please them who were somewhat offended with Othagar King of Bohemia because they thought he disdained to be Emperor or to shew himself grateful where he had received great favour and courtesie he presently summoned his Master Othagar to come to do him homage for his Kingdom Othagar contemning both the Message and the Messenger and taking him for a proud servant who bâ—ing unworthily advanced would begin to shew his pride against his Master refused to appear at his summons Rodulph presently in regard of this contempt invaded the Dukedom of Austria and forfeited the same unto the Empire Othagar being highly offended with the confiscation denounceth Wars against the Emperor By the intercession of friends they met at a place appointed And there Rodolâ—ph dissembling cunningly his pride and insolency goeth first to salute Othagar calleth him his Lord and Master thanking him for vouchsafing to end their contention by a friendly composition rather then by bloody Wars maketh a marriage between his Daughter and Venceslaus the Son and Heir of Othagar and then with a fair shew of assured and faithful friendship prayeth him to vouchsafe if not openly because perhaps he would be ashamed to do it yet secretly and within his Royal Tent to do him Homage for his Kingdom and Principalities The King won with fair words yeeldeth to his demands offereth up unto him five several Banners whereof the Emperor restoreth unto him onâ—â—y two and detaineth the other three one for Austria another for Corinthia and the third for Syria and pacifieth the King who was greatly offended therewith by promising faithfully to restore them unto his Son Venceslaus as soon as the Marriage betwixt him and his Daughter shall be solemnized To this deceit and cunning he addeth a worse despight and contumely For having intreated to do him Homage secretly and within a Tent he caused a deceitful Tent to be made the which should fall open as soon as the cords thereof were unloosed In this Tent Othagar falleth down on his knees and suddenly whilst he is doing Homage the Tent falleth open the Germans laugh at his humility the Bohemians are grieved with his submission and he himself is highly displeased with the Emperors deceit And his grief is increased because his Wife scorned and mocked him at his return To be short he prepareth all the Forces that he could possibly make and reneweth War against the Emperor The Emperor that whilst he had been his servant remembred that Othagar had given great occasion of discontentment unto the great Captain of Moizona called Milota him he putteth in mind of an old injury and so prevailed what with bribes and what with perswasions that in the very conflict he forsaketh his Master and leaveth him to be murthered of two Brethren whose third Brother Othogar had caused to be executed for some offence worthy of death The king being thus slain he rewardeth both the Traitor and the murtherers and following his victory burneth a number of Monasteries and Religious houses that Othogar had builded A rare and strange Pesident For it is abominable in a servant to betray his Master more abominable to cause him to be murthered and of all abominable things the most abominable to reward the Traitors and recompence the murtherers But to burn Religious houses in despight of the Founder and to spoil Gods Temple in hatred of a man is an act the like whereof hath never been found but in such as neither care for God nor regard his service Neither did Rodolphs wickedness end in these hainous Actions but he wrongfully warred upon Bemera unjustly invaded Bohemia unlawfully seised upon Austria and most cruelly burnt above threescore very fair and beaut full Castles in Turingia Rodolph having reigned as Emperor nineteen years and in all this time never vouchsafed to set one foot towards Italy to be crowned there of the Pope which negligence in those dayes was held for a most hainous offence departed the World and leaveth his son Albert Duke of Austria who in disdain of the French king within 6 years after is made Emperor and imitateth his Father in his bloody cruelty For he beginneth his Empire with killing Adolph his Predecessor continueth the same with the wrongfull molestation and usurpation of Mayeme dishonoureth his Reign with a violent and forcible seisure into his hands and to his sons use of the kingdom of Bohemia and endeth the same not by a natural but by a violent and unnatural death For it pleased God that his own Nephew and other Earls of the House of Austria should by taking him revenge the wicked and detestable murther which he committed on the sacred person of Adolph the Emperor Frederick Duke of Austria was the third Emperor of this House if he may be called an Emperor who being unlawfully chosen wrongfully usurped the Empire For the Bishop of Trevers and Ments and the Marquess of Brandenburgh together with Iohn king of Bohemia chose Lewis of Bamera Emperor and Frederick had the voices and suffrages of the Bishop of Colen of the County Palatine and of the Duke of Saxony whose Elect on was of no force because when the six principal Electors cannot agree but three of them are for one and three of them are for another the king of Bohemia as Umpier determineth the matter and he casteth his voice upon the said Lewis and made him lawfull Emperor But Frederick according to the ambitious and violent nature of his proud Family pursued his pretensive right by bloody wars and drew the Pope the kings of France and of Hungary the County Palatine Stratsbourgh and other Imperial Cities to stand stout and obstinate in