us number the Commanders in Chief ever since Affairs begun to fall under the management of Commoners and reckon up the several Triumphs it will appear the Commons have no cause to blush at their own Nobility This I am sure of whenever any mighty dangerous War happens the Senate and People of Rome do not repose more confidence in their Patritian than in their Plebeian Commanders Since this is so how can it seem an indignity to God or Man if to those great and illustrious Personages whom you have dignified with Ivory Chairs of State with Robes of Honor of all sorts with Triumphant Crowns and Laurels and whose Houses are above others rendred Glorious with the affix'd spoils of Enemies you shall also add the Sacred Accoutrements of Pontiffs and Augurs He that hath already been deck'd in the Ornaments ef Almighty Jupiter and being drawn through the City in a Chariot of Gold hath mounted the Capitol who can think it too much to see the same Person that hath thus appear'd as a God to Men to shew himself an humble Suppliant to the Gods to hold in Triumphal Hands the Sacred Cup or Holy-water-pot and the Divining Wand or Crosier Staff and with a veiled Head to kill the Sacrifices or take the lucky Auguries for the Publick When Posterity shall read the stile of some brave Man upon his Statue and find there so many Consulats Censorships and Triumphs Will they think you be frighted if you shall have added thereunto an Augurship or the Pontificial Dignity For my part I verily hope with reverence and the good leave of the Gods be it spoken That by the Beneficence of the People of Rome we are now such as by our Quality may bring as much Credit and Honor to the Priestly Function as we shall derive from it And that we desire it more in respect of the Service of the Gods than for any Interest of our own That whom we have hitherto reverenc'd privately we may henceforth have opportunities publickly to Worship But why plead I all this while as if the Patricians alone were intirely Invested with the Priviledge of Sacerdotal Dignities and as if we were not already in possession of one Honorable and most Principal Priesthood We see the Decemvirs appointed for Celebration of Sacrifices and Interpreting the Sibylline Verses for reading the Destinies of our Nation the same Persons being Chief Ministers at the Sacred Rites of Apollo and other Ceremonies are Commoners And as no Injury was done the Patritii when in favor of the Commons the number of the Duumviri or Superintendents of the aforesaid Mysteries was augmented to Ten so neither have they now any greater cause to complain if the Tribune a worthy and brave Man hath added five places more of Augurs and four of Pontiffs unto which Commoners may be nominated Not to dispossess you Appius but that Commoners may be assistant to you in Sacred Things who are so highly helpful to you in Civils Be not ashamed O Appius to have the same Person your Collegue in the Priesthood who might fitly be your Companion in a Censor or Consulship To whom being Dictator you might be Master of the Horse as well as he Master of the Horse when you happen to be Dictator The Patritii of Old refus'd not to admit into their Rank a Sabine Stranger Appius Clausus or Claudius I know not which his Name was the very Top of your Kindred you must not think much then to accept Us into the number of the Priests who bring with us not a few Marks of Honor nay even all that you can boast of You tell us That the first Commoner that was made a Consul was L. Sextius the first Master of the Horse Caius Licinius Stolo the first both Dictator and Censor C. Marcius Rutilus we have heard you repeating a thousand times the same thredbare Allegations That to you forsooth alone belongs the taking of the Auspicia that you only are Gentlemen that you and none but you ought to have the Chief management of Affairs both at home and abroad Yet still I must tell you the Commoners have always been as prosperous hitherto as the Nobles in any brave or difficult Undertaking and I doubt not but they ever will be so Did you never hear that the Patritii did not drop down from Heaven but were at first establish'd by Humane Policy being composed of such as were able to name their Father that is to say Honest Free-men and no more I my self can already nominate my Father to have been a Consul and shortly my Son will be able to alledge his Grandfather of that Quality The bottom of the Business is only this That every thing must be denyed us and nothing obtained without tugging The Patritians Design is only to maintain a Faction and contend and regard not greatly what the end of the Dispute is It is therefore my Vote That to the good of you all and the Weal-Publick this Law be passed and established The People presently commanded the Tribes to be call'd to a Scrutiny and it appeared That without all doubt the Law would be accepted but that day was lost by the Interposition and Negative of some of the Tribunes But on the Morrow they were afraid to oppose it and then it pass'd unanimously and the New additional Pontiffs then Created were the Promoter of the Law P. Decius Mus P. Sempronius Sophus C. Marcius Rutilus and M. Livius Denter The five Plebeian Augurs C. Genutius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minucius Fessus C. Marcius and T. Publilius thus the number of the Pontiffs came to be Eight and of the Augurs Nine The same Year M. Valerius the Consul procured the Law Touching Appeals to the People to be confirm'd This was the third time since the expulsion of Kings that Law had been establish'd and always by the same Family The Cause of renewing it so oft I conceive might be because the power of a few of the Grandees and Nobles was apt to be too hard for the Liberties of the Commons The Porcian Law seems Enacted only to save the Romans skins imposing a grievous punishment on any that should Kill or Scourge a Citizen of Rome The Valerian Law which prohibited any man to be Whipt or Beheaded that made his Appeal had no express Penalty but only declared That whoever should act contrary the same would be naughtily done that seeming then as I believe such was the Modesty and Reverence of those Times a sufficient Obligation and Restraint whereas now a days if a Man should threaten but his Slave at such a rate he would despise it The same Consul manag'd the War against the Aequians who were broke out in Rebellion but there was little remarkable in it for they had nothing left of their Antient Fortune but the stoutness of their Stomachs The other Consul Apuleius besieged the City Nequinum in Umbria a place difficult of Access as being situate high and on the one side was a steep
he was circumvented in a disadvantagious place amidst the strait pass which was beset before-hand by the Enemy There he lost four thousand Souldiers and three Ensigns belonging to the second Legion besides that eleven Banners belonging to the Latine Allies were taken by the Foe and a great many Arms which because they were an incumbrance to them in their flight through those Woody places they threw away all along as they went But the Ligurians ceased to pursue before the Romans stopp'd their flight The Consul as soon as he was got out of the Enemies Territories lest it should be known how much his Forces were diminish'd disbanded his Army in an Allies Country though he could not for all that stifle the report of his ill success for the Wood from whence the Ligurians had chased him was called Saltus Marcius About the time that this news came out of Liguria there were Letters brought out of Spain full of joy and sadness mixt together For C. Atinius who two years before had gone Praetor into that Province fought a pitch'd Battle in the Asian Dominions with the Lusitanians in which there were six thousand men slain the rest being totally routed and forced to quit their Camp After which he led his Legions to attack the Town of Asia which he also took with almost as much ease as he had done the Camp but as he unwarily went under the Walls being wounded he in a few dayes dy'd Having read the Letter concerning the Death of the Pro-Praetor the Senate thought fit to send a man to overtake C. Calpurnius the Praetor at the Port of Luna and tell him that the Senate thought it requisite lest the Province should be without a Governour for him to make hast and go into it He that was sent came within four dayes to Luna from whence Calpurnius was departed some few dayes before In the hither Spain too L. Manlius Acidinus who went thither at the same time when C. Atinius went into his Province had a conflict with the Celtiberians from which they drew off without knowing who had the better of it save that the Celtiberians decamped the next Night and the Romans had an opportunity not only to bury their dead men but to gather up the spoils of the Enemy Some few dayes after the Celtiberians having raised a greater Army on their own accord provoked the Romans to Battle at a Town called Calagurris Now there is no reason given why when their numbers were increased they were yet weaker than before for they were conquer'd that bout twelve thousand of them slain above two thousand taken and the Romans took their Camp yea had not the coming of his Successor rebated the Conquerours vigour the Celtiberians had been totally subdu'd The new Praetors led both the Armies into their Winter Quarters At the same time when this news came out of Spain the Games called Taurilia were celebrated for two dayes upon a religious account After which M. Fulvius who prepared for them ten dayes together set forth those Games which he had vow'd in the Aetolian War There came many Artists out of Greece for honours sake and then also the Romans first saw Wrastling which was at that time shewn with hunting of Lions and Panthers so that the sport was perform'd with the variety and plenty of almost this Age of ours Then they kept a nine dayes solemnity for that in Picenum it had rained stones for three dayes and fiery meteors were said lightly to have sindg'd the Cloaths of many people There was also one day of supplication added for that the Temple of Ops in the Capitol was burnt by lightning Upon which score the Consuls sacrificed with the greater sort of Victims and purg'd the City About the same time there was a report came from Vmbria too that there was a Male and Female Bullock born of almost twelve years old They therefore abominating that Prodigy commanded it to be driven out of the Roman Territories and kill'd as soon as possible The same year the Transalpine Gauls coming over into Venetia without Ravage or War not far from that place where Aquileia now stands made choice of a place to build a Town Whereupon Embassadours being sent from Rome beyond the Alps about that business they receiv'd this Answer That they neither went from home by the authority of their own Nation nor did they know what to do in Italy At that time L. Scipio 〈◊〉 forth the Games which he said he had vow'd in the time of the War against Antiochus for ten dayes together out of that money which was raised for that purpose by the Kings and the several Cities Valerius Antias sayes that after his being condemn'd and that his goods were sold he was sent Embassadour into Asia to decide the Controversies between the two Kings Antiochus and Eumenes That then the money was raised for him and Artists gather'd together out of all Asia and that after his Embassy he moved the Senate concerning the Games of which before he had made no mention since the War in which he said they were vow'd When the year was now expiring Q. Marcius was to go out of his Office whilst he was U. C. 565 absent and Sp. Postumius having made an end of the Inquisitions with all care and integrity held the Assembly There were created for Consuls Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Sempronius Tuditanus The next day their Praetors were chosen viz. P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Postumius Albinus C. Afranius Stellio C. Atilius Serranus L. Postumius Tempsanus and M. Claudius Marcellus At the end of the Year since Sp. Postumius had brought word That as he travelled over both the Coasts of Italy he found two Colonies deserted the one in the upper Sea which was Sipontum and the other in the lower Sea called Buxentum there were three persons chosen by T. Maenius the City Praetor pursuant to an order of Senate to carry Planters thither whose names were L. Scribonius Libo M. Tuccius and Cn. Babius Tamphilus The War that was at hand with King Perseus and the Macedonians did not proceed from those causes that many people imagine nor from Perseus himself but was set on foot by Philip. For he himself if he had lived would have carry'd on that War One thing troubled him most of all when he had conditions imposed upon after he was conquer'd that the Senate had taken away from him the power of punishing those Macedonians who had revolted from him in the War though seeing Quintius had left out that whole matter in the terms of the Peace he had not despaired of obtaining that freedom Then when Antiochus was conquer'd at Thermopylae and they had shar'd the manage of the War between them so that at the same time Acilius attack'd Heracica and Philip Lamia when Heraclea was taken for that he was order'd to march off from the Walls of Lamia and the Town was surrender'd to the Romans he took that ill But the Consul asswaged his Anger in
we cannot indure either our own Vices or even the Remedies against them This is that which in the knowledg of things is most for your benefit and advantage that you see all the instructions of former Examples set up as it were on some conspicuous Monument from whence you may take for your self and the State you live in what may be worth your imitation and have a view of all the ill Enterprises and Events which you ought to avoid And truly either I am too fond of what I have undertaken or there never was any Republick either greater more religious or richer in good Examples or into which Avarice and Luxury so lately crept or where so long Men bore so much respect to Poverty and Parsimony insomuch that the less they had the less they desired 'T is but of late that Riches have introduced Covetousness and lavish Pleasures want through a prodigal inclination that Men have had to ruine and confound themselves and the State But Complaints perchance will scarce be grateful even when they are necessary and therefore ought not to come in the front of so great a Work as this let us begin then with good boadings Wishes and Prayers to the Gods and Goddesses that if we may do like Poets they would prosper this our undertaking NOW in the first place 't is well known that when Troy was taken though the other Trojans were Massacred the Greeks gave quarter to two of them Aeneas and Antenor not only upon the score of former friendship and acquaintance but because they had still been Sticklers for Peace and the restoring of Hellen. And then that Antenor after many Adventures came with a company of People called Heneti who being driven out of Paphlagonia upon an Insurrection there were to seek a new Country as well as a Captain or Commander for they had lost their Governour Pylaemenes at the Siege of Troy into the innermost bay of the Adriatick Sea and that the Heneti and Trojans having beaten out the Euganei who dwelt between the Sea and the Alps took possession of that Countrey and that the place where they first landed is called Troy which we Latines as the Trojans did their City call Troja and the whole Nation are stiled Veneti or Venetians That Aeneas upon the same sad occasion being forced to fly his Country but led by Fate to be the founder of a far greater Empire came first into Macedonia and thence carried into Sicily to find an abode was from Sicily driven upon the Italian Coast near Laurentum which place was likewise named Troja There the Trojans being got on shore and having nothing left after their tedious Voyage besides their Arms and their Ships went into the Country foraging whereupon Latinus and the Aborigines or ancient Natives who at that time lived in those parts came flocking out of the City and Country with Arms to repel the violence of those invading Strangers Concerning which there goes a double report Some say that Latinus being defeated first made a Peace and after that an Alliance with Aeneas Others say that when two Armies were set in Battalia before the Signal was given Latinus march'd forth attended by some of his chief Officers and demanding a Parley with the Captain of those Strangers ask'd 'em What kind of Mortals they were how they happened to leave their own Country or what they meant by landing on the Coast of Laurentum But when he heard That they were Trojans and their Captain Aeneas the Son of Anchises and Venus who being forced to fly their own Country and City which was all destroyed by Fire came thither to seek an Habitation and a place wherein to build a City They say that he admiring the Grandieur of their Nation and of Aeneas above the rest as well as his equal temper of Mind which was prepared alike for War or Peace gave him his hand and with that established a solemn promise of future Friendship Thereupon their two Leaders having entered into a League the two Armies saluted each other and Aeneas was entertained by Latinus with all the Civility due to a Stranger That then Latinus reinforced and confirmed their publick Agreement by a domestick Obligation before his own Houshold Gods and gave Aeneas his Daughter in Marriage which Alliance made the Trojans hope they should at last settle there and wander about the World no more There then they build a Town which Aeneas calls Lavinium from his Wifes name which was Lavinia And in a short time this new Marriage produced a Son whom his Parents called Ascanius After that the Aborigines and Trojans were at once invaded for Turnus King of the Rutuli to whom Lavinia had been betrothed before the arrival of Aeneas taking it ill that a Stranger should be preferred before him made War against Aeneas and Latinus at the same time But neither of the Armies had any cause to triumph for that Battel The Rutuli were defeated whilst the Aborigines and the Trojans lost their General Latinus Then Turnus and the Rutuli finding their own weakness fled for succour to the flouring power of the Etrurians and Mezentius their King who at that time keeping his Court in a rich Town called Caere and being at first dissatisfied with the building of a new City but at that time especially supposing that the growth and incouragement of the Trojans would be too great a security to their Neighbours was very willing to assist the Rutuli Aeneas to take off the terrour of so great an Enemy and that he might engage the Aborigines to love him call'd both the Nations Latines and put them all not only under the same Discipline but Denomination too Nor did the Aborigines from that time forward ever come behind the Trojans in their respect and duty to their King Aeneas Aeneas therefore relying upon the Affections of these two Nations which were every day more and more united though Etruria were so strong and terrible that it had filled not only the Land but the Sea too all along the Coast of Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian Streights with the renown of its Name yet notwithstanding that he could have defended himself within his Walls drew out his Army into the field That was the second Battel that the Latines fought and the last thing that Aeneas did whilst he lived who was buried what Title soever we may lawfully attribute to him upon the banks of the River Numicius and his Stile there is Jupiter Indiges a Man become a God Ascanius the Son of Aeneas was not then old enough to govern but the Empire however was kept entire for him till he came of Age and in the mean time the Latine State his Grandfathers and Fathers Kingdom was preserved for the Child under the Protection of Lavinia who was a Woman of extraordinary parts and conduct I question for who can be certain of a thing done so long ago whether it were this Ascanius or an Elder than this who was Son
Horatius T. Romilius and Sp. Postumius Of whom Claudius and Genutius were made amends for the Honour of Consulship which that Year they were designed to have had by this other honourable Office and so likewise was Sestius one of the Consuls the Year before for having referred that matter to the Senate against his Collegues consent Next to whom were the three Embassadors that went to Athens but that not only to reward them with Honour for their long Embassy but because the Romans believed they being well skilled in Foreign Laws would be Men wery useful in making of new ones As for the rest they only filled up the number of whom they say That they were very old Men and chosen last that they might not too pertly thwart the Orders or Proposals of the others But the command of the whole Magistracy was in Appius only through the favour of the People for he had so changed his disposition that he was grown a very Poplicola i. e. a Courter of the People all on the sudden and mighty ambitious of popular applause instead of being what he once was a violent and severe Persecutor of them Every tenth day they each of them in their turns administred Justice to the People on which day he who was the chief Justice for that time had twelve Lictors or Serjeants and the other nine of his Collegues had each of them one under Officer called Accensus to attend him But there was an exact agreement between themselves which might sometimes prove disadvantageous to private Persons though the highest equity in respect of others at the same time To shew their moderation 't will be enough if I give you but this one example of it Though they were Created without Appeal yet when a dead Corps that was buried in the House of one P. Sestius a Patrician was found out and brought forth into the publick Assembly C. Julius being the Decemvir in that case which was as manifest as heinous appointed Sestius a day for Tryal and was his Accuser before the People though he himself was the lawful Judg of it foregoing his own right and making an addition to the Peoples Liberty by what he diminished from the Authority of his own Office This way of adminishing Justice so incorruptly as from an Oracle both rich and poor took great notice of and then they applied themselves to making of Laws in which affair having raised the Peoples expectation to a pitch by shewing them the ten Tables they summoned the Commons to an Assembly where wishing all happiness and prosperity to the Commonwealth themselves and their Children they bad them go and read the Laws proposed for they as much as ten Men were capable to do had made such Laws as were equitable and agreeable both to the highest and the lowest rank of Men but they knew the understanding and advice of the People might make some addition to them Wherefore they desired them to weigh every part of them and to discourse with one another about it producing their Reasons for what was too much or too little in any case For the Roman People should have such Laws as the general consent of all the People might not seem to have passed when they were preferred so much as to have preferred them When therefore the People had conferred concerning each Article of those Laws and found them correct enough they were confirmed in the Assembly called Comitia Centuriata by the Name of the Laws of the ten Tables being to this day even amidst such an heap of other Laws which have been made one upon another the fountain of all publick and private Justice But then there was a rumour spread abroad That there were two Tables wanting which if they were added the Body as it were of the whole Roman Law would be compleat Which expectation when the day of the Assembly drew nigh made them have a mind to make the same Decemviri again For the People besides that they hated the name of Consuls as much as that of Kings did not so much as seek after the Tribunes assistance because the Decemviri allowed one another to hear any great Cause over again as if they had granted an Appeal But when the Assembly for chusing of the Decemviri was appointed to be holden 27 days after there arose such a general ambition among Men that the very Heads of the City for fear I suppose lest if they should not take it some mean unworthy fellows would get the possession of that great Honour and Authority went about to beg Votes and humbly sued for Honour which they themselves with all their industry impugned from that People with whom they had before contended Now therefore his dignity being in danger his being at that Age and having enjoyed such Honours so netled Ap. Claudius that you could not tell whether you ought to have reckoned him among the Decemviri or the Candidates for he sometimes look'd more like to one that stood for than one that bore an Office being used to accuse the Nobility but extoll even the slightest and meanest of the Candidates and running into the Forum through the midst of the Duilians and Icilians to recommend himself by them to the People 'till such time as his Collegues who at that time extremely devoted to him turning their eyes upon him admired what his design was and thought there was no sincerity in him for they said His courtesie could not be without some end in him especially who was a person of so much pride that he submitted and debased himself too much and that to converse so much with private Persons was not the part of a Man who was hastening to quit an Office as of one that sought out means to continue it But yet not daring to withstand his ambition with open force they endeavoured to defeat him by a seeming compliance and respect for they consented to put him though he was the youngest of them upon holding the Assembly But their design was to hinder him from chusing himself which besides the Tribunes of the People who in that shewed a very ill example no man had ever done Whereupon he in good time he hoped declaring that he was to hold the Assembly made that his opportunity which they intended as an obstruction and having at the meeting degraded the two Quintii Capitolinus and Cincinnatus with his Uncle C. Claudius a most constant defender of the Nobility besides some others of the best Citizens created Decemviri much inferior to them of which himself was the first which action all good Men so disapproved that they did not believe he would have dared to do it With him were chosen M. Cornelius Maluginensis U. C. 302 M. Sergius L. Minucius Q. Fabius Vibulanus Q. Paetilius T. Antonius Merenda Caeso Duilius Sp. Oppius Cornicen and Man Rabuleius That was the last time that Appius took upon him the guise of another Man beginning from thence forward to live like himself and to
come pretty nigh the City both the Sicilians and Aetolians went out to meet him and attended with this multitude he entred the City at the Head of several vanquisht Nations who came to accuse two most renowned Generals Marcellus and Fulvius of whom the former had lately taken Syracuse and the latter Capua two of the bravest Cities in the World Both Consuls in the first place consulted with the Senate about the State of the Common-wealth and the Government of the Provinces Laevinus giving an account in what posture he had left Macedonia Greece the Aetolians Acarnanians and Locrians and what actions he had perform'd both by Sea and Land how he had beat back Philip when he offer'd to invade the Aetolians and had sent him packing to the further parts of his own Kingdom so that the Legion that was there might very well be recall'd for the Fleet would be enough to keep off that King from making any attempt on Italy Thus much he spake particularly of himself and that Province he had presided over As to the other Provinces both Consuls jointly propos'd the same to the Senates consideration who decreed That one of the Consuls should have the charge of Italy and the War with Annibal the other to command the Fleet whereof T. Otacilius was lately Admiral and together with L. Cnicius the Praetor govern Sicily They were Order'd to have two Armies to be kept on Foot in Tuscany and the Cisalpine Gaul consisting of four Legions and that the two City Legions rais'd last year should be sent into Tuscany and the other two commanded by Sulpicius the Consul into Gaul which latter were to be commanded by such person as the Consul to whose Lot Italy fell should appoint And into Tuscany was sent C. Calpurnius being continued in his Command a year longer after the expiration of his Praetorship The main standing Army as well of Citizens as Allies was to be reduc'd so that of two Legions there should be made but one consisting of five thousand Foot and three hundred Horse compleat and those that had serv'd longest to be discharg'd That of the Allies there should be continued seven thousand Foot and three hundred Horse with the same respect and consideration of past service in dismissing the oldest Souldiers As for Cn. Fulvius last years Consul he ruled the same Province of Apulia his Command being continued another year without any alteration of his Forces But P. Sulpicius his Collegue was commanded to send away all his Army except Mariners Likewise it was Ordered That as soon as the new Consul arriv'd in Sicily the Army there under M. Cornelius should be sent out of that Island only the Souldiers that escap'd at Cannae being as good as two Legions were to be assign'd over to L. Cnicius the Praetor to keep Sicily in Order Two other Legions that serv'd under Cornelius the year before were to go into Sardinia to P. Manlius Volso the Praetor The Consuls were enjoin'd in their Levies to compleat the City Legions not to press any that had serv'd in the Armies of M. Claudius or M. Valerius or Fulvius nor in the whole that year to exceed the number of one and twenty Legions of Romans These Acts of the Senate being pass'd the Consuls proceeded to divide their Provinces by Lot Sicily and the Fleet fell to Marcellus Italy and the War with Annibal to Laevinus which no less daunted the Sicilians that stood by with great impatience expecting how the chance would fall than if Syracuse had again been taken They set up such a lamentable Cry as for the present turn'd all mens Eyes upon them and occasion'd much Discourse in the Town for a long time afterwards for they went about to all the Senators one by one in vile despicable Garments protesting That if Marcellus came again amongst them as Lord Deputy they would not only quit their respective Habitations but abandon the whole Island for since without any shadow of offence given on their part he was already their implacable Enemy what but the highest Cruelties could they expect from him now they had incensed him by coming to Rome to complain of him for his former rigours That it were better for that unfortunate Island to be set all on a light Fire by Aetna 's Flames or to be drown'd in the Sea than thus to be exposed as a Prey to a mortal Enemy These Complaints of the Sicilians first spread amongst the Houses of the Nobles and chief Citizens by people that either pitied them or envyed Marcellus came at last to be matter of a publick Debate and the Consuls were moved to desire the Senates leave to change their Provinces whereupon Marcellus stood up and said That in case Audience had already been given to the Sicilians by the Senate he should 't is like have been of another opinion but now lest any should clamour that they were restrain'd by fear from making their Complaints freely against him who was immediately to be their Governour he was content if his Collegue would consent to exchange Provinces with him only he requested their Lordships that the same may be no prejudice unto him for if it had been unjust to give his Collegue the choice of what Province he pleas'd without putting it to the Lot a much greater injury and reproach it would be to transfer what fell to his share by the Lot unto another So the Senate rather intimating what they would be pleas'd to have done than making any Order in the Case broke up and the two Consuls by consent between themselves shifted their Provinces for so destiny would have it That the same Marcellus who when affairs were at worst was the first that had the glory of beating of Annibal should now in the height of success to make him amends be the last of the Roman Generals that fell by Annibal's Arms. The Provinces thus chang'd the Sicilians were admitted into the Senate where in a long Harangue to ingratiate themselves They magnified the perpetual fidelity of King Hiero towards the Romans And that as for Hieronymus and afterwards Hippocrates and Epicides one main reason why they were so much hated by the people of Syracuse was for their rebellion against the Romans That for that cause Hieronymus was cut to pieces by divers of their principal young Noblemen as it were by publick consent and approbation and that there was a Conspiracy of no fewer than seventy like noble youths to cut off Epicides and Hippocrates who being held in hand and delay'd by Marcellus that had not brought up his Army to Syracuse at the time appointed the business took wind and they were all put to death by the Tyrants Nay that Marcellus had been the occasion of setting up those very Tyrants by sacking and plundering Leontinum so cruelly That yet notwithstanding the chief persons of Syracuse fail'd not daily afterwards to make applications to Marcellus offering to deliver the City when he pleas'd into his hands but he
they were ordered to congratulate Massinissa for that he had not only recover'd his Fathers Kingdom but had increased it too by the addition of the most flourishing part of Syphax ' s Dominions Besides which they were to inform him That there was a War levyed against King Philip for assisting the Carthaginians and molesting the Allies of the Roman people during the War in Italy whereby they were forced to send Fleets and Armies into Greece And for that he by detaining their Forces had been the chief cause of their going so late over into Africa Wherefore they were bid to desire him that he would send them for the carrying on of that War some Auxiliaries of Numidian Horse They had large Presents to carry to the King Golden and silver Vessels a purple Gown a palm'd Coat with an Ivory walking-staff a toga praetexta i. e. a white Gown garded with purple and a Chair of State besides all which they were bid to promise him that if he thought he wanted any thing to confirm and augment his Kingdom the people of Rome would supply it with all their hearts upon the score of his merit At the same time also came Embassadors from Vermina the Son of Syphax to the Senate excusing his error and youthfulness and laying all the blame upon the Carthaginians who deluded him That Massinissa was become instead of an Enemy a Friend to the Romans and that Vermina also would endeavour to shew that neither Massinissa nor any man else should outdo him in respect to the Roman people And therefore to desire that their King might be by the Senate stiled an Ally and a Friend to the Roman people To which they had this Answer that not only his Father Syphax had become of a Friend and Ally a sudden Enemy to the Roman people but also that he himself had been bred from his very youth in perpetual hostility to the Romans Wherefore he ought first to desire peace of the Roman people before he should be call'd either King Ally or Friend by them That the Romans used to give that Title to such as had deserved very greatly of them That there would be Embassadors from Rome very shortly in Africa to whom the Senate would give order that they should offer Vermina terms of Peace in which the Roman people should leave all to their disposal And if he thought fit to have any thing added to taken from or alter'd in them he must again apply himself to the Senate The Embassadors sent into Africa upon that Errand were C. Terentius Varro P. Lucretius and Cn. Octavius to each of whom there was allow'd a Gally of five Banks of Oars on a side Then was the Letter from Q. Minutius the Pretor whose Province was the Bruttii read in the Senate to this purpose That the money at Locri was privately taken out of Proserpines Treasury in the night time nor could they possibly find out who did it Whereupon the Senate took it very ill that they should not abstain from such sacrilegious actions nor be deterred even by Pleminius who was so late and famous an instance both of the guilt and the punishment for it Cn. Aurelius therefore was order'd to write into the Province of the Bruttii to the Praetor and tell him The Senates pleasure was that the inquisition concerning the treasure that was then stolen should be mannaged in the same manner as it had been three years before by M. Pomponius the Praetor That what money they found should be laid up in the same place again If they found less that they should make it up out of the goods of those that were guilty of the Sacriledge or out of the publick stock if that were not enough and moreover that piacular Sacrifices should be made if they thought fit according as the Priests before had order'd them to atone for that violation At that time Prodigies also happen'd in many places as 't was reported In Lucania they said the Heavens were all of a flame At Privernum that in a clear season the Sun was red all day long And that at Lanuvium in the Temple of Juno Sospita a great noise was heard in the night time There were also many monstrous Births of Animals talkt of Among the Sabines there was an infant born which they could not tell whether it were Male or Female And another also there was of sixteen years of Age whose Sex was doubtful At Frusinon a Lamb with a Pigs Head at Sinuessa an Hog with the Head of a Man and in Lucania in the publick Fields a Colt with five Fâ—â—t All which were monstrous ugly and seemed to be the errours of nature mistaking one species for another But above all the rest those Hermaphrodites were most abominated and therefore order'd immediately to be thrown into the Sea as a little before that time when C. Claudius and M. Livius were Consuls the like monstrous Birth was disposed of Notwithstanding they bid the Decemviri look into their Books concerning that portent Whereupon the Decemviri out of their Books injoyned the same sacrifices as had been before made upon the sight of that Prodigy But besides that they ordered an Hymn to be sung by twenty seven Virgins through the City and a present to be made to Juno Regina i. e. Juno the Queen of Heaven Of all which C. Aurelius the Consul according to what the Decemviri had said took care The Hymn as Livius in their fore-fathers time so P. Licinius Tegula then composed Having made an end of all their Religious Duties for the sacriledge at Locri also was traced quite through by Q. Minutius and the money raised out of the goods of the guilty laid up in the Treasury as the Consuls were making ready to go into their Provinces a great many private Persons to whom out of the money that they had lent the Publick when M. Valerius and M. Claudius were Consuls the third payment was that Year due went to the Senate because the Consuls seeing the publick stock would scarce suffice to defray the expences of the new War which was to be carryed on with such a great Fleet and such vast Armies had told them there was no money at present to pay them The Senate could not endure their complaints when they said That if the money which they lent to carry on the Punick War must be imployed by the Commonwealth in the Macedonian War too what would it be but confiscated for their kindness as though they had been guilty of some great crime When therefore those private Persons desired nothing but what was just and yet the Commonwealth was not able to discharge the Debt they decreed as a Mean between what was just and what was convenient for them That seeing a great many of them said that Lands were commonly bought and sold every day and they had an occasion to buy some they should have the refusal of all the publick Lands between that and the fiftieth stone i. e.
by it not touching it then was it a token that the matter was displeasing to the Gods and would have an ill end but if the Chickens did hastily leap out of the Coop and eat so greedily that some fell out of their mouths and redounded on the ground then the Cunning-man pronounced success in the matter proposed and this was called Tripudium Solistimum The Aruspices Craft lay in observing whether the Beast that was to be sacrificed came to the Altar willingly or dyed without much struggling or bellowing at one blow or many whether any unlucky object were seen or heard whilst they were sacrificing whether the Bowels and especially the Liver were fair and natural for if they appear'd of an ill colour dryed up ulcerous imposthumated or the like it was an ill Oâ—â—en As commonly they would begin no Action of moment inauspicatò that is without the Counsel of some of these Augurs so especially the same was requisite in Assembles for chusing of Magistrates and making of Laws but not to all alike For though the Divination taken from observing the Heavens that is Thunder Lightning and the like were admitted at all the three sorts of Comitiâ— or Assemblies of the People yet the flight of Birds and observing the Chickens Crums were appropriate to the Comitia Curiata and Centuriata only The General of an Army being elâ—cted with these Ceremonies was said to wage the War in that Province with his own Auspices and all his inferiour Officers and Souldiers were said to fight under his Auspices and therefore the Name of Imperator or Lord General was never given to any Lieutenant General or the like nor any Triumph allow'd him for any Victory though obtain'd by him when the General was sick or absent for still the matter was atchiev'd by his Auspices not their own As or Assis is usually taken in Livy for a piece of Roman Money or Coin in Brass that at first weigh'd a pound or twelve ounces and so we have in several places translated it as fol. 71. you find mentioned 3000 l. which is not to be understood of pounds Sterling but of so many Asses King Servius was the first that coin'd or stampt Brass-money for they had no Silver coin'd till after they had vanquisht King Pyrrhus about the year of the City 485. The Denarius of Silver when first coin'd was in value equal to ten of these Asses but in the first Punick War the Commonwealth being straitned for Money it was order'd that Asses should be stampt that were but of one sixth part of the old weight that is to say two ounces And afterwards they reduc'd them to one ounce and reckon'd one Silver Denarius equal to sixteen Asses Hence the old Asses were called Aes grave Money of full weight but however it alter'd in weight it is reputed always to have gone for three far things or thereabouts of our money Auspicia or Auspices See before Aruspices Balista so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from darting or casting out any thing termed also sometimes Catapulta from the Greek word Peltes a Dart was an Engine used by the Romans in besieging of Cities somewhat like our Cross-bow for its use but much bigger with which they used to shoot Darts and some Authors say Stones too upon occasion against their Enemies on the Wall at a great distance It is thus described by Marcellinus lib. 23. cap. 3. Between two planks saith he there is set in a frame and fast joined a large strong Iron reaching out in length like a good great Rule out of the round body whereof which is artificially wrought there lieth forth further a four-square Beam made hollow with a direct passage in manner of a narrow Trough tyed fast with many Cords of Sinews twisted one within the other and thereunto are joined two wooden Screws near unto one of which stands the Balistarius he that plays the Engine and puts into the hollow passage of the Beam a wooden Shaft with a big head fastened on it This done on both sides two lusty young men do bend the Engine by turning about certain Wheels and when the top of the head is drawn to the uttermost end of the Cords the Shaft hurried out of the Balista by the inward force thereof flies out of sight with mighty violence Those Engines were employ'd also in the Defence of Places besieged For so we read That when the Capitol was besieged by the Gauls the Romans wanting Sinews for making or repairing these Engines the Matrons supplied them by cutting off their hair which served instead of Sinews in Honour of which there was afterwards a Temple erected to Venus Calva Venus the Bald. Basilica so called from the Greek word Basileus which signifies not only a King but a Judge were stately upper Buildings at Rome supported with Piazza's under which the people walkt the use of these Halls above was principally for the Judges to sit in and determine Causes and in their absence the Merchants met there and therefore as one part of them was furnisht with Benches and Bars like Law-Courts so other sides had Shops for the better sorts of Wares Bellona the Goddess of War whose Temple stood before the Gate Carmentalis near which there was a Column called Bellica from which the Romans latterward were wont to lance a Dart or Javelin towards those parts where they intended to make War whereas in former times they sent their Heralds to the very Confines of their Enemies to perform that Ceremony Bigati were the Roman Denarii having the stamp of a Chariot drawn with two Horses called Biga Calends was amongst the Romans the first day of every Month so named à Calando to Call because the petty Pontiff in old time was wont then to call the People to the Court Calabra and there to pronounce to them how many Nones there were in that Month. For the Romans divided their Months into Calends Nones and Ides and some Months had two Nones more than others which difference and their manner of Counting is intimated in these memorial Rhymes Each Month's first day we do its Calends call In March May July and October fall Six following Nones the rest but four in all But every Month eight Ides doth thence take in Which done th' account from next Calends begin That is as the first day of every Month is called the Calends of that Month so the 2 3 4 5 6 7. of those four Months March c. were called the Nones of that Month but in all other Months the Nones contained but the 2 3 4 5. days so that for Example the fifth day of January was called Nonae Januarii but the seventh day of March the Nones of March and the second of March was the sixth Nones for they always reckon'd backward so but the second of January the fourth Nones After the Nones followed the Ides which contained eight days in every Month so that the 15. day of March
demand Justice he desires that all the calamities of this War may fall upon them Which answer of his the Albans related to their King Upon this thre were very great preparations made for a War on both sides which looked much like a Civil War as being a quarrel almost between Fathers and their Children for they both came of the Trojan Race Lavinium from Troy Alba from Lavinium and the Romans from the Albans But the event of the War made the quarrel less considerable because they did not fight in the open field and besides that the houses of one City being lately destroyed those two People were united into one The Albans first with a great Army made an incursion into the Roman Dominions pitching their Camp not above five thousand paces from the City and enclosing it with a ditch which from the name of their General was called Cluilius's Ditch for some ages till by tract of time the name was lost together with the thing it self In this Camp Cluilius the Alban King died in whose stead the Albans created a Dictator Metius Suffetius In the mean time Tullus grew very insolent especially upon the death of the King and saying That the Gods having begun at the head would punish the whole body of the Albans for the unjust War which they had made he passed by the Enemies Camp in the Night-time and with a dreadful Army marched into the Alban Territories This removed Metius from his Camp who drew his men up as near to the Enemy as he could and thence sent an Embassadour before him to tell Tullus That it was convenient before they began the Fight for them to have a parley and that if he would meet him he was well assured that he could tell him something no less advantageous to the Roman than to the Alban State which prosser Tullus did not slight though it was but frivolous and therefore led his men forth into the field where the Albans met him When the two Armies stood in Battalia on both sides the two Generals marched up into the midway between them with some few of the Nobility attending him Then the Alban thus began I understand that certain injuries and the not restoring what was demanded back has made our King Cluilius to seem the cause of this War nor do I doubt O Tullus but you pretend the same thing but if we may speak truth rather than what seems specious and plausible only it is desire of Empire which at present sets two people who are allyed and Neighbours at variance Nor do I pretend to say whether it be well or ill done on either side let him look to that who undertakes the War the Albans have chosen me their General in it But this O Tullus I must needs tell you you have more reason to know how strong the Etrurians are who border very near upon us but are much nearer to you They are very powerful by land but much more by Sea and therefore pray take notice that when you joyn Battel these two Armies will be in their sight only like a show or spectacle so that when we have tired and ruined one another they will set upon the Conquerour as well as on the conquered Wherefore if the Gods have any favour for us or we any care of our selves at this juncture when not content with certain liberty we run the hazard of Empire or Slavery let us take some course to decide the question which of us shall govern the other without any slaughter or bloudshed on either side This proposal did not much displease Tullus though he were heated both by his natural inclination and the hopes of victory They therefore fell to consultation in the affair and fortune herself found out an expedient There happened to be at that time three Brothers in each Army whose age and strength was equal and those were the Horatij and the Curiatij than whose engagement against each other there is scarce any thing more famous in all antiquity but yet even concerning a thing of that moment men are at a loss nor can any body certainly tell which side the Horatij were on or which side the Curiatij Authors are divided in their opinions but I find most make the Horatij to be Romans and I am very much inclined to believe they were so The two Kings treated with these two ternaries of Brethren that they would each fight a combat for their Country and that that side should enjoy the Empire that got the victory They did not at all decline it but agreed upon the time and place Before they fought there was a compact made between the Romans and the Albans upon these conditions that That People whose Citizens won the day should govern the other in peace and quietness Some leagues are made with different Articles but all in the same nature At that time this we hear was thus made nor is there any record of any league more ancient The Herald asked King Tullus this question Does your Majesty command me to strike a league with the Herald of the Albans To which the King complying the Herald made answer and said I demand Vervain of your Majesty The King replyed Take it up clean Whereupon the Herald brought from the Castle some clean leaves of that Plant and then asked the King Sir do you make me the Royal Messenger of the Roman Peâ—ple with all my carriages and retinue The King answered I do all that may be done witâ— Justice to my self and the Roman People The Herald's name was M. Valerius and he made Spurius Fufius the Pater Patratus or Chief Herald by touching his head and his hair with Vervain the Pater Patratus was made to confirm and strengthen their Oath and men he perfected the league in many words and those in verse too which are too long â—o relate After that having recited the conditions he said Hear O Jupiter Hear thou O Herald of the Albans and all ye People of Alba How that all those words which I speaâ— both first and last here in publick frrom these waxed tables without any fraud or design are to be understood according to the plain sense of them and that the Roman People will not first revolt from these conditions by any deceitful dealing though they have gone contrary to publick advice No in that day do thou O Jupiter so smite the Roman People as I this day shall smite this hog nay do it as much more fatally as thy omnipotence is able Having so said he smote an hog with a flint-stone and then the Albans by their Dictator and their Priests repeated their verses and their Oath When the league was thus made the three Brothers on each side according to the agreement took up their Arms and having admonished each other that the Gods of their Country their Country and their Parents and all their fellow Citizens whether at home or in the Army had their eyes fixed upon their Arms and their hands being
were broken so that they from that time could neither fight nor run away without confusion and great slaughter The Sabines being conquered and Tullus together with all the State of Rome being in great glory and advanced to great opulency there was news brought to the King and the Senate that upon the Mount Albanus it rained Stones which being hard to be believed there were certain persons sent to see that Prodigy in whose sight there fell a shower of Stones from Heaven in the same manner as when the winds drive heaps of Hail together upon the Earth They likewise thought they heard a shrill voice from the top of the Grove which bad the Albans do Sacrifice after the fashion of their own Countrey which they had forgotten as much as if they had forsaken their Gods as well as their native soil and either had taken up with the Roman Rites or being angry with Fortune as men in their circumstances generally are had quitted the Worship of their Gods The Romans also were moved by the same Prodigy to appoint a publick Sacrifice of nine days continuance whether by a voice from Heaven conveyed from the Mount Albanus for that also is part of the tradition or by the advice of the Soothsayers is uncertain but this we know that the same solemnity continued so that whenever they were told of the same prodigy they sacrificed for nine days together Not long after there was a Plague among them which though it indisposed them to Military imployments yet their Warlike King would not permit them to lay down their Arms because he thought the young mens bodies were more healthy even in the Camp than at home till he himself also languished under a lingering Distemper Then was his furious Spirit so far tamed as well as his body that he who before thought nothing less becoming a King than to give his mind to sacred things became on a sudden a very Bigot to all Superstitious both great and small and filled even the People also with his religious notions And now the Commonalty desiring to see that state of things renewed which they had enjoyed in the Reign of Numa believed that the only remedy that was left to recover their distempered bodies was to make their peace and beg pardon of the Gods They say that the King himself having looked into the Commentaries of Numa and there found some secret though solemn Sacrifices made to Jupiter Elicius performed them privately by himself but that that Sacrifice was neither rightly prepared nor carefully offered and that he had not only no sign of favour shewn him from Heaven but that Jupiter also was enraged at his mock-Religion and with Lightning burned Him and his House Tullus Reigned and gained great glory in War two and thirty years When Tullus was dead the Government as it had been customary from the foundation of the City revolved into the Senate and they nominated an Inter-Rex or one that should rule between the Death of a former and the Inauguration of a succeeding King who called an Assembly in which the People chose Ancus Martius their King and the Senate confirmed it Ancus Martius was the Grandson of Numa Pompilius being the Son of his Daughter who as soon as he began his Reign being mindful of his Grandfathers glory and because the last Kings Reign though it was very remarkable for other things yet was deficient in one paâ—t and that was either the neglect of Religion in general or the disgrace he did it even by his pretence to it and supposing it would be much the best way to perform the publick holy Rites in the same manner that Numa had ordained them he commanded the chief Priest fairly to transcribe them out of the King's Commentaries and make them publick by which means the Citizens who were desirous of Peace and the neighbouring Cities too were put in good hopes that the King would prove of a temper and inclination much like his Grandfather Wherefore the Latines with whom King Tullus had made a League grew very insolent and when the Romans demanded satisfaction for an incursion which that People had made into their Territories they gave them a sawcy answer supposing that the King of Rome would lead a slothful life and reign only in Temples and before the Altars Ancus was of a middling disposition as being mindful as well of Romulus as Numa and besides that he thought Peace more necessary in the Reign of his Grandfather when the Romans were not only a new but a fierce kind of People He also thought that the leisure and ease which Numa had himself should hardly enjoy without some inconvenience that his patience was tried and being tried contemned and that the time of Tullus's Reign was much more sutable to his affairs than that of Numa's But yet seeing Numa had instituted religious Worship in time of Peace that he might set forth the due Ceremonies of War and that Hostility might not only be maintained but proclaimed too with some formality he promulgated the Laws which he received from the ancient People called Aequicoli and are now in the hands of the Heralds by virtue whereof such things as are unlawfully taken away are redemanded The Embassadour when he comes to the confines of their Country from whom the reprisal is designed has his head covered the covering is a woollen Shash and saies Hear O Jupiter Hear O yee Confines and names the Countrey whose borders those are and let Justice hear me I am the publick Messenger of the Roman People who come upon a just and a righteous account and therefore desire I may be credited Then he repeats his demands and calls Jove to witness in this manner If I require those men or those things to be delivered up to me who am the Messenger of the Roman People unjustly and without reason then mayst thou never suffer me to see my own Country again These words he repeats when he passes the bounds of any Country to whomsoever he first meets as he enters in at a Gate and when he is come into the Forum or Market-place though with some little alteration in the form and manner of them If those persons whom he demands are not surrendered in three and thirty days for that is the usual time given he proclaims War in this manner Hear O Jupiter and thou O Juno Romulus All the Coelestial Terrestial and Infernal Gods give ear to what I say I call you all to witness that that People and names the People who ever they be is unjust and does not do righteous things But of these things we will consult the ancient men in our own Country to know how we may gain our right Having so done the Messenger returns to Rome to advise in the Affair Whereupon immediately the King in words to this purpose consulted the Senate concerning controversies or causes wherein the Herald of the Roman People demanded satisfaction from the Herald of the ancient Latins and the
Beggar than a Gentleman for there is no Latitude left in them whereby to gain a pardon if you transgress their bounds that it was dangerous amidst so many errors that men are obnoxious to for a Man to think he could live prosecuted by his own innocence Whilest they were thus disturbed in mind there came Embassadors from the Kings who made no mention of their return but only demanded their Estate Whose Message having been heard in the Senate there was a Consultation held for some days concerning it lest if it were not returned it might be the cause of a War or on the other side if it were it might be a supply for the carrying of it on In the mean time the Embassadors endeavoured several ways to accomplish their Designs demanding the Estate only to open view but privately Consulting how to regain the Kingdom and as if that were the Design they went about to engage the affections of the noble young men By whom their Address was kindly received and to whom they delivered Letters from the Tarquinii discoursing with them concerning the reception of the Royal Family into the City privately in the night time This affair was first committed to the Vitellii and Apulii who were Brethren The Sister of the Vitellii was married to Consul Brutus who had by her two Sons then of Age called Titus and Tiberius whom their Uncles likewise took for their Assistants in that Consult But besides them there were also some of the young Nobility who were conscious of the other Design taken in whose Names Antiquity hath obliterated In the mean time it having past the Vote of the Senate that the Estate should be restored and the Embassadors having a just pretence for staying in the City all that time which the Consuls had given them to prepare Waggons for the carrying of the Kings Goods away they spent all that interval in consulting with the Conspirators and by their importunity at last induced them to send Letters to the Tarquinii for how should they otherwise believe that in such a weighty Affair the Embassadors did not deceive them The Letters which they sent a confirmation of the Embassadors Fidelity made the thing manifest For when the day before the Embassadors were to go to the Tarquinii they happened to sup with the Vitellii where the Conspirators being all alone had much Discourse among themselves as is usual in such cases concerning their new Design a Servant over heard them who had formerly some inkling of it but expected that occasion when Letters should be given to the Embassadors which being seized on might evince the whole matter When he knew that they had them he went and told the Consuls Whereupon the Consuls going to seize the Embassadors hushed up the whole matter without any noise but took the greatest care of the Letters lest they should be dropt And though they presently imprisoned the Traytors yet they made some small doubt in the case of the Embassadors for though their fault was so great that they might be looked upon as publick Enemies yet the Law of Nations prevailed above that consideration But now the whole matter concerning the Kings Goods which they had formerly ordered to be delivered up was again debated in the Senate who being incensed forbad the restoring of them or that they should be brought out into publick view Wherefore they were divided among the common People that they being as it were contaminated with the spoils of the Royal Family might lose all hopes of ever having Peace with them A piece of Land belonging to the Tarquinii which lay between the City and the River Tiber was Consecrated to Mars and afterwards called Campus Martius i. e. Mars's Field It happened then as the Report goes that there was in that Field Wheat growing which was ripe for the Sickle but because it was not lawful to consume the fruit of that Field a great number of men who were set to work there having Reaped it down threw it by Baskets full into the Tiber which was at that time but very low as it usually is in the middle of Summer and therefore the heaps of Corn being stranded stuck upon the mud From whence by degrees with other things which the River accidentally brought down to the same place there was an Island made to which I suppose there were Moles added and Humane Art used to make that rising Plain so strong as to bear even Temples and Porticoes The Kings Goods being divided among the People the Traytors were condemned and suffered Punishment which was the more remarkable because the Consuls injoyned each Father to inflict it upon his Children and him who was to have been not so much as a Spectator fortune now made the Executioner The Noblest young Men stood bound to a Stake but the Consuls Children turned the eyes of all People off from the rest as People of no note upon themselves and men were no more sorry for their Punishment than for the Crime by which they deserved it but lamented very much that they should design in that year especially to betray their Country which was then delivered their Father the Deliverer of it the Consulship raised out of the Family of the Junii the Senate the People with all the Gods and Men in Rome Superbus who though he was formerly their King was at that time their Enemy and in Banishment The Consuls took their places and the Lictors were sent to inflict the Punishment who having stript the Offenders and beaten them with their Rods smote them with the Ax whilst their Father all the while turned his face to the crowd and shewed an eminent love to his Country even amidst the Execution of that publick Punishment upon his own Children When the Execution was over to make this a signal Example for the deterring People on both sides from either acting in or not discovering such wicked Practices they gave the Informer a Reward in Mony out of the publick Treasury besides his Liberty and the Freedom of the City He is said to be the first who was freed by the way of Vindicta i. e. laying a Rod upon the Head of the Party who was to be set at Liberty and some think also that the Word Vindicta was derived from him because his name was Vindicius for after him it was observed that those who were so set at Liberty seemed to be received into the freedom of the City 6. These things being related just as they were Acted Tarquin incensed not only with grief to think that his great hopes were all frustrated but with hatred and anger too and seeing that his private Designs were obstructed thought it the best way to make an open War and therefore went about to the Cities of Etruria to beg their assistance but most of all intreated the Veians and Tarquinians That they would not suffer one who was extracted from themselves and of the same Blood to be Banished Necessitous and from such great Pomp
creating Tribunes and of a secession or departure of the People was sent before as a Scout to view the place where they should incamp the Soldiers that were sent along with him being commanded when they came to a convenient place to murther him But they did not do it without some kind of retaliation for many of the Ruffians fell before him as he made resistance for he defended himself though surrounded by them with a Courage proportionable to the mighty strength of his Body The rest came and brought news to the Camp that Siccius was surprized but lost his life very manfully and that some of the other Soldiers died with him They believed the Messengers and sent a Party to bury those who were slain by permission of the Decemviri who when they saw ne'r a Body there rifled but Siccius lying in the middle Armed with all their Bodies turned toward him and no body or footsteps of any Enemy that either was there or gone away they concluded he was certainly killed by their own Soldiers and so brought back the Corps Whereupon the Camp was filled with envy and would have had the Body of Siccius straight carried to Rome had not the Decemviri made haste to prepare a Military Funeral for him at the publick expence So he was buried with great lamentations among the Soldiers and the Decemviri were very ill spoken of among the vulgar People This was attended with another crime in the City which was occasioned by lust being no less fatal in the event than that which for the Rape and death of Lucretia had expelled the Tarquins out of the City and Kingdom so that the Decemviri did not only come to the same end as the Kings had done but the cause also of their losing their Authority was the very same Ap. Claudius was instigated by Lust to ravish an ordinary Plebeian Damsel whose Father L. Virginius was a Captain in Algidum being a Man of a good life both at home and in the War nor were his Wife and Children less vertuous This Virginius had espoused his Daughter to one L. Icilius a favourer of the Tribunes who was a keen Man and very well known to be a great stickler for the Peopleâ— Iâ—terest Appius therefore being inflamed with Love endeavoured to win this Maid who was at Womans estate and very Beautiful by mony and fair promises but when he saw heâ— every way guarded with modesty and chastity applied his mind to cruel and outragious violence He imployed and suborned M. Claudius a Client of his to challenge her for his Slave and not to yield to any who should require she might be free 'till the Tryal of her Liberty was over for he thought that now her Father was absent he had the better opportunity to do her wrong Whereupon as the Maid was coming into the Forum where in Shops were petit Schools the Decemvirs servant laid his lustful hands upon her saying She was the Daughter of his Bondwoman and herself a Slave and commanding her to follow him or he 'd drag her away by force The poor Girl being amazed at the surprize her Nurse cryed out and desired the People to assist her which made a great concourse about them By which means the crowd who knew her Father Virginius and her Lover Icilius to be very popular Men were upon their account and the indignity offered to her ready to help the Virgin So she was rescued from his violence but he told them They need not make a tumult he would take a more legal course and not use force He therefore warned her to appear before the Magistrate whilst those that were present advised her to follow him When they came before Appius the Plaintiff tells the story to the Judg who knew it all before as being himself the contriver of it That she was born in his House and thence by stealth conveyed to the House of Virginius whose Wife brought her up as her own Child that he could prove and would prove it by Virginius 's own Confession who was most concerned in that injury but that in the mean time it was but just a Servant as she was should go along with her Master To which the Girls Advocates made answer and said That Virginius was absent in the service of the Commonwealth but would be there in two days if he had notice of the affair that it was unreasonable there should be any dispute concerning his Children in his absence wherefore they desired the whole matter might be put off 'till his return that he would suffer her to have her freedom according to a Law which he himself had made 'till the Tryal were over and not let a Maid of her Age undergo the hazard of her good Name before that of her Liberty Then Appius told them in a Preface to his Decree That very Law which Virginius 's friends brought to back their request declared how much he favoured Liberty but that would not be a sure guard for Liberty where the cause was altered and varied by difference of cases and persons For to those persons who were to be made free because any Man may sue what they said was Law but in the case of that Maid who was in her Fathers custody there was no body else to whom the Master of her could resign his possession wherefore he thought fit that her Father should be sent for though in the mean time he that challenged her should not lose his right but should take the Girl home with him upon security to bring her again into Court when he came who was her pretended Father Against this unjust Decree there were many who murmured but ne'r an one of them durst saâ— a word 'till P. Numitorius the Girls Uncle and her Lover Icilius came in for whom the crowd made way but just as the Multitude were thinking that by the Interposition of Icilius they might be able to thwart Appius the Lictor cryed out He has Decreed it and with that put by Icilius who was very loud upon the point Whereupon though his nature was very mild he was inflamed by that indignity and said Appius You should remove me hence with a Dagger that you may have that kept private which you would fain conceal Know I am to marry this Maid who is to be my chast Wife Wherefore call all your own Lictors and those of your Collegues too about you and bid them make ready your Rods and Axes yet Icilius 's Sweet-heart shall not tarry any where without her Fathers Doors No though you have taken away the Tribunes aid and their Appeal from the People of Rome which were the two forts whereby to defend our Liberty it does not follow that your Lust must tyrannize over our Children and our Wives too Exert your malice upon our backs and necks but let our Chastity at least be secure If she suffer any violence I will conjure the Romans as she is my Spouse Virginius the Soldiers as she
which they promised him through their favour he should be Consul But he as Mans mind is never satisfied with what Fortune promises was ambitious of higher things that were not to be allowed of and therefore seeing the Consulship must be wrested from the Senators began to consult of his being King for that he thought was the only reward that could requite all that trouble and pains which he must undergo before he attained even to a Consulship And now the Consular Assembly was at hand which since his designs were not yet ripe for execution destroyed his enterprise For T. Quintius U. C. 315 Capitolinus was the sixth time made Consul who was a Person very unlikely to favour one that would make any innovation and his Collegue was Agrippa Menenius Surnamed Lanatus L. Minucius being Prefect of the Provisions who whether he were newly created again or at first made for an uncertain time as long as occasion required is not known there being no evidence of it but his name as Prefect put in the Linnen Books among the Magistrates both Years This Minucius taking the same care of the Commonwealth as Maelius privately had undertaken to do since there were the same sort of Men in both their Houses discovering the matter told the Senate That there were Arms carried into Maelius 's House and that he had Meetings at home which without doubt were Consults how to gain a Crown that the time for execution was not yet come but all things else were agreed on That the Tribunes also were bribed to betray their Liberty as likewise that the several Commissions were given to those that should head the Multitude That he came to tell them somewhat later than was consistent with their safety lest he should have informed them of what he did not know to be certainly true Which when they heard the chief of the Senate did not only chide the last Years Consuls for suffering such largesses or conventions of the People to be in any private House but blamed the new Consuls also for tarrying 'till the Prefect of the Provisions came and informed the Senate of a thing so weighty which might require a Consul not only for its detector but revenger too Then T. Quintius told them The Consuls were not at all to blame who being bound up by Laws that were made concerning Liberty of Appeal in order to dissolve Authority had not so much strength in their Office as they had Courage to revenge that audacious attempt according to the heinousness of it that would require not only a stout Man but also one that were free and disengaged from the fetters of Law Wherefore he would make L. Quintius Dictator for he had a soul equal to that great Authority Thereupon when they all approved of the proposal Quintius at first refused it and asked them What they meant to expose such an old Man as he was to so much difficulty and danger But soon after when they all around him cried out that there was more Policy and Courage too in that old Soul of his than in all the rest that were there commending him as he deserved whilst the Consul continued of the same mind Cincinnatus having made his supplication to the gods that his old Age might not prove either a damage or dishonour to the Commonwealth in such dangerous circumstances was declared Dictator by the Consul and made C. Servilius Ahala Magister of the Horse The next day having planted Guards in several places he came down into the Forum where the People stared upon him as a new and wonderful sight the Maelians and their Leader saw the force of that great Authority designed against them those that knew nothing of a design to make Maelius King asked What Tumults what sudden War required a Dictator or Quintius to be Governour of the Commonwealth when he was above eighty years of Age whilst in the mean time Servilius Master of the Horse being sent to Maelius by the Dictator told him The Dictator would speak with you to which he in a fear replying What would he have with me Servilius answered You must make your defence against Minucius who hath accused you before the Senate Whereupon Maelius retired into the crowd of his followers and first looking about him was very unwilling to move but at last the Apparitor or Serjeant dragging him along by the Order of the Master of the Horse he was rescued by those that stood about him and running away implored the favour of the Roman People saying He was oppressed by consent of the Senate for having been kind to the Commonalty and desiring that they would assist him now in his last extremity nor suffer him to be murdered before their eyes As he bawled out to this effect Ahala Servilius overtook him and slew him by which means being bespattered with the blood of the Party slain and guarded with a Company of Patrician young Men he carried the news to the Dictator that Maelius who when he was summoned to come before him had repelled the Serjeant and raised the Multitude upon them had what he deserved upon which the Dictator said Go and prosper C. Servilius in thy Courage now thou hast freed the Commonwealth Thereupon seeing the Multitude in a Tumult because they were divided in their opinions of the matter he ordered an Assembly to be called in which he told them That Maelius was justly slain though he were not guilty of a Design to be King for not coming to the Dictator when the Master of the Horse called him for he was then sitting to hear the Cause which when he had examined Maelius should have had as much favour as the case would have born That he who made what resistance he could rather than submit to the Law was restrained by violence nor ought a Magistrate to have dealt with him like a fellow Citizen who though he were born among a free People among Laws and Priviledges in a City from whence he knew all Kings were banished and where the same Year the Sons of a Kings Sister and of the Consul that delivered his Country were Beheaded with an Ax for a Plot in which they were known to be engaged for bringing in of the Kings again a City from whence Collatinus Tarquinius the Consul out of hatred to the name was forced to quit his Office and go into banishment a City in which Sp. Cassius suffered after some Years for a design he had to be King a City in which of late the Decemviri were amerced in all their Estates and punished with Exile or Death for their Kingly pride He I say should not have been dealt with like a fellow Citizen that would hope as Sp. Maelius did to make himself King And pray what a Man is he that he should aspire to Dominion without any Nobility of birth any honours or deserts For though the Claudii and the Cassii were high-minded they had the Consulships the Decemvirates and other honours of their
Ancestors and the splendor of their Families to brag of so that it was no fault in them But that Sp. Maelius who should rather wish than hope to be Tribune of the People who was only a rich Corn-Merchant should hope to buy the Liberty of his fellow Citizens for two pounds of Wheat apiece or should think that by giving them a meals Meat he could wheedle a People into slavery who had conquered all their neighbour Nations or that the City should suffer him to be King whom they could scarce find in their hearts to make a Senator and to have all the Ensigns of State and all that Power which Romulus their Founder who was descended from the gods but now was one of their number had was not more wicked than monstrous Nor was it enough that he atoned fâ—r it with his blood except his House too were demolished in which so much madness was conceived and his Goods that were infected with the Design of their being the price of a Kingdom all confiscated Wherefore he ordered the Questors to sell those Goods and put them into the publick Treasury Then he commanded his House that the place where it stood might be a monument of the frustration of his wicked purpose to be immediately Demolished and the space was called Aequimelium L. Minucius was honoured with a figure of a Golden Bull without the Gate called Porta Trigemina nor were the People unwilling to have it so because he divided Maelius's Corn amongst them at an As i. e. a Bushel I find in some Authors that this same Minucius went over from the Senate to the People being made the eleventh Tribune of the Commons and appeased the Sedition caused by the death of Maelius But it is scarce credible that the Senate suffered the number of the Tribunes to be augmented or that such an example should be introduced by a Patrician especially Nor is it likely that the People ever obtained such a Priviledg or so much as stickled for it But above all it is plainly confuted by a Law that pass'd some few years before That the Tribunes should not have the power to take in any Collegue above their just number Q. Caecilius Q. Junius and Sext. Titinnius were the sole Persons of all the College of Tribunes that did not favour the Law touching Minucius's honour but accused one while Minucius and another while Servilius before the People complaining perpetually of the foul murder of Maelius By which means they brought it to pass that an Assembly should be held for the chusing of Tribunes Military rather than Consuls not doubting but since there were six to be chosen for that was now their legal number some Plebeians that should profess themselves revengers of Maelius's death would be elected The Commons though that Year they were disturbed with many and various Commotions created no more than three Tribunes with power Consular U. C. 316 among whom was L. Quintius Cincinnatus's Son from the envy of whose Dictatorship they sought an occasion to raise a Tumult but Mamercus Aemilius a Man of great Quality was chosen before Quintius and L. Junius was the third In the time of their Magistracy Fidenae a Roman Colony revolted to Lar. Tolumnius King of the Veians and to the Veians But there was a worse offence added to that Revolt For by the command of Tolumnius they killed C. Fulcinius C. Julius Tullus Sp. Nautius and L. Roscius the Roman Embassadors that came to know the reason of their new designs Some extenuate the Kings fault and say that as he threw a lucky Cast at Dice his doubtful words being taken by the Fidenians as though he had meant they should kill them was the cause of their Death But that is incredible that when the Fidenates his new Allies came to him to consult about a Murder that was like to break the Law of Nations his mind should not be off from his Game nor that afterwards he should be concerned for the fact It is more likely that the People of Fidenae had a mind to be so engaged by that action that being conscious of its heinousness they might never after hope for any friendship from the Romans The Embassadors who were slain at Fidenae had their Statues set up publickly in the Rostra And now a bloody Fight drew nigh in which they were to engage with the Veians and the Fidenates who besides their being two neighbour Nations occasioned a War by such an horrid Act wherefore the People and their Tribunes being at quiet that publick affairs U. C. 317 might be the better managed there was nothing said to the contrary but that M. Geganius Macerinus a third time and L. Sergius Fidenas should be made Consuls of which the later I suppose took his Surname of Fidenas from the War which he then waged For he was the first that fought on this side the River Anien with any success against the King of the Veians but he did not obtain a bloodless Victory Wherefore the Romans were more grieved for the Citizens they had lost than they rejoyced at the Defeat of their Enemies and the Senate as in a case of extremity ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be proclaimed Dictator Who was no sooner made but he created L. Quintius Cincinnatus a Youth very worthy of such a Father who had been of the College the last Year when they were Tribunes Military together with power Consular To the Levy which the Consuls made were added the old Centurions who had experience in Warlike affairs and the number of those that were lost in the late Battel made up The Dictator commanded Quintius Capitolinus and M. Fabius Vibulanus to follow him as Lieutenants As therefore he had greater authority than ordinary so the Man was equal to his Commission for he drove the Enemy out of the Roman Territories beyond Anien where they took possession of the Hills betwixt that and Fidenae removing their Camp backward nor did they descend into the Plains before the Faliscan Legions came to their assistance and then at length the Etrurians Camp was pitched before the Walls of Fidenae In the mean time the Roman Dictator sate down not far from thence at the meeting of the two Rivers upon the Banks of them both and raising his Out-works as fast and as far as he could to defend himself for the present the next day led his Army into the Field There were several opinions among the Enemies The Faliscans being a great way from Home very uneasie in a Campaign and confident in their own strength desired to engage but the Veians and the Fidenates thought best to protract the War Tolumnius therefore though he was better pleased with the sentiments of his own Countrymen yet lest the Faliscans should undergo too much hardship declared He would fight the next day The Dictatoâ— and the Romans were the more encouraged when they saw the Enemy declined the Battel and the day following when the Soldiers murmured among themselves and said that
but to bound that with time to which the Law had set no bounds That other Magistrates were annual but that the Censorship was of five years continuance that it was hard for the People to live so many years a great part of their life obnoxious to the same persons wherefore he would make a Law that the Censorship should not last above a Year and half Accordingly the next day with general consent of the People he pass'd the Law and then told them Romans that you may see I don 't at all fansie Offices of long continuance I at this instant lay down my Dictatorship Whereupon having quitted his own Office and limited that of others he was attended to his House with great applause and favour of the People The Censors taking it ill turned him out of his Tribe for having diminished a Magistracy of the Roman People and setting a rate upon him of eight times as much as he ought to pay made him only a Tributary to the State Which thing they say he bore with great courage as considering the cause of his disgrace more than the disgrace it self and that the chief of the Senate though they had desired before to have the Censors powers restrained did now much more approve of it being offended to see such an example of their severity for each of them foresaw he might be longer and oftner subject to the Censors than he should bear the Office But the People were so inraged that no body save Mamercus could have kept them from laying violent hands upon the Censors The Tribunes of the People by their daily assemblies obstructing the Consular Convention so that the matter was almost reduced to an Interregnum they at last prevailed to have Tribunes of the Soldiers chosen with Consular Authority But they had not what they desired though they carried the day which was to have a Plebeian chosen for they were all Patricians and their names were M. Fabius Vibulanus M. Foslius L. Sergius Fidenas That U. C. 321 Year a Pestilence kept them from minding any thing else and a Temple was vowed to Apollo for the recovery of the People the Duumviri doing many things prescribed in their Books to appease the wrath of the gods and turn the Plague away from the People But for all that they could do there was a great Mortality in the City and Country both of Men and Cattel Yea they feared a Famin too for want of Men to Till the Land and therefore sent into Etruria Pometia to Cumae and at last even into Sicily for Corn. In the mean time there was no talk of any Consular Assembly but there were Tribunes of the Soldiers made U. C. 322 with Consular Authority and all Patricians whose names were L. Pinarius Mamercus L. Furius Medullinus and Sp. Postumius Albus That Year the force of the Disease was abated nor was there any danger of their wanting Corn they had so much before-hand Mean while there was a Council held among the Aequi and the Volsci and in Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna concerning a War But there they put off the business for a Year and made a Decree That no Council should be held before such a time whilst the Veians to no purpose complained That the same fortune attended Veii by which Fidenae was destroyed Whilst this was done the heads of the Commons at Rome having long waited in hopes of greater honour but all to no end whilst there was peace abroad they began to call Conventions into the Houses of the Tribunes of the People And there making secret Cabals they complained That the People so despised them that though for so many Years there had been Tribunes of the Soldiers made with Consular Authority no Plebeian was ever yet admitted to that Honour That their Ancestors indeed were very provident in taking care that no Patrician should ever be a Plebeian Magistrate or else the Tribunes of the People had been most commonly Patricians so despicable were they even in the sight of their own Party nor contemned less by the Commons than by the Senate Thereupon some began to acquit the People and lay the blame upon the Senate That by their ambition and ill arts it was that the Peoples way to honour was blocked up if the People could but once be rid of their intreaties mixt with menaces they would bethink themselves and Vote for Commoners and having the assistance of the Tribunes would vindicate the Authority of the Commons Then it was thought fit in order to the taking away all canvassing for Offices that the Tribunes of the People should promulgate a Law That no Man should make his Garment whiter than ordinary when he went to get Votes which Law though it now may seem a small matter and scarce worth serious consideration yet then inflamed the Senate and the People to a very great degree At last the Tribunes got the day and past their Law and it appeared very plainly when their minds were provoked that the People would for the future favour their own Party Wherefore lest they should be totally free to do what they pleased there was an Order of Senate made for the holding of a Consular Assembly At which juncture there was a sudden tumult in the City caused by the news which the Latins and the Hernicans brought from the Aequi and the Volsci Thereupon T. Quintius the Son of Lucius Surnamed Cincinnatus and Pennus too and U. C. 323 C. Julius Mento were created Consuls nor was the terror of the War any longer deferred By a sacred Law which with those People is of greatest force for the raising of Soldiers they having made a Levy two mighty Armies marched forth and met in Algidum where the Aequi and the Volsci fortified their Camps apart from each other their Generals being at that time more industrious than ever before they had been not only to defend but to exercise their Men which put the Romans into a greater fear Then the Senate ordered a Dictator to be made because those Nations though they had been often Conquered yet still rebelled again with greater spirit than ever before besides that some part of the Roman Youth was taken off by the sickness but above all the private quarrel between the two Consuls and their thwarting of each other in all their Counsels increased their dread There are who say these Consuls had but ill success in a Battel in Algidum and that that was the reason why a Dictator was created But this is manifest that though they disagreed in other things they consented even against the will of the Senate in this one thing that they would not make a Dictator 'till one thing coming still more terrible after another and yet the Consuls would not submit to the Senate Q. Servilius Priscus one who had bore the greatest Offices with extraordinary applause applying himself to the Tribunes said You Tribunes of the People since things are come to such an extremity the Senate
such things whereby men that are like to be conversant in State Affairs may be no less instructed towards the attaining of happiness by Vertue than by Military Actions and Counsels In the Sabine War when there had been so much booty taken that the Historiographer Fabius imagines that the Romans then first of all had the tast of Riches Curius out of such a wealthy Victory assuming to himself nothing but the Credit and Satisfaction of the Performance continu'd in his former austere way of living being both a competent Example and also a severe exactor of publick Abstinence For when the greatest part of the Land taken from the Enemy had been confiscated he allotted not above fourteen Acres to every private mans share and when the Senate would have assign'd him a greater share he was content with the same quantity of ground as the rest had saying that he was an ill Citizen who could not be satisfied with the same as others had Afterwards in this place stood the Villa of Curius among the Sabines in which by chance as he was boyling Rapes the Samnites being newly conquer'd came to him and presented him with a great sum of Gold unto whom he said I had rather have these things in my earthen Vessels and command those men who have Gold Cato the elder possessing some Lands near this Villa came thither often and contemplating upon that small Cottage and spot of ground which that great Man had dig'd with his own hands after three Triumphs remembring also his life led with the greatest abstinence that could be he form'd his Mind to a like generosity in imitation of that Primitive Integrity and simplicity of Curius And in truth they were the fittest Persons to lay the firm foundations of an Empire which might bear up the superstructure and not onely withstand forein Assaults but also scarcely be shaken with its own domestick Vices DECADE II. BOOK XV. Florus his Epitome of the Fifteenth Book of Livy Both Peace and Liberty is granted to the vanquish'd Tarentines The Campanian Legion that treacherously seized Rhegium is besieg'd and upon surrender all Beheaded Some unruly young Noblemen happening to affront the Ambassadours which the Apolloniats sent to the Senate they were all delivered into the Apolloniats hands to be punish'd at discretion Peace granted to the conquer'd Picenes and a Colony planted at Ariminum in that Country and another at Beneventum in Samnium Now and not before the Romans began to use Silver Coin for their Money The Umbrians and Salentines subdued and their submissions accepted The number of Quaestors increased to Eight ALL these Potent Enemies being conquer'd after many Battels and a Peace made in Italy the Lords of the Senate fell now to consider how they might improve their Victories to the best advantage They resolved that all those who had taken Arms against them should forfeit part of their Territories reserving a severe revenge for the Tarentines because their Crime was greater whom they commanded to deliver up their Arms and Shipping and also razed their Walls and impos'd a Tribute upon them but yet they had Liberty and Peace given them Afterwards they judged nothing more necessary than to punish the treachery of that Legion which having circumvented the Rhegians possess'd that Town now for the space of ten years These People foreseeing that the Romans being every day more and more successful their wickedness should not go unaveng'd diligently applied themselves to fortifie their Town and to secure themselves against danger well knowing that what they had got by fraud and rapine was to be maintain'd by the same practices Besides their inbred insolence they trusted in their Alliance with the Mamertines and their success against the Carthaginians and against Pyrrhus whereby they had try'd the courage of their People having soon forc'd the Enemies to quit their attempts of besieging them So that the Rebels and desertors were grown so bold that they took Croton by treachery kill'd the Roman Garison and destroy'd the Town L. Genucius therefore who bore the Consulship with C. Quinctius that year was order'd to do justice upon these matters who having forc'd the Traitors within their Walls besieg'd the Town But whilst they made great resistance with their own Forces and those of the Mamertines the Consul after considerable losses was streightned also for Provision until Hiero King of Syracuse supply'd him with Men and Victuals for he being an Enemy to the Mamertines hated also their Allies of Rhegium He was also induc'd hereunto by the consideration of the Roman greatness whom he thought to make his Friends against future occasions by obliging them first Thus at last the Town being forc'd to surrender it self the Consul dismiss'd the Mamertines obliging them to certain Conditions and punish'd the Thieves and Desertors that had got to Rhegium as to a Sanctuary but he carried the Legionary Soldiers to Rome that the Senate might take a course with them Hereupon a great Example of the Roman Discipline follow'd The Senate first of all commanded that all those who had been brought by the Consul should be imprison'd and from thence be brought to Execution Afterwards when a Tribune of the Commons had remonstrated against this act of the Senate declaring That the lives of Roman Citizens should not be taken away contrary to the Laws and Customs of their Ancestors the clamours of the Tribunes were contemned by the resolute Senators and the Malefactors punish'd but to take away the invidiousness of such a sad action lest the People should regret to see such a company of men suffer death together they brought them out by fifty in a day and after they had scourg'd them strook off their Heads The Senate order'd that their Bodies should not be buried nor any mourning made for them D. Jubellius who had liv'd blind till that time that he might die with greater torment kill'd himself in Prison Following most Authors in the Point I have related that the whole Legion consisting of four thouand men was beheaded But I hold that a more true account which is given by Polybius namely that they had taken alive no more than three hundred of that Legion the rest chusing by manful resistance to die by the Sword when the City was taken as knowing that after such enormous Crimes nothing else could be expected from a surrender of themselves but greater tortures and a more infamous death The Town of Rhegium was restor'd to the former Inhabitants as many of them as could be found out and they enjoy'd their Liberty and Laws as before This act of Justice mightily encreas'd the reputation of the Roman Commonwealth and the Italians and neighbouring Nations lov'd them no less for this action than they fear'd them for their Arms. Afterwards when Genucius and Cornelius were Consuls they had War with the Sarsinates a Race of Vmbrians inhabiting the Appennine but upon what cause these took Arms and upon what confidence they durst oppose a Power so
the Exchequer was full declaring that they would not expect a penny till the War was ended Likewise the Masters of those Slaves whom T. Sempronius had Enfranchiz'd at Beneventum acquainted the Senate that they were sent to by the Triumvirs in the Office of Bankers call'd Mensarii to receive the price of their Servants but they were content to let it alone till the War was over So great was the inclination of the Commons to supply the publick stock that the moneys of Orphans and afterwards of Widows began now to be brought into the Exchequer as believing they could no where deposite it more safely than in the publick Faith and Security and whatsoever was disburs'd to provide any thing the Orphans or Widows needed an account was kept thereof in the Registry Nay this benevolence of private persons towards their Country extended it self from the City as far as the Camp where not an Horseman or Centurion would receive their pay but branded them with the reproach of mercenary Fellows that would take a penny during the present Exigency Q. Fabius the Consul lay before Casilinum defended by a Garrison of two thousand Campanians and seven hundred of Annibal's Souldiers The Governour was Statius Metius sent thither by Magius Atellanus who that year was Medixtuticus of Capua so they call'd their Chief Magistrate and had promiscuously arm'd both Commons and Servants to fall upon the Romans Camp whilst they were busy in attacquing Casilinum But Fabius had advice of all their designs and therefore sent to his Collegue at Nola That there was need of another Army to curb the Campanians whilst he assaulted Casilinum and that he should come away leaving Nola with a competent Garrison or if he thought that not safe from Annibal then be should send for T. Gracchus the Proconsul from Beneventum Upon this Intelligence Marcellus left two thousand men to secure Nola and with the rest of his Forces hastned to Casilinum upon whose approach the Campanians withdrew and were quiet Then began Casilinum to be assaulted by both Consuls and abundance of Romans offering to scale the Walls being wounded and beaten off without success Fabius seeing it was a place in it self inconsiderable and yet as difficult as any to be won was for raising the Siege and attempting some action of greater importance but Marcellus perswaded him to continue it alledging That as there are many things which great Warriors ought not to begin so being once undertaken they were not lightly to be given over because it might either way prove of mighty consequence as to their Fame and Reputation So the Engines of Battery of all sorts being employ'd against the Walls those Campanians that were in the Town made Overtures to Fabius for leave to march to Capua and before many of them were got forth Marcellus seiz'd the Gate they came out at and then cut to pieces first all that were near the Gate and afterwards making an irruption into the City kill'd the Enemy as fast there Fifty Campanians that got out first flying to Fabius were by him sent with a Convoy to Capua and Casilinum whilst they were parlying and insisting upon terms was occasionally taken The Prisoners both Campanians and those belonging to Annibal were sent to Rome and there shut up in Prison the Inhabitants were divided amongst the Neighbouring Nations to be kept in Custody At the same time that the Consuls with this success retired from Casilinum Gracchus sent some new-rais'd Troops out of the Lucanes Country under the Command of one of their own Officers to Forage in the Enemies Quarters who being stragling negligently and out of Order Hanno fell upon them and gave the Romans well nigh as great an overthrow there as his own Party had receiv'd at Casilinum and so retreated in an hurry into the Bruttians Country lest Gracchus should have pursued him The Consul Marcellus went back to Nola whence he came and Fabius advanc'd into Samnium both to Forage their Fields and reduce those Cities that had revolted above all the Samnites about Caudium were grievously harrass'd their Villages all burnt their Lands all destroyed and both Cattel and people carried away Captive The Towns Compulteria Thelesia Compsa Melae Fulfulae and Orbitanium all taken by storm as also Blandae a City belonging to the Lucanians and Aecae a Town in Apulia In these places were kill'd and taken Prisoners five and twenty thousand of the Enemy and three hundred and seventy Deserters recovered who being sent to Rome were first publickly whipt and then thrown down headlong from the Rock Tarpeia These were the Atchievements of Fabius in a few days space but Marcellus was taken ill at Nola and disabled for action The Praetor Fabius who Commanded about Luceria took the Town call'd Accua by storm and fortified a standing Camp at Ardoneae And in the mean time Annibal was come to Tarentum making wonderful havock and devastation where-ever he came but within the Lands belonging to Tarentum kept in his Souldiers from all plunder and violence not out of good Nature but only to wheadle with the Tarentines and insinuate into their Affections but when he came before their Walls there was no commotion within as he expected and so he Encamp'd about a mile off For indeed T. Valerius the Lieutenant General dispatcht from M. Valerius the Propraetor was arriv'd there two days before Annibal appear'd who having muster'd all the youth and bestow'd them at the several Gates and on the Walls where need was being always night and day very vigilant gave no opportunity either to the Enemy without or the treacherous Inhabitants within to effect any thing to the prejudice of the Garrison So Annibal having spent several days before it in vain seeing none that had been with him at the Lake Avernus now appear or any tidings from them but finding plainly that he had rashly follow'd vain Promises remov'd from thence but then too left the Lands of Tarentum untoucht hoping that dissembled kindness might in time work upon them though it had not yet prevail'd and went to Salapia where he stor'd up all sorts of Grain from Metapontum and Heraclia for now Summer was pretty well over and he lik'd that place for Winter Quarters Thence he sent abroad his Numidians and Moors to Forage the Country of Salentinum and the bordering Forests of Apulia whence they brought no great Booty except it were Horses of which they got great numbers and no less than four thousand were put out to the Troopers to be back'd and manag'd against the Spring The Romans observing the prospect of a War not to be slighted arising in Sicily and that the murther of the late King had rather given the Syracusians the advantage of better Generals than any way alter'd either the Cause or their Inclinations order'd M. Marcellus one of the Consuls to take charge of that Province Upon the first noise of the Assassination of Hieronymus the Souldiers made a Tumult at Leontinum and bawl'd out
must confess done very ill and was a mad man for it but not then when he had already taken up Arms against the Romans that was the end not the beginning of his madness That he was then mad and then had cast all obligations both private and publick out of his thoughts when he took a Carthaginian Woman into his house That his Palace was set on fire by those nuptial Torches for that fury and pest averted and estranged his Soul by all the endearments of Love nor did she rest till she had armed his hands against himself as well as his Guest and good Friend Yet that amidst all his miseries and afflictions he had this comfort still that he saw the same pest and fury was got into the house and family of a man that was of all mankind his greatest Enemy and that Masinissa was not more prudent or constant than Syphax whose youth too made him the more careless and for that reason Masinissa certainly was more unwise and shewed less government of himself than could be expected from him in marrying of her Having said thus not only out of hostile hatred to Masinissa but jealousie also for that he saw the Woman whom he loved in the keeping of his Rival he made Scipio likewise much concerned And besides that the Marriage which he so hastily stole almost in Arms before he had consulted or seen Laelius made the accusation the more believed for he did it in such an hurry that the same day he saw the Captive Queen he married her and offered Sacrifice to his own Houshold Gods before those of another But these things seemed the more unhandsom to Scipio because when he was a young man in Spain no Captives beauty had moved him As Scipio was revolving thus with himself Laelius and Masinissa came in whom after he had received with the like gracious countenance and had given them very great commendations before a whole Praetorium full of people he took Masinissa aside and said to him to this purpose Masinissa I believe that you saw some good things in me not only when you came at first into Spain to contract a friendship with me but afterward also when in Africa you committed both your self and all your hopes to my protection But there is no virtue for which I seem to be a fit object of your affections wherein I glory so much as in the government and mastery I have over my lusts And this I would have you also Masinissa add to your other extraordinary qualifications For there is not believe me so much danger to be feared in our Age from armed Foes as from pleasures that surround us on every side He that by his temperance has bridled and tamed them truly he has gained more glory to himself and a greater Victory than we have by conquering Syphax What you did so stoutly and bravely in my absence I not only am pleased to commemorate and remember but as for other things I had rather you should recollect them your self than blush when I tell you of them Syphax was both conquered â—nd taken by the conduct and good fortune of the Roman People wherefore not only he but his Wife Kingdom Country Towns Inhabitants and in short all that belonged to Syphax is your Booty and we ought to send both the king and his Wife though she were not a Citizen of Carthage though we did not know that her Father was the Enemies General to Rome for the Senate and People of that City to judge and dispose of her who is reported to have alienated the King our Ally from us and forced him headlong into Arms. Subdue your passion and have a care you do not deform many virtues with one vice and destroy the love you have gained by so many meritorious actions with a fault much greater than the cause of it When Masinissa heard that he not only blush'd but the tears also stood in his eyes having said That for his part he would be at the Generals disposal and prayed him that as much as possibly the thing would bear he would consult his honour which he had rashly ingaged as having promised not to deliver her into any other mans hands he went in a confusion out of the Praetorium into his own Tent. And there when no body was by him after he had spent some time in sighs and groans which those that stood about the Tent could easily hear at last giving a grievous groan he called a trusty Servant of his under whose custody according to the custom of Kings against a casual exigence of Fortune his Poyson was and having mingled it in a Cup bade him carry it to Sophonisba and tell her therewithal That Masinissa would willingly have performed his first promise to her as an Husband ought to his Wife But since they that were able to do it had taken that power out of his hands he was resolved to make good his second promise that she should not be whilst alive in the hands of any Romans as being mindful of her Father who was a General her Country and the two Kings to which she had been married and that she therefore should consult her own good The Servant carrying this Message and the Poyson at the same time when he came to Sophonisba I accept said she this nuptial Present nor is it unwelcome to me if my Husband could do no more for me Yet tell him this from me That I should have dyed much better if I had not been married at my Funeral Nor was her passion greater when she said so than her concern was small when she took the Cup and drank it off without any more ado Which when Scipio heard of lest the young man being troubled in mind should do himself or any body else any injury he presently sent for him and one while comforting him up another while he calmly chid him that he revenged one rashness with another and did a sadder thing than was any ways necessary to be done The next day that he might divert his mind from the present disturbance he ascended the Tribunal and ordered an Assembly to be called in which when he had saluted Masinissa by the Title of King and praised him above the Skies he presented him with a golden Crown a golden Cup a Chair of State an Ivory Staff a flower'd Gown and a palm'd Tunick to which he added this verbal Honour That neither the Romans knew any thing more magnificent than a Triumph nor had any that triumphed a more august Garb than that of which the Roman People thought Masinissa the only Foreigner that was truly worthy After he had so done he gave Laelius a very great Character and a Crown of Gold too at the same time He likewise made Presents to other military men according as they had behaved themselves With those Honours the Kings mind was softned and he put into great hopes that when Syphax was once taken off he should have all Numidia
was better to undergo any misfortune in alliance with the Romans than either alone to suffer the Tyranny of Antiochus or refusing it to be forced by main strength of Arms. For these reasons as far as his authority and advice would go with them he incited the Romans to a War Sulpicius being sick staid at Pergamus but Villius having heard at Pisidiae that the King was engaged in a War went to Ephesus where staying several Days he did what he could to have frequent conference with Annibal who then chanced to be there not only to find if possibly he could his inclinations but to remove that fear which he was in of danger from the Romans By which means though he obtained nothing else yet it followed as it were of its own accord and as if it had been industriously sought after that Annibal for that reason became less esteemed in all points more suspected by the King Claudius relying upon the Greek Annals written by Acilius says that P. Africanus being concerned in that Embassy had some discourse at Ephesus with Annibal And he gives you one instance too of what they said which was that when Africanus asked Annibal whom he thought to have been the greatest General in the whole World that he answer'd Alexander King of Macedon for that with a small number of Men he had routed innumerable Armies and because he had overran the utmost Borders of the East which even to see exceeds all humane hopes Whereupon when he asked him again whom he placed second that he said Pyrrhus for he first taught Men how to encamp besides that no Man took places with more Art or better dispos'd of his Garrisons wherewithal he had such a knack of winning upon Mens affections that the Italian Nations were more willing to submit to his Government though a foreign Prince than that of the Roman People who had so long been Lords of that Country After which when Africanus went on and asked him whom he look'd upon as the third that he said without all doubt himself And with that Scipio laugh'd and asked him what wouldst thou say if thou hadst overcome me too Why then said he I should think my self beyond not only Alexander and Pyrrhus but all other Generals also In which case Scipio provoked him to an answer that was perplexed with Punick artifice and a kind of flattery for that Scipio had separated himself from all the crowd of Generals as a Person inestimable Villius went on from Ephesus to Apamea where Antiochus also having heard of the arrival of the Roman Embassadors met him and had almost such another debate as that was at Rome between Quintius and the Kings Embassadors But the news of his Son Antiochus's Death who I told you even now was sent into Syria determined the Conference For there was great sorrow in the Court and every body was much concern'd for the loss of that Youth he having given such a specimen of himself that if he had lived it was plainly seen he would have been a great and a just King By how much the dearer therefore he was to all People so much the more suspected was his Death viz. that his Father believing him to be an heavy Successour to tread upon the heels of his Old Age took him off with Poyson by the help of certain Eunuchs who are entertained by Kings to do such pieces of service They also add this as another cause of that clandestine exploit that whereas he had given his Son Seleucus Lysimachia he had ne'r another seat like that to give Antiochus so as to send him too under pretence of honour a great way from him Yet there was a general sorrow for some Days all over the Court and therefore the Roman Embassador lest he might offend them by staying there at such an unseasonable time went to Pergamus whilst the King omitting the War which he had begun return'd to Ephesus There upon the account of their King being in mourning the Palace was shut up and the King had a private consultation with one Minio who was his most familiar friend Minio being ignorant of all foreign Affairs and valuing the Kings strength by what he did in Syria or Asia believ'd that Antiochus was not only superiour to him in a just cause for that the Romans demanded nothing that was reasonable but that he would likewise overcome him in War Minio therefore though the King was not willing to come to a debate with the Embassadors as having found it to no purpose before or being confounded with his late grief declar'd that he would say somewhat that should be for the Kings advantage and prevailed to have the Embassadors sent for from Pergamus Sulpicius was now recovered of his sickness so they came both to Ephesus where the King being excused by Minio the thing began to be debated in his absence and Minio in an Oration which he had got ready before-hand said thus I see you Romans make use of the specious title of being deliverers of Greece but your actions do not agree with your words in that you set one Law to Antiochus and use another your selves For how are the Smyrneans and the Lampsacenes more Greeks than the Neopolitans the Rhegines or the Tarentines from whom you exact a stipend for your Souldiers and Ships according to the League made between you Why do you send a Praetor every year with a Commission Rods and Axes to Syracuse and into the other Grecian Cities of Sicily You have nothing else to say for your selves but that when you had conquer'd them you imposed upon them such and such Laws Pray accept of the same reason from Antiochus concerning Smyrna Lampfacus and the Cities that are in Ionia or Aeolis He would fain have them since they were conquer'd in War by his Ancestors and made stipendiary or tributary reduced to their ancient constitution Wherefore to these things I would have him answer'd if you dispute upon equal terms and the cause of the War be not inquir'd after To which Sulpicius reply'd Antiochus said he did very modestly who if what was said would be no advantage to him chose rather to have any body else say it than himself For what likeness is there between the cases of those Cities which you have compar'd From the Rhegines Neapolitans and Tarentines ever since they came into our hands we exact of them what by League they owe us according to one perpetual tenour of Law which has been always used Now can you say that as those people have not broke their League either by themselves or any other so the Cities of Asia ever since they first became subject to Antiochus 's Ancestors have continu'd in the perpetual possession of their Kingdom or that some of them were not under Philip others under Ptolomy and that others for many years no body questioning their rights enjoy'd their liberty For if because they once were Slaves when press'd to it by the iniquity of the
times you thence conclude it lawful to make them so still what have we done in delivering Greece from Philip his Posterity may as well pretend a title to Corinth Chalcis Demetrias and all the whole Country of Thessaly But why do I plead the cause of the Cities which it is more reasonable they themselves should do before Vs and the King himself Then he order'd the Embassadours of the several Cities to be call'd in being prepar'd and instructed before hand by Eumenes who thought whatever strength Antiochus lost would make an addition to his Kingdom So several of them being admitted whilst they each of them brought in sometimes their complaints and sometimes their demands mixing just actions and unjust all together from a debate they fell to quarrelling By which means having neither remitted nor obtain'd any thing the Embassadours return'd to Rome as little satisfied in all points as they came thither The King when they were gone held a Council concerning a Roman War in which one was fiercer than another because by how much the sharper any one had been in speaking against the Romans so much the greater hopes he had of the Kings favour One inveigh'd against the pride of their demands as if they would have imposed Laws not only upon Nabis whom they had conquer'd but upon Antiochus too the greatest King in all Asia and yet they had given Nabis his Dominion again over his Country and the same Country of Lacedaemon to govern That it would seem dishonourable to Antiochus if Smyrna and Lampsacus should do what was required of them Others said That those Cities were small and inconsiderable causes of a War to so great a King but that men began from trivial things to gain far greater unless they thought that the Persians when they demanded Water and Earth from the Lacedemonians wanted a clod of Earth and a draught of Water Now the Romans took the same method in treating for two Cities in prospect that the other Cities also as soon as those two had shook off the Yoke would revolt to the people who were the general deliverers of Greece For though liberty be not better than slavery yet 't is more pleasant than any present condition for a man to be in hopes of changing his circumstances Alexander the Acarnanian was in the Council who had been formerly Philips Friend but of late having left him had follow'd the more opulent Court of Antiochus and having good knowledge in the affairs of Greece nor being altogether ignorant of the Roman State was so beloved by the King that he was at all his very Cabinet Councils He as though they were consulting not whether they should have a War or no but where and how they should mannage it said he did not at all question their getting the Victory if the King went over into Europe and made some part of Greece the seat of the War That he would now first find the Aetolians who lived in the very heart of Greece in Arms and ready to be the Forlorn hope in all the sharpest adventures of War That in the two Horns as it were of Greece he would have Nabis who would put all Peloponnesus into a commotion in order to regain the City of Argus with the maritime Cities from which the Romans had expelled him confining his power to the Walls of Lacedaemon and from Macedonia that Philip as soon as he heard the signal given would put himself in Arms. That he knew his Spirit and his very Soul being well assur'd that he like savage Beasts which are kept up in Dens or Toils had for a long time conceiv'd great indignation in his Breast That he likewise remembred how often he had used in the War to beseech all the Gods that they would make Antiochus his assistant Of which desire when he should now be possess'd that he would make no delay in renewing the War That the only way was not to defer things or be slow for the Victory depended upon their pre-possessing themselves of opportune places and getting Allies That Annibal also ought to be sent forthwith into Africa to take the Romans off the prosecution of their designs Annibal was not admitted into the Council as being suspected by the King by reason of his Conferences with Villius nor was he afterward in any esteem there Which disgrace he at first took patiently though some time after supposing it to be better for him not only to inquire into the reason of that sudden strangeness but also to clear himself in due time having barely ask'd and heard the reason of the Kings anger to him said My Father Amilcar Antiochus took me to the Altar when I was yet a Child and obliged me by an Oath as he was sacrificing never to be Friends with the Roman People Vnder which Oath I was a Souldier for thirty six years this brought me out of my Country in a time of Peace this made me come like a person banish'd from my own Country to their Court and under the conduct of this if you disappoint my hopes whereever I know that there is strength or arms I 'll find them though I seek the whole World over for Enemies to the Romans Wherefore if any of your Favourites think to make themselves greater by lessening of me let them invent some other way of accomplishing their designs For I both hate and am hated by the Romans of the truth whereof I call my Father Amilcar and the Gods to witness When therefore you think of a War against the Romans take Annibal for one of your best Friends But if any thing make you incline toward Peace for that seek some body else to consult with This Speech did not only move the King but also reconciled him to Annibal and the Council was dissolv'd with this resolution that there should be a War At Rome indeed they intended to make Antiochus their Enemy by their common Discourse but they prepared nothing as yet in order to it except animosity Both the Consuls had the Province of Italy assign'd to them so as that they should agree between themselves or cast Lots which of them should hold the Consular Assembly for that year And that he to whom that care did not belong should be ready upon occasion to lead the Legions out of Italy The same Consul was permitted to raise two new Legions twenty thousand Allies and Latines and nine hundred Horse To the other Consul there were Decreed the two Legions which L. Cornelius had when he was Consul the Year before with fifteen thousand Foot and five hundred Horse of Allies and Latines out of the same Army Q. Minucius was continu'd in Commission with the Army that he had in Liguria To which there were added as a supply four thousand Roman Foot and a hundred and fifty Horse then newly to be raised besides five thousand Foot and a hundred Horse exacted as their Quota from the Allies Cn. Domitius had a Province out of Italy where
to Q. Minucius who was detain'd there by a doubtful War now onward of three years they might have made an end of the War with the Ligurians But now that those Souldiers were brought away to attend his triumph who might have done the Common-wealth great service and might so still if the Senate would restore that by deferring the triumph which they by too much hastening of it had omitted Wherefore that they ought to command the Consul to return into his Province and do what he could to subdue the Ligurians For till they were totally subjected to the people of Rome the Boii would not be at rest nor should they have either perfect Peace or War That some few months after the Ligurians were conquer'd the Pro-Consul P. Cornelius after the example of many who had not triumph'd in the time of their Magistracy should triumph To that the Consul said That he neither had Liguria for his Province nor had he waged any War with that Nation nor consequently did he desire to triumph upon their account That he hoped Q. Minucius in a short time when he had subdu'd that people would for that require and obtain a deserved triumph That he desired to triumph over the Gauls called the Boii whom he had conquer'd and forced from their Camps and whose whole Country he two dayes after the fight had taken by Surrender having likewise brought Hostages from thence as a pledge of future Peace But that it was a far greater thing for him to brag on that he had slain so many Gauls in the Battle that no General ever before him engaged with so many thousands of the Boii that above the half of fifty thousand men were slain many thousands taken and none left in that Country save old men and Children So then could any one admire why a conquering Army who had left no Enemy behind them in the Province should come to Rome to celebrate the Consuls Triumph Which Souldiers if the Senate had a mind to imploy in any other Province by what means did they think to make them go more readily upon fresh dangerous designs or new toils by presently giving them the reward of their past service or by sending them away with hopes instead of realities disappointed of their first expectations For as to himself he had gotten glory enough for all his life time that day whereon the Senate judging him to be the best man in the City had sent him to receive the Mater Idaea i. e. Cybele That barely upon this account though no Consulship nor any triumph had been added to it P. Scipio Nasica 's Image would be creditable and honourable enough Thereupon the whole Senate not only themselves consented to Decree him a triumph but also by their authority forced the Tribune of the People to remit his Intercession So P. Cornelius the Consul triumph'd over the Boii carrying through the City in Gallick Waggons Arms Ensigns and spoils of all sorts with brazen Gallick Vessels as likewise besides the noble Captives an Herd of Horses that he took and golden Chains to the number of fourteen hundred and seventy Add to these of gold two hundred forty five pounds of silver try'd and untry'd in gallick Vessels artfully made after their fashion two thousand three hundred and forty pounds of Bigates two hundred thirty three thousand Among the Souldiers that follow'd his Chariot he distributed three hundred and twenty five Asses a piece giving double that to a Centurion and treble to an Horseman The next day calling an Assembly when he had discours'd of his atchievements and of the injury done him by the Tribune who must needs concern himself with another mans War to defraud him of the benefit of his Victory disbanded his men and dismiss'd them Whilst these things were done in Italy Antiochus at Ephesus was very secure touching the Roman War as though the Romans were not like to come over into Asia Which security great part of his Friends created in him either through errour or flattery Only Annibal who at that time was a great Favourite of the Kings said That he wonder'd more the Romans were not already in Asia than he doubted that they would come That it was nearer to get over out of Greece into Asia than out of Italy into Greece and that Antiochus was a far greater cause of such an Expedition than the Aetolians Nor were the Romans less powerful by Sea than Land having long since had an Army about Malea That he heard there was new Ships and a new Commander to carry on the affair already come out of Italy Wherefore that Antiochus should cease to form a Peace by vain hopes within himself for he must e'r long in Asia and for Asia engage both by Land and Sea with the Romans and either take away their Empire who aim'd at the Government of the whole World or lose his own Kingdom He was the only man that seem'd to foresee and faithfully to foretel what would come to pass Wherefore the King himself with the Ships that were ready fitted out went to Chersonesus that he might fortifie those parts with Garisons if the Romans perchance should come by Land The other part of the Fleet he order'd Polyxenidas to muster up and bring along sending Scout-Ships to search all places round about the Islands C. Livius Admiral of the Roman Fleet going out with fifty men of War sailed from Rome to Naples where he had order'd the open-deckt Ships belonging to their Allies of that Country to meet him and thence went over to Sicily and being past through the streights by Messana after he had received six punick Ships sent to assist him and exacted the Ships that were due from the Rhegines Locrians and those kind of Allies he took a survey of the Navy at Lacinium and went out to Sea When he came to Corcyra the first Greek City he arriv'd at enquiring of the state of the War for Greece was not yet at perfect Peace and where the Roman Navy was when he heard that the King and Consul were posted near the streights of Thermopylae but the Navy was at Piraeeus thinking it his best way to make hast upon all accounts he straight sailed forward and having forthwith plunder'd Peloponnesus Samus and Zazynthus because they chose formerly to side with the Aetolians he went to Malea to which having a prosperous Voyage he in a few days got to the old Navy at Piraeeus At Scyllaeum King Eumenes met him with three Ships after he had been for a long time at Aegina unresolv'd whether he should return to defend his Kingdom for he heard that Antiochus was preparing both Naval and Land Forces at Ephesus or never leave the Romans upon whose Fortune his own depended From the Piraeeus A. Atilius having deliver'd the twenty five men of War to his Successor went to Rome Livius with eighty one beaked Ships and many more lesser ones which were either open with Beaks or without Beaks were Scoutships
formerly after the Battle in Asia He triumpht almost an Year after he went out of his Consulship About the same time Cn. Manlius also the Consul in Asia and Q. Fabius Labeo the Praetor came to the Fleet. Now the Consul did not want occasions to make War against the Gauls in Asia But the Sea was at quiet since Antiochus was defeated As Fabius therefore was considering what he had best do that he might not seem to keep the Province idle he thought it most convenient for him to go over into the Island of Crete For there the Cydoniates were a waging a War against the Gortynians and the Gnossians and it was reported that there were a great number of Roman Captives besides other people of the Italian Race in slavery all over the Island He therefore setting out with his Fleet from Ephesus as soon as he arrived at Crete sent Messengers about to all the Cities to charge them to lay down their Arms and each of them to muster up and bring back the Captives that were within their several jurisdictions as also to send Embassadours to him with whom he might treat of things that equally concern'd both the Cretans and the Romans But those words did not much move the Cretans for none except the Gortynians render'd back their Captives Valerius Antias tells us that there were four thousand Captives render'd out of the whole Island because they fear'd the threats of a War and that that was the reason for he had done nothing else why Fabius obtain'd a Naval Triumph Fabius came back from Crete to Ephesus from whence having sent three Ships to the Coast of Thrace he order'd Antiochus's Garisons to be drawn out of Aenus and Maronia that those Cities might be at liberty DECADE IV. BOOK VIII The EPITOME 4 c. M. Fulvius the Consul in Epirus took the Ambracians whom he Besieged by surrender 28. He subdu'd Cephalenia and granted the conquer'd Aetolians a Peace 12 13 c. Cn. Manlius the Consul his Collegue vanquish'd the Gallograecians Tholistogians Testosages and Trocmans who were come under the Conduct of Brennus over into Asia being the only people that on this side Mount Taurus were not obedient 16. Their original and when they first came into those Countries they now possess is related 24. With an Example of Virtue and Chastity in a certain Woman who being Queen to the King of Gallograecia when she was taken kill'd a Centurion that had offer'd violence to her 36. A Survey of the people was set up by the Censors at which the Pole came to two hundred fifty eight thousand three hundred twenty eight Roman Citizens 39. They enter'd into an Alliance with Ariarathes King of Cappadocia 45 46 c. Cn. Manlius though the ten Embassadours contradicted it by whose advise he had made a League with Antiochus having pleaded his own cause in the Senate triumph'd over the Gallograecians 50. Scipio Africanus having a day appointed him to appear in Court as some say by Q. Petillius Tribune of the People or as others by Naevius for that he defrauded the treasury of the booty taken from Antiochus when the day came was call'd forth into the Rostra a place where Orations were made and said This day Fellow Citizens I conquer'd Carthage and so with the People attending upon him he went up to the Capitol 53. From whence lest he might be any more tormented by the injustice of the Tribunes he went into voluntary exile to Laternum though 't is uncertain whether he died there or at Rome for there was a Mâ—nument set up for him at both places 55 c. Scipio Asiaticus Brother to Africanus was accused of the same câ—ime of cheating the publick and condemn'd but as he going to Prison Tib. Sempronius Gracchus Tribune of the People who formerly was an Enemy to the Scipio's interceded for him and for that kindnese had Africanus's Daughter 60. When the Praetor had sent the Questors to take possession of his goods upon the publick account there was not only no appearance of any money that had been the Kings but they could not even make up the summ in which he was condemned for he would not accept of an innumerable parcel of money that his Friends and Relations gather'd for him but what was necessary for him in Cloths c. was brought to his hand WHilst the War continu'd in Asia things were not perfectly quiet even in Aetolia the Athamans giving the first occasion of disturbance For Athamania at that time Amynander being expell'd was under Philips Prefects and kept by a Party of his men who through their Tyrannical and boundless behaviour had made the people wish for Amynander again Thereupon Amynander who at that time was in banishment in Aetolia had some hopes given him by Letters from his Friends who told him the state of Athamania that he should recover the Kingdom and therefore he sent Messengers back to the Nobility at Argithea which is the Metropolis of Athamania to tell them that if they rightly understood the inclinations of his Countrymen he would get rid of the Aetolians and come into Athamania with certain select persons of Aetolia who were the Council of the Nation and Nicander their State-holder Whom when he saw prepared for all manner of designs he soon after made acquainted what day he would enter with his Army into Athamania There were at first but four Conspirators against the Macedonian Garison but these four took six more to their assistance in the business After which being afraid that their number being so small was more fit for the concealing than the doing of such an exploit they added a number equal to the former By this means being now fifty two in all they divided themselves into four parts one whereof went to Heraclea and another to Tetraphylia where the Kings money used to be kept the third to Theudonia and the fourth to Argithea Now they all agreed among themselves that at first they should walk peaceably about the Forum as though they had come about some private business but upon such a day they should call all the mobile together to drive the Macedonian Guards out of the several Castles When that day came and Amynander was with a thousand Aetolians in the Confines of Athamania the Garisons of the Macedonians were routed by agreement in four several places at once and Letters sent all about into the rest of the Cities advising them to vindicate themselves from the Tyrannical Dominion of Philip and restore him to his Hereditary and lawful Kingdom Thereupon the Macedonians were on all sides expell'd though the Town of Teium whereof the Castle was in the hands of a Garison belonging to the King from the Prefect or Governour of which named Zeno they intercepted a Letter for some few days made resistance But then that too was surrender'd to Amynander and all Athamania was in his power except the Castle of Athenaeum which lies upon the Borders of Macedonia
to the Sea if they at any time had occasion to send Embassadours either to Rome or any other place and that at the same time they might have a convenient Port or receptacle for Foreign Commodities that were of necessary use to them in the Night time surpriz'd and got possession of a Maritime Village called Las. Thereupon the Villagers and the banish'd persons who lived in that Town were terrified at first at the unexpected accident but afterward being got together a little before day with ease expell'd the Lacedaemonians Nevertheless all the Sea-Coast was in a fright so that the Castle Villages and the banish'd persons also that harbour'd there all in general sent Embassadours to the Achaeans Philopoemen the Stateholder who from the very beginning had been a Friend to the cause of the banish'd persons and always advised the Achaeans to diminish the power of the Lacedaemonians upon complaint granted them a Council in which he proposing it there was a Decree made That since T. Quintius and the Romans had deliver'd the Castles and Villages upon the Laconian Coast into the protection and custody of the Achaeans and that the Lacedaemonians ought not according to the League to have any thing to do with them whereas the Village of Las was Besieg'd and a great slaughter made there if the Authors and Abettors of that action were not surrender'd to the Achaeans they would look upon the League to be violated Thereupon Embassadours were presently sent to Lacedaemon to demand those persons But that Injunction seemed to the Lacedaemonians so tyrannical and unworthy that if their City had been in its old circumstances they would undoubtedly have taken up Arms. But that which put them under the greatest consternation was least if they should once comply with such Injunctions and take the Yoke upon them Philopoemen should as he had been about to do a good while deliver Lacedaemon up to the banish'd persons They therefore being mad with anger kill'd thirty men of that Faction which had held some correspondence with Philopoemen and the banish'd men and made a Decree to renounce all Alliance with the Achaeans and to send Embassadours immediately to Cephalenia who should surrender Lacedaemon to the Consul M. Fulvius and the Romans and to desire him that he would come into Peloponnesus to receive the City of Lacedaemon into the protection and government of the Roman People Of which when their Embassadours brought word to the Achaeans they by a general consent of all the Cities belonging to that Council declared War against the Lacedaemonians But the Winter hinder'd the immediate waging of it though their Confines were pillaged by small Inrodes more like robbing than fair fighting not only by Land but in Ships also on the Sea-Coast This tumult brought the Consul into Peloponnesus by whose Order a Council being appointed at Elis the Lacedaemonians were sent for to debate the matter And there indeed was not only a great dispute but even wrangling also To which the Consul who was ambitious enough to favour both Parties having made several doubtful replies put an end to all by this one Injunction that they should desist from the War till they had sent Embassadours to the Senate at Rome They therefore accordingly dispatch'd an Embassy on both sides to Rome The banish'd men also of Lacedaemon injoin'd the Achaeans to take care of their cause and Embassy Diophanes and Lycortas both Megalopolitans were chief of the Achaean Embassy who disagreeing as to publick affairs at that time also made very different Speeches For Diophanes lest the debating of all things wholly to the Senate Saying that they could best put an end to all Controversies between the Achaeans and the Lacedaemonians but Lycortas desired according to the Orders that Philopoemen had given him that the Achaeans might have the liberty to do what according to the League and their own Laws they had decreed and preserve their own freedom entire of which they themselves were the Authors The Achaeans at that time had great authority with the Romans who yet did not think fit to make any innovations touching the Lacedaemonians Wherefore their Answer was so perplext that the Achaeans might believe Lacedaemon left wholly to their disposal and yet the Lacedaemonians not imagine that all things were submitted to their pleasure This power the Achaeans made a very immoderate and tyrannical use of Philopoemen was continu'd in his Office who in the beginning of the Spring having muster'd up an Army Encamped in the Confines of Lacedaemon From whence he sent Embassadours to demand the Authors of the Revolt with a Promise not only that their City should be at quiet if they did what he required but that the persons also should suffer nothing without being first heard Now all others for fear were silent but those whom demanded by name themselves profess'd they would go having first the Embassadours word for it That they should have no violence offer'd to them till they had answered for themselves There went likewise some other persons of great quality not only as Advocates to the private persons but also because they thought their cause concern'd the State The Achaeans had never before brought the banish'd persons of Lacedaemon along with them into their Confines because they thought nothing would so much alienate the affections of that City as such an action But then the Antesignani of almost all their Army were banish'd persons who when the Lacedaemonians came to the Gates of the Camp made a Body and met them Whereupon they first rebuked them but soon after a quarrel arose and when their blood was up the stoutest of the banish'd persons made an attack upon the Lacedaemonians With that they appealed to the Gods and the honour of the Embassadours that they and the Praetor might remove the croud protect the Lacedaemonians and hinder some who were going to put Chains upon them by which means the multitude being set into an uproar the tumult increased The Achaeans at first ran together only to look on but soon after when the banish'd men roared out what they had suffer'd desiring aid and saying at the same time That they should never have the like occasion if they slipt that that the League which was made in the Capitol at Olympia and in the Castle at Athens was evacuated by those persons wherefore before they were obliged by another new League they ought to punish those offenders the multitude being incens'd at these words upon one mans crying out that they should fall upon them threw stones at them so that seventeen who in the hurly-burly had Chains put upon them were slain The next day sixty three more that were laid hold on whom the Praetor had kept from violence not because he had a mind to save them but because he was unwilling they should die without making their defence being exposed to the enraged multitude after they had spoken some few words to the prejudiced Audience were all condemn'd and
arrival of the Navy in the same Expedition Out of Lycia he forthwith cross'd over into Greece by the Islands having order'd those that were left at Ephesus to follow him Then having staid some few dayes at Athens till the Ships came from Ephesus to Piraeeus he brought his whole Fleet thence back into Italy Cn. Manlius when he had receiv'd among other things that he was to have the Elephants also from Antiochus and had given them all as a present to Eumenes after that try'd the causes of the several Cities many of which were much disorder'd amidst their innovations King Ariarathes also having by the intercession of Eumenes to whom he at that time had betroth'd his Daughter got half the money remitted which he was injoin'd to pay was receiv'd into Friendship When the causes of the Cities were all heard the ten Embassadours made a great deal of difference in their conditions To those that had been stipendiary to King Antiochus and of the Roman side they gave their freedom but all such as had been on Antiochus's side or stipendiaries to King Attalus they order'd all to pay a Tribute to Eumenes They likewise granted a particular immunity to the Colophonians that dwell in Notium to the Cymeans and Milesians by name But to the Clazomenians besides their immunity they gave the Island of Drymusa too for a present restoring to the Milesians also that Land which they call Sacred as they likewise added Rheteum and Gergithum to the Ilian Territories not so much for any late deserts as upon the score and in remembrance of their Extraction they being derived from the Ilians or Trojans There was the same reason for their freeing Dardanum also in like manner They likewise not only presented the Chians Smyrnaeans and Erythraeans upon the account of their singular fidelity shewn in the late War with Lands but paid them all extraordinary honours To the Phocaeans they not only restored the Lands which they had before the War but likewise permitted them to use their ancient Laws The Rhodians had those things confirm'd that were given them by the former Decree For Lycia and Caria were given to them as far as the River Maeander excepting Telmessum To King Eumenes they assign'd Chersonesus in Europe and Lysimachia with the Castles Villages and Lands thereabouts in the same manner and with the same Boundaries wherewith Antiochus had enjoy'd them restoring to him both the Phrygias the one lying to the Hellespont and the other which they call the greater Phrygia with Mysia which King Prusias had taken away from him Lycaonia Mylias Lydia and several Cities particularly named as Tralleis Ephesus and Telmessum Concerning Pamphylia seeing there was a dispute between Eumenes and Antiochus's Embassadours for that part of it was on this side and part of it beyond Taurus the whole matter was referr'd to the Senate Having made these Leagues and Decrees Manlius with the ten Embassadours and his whole Army went to Hellespont whither he summon'd all the petit Kings of the Gauls and prescribed and denounced unto them conditions on which they should keep Peace with Eumenes that they might no longer wander up and down in Arms but keep within the bounds of their own Dominions Then having muster'd together all the Ships on that Coast Eumenes's Fleet being also brought by his Brother Athenaeus from Elaea he went over with all his Forces into Europe After which marching slowly through Chersonesus for that his men were heavy laden with Booty of all sorts he halted at Lysimachia that he enter Thrace with his Beasts as fresh and entire as possible because they generally dreaded to march through that Country That day that he went from Lysimachia he came to the River Melas as they call it and thence the next day to Cypsela From whence for about ten thousand paces the way was woody narrow and rough Upon account of which difficulty he divided his Army into two parts ordering the one to go before and the other to follow at a great distance with the carriages between them which were Waggons with the publick money and other pretious Booty Wherefore as he travelled through the Woods ten thousand Thracians made up of four Nations the Astians Caenians Maduatenes and Caletes beset the way at the very streights of the pass Now 't was believ'd that this was not done without King Philip of Macedons knowledge and contrivance for that he knew the Romans would not return any other way home than through Thrace and how much money they carry'd with them In the first Body was the General who was much concern'd for the roughness of the wayes The Thracians stir'd not till the Souldiers were all gone by But when they saw that the foremost were got beyond the streights to which the hindmost were not yet come near they set upon the Baggage and Carriages And having slain the Guard thereof they partly rifled what was in the Waggons and partly took away the Beasts from under their burdens Whereupon when the noise of it came first to them that were now just enter'd into the Wood behind and then also to the foremost Body they ran on both sides up to each other and engaged in a disorderly fight in several places at the same time Now the Thracians being cumber'd with their burdens and many of them that they might have their hands empty to catch what they could unarm'd the very Booty which they got exposed them to slaughter whilst roughness of the places betray'd the Romans to the Barbarians who ran upon them through paths that they well knew or lay sometimes in wait along the hollow Vales. The very Carriages also and the Waggons as it happen'd falling inconveniently in their several wayes were a great hinderance to the one or the other side in the time of their fight in which there fell here a Robber and there one that endeavour'd to get the booty again So that according as the place was even or uneven for this or that Party according as the Souldiers minds were and according to their numbers for sometimes they met with more than they themselves were and sometimes with fewer the Fortune of the fight was various though many fell on both sides And now Night drew nigh when the Thracians quitted the Battle not to avoid Wounds or being kill'd but because they had booty enough The foremost Body of the Romans Encamp'd in an open place without the Woods near the Temple of Bendis i. e. Diana whilst the other part staid in the middle of the Wood Encompass'd round with a double Bullwark to guard the Carriages The next day having search'd the Wood before they removed they join'd the foremost In that Battle though they lost part of their Carriages and Servants with some Souldiers for they fought allmost all over the Wood they receiv'd most damage by the death of Q. Minucius Thermus who was a strong and a valiant man That day they arrived at the River Hebrus from whence they pass'd
that he himself hastening to Naupactum whither the Aetolians were sled permitted Philip to make War upon Athamania and Amynander and to add those Cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians to his own Kingdom Nor had â—e much ado to drive Amynander out of Athamania and take several Cities He likewise reduced Demetrias which is a strong City and very opportunely situated for all designs with the Magnetians to himself After that he took some Cities in Thrace too that were disturb'd by the Vice of taking a new and unusual liberty through the seditions of their Nobility by joining with the party which was overcome in that domestick broil By this means for the present was the Kings Anger against the Romans appeas'd But yet he never ceased even in times of Peace from raising of Forces to make use of in War whenever he had an occasion He encreased the Revenues of his Kingdom not only out of the Fruits of the Country and Customs in the Sea Port Towns for Wars exported and imported but he likewise not only set men to dig the old Mines that had been long intermitted but made new ones too in many places But to restore the multitude of men whom he had lost in the War he not only provided for a new Generation of men by forcing all people to get and breed up Children but he brought over a great number of Thracians also into Macedonia where being for some time quiet from Wars he bent all his thoughts and care upon a method how to augment the wealth of his Kingdom But then there came the same reasons again to move his passion against the Romans For the complaints of these Thessalians and Perrhebians concerning their Cities being possess'd by him and of the Embassadours of King Eumenes concerning some Thracian Towns that were taken by force were so heard that it was evident enough they were not neglected But that which moved the Senate most was that they had heard he affected the possession of Aenus and Maronea for they did not care so much for the Thessalians The Athaman Embassadours also came complaining not that they had lost some part or the Borders of their Country but that all Athamania in general was now in the Kings hands Banish'd persons too of Maronea were beaten out by the Kings Guards because they had defended the cause of their liberty They brought word not only that Maronea but Aenus also was in Philips possession There likewise came Embassadours from Philip to clear him of those accusations who said That there was nothing done but by permission of the Roman Generals That the Cities of Thessaly Perraebia Magnesia and Athamania with Amynander were in the same case as the Aetolians That when Antiochus was beaten the Consul being himself imploy'd in attacking the Cities of Aetolia sent Philip to retake those Cities and that they being now subdu'd by force did pay obedience to him The Senate that they might not determine of any thing in the Kings absence sent Embassadours to discuss those points whose names were Q. Caecilius Metellus M. Baebius Tamphilus and T. Sempronius just before whose coming there was a Council appointed of all those Cities who had any controversy with the King to meet at Tempe in Thessaly There when the Roman Embassadours in the place of Arbitrators the Thessalians Perraebians and Athamans as the Accusers and Philip to hear the crimes charg'd against him like a Prisoner were all sate together every one of those who were the heads of the Embassies according to their natural inclination their good or ill will to Philip discours'd more mildly or severely Now there came into the debate Philippopolis Tricca Phalonia Eurymene and the other Towns thereabouts whether they belong'd to the Thessalians though they were by force taken away and kept by the Aetolians for it was well known that Philip took them from the Aetolians or whether they had been anciently Aetolian Towns For Acilius granted them to the King upon that condition only if they had anciently belong'd to the Aetolians and if they were under the Aetolians out of their own free will and not compell'd by force of Arms. The debates touching the Towns of Perraebia and Magnesia were much of the same nature for the Aetolians had confounded the rights of them all by their possessing of them upon several occasions But to these things that were in debate there were added the complaints of the Thessalians that he was resolv'd if he must restore those Towns they should have them all rifled and deserted For besides those that were lost by the Fortune of War he had taken away five hundred of the best of their youth into Macedonia and there unworthily imploy'd them in servile business besides that he took care that those which he was forced to render to the Thessalians should be of no use to them That Thebes in Pthiotis was a Sea Port that had once been very advantagious to the Thessalians But the King having got a Fleet of Merchant-men that were to sail by Thebes to Demetrias had taken all the trade thither That now he did not abstain from violating Embassadours neither who are lookt upon as sacred by all Nations for he laid an Ambuscade for those that were a going to Quintius Whereby all the Thessalians were put into such a fright that never an one of them durst so much as open their mouths either in their Cities or in the publick Assemblies of their Nation For the Romans who were the Authors of their liberty were a great way off that a tyrannical Master stuck close to their sides who hinder'd them from making use of the Romans goodness but what was freedom if their tongues were not free That even now in confidence of the Embassadours they groan'd rather than spake and that unless the Romans found out some way whereby the Greeks that lived in Macedonia might be eased of their fears and Philips audacity taken off it was not only to no purpose that he was conquer'd but that they were set at liberty That he ought to be held in with a streight rein like a Wresty Horse that will not easily be ruled Thus spake the last of them somewhat sharply though the former had mildly assaged his wrath desiring that he would pardon them since they pleaded for liberty and that laying aside the austerity of a Master he would use to shew himself an Ally and a Friend and thereby imitate the Roman People who chose to make themselves Allies by love rather than by fear When the Thessalians had been heard the Perraebians said that Gonnocondylum which Philip had named Olympias belong'd to Perraebia and desired that it might be restored to them They made the same request also concerning Mallaea and Ericinium The Athamans too demanded back their liberty together with the Castles of Athenaeum and Petnaeum Philip that he might seem rather an accuser than guilty himself also beginning with complaints said that the Thessalians had taken
Fleet of King Antiochus was before so conquer'd routed batter'd and put to flight and there that day sixty two long Ships taken with all their Allies After which fight * King Antiochus and his Kingdom * For that reason he vow'd to build a Temple to the Sea Gods In the same manner there was another Table with the like Inscription was set up over the Gates of the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol Two dayes after the Censors had chosen a new Senate Q. Fulvius the Consul went into Liguria and having passed with his Army over pathless Mountains Vales and Forests fought a pitch'd Battle with the Enemy in which he not only won the day but at the same time forced their Camp too Thereupon three thousand of the Enemies and all that part of Liguria came and surrender'd themselves to him All which the Consul planted in the Champaign part of the Country placing Garisons upon the Hills About this affair there were Letters brought in all hast to Rome where upon the score of those Atchievements there was a Supplication appointed for three dayes during which time the Praetors sacrificed forty of the bigger sort of Victims By the other Consul L. Manlius there was nothing done in Liguria worth taking notice of Three thousand Transalpine Gauls passed over the Alpes into Italy without offering any act of Hostility to desire of the Consul and the Senate that they might be quiet under the Command of the Roman People But the Senate order'd them to depart out of Italy and commanded the Consul Q. Fulvius to make inquiry into that matter and to punish them who had been the Authors and Ring Leaders of their passage over the Alpes This same year King Philip of Macedon who was consumed partly for Age and partly for grief about the death of his Son Demetrius died He Winter'd at Demetrias tormented for want of his Son as well as with remorse for his own Cruelty His other Son also stung his mind who was no doubt on 't to be King both in his own and other Peoples Opinion He saw how all men fix'd their Eyes upon his Son but forsook him as being old some expecting his death and others not so much even as that That troubled him so much the more and with him Antigonus Son of Echerates who bore the name of his Uncle Antigonus that had been Philips Tutour or Guardian and a man of a Kingly presence renowned for a famous Battle against Cleomenes of Lacedaemon The Greeks called him Guardian to distinguish him by his surname from all the other Kings of Macedonia His Brothers Son Antigonus was the only man that continu'd firm to Philip's Interest and without corruption among all the honourable Friends or Favourites that he had which fidelity of his made Perseus who indeed never was his Friend then the greatest Enemy to him that could be He therefore foreseeing what danger he was in if the Inheritance of the Kingdom came to Perseus when he first perceiv'd the King to be troubled in mind and that he sigh'd now and then for the loss of his Son he one while gave attention and another time provoked the mentioning of that rash act and was himself oftentimes a Companion to him in his sorrow And as truth uses to afford many tokens of it self whereby it may be traced out he usually promoted the business with all the industry he could that all things might the sooner be brought to light The persons most suspected to be the Instruments in that villanous action were Apelles and Philocles who had been sent Embassadours to Rome and had brought those Letters under the name of Flaminius that had been so fatal to Demetrius For they generally talk'd about the Court that those Letters were counterfeit forged by the Kings Secretary and sealed with a false Signet But this thing being rather suspected than evident it happen'd that Antigonus met with Xychus the Secretary probably that forged the Letter and laying hold upon him brought him into the Court where having left him in custody he went directly on to Philip and said I have heard your Majesty often talk as if you would give a good deal to know the truth concerning your two Sons and be satisfied which of them it was that sought to take away the others life Now the only person that can unty that knot and free you from that doubt is now in your power namely Xychus whom he advised the King since he was by chance already brought into the Court to summon into his presence When he was brought at first he deny'd it but with such inconstancy that it appeared if he were put into some little fright he would readily discover the whole matter for at the very sight of the Executioner and the Rods he was dismay'd and declared all the contrivance of that wicked act both as to the Embassadours and his own performance in it Thereupon there were certain persons immediately sent to lay hold on the Embassadours of whom they took Philocles who was hard by upon surprize but Apelles who had been sent to pursue one Chaereas being inform'd that Xychus had discover'd all the business went over into Italy Concerning Philocles there is no certain account given Some say That at first he boldly deny'd it but afterward when Xychus was brought before him face to face he persisted in it no longer others say That he deny'd it even upon the rack By this means Philip's sorrow was renew'd and doubled who thought his unhappiness in respect to his Children so much the greater in that one of them was lost in such a manner Perseus though sure that all was detected yet lookt upon himself as too great a person to think it necessary for him to sly and therefore only took care to keep out of the way intending to secure himself as long as Philip lived from the fire as it were of his wrath Philip seeing that he could not take his body to punish it consider'd upon the only way which was left him how to prevent Perseus from having besides impunity a reward for his wicked deeds He therefore called Antigonus to him to whom he was already obliged for discovering that barbarous murder nor did he think that he would prove a King of whom the Macedonians would have any cause to repent or be ashamed by reason that his Uncle Antigonus had been of late so renowned a person and thus he open'd his mind to him Antigonus said he since I am fallen into that condition that to be Childless which other people detest and abhor ought to be my greatest wish I do design to deliver up into thy hands this Kingdom which I received from thy valiant Vncle after he had been my faithful Guardian yea and augmented it during the time of my nonage You are the only person that I can think deserves the Crown but if there were no body at all I had rather the Kingdom should perish and be utterly extinct than that
good success King Perseus had met with that Summer and what a fright had seiz'd the Allies of the Roman People seeing so many Cities were reduced into subjection to the King That the Consuls Army was very thin because they had Furlows commonly given them out of ambition in the Officers the blame whereof the Consul laid upon the Tribunes military and they again upon the Consuls The Senate heard that they made light of the dishonour received by the temerity of Claudius who brought word that there were but a very few Italians and those too great part of them raised on a sudden lost in that action The Consuls being Elected when they were just enter'd upon their Office they were order'd to make a report to the Senate concerning Macedonia and the Provinces allotted them were Italy and Macedonia This was leap Year in which the odd day happen'd to be the third after the Feast called Terminalia in honour of the God Terminus The Priests that died that year were L. Flamininus the Augur with two other Pontifies or Priests called L. Furius Philus and C. Livius Salinator Into the place of Furius the Priests chose T. Manlius Torquatus and into the place of Livius M. Servilius In the beginning of the ensuing year when the new Consuls Q. Marcius and Cn. Servilius had made report concerning the Provinces the Senate gave order that as soon as might be they should either agree between themselves or cast Lots for Italy and Macedonia But before Fortune had determin'd that and whilst it was yet uncertain lest favour should be of any moment in the case they thought fit that what supplies were wanting should be allotted for both the Provinces For Macedonia six thousand Roman Foot of the Latine Allies six thousand with two hundred and fifty Roman Horse and three hundred of the Allies That the old Souldiers should be dismiss'd so that in every Roman Legion there should not be above six thousand Foot and three hundred Horse To the other Consul there was not allow'd any certain and definite number of Roman Citizens for him to take by way of supplement only he was bound to raise two Legions which should consist of twelve hundred Foot and three hundred Horse but he had a greater number of Latine Foot allow'd him than his Collegue had viz. ten thousand Foot and six hundred Horse There were also four Legions more to be raised that might be sent any whither where there was occasion over whom the Consuls were not permitted to make Tribunes but the people chose them From the Latine Allies were required sixteen thousand Foot and a thousand Horse This Army they order'd to be only in a readiness to go forth if their affairs at any time requited it Macedonia gave them the greatest trouble For the Navy they order'd that a thousand Seamen who were Citizens of Rome of the Libertine rank should be raised in Italy and as many in Sicily besides that it was injoin'd him who happen'd to have that Province that he should take care to transport them into Macedonia whereever the Navy then were For Spain there were allotted as a supply three thousand Roman Foot and three hundred Horse and the number of the Legions there too was determin'd to be five thousand Foot and three hundred and thirty Horse bâ—sides whom the Praetor who happen'd to have that Province was to demand four thousand Foot and three hundred Horse of the Allies I am not ignorant that through the same negligence that makes men now a-days commonly believe that the gods portend to us nothing at all there were but few prodigies at this time related or put into the Annals Yet not only I who write Antiquities have I cannot tell by what means a mind addicted to old things but a kind of religious regard also upon me that makes me esteem those things which those so very prudent persons thought fit publickly to take care of worth the putting into my Annals From Anagnia there were two Prodigies that year related viz. That an extraordinary light like a Torch was seen in the Sâ—y and that an Heifer that spoke was kept at the publick charge At Minturnae also about the same time the Sky lookt as if it had been all of a flame At Reate it rained stones At Cumae in the Castle Apollo cry'd three dayes and three nights In the City of Rome two Sextons brought word the one that in the Temple of Fortune there was a Snake seen with a Crest by many people and the other that in the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia which stands upon an Hill there were two several Prodigies seen viz. that a Palm-Tree sprung up in the Court Yard and that it rained blood in the day time But there were two Prodigies not at all regarded the one for that it happen'd in a private place as when T. Marcius Figulus brought word that a Palm-Tree sprung up in his Yard and the other because it was in a Foreign place when it was reported that at Fregellae in the House of one L. Atreus a Spear which he had bought for his Son who was a Souldier was on a flame in the day time for two hours together and yet the fire never burnt it Upon the score of these publick Prodigies the Decemviri consulted their Books and declar'd that the Consuls must offer forty of the bigger sort of Victims and to what Gods adding that there should be a supplication made and that all the Magistrates should Sacrifice with the bigger sort of Victims in every Temple and the people be Crowned So all things were done according to the Decemviri's directions Then the Assembly was appointed for chusing of Censors The chief men of the City stood for the Censorship namely C. Valerius Laevinus L. Postumius Albinus P. Mucius Scaevola M. Junius Brutus C. Claudius Pulcher and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus which two last the Roman People chose for Censors Now seeing they were at this time more concern'd than at another for making their Levies upon the score of the Macedonian War the Consuls accused the Commons before the Senate for that even the younger men did not answer to their names Against whom C. Sulpicius and M. Claudius Tribunes of the people maintain'd the cause and said The levy was hard not for Consuls but for such ambitious Consuls for they forsooth would make no man a Souldier against his will And that the Senate might know it was so the Praetors who had less power and authority if the Senate pleased would perfect the Levy Accordingly that affair was committed to the Praetors by universal consent of the House not without some lashes at the Consuls and the Censors to help forward the business made this publick Declaration That they would make a Law concerning the surveying and poling of the people that besides the common Oath of all Cities they should take this also Thou art under forty six years of age and therefore according to the Edict of C. Claudius and
Ships they over-set one Bark that lay in the mouth of the River by getting too many of them into her at a time That day they arrived at Galepsus and the next at Samothraca whither they were bound to which place they say there were brought two thousand Talents Paulus having sent Governours to all the Cities that were surrender'd lest any injury should be done to the conquer'd now in the time of Peace and keeping with him the Kings Heralds sent P. Nasica not knowing of the Kings flight with a small Party of Foot and Horse to Amphipolis not only to ravage Sintica but to be an obstruction to all the Kings designs At this time Cn. Octavius took and rifled Meliboea and at Aeginium which Cn. Anicius was sent to attack there were two hundred men lost at one sally which was made out of the Town before the Aeginians knew that there was any end made of the War The Consul setting out from Pydna came with his whole Army in two dayes to Pella and having Encamped a mile from thence staid there for some dayes viewing the situation of the City on all sides which he observ'd was not without reason made choice of to be the Kings Seat 'T is situate upon an Hill that lies to the Northwest and about it are Fens of a vast depth both Summer and Winter caused by standing Lakes that are hard by In the very Fenn it self where it is nearest to the City there rises as it were an Island which stands upon the mound of a vast work which not only bears a Wall but likewise is not at all injur'd by the moisture of the Fenn that runs round about it It seems afar off to be join'd to the Wall of the City but is divided from it by a River over which unto it there is a Bridge so that if any Foreigner attack it there is no coming to it on any side nor if the King shut any body up there is there any way to escape but by a Bridge which is very easily guarded In this place the Kings Treasure used to be kept but at that time there was nothing found in it except the three hundred Talents which were to have been sent to King Gentius but were afterward kept back In the time that they lay at Pella several Embassies that came to congratulate the Consuls Victory especially out of Thessaly had their Audience After which having received the news that Perseus was gone over to Samothrace the Consul march'd from Pella and arrived in four dayes at Amphipolis Where all the Town coming out in throngs to meet him made it evident to any man DECADE V. BOOK V. The EPITOME 6. Perseus was taken by Aemilius Paulus in Samothrace 11 c. When Antiochus King of Syria besieged Ptolemy and Cleopatra King and Queen of Aegypt for which reason the Senate sent Embassadours to him to command him to desist from besieging a King who was their Ally whereas when the Message was deliver'd to him he made answer that he would consider what to do one of the Embassadours viz Popillius by name with a rod made a circle about the King and bid him give his answer before he came out of it By which rough usage he caused Antiochus to omit the War 13. There were several Embassies from several Nations and Kings by way of congratulation admitted into the Senate 20. But that of the Rhodians because in that War they had been against the Romans was excluded 21. The next day when 't was debated whether they should declare War against them the Embassadours pleaded the cause of their Country in the Senate and were dismiss'd neither as Enemies nor as Allies 31 c. Macedonia reduced into the form of a Province 35 c. Aemilius Paulus though the Souldiers were against it by reason that they had too little booty and though Servius Sulpicius Galba contradicted it rode in triumph and led Perseus with his three Sons before the Chariot 40. The joy of which triumph that it might not fall to him entire was signaliz'd by the Funerals of his two Sons one of which died before and the other after his Fathers triumph The Censors took a Survey of the people at which there were Poled three hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred and ten Souls 44. Prusias King of Bithynia came to Rome to congratulate with the Senate upon the account of the Victory obtain'd over Macedonia and recommended his Son Nicomedes to the Senate before whom the King being full of flattery he was the Roman Peoples Libertus one freed from slavery THE persons sent to carry the news of the Vâ—ctory viz. Q Fabius L. Lentulus and Quintius Metellus though they came to Rome with as much speed as possibly they could yet found that the City was full of joy upon that score before their arrival The fourth day after the fight with the King whilst the Games were perform'd in the Circus a sudden murmur of the people ran through all the shows That there had been a Battle in Macedonia and that the King was overcome after which the noise increased till at last there arose a clamour and a clapping of hands as though they had heard certain news of the Victory The Magistrates began to wonder and inquired who was the Author of that sudden joy whom since they could not find out their mirth was soon over as for a thing uncertain yet the glad tidings was still fix'd in their thoughts Which being confirm'd by the true relations of Fabius Lentulus and Metelâ—us they rejoyced not only at the Victory it self but also in the boding of their own minds But there goes another story concerning the joy conceiv'd by the Company in the Circus which is no less probable than this that upon the 22 h of October and the second day of the Roman Games as C. Licinius the Consul was going up to see the Chariots start a Letter-Carrier who said he came out of Macedonia deliver'd unto him a Laureat Letter When the Chariots were set out the Consul got up into his Coach and being return'd along the Circus to the publick Boxes where the Spectators sate shew'd the Laureat Letter to the people Which when they saw the people presently grew negligent of the show and ran down into the middle of the Circus whither the Consul called the Senate and having read the Letter over by authority of the Senate before the publick Boxes declared to the people That L. Aemilius his Collegue had fought a pitch'd Battle with King Perseus that the Macedonian Army was beaten and routed that the King with some few of his men made his escape and that all the Cities of Macedonia had surrender'd themselves to the Roman People When they had heard this a noise arose with great clapping of hands and most part of the Company leaving the Games went home to carry the glad tidings to their Wives and Children This was the thirteenth day from that on which the Battle
Atilius a noble youth observing that the Samothracians were at a publick Assembly desir'd of the Magistratâ—s that they would permit him to speak some few words to the people Which being permitted he ask'd them Have we my good Friends of Samothrace or truly or falsly been told that this holy Island is all a sacred and inviolable soil Whereupon when all the Company agreed to the acknowledg'd sanctity of the place he demanded farther Why then said he hath a murderer polluted it with the blood of King Eumenes And since every Preface or the solemn words before the performance of holy rites forbids all those who have not pure hands to come into the sacred place where such religious duties are perform'd will you suffer your Temples to be prophaned with the bloody body of a Villain Now there was a common report about all the Cities of Greece that Evander almost kill'd King Eumenes at Delphi Wherefore besides that they saw themselves and the whole Island together with the Temple in the power of the Romans supposing that these things were not objected against them without cause sent Theondas who was the chief Magistrate among them by them stiled Rex i. e. King to Perseus to tell him That Evander the Cretan was accused of murder and that they had old Laws which they received by tradition from their Ancestors concerning those that were said to bring polluted hands within the sacred limits of their Temples If Evander were confident of his own innocency that he should coâ—e and make his defence but if he durst not venture a Tryal that he should at least no longer defile the Temple but consult his own safety Perseus calling forth Evander told him He would not by any means advise him to submit to a tryal for he could not come off either upon the very case it self or by any favour he would meet with Besides that he was also afraid lest if Evander were condemned he would detect him for the author of so horrid an action Wherefore what had he to do but bravely to die Evander openly refused nothing that he proposed but saying that he had rather die by poyson than by the Sword privately contrived his escape Which when the King heard he fearing lest the anger of the Samothracians might be turn'd all against him as though the guilty person had been by him convey'd from Justice caused Evander to be kill'd Which rash murder being committed it came immediately into his mind that he had taken that stain upon himself which had been Evanders for Evander had wounded King Eumenes at Delphi and he himself had kill'd Evander at Samothrace so that two the most sacred Temples in the World were by his instigation polluted with humane blood But this crime was so far palliated by his bribing Theondas that he carry'd word back to the People that Evander kill'd himself But by this base act against the only Friend which he had lâ—ft whom he himself had tried upon so many occasions and betray'd because he would not be a Traytor he so far alienated the affections of all people that every body revolted to the Romans and forced him who was left almost alone to consult how to make his escape and therefore he sent for Oroandes a Cretan who knew the Coast of Thrace because he had traded there as a Merchant to put him on board a Bark and carry him to Cotys There is a Port at a certain Cape belonging to Samothrace where the Bark stood To which place about Sun-setting they carry'd down all things that were necessary and money too as much as they could privately convey The King himself at midnight with three others that knew of his flight went out at the back Door of the House where he lay into a Garden near his Bed-Chamber and from thence getting with much ado over a stone Wall came to the Sea-side Oroandes at that very time when the money was coming down which was the edge of night had set Sail and was going for Crete Wherefore since he found not the Ship in the Port Perseus having wander'd for some time upon the shore at last fearing the light which now approach'd and not daring to return to his Lodging lay in one side of the Temple near an obscure Corner thereof The Children of Noblemen among the Macedonians who were chosen to attend upon the King were called Pueri Regii the Kings Attendants Now that Retinue follow'd the King in his slight nor did they even then forsake him till by order from Cn. Octavius the Cryer made Proclamation that the Kings Servants and all other Macedonians that were in Samothrace if they would come over to the Romans should save their Lives Liberties and Estates which they either had with them there or had left in Macedonia Upon which Declaration they all came over and gave in their names to C. Postumius Tribune of the Souldiers Ion also of Thessalonica deliver'd up to Cn. Octavius the Kings small Children nor was there ever an one of them lest with the King except Philip only who was the eldest of his Sons Then he surrender'd himself and his Son to Octavius accusing fortune and the Gods in whose Temple they were for not assisting one that pray'd to them for it with any aid Whereupon he was order'd to be put into the Admirals Ship whereinto the money which remained was also carry'd and so the Fleet set Sail immediately for Amphipolis And thence Octavius sent the King into the Camp to the Consul having sent a Letter before-hand to let him know that he had him in his custody and was a bringing him thither to him Paulus supposing that to be as it really was an happy Victory kill'd several Victims upon the news of it and having called a Council in which he read the Praetors Letter sent Q. Aelius Tubero to meet the King commanding the rest to stay in a full body at his Tent. There never was such a multitude of people at any show as came to see this sight King Syphax indeed in the memory of our Fathers had been taken and brought into the Roman Camp who besides that he was not to be compared with Perseus either upon the score of his own Fame or that of his Country was then also no more than an addition to the Punick as Gentius of the Macedonian War But Perseus was the head and first mover of a War nor did the renown of his Father and Grand-Father only whose Descendant he was render him conspicuous but Philip also and Great Alexander shone brightly forth who had made the Macedonian Empire the chiefest in the whole World Perseus came into the Camp in a mourning Garb without any body else to Accompany him and make him more miserable by being in the same sad condition He could not go forward to be seen for the crowd of those that came to meet him till the Consul had sent the Lictors to remove the people and make a Lane to the Generals
from some jealousies and offences arising about that time between them and the Romans However Antiochus by this assistance taking upon him the Crown was by his unexpected Arrival so welcome to his Subjects that they gave him the Surname of Epiphanes or The Illustrious because whilst Strangers were ready to usurp the Government he arose to assert the Rights of his Family shining like some new bright Star to all his people having possest himself not only of Syria but other distant Regions of Asia even beyond the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris without any opposition and enter'd into a strict Friendship and League with Eumenes he then waged War with Artaxias King of Armenia and took him Prisoner But as the manners of absolute Monarchs who have no other Laws but their own pleasures and inclinations are apt for the most part to decline and grow worse and worse and on the other side nothing is more fickle and various than the humours and affections of the people and especially the Syrian temper is above most others inconstant his Subjects continued not long those dutiful regards wherewith they first welcom'd him to the Crown but their hearts were so far alienated that whom before they had honour'd with a sirname of Admiration they now Characterize with a nick-name of Reproach and instead of Epiphanes call him Epimanes that is The Mad-man instead of The Illustrious The truth is after those first Actions which we have recounted in the beginning of his Reign he took up an odd new course of Life no less unusual to than unbecoming Kings and acted the part rather of a private person than of a Prince or even so much as that of any petty Magistrate The Causes of this strange Conduct are very uncertain whether it were to engage his own Subjects affections by these excesses of popularity or whether he fancied he should better deserve the savour of the Romans by imitating their Customs or whether as 't is most likely it was meerly a Crotchet arising from his natural lightness of mind and vanity So it was That frequently he would secretly and unknown to his chief Officers get out of his Palace and with two or three Attendants ramble up and down the City sometimes running into the Shops of Carvers and Statuaries or any other Mechanicks and hold a Chat with them affecting to seem very skillful in their several Trades sometimes he would publickly enter into Discourse without any occasion with any of the Rabble that he met in the street now and then he would haunt the drinking Houses and carouze stoutly with any shabby Pot-Companions If he heard there was any where a merry meeting to be of young men either by day or by night away would he go and unexpectedly surprize them carrying along with him his Cup and his Musick and make one amongst them so that daunted with his unlookt for presence many of them would slink away others astonisht with the novelty of the adventure sate as mute as Fishes till time and Wine recover'd their spirits and then they were all hail-fellow-well-met the King not disdaining their poor Earthen Pots nor their rude drunken Catches and bawdy Songs with which when they were got tipsey they made the Welkin roar He would also many times wash himself in the publick Baths amongst the common Rabble and distribute Gally-Pots fill'd with unguents of most excellent scent and great price to all that washt near him Afterwards he would leave off his Royal Robes and instead thereof put on a white Gown as he had seen those at Rome wear who put in for Honours and Offices and so walk about the Market-place as their Candidates were wont to do shaking every Plebeian by the hand and embracing him humbly desiring their Vote to make him sometimes an Aedile and sometimes a Praetor and when to humour him the people by their suffrages had conferr'd upon him those Offices then he after the Roman manner sate on an Ivory Throne as Judge c. fol. 799. A Supplement of the fifth defective Passage after the twentieth Chapter fol. 800. Now by his own Kingdom was furnish'd with Gladiators enow who voluntarily offer'd themselves to play at Sharps for a small reward But as this perhaps might pass well enough so 't is certain the Pomp of that Martial Pageantry or Mock-show of an Army and the publick Banquet which he gave the people though the same were exceeding rich and of incredible Expence yet they were rendred vile contemptible and ridiculous by his Apish Tricks and scurrilous Actions For when he had from all parts called the most excellent Artists to compose a rare and extraordinary Show and had invited all the chief Persons throughout Asia and all Greece to be partakers in the diversion of so famous an Entertainment As for the Furniture of the Sports indeed whether you regard the number and stately Equipage of the Men and Horses therein employ'd all glittering with Purple and Silver with Gold and precious Stones or whether you respect in the Feast the exquisite and prodigal Delicacies and innumerable Dishes of all kinds it must be acknowledged that he far exceeded the Endeavours of all former Princes But as to the Method and disposure of the whole Entertainment of which he himself would needs have the sole management it appear'd disorderly and altogether unworthy of a King For mounted on a little sorry Gelding he rode whippeting to and fro through the Cavalcade sometimes without any reason bidding these go on and by and by those to stand still so that the whole March was full of confusion and had nothing in it of Gravity or Military Order As for the publick Treat he was there too as foolish and impertinent for he would clap himself down by this or the other person as they fat at meat without any difference and sometimes lye down all along on his back then on a sudden he would start up and run about all the Tables and pledge those Healths that were every where drank to him At last their Revelling having continued till very late in the night when many having got their load were stagger'd away as well as they could he was brought in by a Company of Players rather wrapt up in Linen than cloathed and by and by without any regard to his own Quality the Spectators or common modesty as if he had been awakened by the Musick he jumps forth stark naked and dancing with the Jack-puddings put himself into such ridiculous postures that all that were present for very shame withdrew and departed Thus those that from all parts were assembled at this Show as often as they mentioned the Grandâ—ur of the Preparations and Magnificence of the Sport were wont greatly to admire the Wealth of the King and Kingdom but when they reflected on the King himself and his Dâ—portment they could not without astonishment think how in one and the same person there should be such a prodigious mixture of Vertues and Vices or that
esteem all his Advantages wrapt up and included in reverencing their Authority and obeying their Commands That he desired nothing more passionately than peace but either to defend his antient Patrimony or in Gratitude to the Romans for their former favours he was continually either by the violences or under-hand practices of the Carthaginians forced to take Arms who either forgetting their former overthrows or by the memory thereof exasperated to revenge could not bear those few years of peace but thereby puft up with too much wealth began to hanker after their former Empire and first intended to breathe themselves and make tryal of their strength upon their Neighbours that so they might thereafter be able to shake off their Conqueror's Yoke 'T was with this design continued he that lately when the Romans were engaged in a War with the Celtiberians and other Spaniards infested the Coasts of Numidia they sent Carthalo General of their Auxiliaries against us who under pretence of visiting the Frontiers of his Province unexpectedly fell upon the Camp of Masinissa which lay hard by in peace within the bounds assign'd him by your Ambassadors and kill'd and took Prisoners not a few of his men and besides stirred up the Peasants of Africk to rebel and to this very day cease not to vex our people with continual Incursions and Devastations It concerns you therefore Noble Senators by your prudence and power to chastize their insolences and to restrain these common Enemies from such like injuries by maintaining the peace and making good your own Gifts to an Associate King that they may be as lasting to him as his Fidelity shall be perpetual towards you The Gods have bestow'd on you Empire as for us we shall esteem the Glory of obeying your Commands as the Will of the Celestial Powers equal to the most enlarged Dominion Then were the Carthaginian Ambassadors admitted who lamentably remonstrated much what the same Grievances as they had complained of last Year And though the Particulars did not certainly appear yet it could scarce be doubted but Masinissa emboldned by our friendship had attempted many things beyond his Commission the Senate winking thereat as willing for Reasons of State to have the power of Carthage weakned The Answer return'd to both was That the Senate would shortly send Commissioners who upon the place should examine all differences and determine therein according to Justice and Equity and in the mean time both Parties to forbear all Acts of Hostility Nor was that the only reason of dispatching such Commissioners thither but also to make an inspection into the Carthaginians present state whose fidelity as it was always wavering and suspected so especially since the beginning of the Macedonian War their minds were set upon new hopes and designs and distracted with several Factions For some few of the Nobles were firm to the Romans and the Head of that Party was Hanno sirnamed by his Country-men the Great Others but not very many favoured King Masinissa and their Leader was that Annibal whom for distinction they called Psaris whether some similitude of a Sparrow or of a Galley for the word seems to signifie both gave at first cause for that Appellation But the far greater part were for gratifying the humours of their own Commons and join'd with Amilcar Samias and of the same Faction was Carthalo The Commissioners arrived not in Africk before King Masinissa had made himself Master of the Territories in Question and then not as Judges but Arbitrators composed the Differences without any long hearing of the Cause with this final Award That each Party should retain what they were at present in possession of But they could not without astonishment behold the City Carthage so full of Inhabitants and flourishing in Riches for so wonderfully by the advantages of the place and ingenuity and industry of the people had it thriv'd in twenty years space that there were not the least tokens left of the calamities of the former Wars or that hard Siege they had sustained About the time these Commissioners Embarqu'd for Africk the Comitia were held at Rome and Hostâ—lius Mancinus and Atilius Serranus chosen Consuls for the ensuing year After which were created Praetors Q Maenius M. Recius and L. Hortensius for their Names are Recorded but who the reâ—t were is not certainly express'd in any Authors extant The Province of Macedonia was allotted to Hostilius the Consul and Italy to Hostilius The City-Jurisdiction fell to Recius that of Foreigners to Maenius The Navy and Guard of the Sea Coast to Hortensius If we may guess from the Consuls of the following years who rarely arriv'd at that Honour before they had serv'd a Praetorship there are two that may not improbably be thought to have been Praetors this year viz Q Aelius Poetus and T. Manlius Torquatuâ— the former coming to be Consul the third year after with M. Junius the latter the fifth year after with â—n Octavius as appears by the Registry of the Consuls kept in the Capitol and perhaps the sixth Praetor of this year might be Q. Hostilius Tubulus for the year following he was the third person join'd in Commission with C. Popillius Laenas who had been Consul and C Decimius who had serv'd as Praetor when they were sent into Egypt to compose the War between Antiochus King of Syria and the Ptolomies now it can scarce be believ'd That he should be employ'd in so Honourable an Embassy and with persons of that quality if he had not already serv'd some Office of State and these three 't is probable might manage the Provinces of Sicily Sardinia and Spain In the mean time P. Licinius Crassus the last years Consul of whose unsuccessful Skirmishes with Perseus we have spoken before Quarter'd some part of the Winter in Thessaly but longer in Boeotia nor did he afterwards perform any thing memorable unless we should reckon amongst his famous Exploits the taking of some Towns whilst King Perseus was absent far off in Macedonia and plundering them outragiously and yet not content therewith selling the Inhabitants for Slaves Nor were the Cities on the Sea-Coast any better treated by C Lucretius the Propraetor and the rest of the Captains of the Fleet who committed many outrages on their own Allies which injuries being afterwards complain'd off the Senate redress'd them as far as they could and particularly the Coronaeans whom Crassus had sold for Slaves were by a Decree restored to their Liberties Cotys seeing part of his Territories possess'd by the Troops of Eumenes and Atlesbes a neighbouring pâ—try King and that he was unable to beat them out especially since the Dardanians threatned him on the other Quarter ceased not to imploâ—e and importune Perseus for assistance according to the Treaty between them who judging it not for his interest to abandon Cotys who almost alone had openly taken the Macedonians part got together some Squadâ—ons of Horse out of the next Garrisons and part of a Phalanx or Batallion of Foot
17. Of Aemilius Paulus in the Senate accusing Manlius for waging War in Gallo-Graecia unjustly 45. Manlius his Answer 47. Of P. Nasica to the people in behalf of L. Scipio when accused of converting Antiochus's money to his own use 58. Of Postumius Albinus the Consul to the people about suppressing the Bacchanalia xxxix 15. Of Appius in the Achaian Council touching the Lacedaemonians 35 Of King Philip being to hear the mutual Accusations of his two Sons one against the other xl 8. Of Perseus charging his Brother Demetrius with Parricide 9. Demetrius his Answer 12. Of L. Caecilius Metellus in the Campus Martius to compose the old fewds betwixt two persoâ—s chosen Censors 46. The Speech of Callicrates in the Achaian Council perswading a League with the Romans xli 23. Of Arco at the same time in favour of Perseus 24. Of Eumenes in the Roman Senate against Perseus xlii 11 12. Of the Carthaginians complaining of Masanissa 23. Of Sp. Ligustinus an old Souldier 34. Of Q. Marcius to King Perseus concerning the Causes of the War 40. The King 's Answer 41. Of King Perseus to the Macedonians 52. Of L. Aemilius Paulus setting out to the Macedonian War xliv 22. Another Speech of his in the Camp to P. Nasica shewing why he declined to fight the Enemy 38. Of Stratius a Physician to Attalus perswading him to Peace with Eumenes xlv 19. Of the Rhodian Embassadours begging pardon of the Roman Senate See the Supplement of the second defective passage of the forty fifth Book and the twenty first Chapter of the same Book Of M. Servilius to the People for the Triumph of L. Aemilius Paulus Ch. 37. and the Supplement Of Aemilius after his Triumph upon the loss of his Sons 41. Speeches sor and against the Voconian Law See the Supplement of the second defective passage in the sorty third Book Spye taken at Rome his hands cut off xxii 33. Stator why Jupiter so called i. 12. Statue whose sirst set up in the Forum viii 13. Stratagem a notable one of T. Quintius ii 64. Of C. Sulpicius the Dictator vii 14. Of Annibal xxii 17. Of the Gauls xxiii 24. Superstition mens minds labour therewith generally when their bodies are afflicted with diseases iv 30. People are for the most part superstitious after any late Disaster vi 5. Swear one man allowed to swear for another xxxi 50. Syphax entertains at once both Scipio and Asdrubal at Supper and makes a League with the Romans xxviii 18. Marries Asdrubal's Daughter joins with the Carthaginians sends to Scipio to forbear invading Africk xxix 23. Taken Prisoner xxx 12. Syracuse the strange Commotions and Cruelties there after the Murther of King Hieronymus xxiv 21 c. Besieged by the Romans 33. Taken xxv 23. T. TAbles two added to the former ten Tables of Laws iii. 37. Tanaquil a Woman skill'd in Coelestial Prodigies her story i. 34. Tarpeia a Virgin that bâ—tray'd the Capitol but was kill'd for her reward i. 11. Tarquinius Priscus comes to Rome i. 34. After the Death of King Ancus he makes a Speech to the people 35. And is chosen King and vanquishes the Sabines 37. Is kill'd by means of Ancus's Sons 40. Tarquin the Proud begins his Reign his Tyranny i. 47. Destroys Turnus the Latine by a stratagem 52. Sends his younger Son Sextus to trepan the Gabii 53. Whom he instructs by a dumb sign â—opping off the Heads of the highest Poppies 54. Is expell'd Rome by reason of his Sons ravishing of Lucretia 60. Retreats to Tusculum ii 15. Dies at Cumae 21. Tarquinians Sacrifice 307. Romans vii 15. That Cruelty is reveng'd 19. Tarentines begin a War with the Romans in a drunken sit xii 7. Their City taken xiv 45. Tarentum betray'd to Annibal all but the Castle xxv 9. Romans relieve the Castle 15. Tarentum retaken by the Romans xxvii 23. Temple one Temple cannot be erected to two Gods and the reason xxvii 27. Tenth not only of the Pillage but of the City and Fields taken paid to Apollo v. 25. Theoxena kills her self and her Sisters Children when sent for by King Philip xl 4. Thurines revolt to Annibal xxv 15. Tiber the River antiently call'd Albula and why the name chang'd i. 3. Timasetheis chief of the Lyparensian Pirates his Justice and Devotion in conveying the Roman Embassadors when they had been taken with their Presents to Delphos v. 28. Treachery handsomely rewarded by the Sabines i. 11. Tribunes of the Commons first chosen ii 33. augmented to the number of ten iii. 30. Their persons inviolable 55. Patricians even those that had been Consuls chosen Tribunes of the Commons 65. Tribunes threaten to Jail a Consul iv 16. The like to Tribunes Military v. 9. They force a Dictator to resign vii 3. Tribunes Military with Sovereign Authority iii. 51. Three Tribunes Military with Consular Authority chosen iv 6. Continued but three Months 7. Made eight in number v. 1. Discontinued five years vi 35. Triumph when first by Order of the people without the Approbation of the Senate iii. 63. The first over any Transmarine people xvi 38. The first time celebrated when there had been no War xl 38. Triumvirs for dividing of Lands first Created iii. 1. Triumviri Capitales or Judges Criminal erected xi 22. Tullus Hostilius chosen King i. 22. He causes Metius the Alban General to be pull'd to pieces 28. Reported to be destroy'd with Lightning 31. Tunis taken by Scipio xxx 9. V. VAlerius the Consul routs the Aequi and Volsci at Algidum iii. 61. M. Valerius sights a Duel with a Gaul vii 26. Vibius Virius his desperate Speech to the Capuans xxvi 13. He and others poison themselves 14. Virginius kills his own Daughter rather than expose her to the Lust of App. Claudius iii. 48. Vision to Antinias ii 36. Volscius accused of Perjury and forc'd to fly iii. 29. Voconian Law and the Debates thereon See the Supplement of the second defective passage in the forty third Book Vow cannot be discharg'd by any wicked act ii 32. W. WAR declared by the people not by the Senate iv 30. Winter the Roman Army first kept out all the Winter v. 2. Speeches pro and con on that occasion 3. White Horses first used in Triumph v. 23. Women a quarrel between the Noblemens and Commoners Wives x. 23. Their merits to the Roman State recounted xxxiv 5. A Woman that has once lost her modesty has nothing left her that is valuable i. 58. A Woman that thinks her self equal with her Husband will quickly be his Superiour xxxiv 3. Wrastling first practiz'd at Rome xxxix 22. Z. ZAnt the Isle delivered up to the Romans xxxvi 32. FINIS ERRATA BOok I. Chap. 2. line 9. For too great a security to their Neighbours read too great for the security of their Nighbours Ch. 4. line 1. For But original read But the original And line the 12. For Vicus read Ficus Ch. 16. line 18 For O the Romans read O ye Romans Ch. 34. line 2. For which the Tarquinii read which at Tarquinii Chap. 36. line 11. For Act read Art Ch. 44. line 8. For Crowns read Heads Ch. 46. Read the end of that Chapter thus Aruns Tarquinius and Tullia the younger being both almost at the same time taken out of the way and by their Death leaving each House empty and free for a new match Lucius and the elder Tullia intermarried not only with Servius 's allowance but approbation too Ch. 51. line 8. For in one night read in the night Ch. 53. line 3. After the word Volsci add which continued Ch. 54. l. 20. For walking without read walking about Book II. Ch. 2. l. 56. For prosecuted read preserved Ch. 9. line 10 11. read thus Porsena imagining that it would be a great honour to the Tuscans for him to be King of Rome as well as of the Etrurians came to Rome c. Ch. 24. line 3 4. For made an impression read made a quite contrary impression Ch. 28. line 2. For mighty read mighty meetings Book III. Ch. 25. line the last save one For they totally read they had totally Ch. 51. line the last save one For they would read they would not lay down Ch. 61. line 3. For they did fight read they did not sight Ch. 65. line 21. For ten read two years Book IV. Ch. 12. l. 15. For Foreign read Foreign War Book V. Ch. 8. line the first read The year following Ch. 22. Read the beginning thus The next day the Dictator sold the Freemen and though that were the only money reserv'd for the Exchequer yet the common people grumbled at it and as for what booty they got they said they had no reason to thank either the General or the Senate but only the good Licinian Family that procured for them that popular Decree Ch. 24. l. 21. For was it not fit read was it fit And line 24. For and T. Sicinius read and follow T. Sicinius Book VII Ch. 6. line 38. read By consent of the Patricians Book IX Ch. 1. line 1. For Claudian read Caudine Book XXV Ch. 12. in the last line save one of the first Verses For Beasts of prey read Beasts a prey Book XXVII Ch. 5. line 39. For Dictator read Consul Ch. 40. l. 14. For Annibal read Asdrubal Ch 53. l. 3. read All the road as far as the Bridge Milvius Book XXIX Ch. 10. line 17. Instead of That for a greater read That a far greater Ch. 23. line 21. For he should rely read he should not rely Ch. 29. Is not markt but should begin at these words And they having had a Battel with the Carthaginian Cavalry Book XXXIX Ch. 5. line 4. For and becoming read unbecoming Book XL. Ch. 37. line 1. For not after read not long after Book XLIV Ch. 18. line 1. instead of would manage read would not manage
and the Army was two parts of it Allies and the third Romans The Allies therefore being come at the day appointed the Consul pitched his Camp without the Gate called Porta Capena where having purged the Army he went to Antium near which he sate down not far from the Enemy There seeing the Volsci because the Army was not yet come from the Aequi durst not fight but were making Provisions to secure themselves within their Bulwark the next day Fabius formed not one mixt Army of Romans and Allies together but three separate ones of the several People of which he commanded the middlemost consisting of the Roman Legions Then he ordered them all to observe the common signal that the Allies too might fall on and come off again at the same time if a Retreat were sounded placing the Hoâ—se to the Reerward of each Body Thus having put himself into this triple posture he surrounded the Camp and being very sharp upon them on all sides the Volsci were not able to sustein the shock and therefore weâ—e forced down from their Bulwark By which means getting over the Fortifications he drave the fearful crowd who were bent all one way out of the Camp and so as they were making all speed to get away the Horse who could not well climb over the Mounds but were spectators only of what was done having gotten them in a spacious Plain enjoyed a share of the Victory by killing the affrighted Enemies For there was a great slaughter of those that fled both in the Camp and without the Works too but the Plunder was more because the Enemy could hardly take away with them so much as their Arms and the whole Army had been utterly destroyed if the Woods had not proved a refuge to them in their flight Whilst these things passed at Antium the Aequi in the mean while having sent the flower of their Youth before them surprized the Castle of Tusculum in the night time sitting down with the rest of their Army not far from the Walls of the Town with design to breadthen and dissipate the Enemies Forces Which news being told at Rome and coming from thence to the Camp at Antium made the Romans as much concerned as if the Capitol had been said to have been taken not only because the Tusculans had deserved well of them so lately but also for the very resemblance of the danger which seemed to challenge their assistance Fabius therefore omitting all things else conveyed the Booty as fast as possible out of the Camp to Antium where having left a small Guard he made all the haste he could with his Army to Tusculum who were permitted to carry nothing along with them save only their Arms and what Bread or Meat they had ready dressed though in the mean time Consul Cornelius sent them Provisions from Rome So for some Months they were engaged at Tusculum before which Place the Consul with part of his Army attacked the Camp of the Aequi but gave the other part to the Tusculans to regain their Castle withall for he could never get into that by force But at length Famin made the Enemy remove from thence whereby being reduced to extreme necessity they were all sold by the Tusculans for Slaves disarmed and naked whom as they were ignominiously flying home the Roman Consul overtook in Algidum and killed every Man Being now Victorious he pitched his Camp at Columen a Towns name where he received his Men again and the other Consul when the Enemy was now beaten from the Walls of Rome and the danger over went himself also from Rome So the Consuls going two several ways into the Enemies Confines did the Volsci on the one hand and the Aequi on the other a great deal of mischief The same Year also I find in many Authors that the Antians Revolted but that L. Cornelius managed that War and took the Town I dare not affirm because there is no mention of it among the more ancient Authors When this War was ended another at home with the Tribunes put the Senate in a fright for they cryed out It was a cheat to keep the Army abroad so and nothing but a trick to hinder their Law from passing yet for all that they would go through with what they had undertaken But notwithstanding P. Lucretius Prefect of the City prevailed so far that the Tribunes complaints were deferred 'till the coming of the Consuls about which time there arose also a new cause of Commotion A. Cornelius and Q. Servilius being Questors had appointed a day to Try Volscius for that without doubt he was a false Witness against Caeso there being very good evidence to prove not only that Volscius's Brother was never seen abroad after he once fell sick but also that he never recovered of his Distemper but having languished under it for many Months at last died of the same nor was Caeso ever seen at Rome all that time in which Volscius had sworn he was there for several of his fellow Soldiers came in and testified He was with them all the while in the Wars without any furlow which if Volscius denyed there were a great many who privately offered him to name an impartial Judg. When therefore he refused to go to his Tryal all those circumstances agreeing together made Volscius's Condemnation as certain as that of Caeso against whom he had been a Witness But the Tribunes put off the Tryal by saying They would not suffer the Questors to call an Assembly for the Trying of a Criminal unless they had another first about their Law so both Causes were deferred 'till the arrival of the Consuls Who when they came in Triumph with their Victorious Army into the City many People believed because there was no talk of the Law that the Tribunes were disheartened But they it being now the latter end of their Year desiring to be a fourth time chosen Tribunes turned the dispute concerning the Law into a debate about Assemblies In which though the Consuls were as hot against the continuation of the Tribuneship as if the Law to diminish their Power had been preferred yet the Tribunes carried it The same Year the Aequi had a Peace granted them upon their Petition and the Poll which began the Year before was now made an end of that Lustrum or surveying of the People being the tenth from the time that the City was first Built The Rate laid upon the Citizens came to one hundred thirty two thousand four hundred and nine Sesterces In that Year the Consule gained great honour both at home and abroad in that they not only made Peace with their Enemies and reduced the City though not to a perfect Concord yet into such a state that it was less mutinous than before Then L. Minutius and C. Nautius being made Consuls undertook the two omitted Causes U. C. 294 of the precedent Year In which the Consuls strove as much to obstruct the Law as the Tribunes to hinder
the Tryal of Volscius but the Power and Authority of the new Questors was now greater For that Year M. Valerius the Son of Valerius and Grandson of Volesus was Questor with T. Quintius Capitolinus who had been thrice Consul and he because he saw Caeso a Noble Youth was utterly lost both to the Quintian Family and the Commonwealth was justly very zealous to persecute the false Witness who had not suffered the innocent Man so much as to make his own defence When Virginius on the other side was most importunate of all the Tribunes to pass the Law the Consuls had two Months given them to consider of it that when they had shewn the People the Cheat which was designed in it they might then safely permit them to Vote and this interval which was allowed made all things quiet in the City But the Aequi did not suffer them to be long at rest for they bâ—oke the League which they made the Year before with the Romans and chose Gracchus Cluilius who was the greatest Man at that time among them their General Under whose Command they came into the Lavican and then into the Tusculan Fields in an Hostile manner and having loaded themselves with Plunder pitched their Camp in Algidum To which Camp Q. Fabius P. Volumnius and A. Posthumius came as Embassadors from Rome to complain of the injuries they had done and to demand their Goods back again according to the League but the General of the Aequi bid them tell their Message from the Roman Senate to the Oak and he would mind something else in the mean time Now that was a great Oak that grew over his Tent and made it very shady Then one of the Embassadors as he was going away cryed out Let this sacred Oak and all the gods take notice that you have broken the League for which reason I beseech them not only to hear our present complaints but to assist our Arms also when we shall revenge the violation of Laws at once both Divine and Humane When the Embassadors came back to Rome the Senate ordered one of the Consuls to lead their Army against Gracchus into Algidum injoyning the other to Pillage the Confines of the Aequi. In the mean time the Tribunes as they used to do endeavoured to hinder the Levy and it may be they totally obstructed it had not a fresh terror surprized them There came a vast number of Sabines who Plundered all the Country even almost to the very Walls of the City the Fields being all Ravaged and the City put into a fright Then the common People were glad to take up Arms though the Tribunes were never so much against it and two great Armies were raised whereof Nautius led the one against the Sabines and having pitched his Camp at Eretum with small Parties and inroads made for the most part in the night time did so much damage to the Sabines Country that compared to that the Roman Territories seemed as it were untouched In the mean time Minucius had neither the same Fortune nor Courage to carry on the War for having pitched his Camp not far from the Enemy he kept within it for fear though he had received no very great loss of Men. Which when the Enemy perceived their boldness was augmented as it usually happens by another Mans fear and therefore having attacked his Camp in the night time against which they found that open force did little good the next day they enclosed it quite round with Counter-works which before they had blocked up all the Passes five Troopers sent out through the Enemies Guards carryed news to Rome That the Consul and his Army were Besieged Than which nothing could have happened so surprizing or unlooked for wherefore they were in such a fear and trembling condition as if the Enemy had Besieged the City not the Camp They therefore sent for Consul Nautius who being little able to help them they had a mind to make a Dictator who might recover them out of their present evil circumstances and so by general consent L. Quintius Cincinnatus was pitched upon to be the Man 'T is pleasant to hear some Men talk who contemn all things belonging to Mankind in comparison to riches nor think any Man deserves honour or can be brave who has not a great deal of Mony when at the same time L. Quintius the sole hope of the Roman Government himself manured a Field of four Acres called Prata Quintia beyond the Tiber over against that place where now the Dock is Where being found by the Embassadors either making a Ditch with a Spade in his hand or a Plowing or about some other Country work after they had saluted him and he returned their Complement being desired by them for his own good they hoped as well as that of the Commonwealth to put on his Gown and hear what the Senates Message to him was he stared upon them and asking Whether all things were well bad his Wife Racilia fetch his Gown with all speed out of their Cottage with which being Cloathed he wiped off the dust and sweat from his face and went forth to them Whereupon they saluted him as Dictator wishing him Joy of the Office told him he was sent for into the City and what a fright the Army was in There was a Boat prepared for him at the publick charge and when he came over the River his three Sons met him together with other Relations and Friends of his and the major part of the Senate with which Retinue being attended and with the Lictors before him he was carryed to his House where there was a great concourse of the People But they were not at all pleased to see Quintius because he had born too many great Offices and was a very vehement Man in his Place That night therefore they sate up 'till morning The next day the Dictator coming into the Forum before it was light made L. Tarquitius a Man of Patrician Birth Magister Equitum Master of the Horse who though he had been a Foot Soldier because he was poor yet was accounted the best Warriour of all the young Men in Rome Then coming to the Assembly with the Master of the Horse he ordered an intermission of Judicial proceedings commanded all the Shops in the whole City to be shut up and forbad the doing of any private business After which He required all that were fit for Military Service to come with Arms Provisions for five days and twelve Pallisadoes a Man before Sun-setting into the Campus Martius and those who were not fit for War he ordered to Prepare and Cook the Meat for the neighbouring Soldiers whilst he got himself ready and looked out for his Pallisadoes This made the young men run about to look for Stakes which they took where-ever they found them for no Man was to hinder but immediately they were all ready according to the Dictators Order Then having put the Army into such a posture that it
all the Horse and light-armed Soldiers into the middle he divided them into two Parties and placed them as Reserves behind the Wings Then when the time to begin the fight was now come he ordered the Spaniards who were the main Body to march very slowly and sent a Messenger from the right Wing which he himself commanded to Silanus and Marcius To extend their Wing on the left side as they saw him do on the right as also that they should engage the Enemy with the nimblest Horse and Foot they had before the main Bodies could come up Accordingly having widened their Wings with three Regiments of Foot and three Troops of Horse with Skirmishers besides they made up with speed to the Enemy whilst the others followed in an oblique Figure For there was a Bay as it were in the middle of them because the Spanish Ensigns moved but slowly and the Wings were already engaged whilst all the strength of the Enemies main Body that is to say the Carthaginians old Soldiers and the Africans were not yet come within a Darts cast nor durst to run into the Wings to assist them that were a fighting for fear of opening their main Body to the Foe that was coming against them The Wings therefore were sore prest with a doubtful Battel the Horse light-armed Men and Skirmishers wheeling about to the Flanks whilst the Foot lay hard upon the Front to break off the Wings from the rest of the Army And then the Fight was not by any means equal on any side not only because the Baleleares Slingers and Spanish young Soldiers were opposite to the Roman and Latin Veteranes but also because now the Day was pretty far spent their strength began to fail the Army of Asdrubal who being surprised by the Mornings Tumult were forced to go forth hastily to the Battel before they had sufficiently fortified their Bodies with meat Now for that reason Scipio had industriously made delays that the Fight might be late for it was one of the Clock before the Foot fell on in the Wings and somewhat later before the main Bodies engaged insomuch that the noon-tide heat of the Sun and the fatigue of standing in their Arms together with hunger and thirst made them faint and uneasie ere they closed with the Enemy Wherefore they stood leaning upon their Shields And besides other inconveniencies the Elephants also being hared by the tumultuous way of fighting among the Horse light-armed Men and Skirmishers were come out of the Wings into the main Body The Carthaginians therefore being tired both in their Bodies and minds gave back yet kept their Ranks as well as if the whole Army had retreated at the command of its General But the Conquerours for that reason pressing harder upon them on every side when they saw them make way so that the shock could not easily be born though Asdrubal detained them and withstood their retreat crying out That there were Hills behind them to which they might safely retire and therefore they should not make so much hast yet fear overcoming their modesty seeing all that were nearest the Enemy gave way they immediately turn'd their backs and ran away as fast as they could And then at first they began to stop their Ensigns at the foot of the Hills and to recall their Men into their Ranks seeing the Romans loth to lead their Army upon those steep Places But when they saw them soon after come briskly on renewing their flight they were driven and frighted all into their Camp Nor were the Romans far from the Bullwark and had at that effort sâ—rely taken their Camp if instead of the Suns shining very soultry hot as it does through Clouds that are big with Rain there had not fallen such a storm that the Conquerors could hardly get back into their Camp Besides which some were awed by Superstition from attempting any thing more that day The Night and the Rain invited the Carthaginians though tired sufficiently before with the fatigue of the Day and Wounds which they received to take their necessary and natural rest but yet since fear and danger did not give them time to lye down the Enemy being to attack their Camp at break of Day they got stones from all their neighbouring Vales to raise and strengthen their Bullwark resolving to defend themselves with Fortifications seeing they could not trust to their Arms. But the revolt of their Allies caused the flight to be more safe than staying there the beginning of which revolt proceeded from Attanes a petite King of the Turdetani who went over to the Enemy with a great number of his Countrymen After that there were two wall'd Towns delivered up to the Roman by the Governours of them Wherefore lest that mischief should increase upon him Asdrubal seeing them once inclined to a defection in the dead of the night following remov'd his Camp Scipio as soon as it was Day when those that were upon the Guard brought him word That the Enemy was gone sending the Horse before he ordered the Ensigns to march And with such speed did they pursue that if they had gone directly after they had certainly overtaken them But they trusted to the Guides who told them there was a nearer way to the River Baetis where they might set upon them as they were going over Asdrubal seeing his passage over the River was intercepted turned toward the Ocean and then his Men set a running as hard as they could which carried them some distance from the Roman Legions But the Horse and light-armour coming up with them sometimes in their Rear and sometimes in their Flanks teazed them and made them halt At last whilst upon frequent tumults their Ensigns stood still and they engaged sometimes with Horse and sometimes with Foot the Legions overtook them Then there was not a Fight but as it were a butchering of Sheep till their Genaral the author of their flight with almost six Thousand Men half armed escaped into the adjacent Hills but the rest were all slain and taken The Carthaginians fortified a tumultuary Camp all in hast upon a very high Place from whence seeing the Enemy had in vain endeavoured to get up it being so steep and rough they easily defended themselves But the Siege being in a naked and barren place was hardly tolerable even for a few Days Wherefore they went many of them over to the Enemy and at last the General himself took Shipping nor was the Sea far off that place and in the night time leaving his Army fled to Gades Scipio hearing that the Enemies General was gone left ten Thousand Foot and a Thousand Horse with Silanus to besiege the Camp whilst himself with the rest of his Forces at seventy encampings returned to Tarraco forthwith to inquire concerning the petite Kings and Cities thereabout that he might reward them according to their real merits After his departure Massinissa coming to a private conference with Silanus that he might make his
Nation also comply with his new designs went over with a few of his Countrymen into Africa nor was the cause of his suddain revolt to the Romans at that time so evident as his constancy in his allegiance to them even to his dying Day made it even then appear just and that he did not do it without some good reason Then Mago went for Gades in the Ships that Asdrubal sent back whilst all the rest being deserted by their Generals partly by revolting and partly running away were dissipated through all the neighbouring Cities so that there was no party of them to be found that was considerable either for their number or strength Thus chiefly by the conduct and good fortune of P. Scipio were the Carthaginians beaten out of Spain in the thirteenth Year after the War began and the fifth after P. Scipio had that Province and that Army Not long after Silanus sending word That he had defeated the Enemy returned to Scipio at Tarraco L. Scipio with many noble Captives was sent to Rome to tell the News of Spains being recovered Which thing though all other People were very glad and proud of he only that performed those great exploits being a Person of indefatigable virtue and truly to be admired reckoned the recovery of Spain but as a small matter in respect of those things that he in his mighty Soul had conceived For he now look'd toward Africa the great Carthage and the consummation of the glory of that War which he foresaw would be a great addition to his Honour and Renown Wherefore he thinking it best before-hand to try how things would probably go and to win the affections of the Kings and Nations there resolved first of all to make an attempt upon Syphax who was King of the Masaesylians Now the Masaesylians are a People near the Moors looking most toward that part of Spain where new Carthage stands At that time there was a League between that King and the Carthaginians which Scipio supposing to be no more sacred or regarded by him than it usually was by all Barbarians whose faith depends upon their fortune he sent an Envoy to him called C. Laelius with certain Presents At which the Barbarian being pleased seeing that now the Romans were prosperous in all Places and the Carthaginians not only disabled in Italy but brought to nought in Spain consented to an alliance with the Romans but said he would not make or take a solemn promise to â—onfirm it save in the presence of the Roman General himself Whereupon Laelius having received the Kings word for this only That he should come thither safe returned to Scipio Syphax was of very great importance to him in all cases now that he aimed at Africa as being the richest King in all that Country having tryed even the Carthaginians themselves in War and having a Country that lay so conveniently toward Spain which is divided from it by nothing save a narrow Sea Scipio therefore since he could accomplish it no other way thought this enterprize deserved to be attempted with great hazard and for that reason leaving L. Marcius at Tarraco and M. Silanus at New Carthage whither he had travelled over land by great Journeys from Tarraco as a Guard to Spain himself with C. Laelius setting out in two Gallies of five banks of Oars a-piece from Carthage sailed in a calm Sea most commonly with Oars and sometimes with a small gale of wind into Africa It so happened that at that very time Asdrubal being beaten out of Spain was come into the same Harbour with seven Gallies of three banks a-piece and had cast Anchor there But when they saw the other two Gallies of five banks a-piece making no question of their being the Enemies they feared they might be overpowered by a greater number before they could get a-shore insomuch that being all in a tumult and a fright though they did what they could to get away 't was all to no purpose For the Gallies of five banks having a fresher Gale than ordinary were got into the Port before the Carthaginians could weigh their Anchors But there was no harm done besides what they suffered by their consternation because the Romans being in a Port belonging to the King durst not meddle with them Wherefore Asdrubal going first Scipio and Laelius went presently after a-shoar and so to the King That look'd very great to Syphax as it really was that the Generals of two of the most opulent People of that age should come in one Day to desire his alliance and friendship He invited both of them to lye at his House and seeing fortune had put them under the same roof he endeavoured to bring them to a conference in order to compose their differences But Scipio denying that he had any private quarrel with the Carthaginian which he could end by discoursing with him or that he could treat with an Enemy concerning any thing relating to the Commonwealth without the Senates consent the King on the other hand was very earnest with him that one of his Guests might not seem excluded from his Table but that he would be perswaded to come to the same meal and he complyed So they supped together at the Kings Palace yea Scipio and Asdrubal since the King would needs have it so lay at Supper upon the same Bed Now Scipio was so courteous a Man and had so much natural wit that by his eloquence he did not only make Syphax though a Barbarian and not used to Roman manners but even his mortal Enemy Asdrubal his Friend who pretended He much more admired him now he saw him than for all his warlike Exploits Nor did he question but Syphax and his Kingdom were at the Romans service such an art that Person had to win affections So that the Carthaginians must not ask how Spain was lost but study how they may keep Africa For that Roman General was not come there to travel only and see fashions leaving his new Conquest and his Armies to come over into Asia with two Ships thereby to put himself into an Enemies Country under the power of a King whose fidelity and honour he had never tryed but with hopes to gain all Africa That he had this a long time in his thoughts yea publickly murmured that as Annibal did in Italy Scipio could not wage War in Africa Scipio having made a League with Syphax went out of Africa and though with cross for the most part and violent Winds he were mightily tossed at Sea the fourth Day he arrived at New Carthage Spain as it was at rest from the Punick War so it appeared that some of its Cities through their consciousness of what they had been guilty of were quiet for fear more than love and duties sake of which the most eminent were Illiturgi and Castulo For the Castulonians though they had been Alâ—ies to the Romans in their Prosperity yet when the Scipios with their Armies were slain they had revolted to
Cities that with the same valour and fidelity wherewith they had vindicated them from Philip they would deliver them from Antiochus also unless he departed out of Europe Thereupon Menippus desired of Quintius and the Senate not to hasten that Decree wherewith they were like to disturb the whole World nor only take time themselves but give time to the King to consider of it For he would either consider better of it when he heard the conditions and make same successful suit to them or for peace sake consent to them Thus the whole matter was deferred and order was given that the same Embassadours should go to the King that had been with him at Lysimachia who were P. Sulpicius P. Villius and P. Aelius But they were scarce gone when Embassadours came from Carthage and brought word that Antiochus was undoubtedly preparing for a War by the instigation of Annibal and made the Romans fear lest a Punick War should be at the same time raised Annibal having fled his Country was come to Antiochus as I told you before and was in great favour with the King upon no other account but that when Antiochus was debating a long time about a Roman War no man could be more fit to advise with than he was Now his opinion continu'd still the same to have the War in Italy For Italy would afford both Provisions and Souldiers to a Foreign Enemy If there were no commotion there but the Roman People were free with their strength and Forces to wage a War without Italy that neither the King nor any Nation in the World were equal to the Romans Wherefore he desired a hundred men of War sixteen thousand Foot and a thousand Horse and with that Fleet he would first go into Africa where he did not question but he should make the Carthaginians rebel But if they were backward that he would raise a War against the Romans in some part of Italy That the King with all the rest ought to cross over into Europe and post his Forces in some part of Greece not to pass into Africa but which was enough to make a shew and noise of a War to be ready for such an Expedition When he had brought the King to this opinion he thought fit likewise to prepare his Countrymens mind for the same thing but durst not send Letters to them lest being by any accident intercepted they might discover his design Wherefore having found one Aristo a Tyrian at Ephesus whose cunning he had tryed in smaller affairs after he had encouraged him with presents and hopes of reward to which the King also assented he sent him with his commands to Carthage telling him the names of those he must needs speak with and private tokens also whereby they might know that those were his Commands But when this Aristo was at Carthage Annibals Enemies knew as soon as his Friends the reason of his coming of which they first talk'd publickly in the Streets and at Feasts as they did afterward also in the Senate where they said They had done nothing by banishing of Annibal if he could make innovations even in his absence and by disquieting the minds of men disturb the peace of the City That there was one Aristo a Tyrian stranger come instructed with commands from Annibal and King Antiochus That certain Men did daily keep correspondence with him and talk with him in secret what was e'rlong like to break forth into their general destruction Whereupon they all cry'd out together That Aristo ought to be called before them and be ask'd why he came which if he did not confess he should be sent with the Embassadors to Rome for the Carthaginians had suffered sufficiently by the rashness of Annibal That therefore though private men might offend at their own peril yet the Commonwealth must be preserved not only without blame but even from the very suspicion or imputation of it Accordingly Aristo was call'd and began to clear himself using the strongest defence he had that he had brought no Letter to any Man But as he was not very ready to give an account of his coming so he was gravel'd most at this that they said he talk'd with none but Men of the Barchine Faction Whereupon there arose a quarrel among them Some desiring that he might be presently seiz'd and clapp'd up for a Spy whilst others said They had no reason to breed such a disturbance but that it was of evil example to lay hold on strangers for nothing for the same things might happen to the Carthaginians both at Tyre and in other places to which they had frequent occasions to go Wherefore the matter was deferr'd for that Day But Ariston making use of a Punick trick in a Punick Nation wrote upon a Tablet which in the Evening he hung up over the daily seat of the Magistracy getting himself at the third Watch on board a Ship in which he made his escape The next Day when the Suffetes i. e. Judges came to do Justice seeing the Tablet they took it down and read the Writing which was this That Aristo had no private commands to any Man but publickly to the Seniors for so they call'd their Senate When the Crime was known they were the less intent to inquire into it yet they were willing that Embassadors should be sent to Rome to inform the Senate and the Consuls of it and complain at the same time of the injuries done by Massinissa Massinissa when he perceived that the Carthaginians were not only infamous but also at variance among themselves the Nobility being suspected by the Senate upon the account of Aristo's discourses with them and the Senate by the People upon the score of what Aristo had discovered supposing that a proper time to do them an injury he not only pillaged all their Sea Coast but likewise forced some tributary Cities of the Carthaginians to pay him a stipend They call that part of the Country Emporia being the Coast near the lesser Syrtis and a fertile Soil One City of it was Leptis which paid the Carthiginians a Talent a Day for Tribute This Country at that time Massinissa infested all over and in some part had made it doubtful whether it were in his or the Carthaginians possession But when he found that they were going to Rome not only to clear themselves but to complain of him also he himself likewise sent Embassadors to Rome not only to aggravate their Crimes with suspicions but also to dispute the right of the Tributes which they exacted The Carthaginians who were first heard touching the Tyrian stranger put the Senate in a fear Lest they must be forced to engage with Antiochus and the Carthaginians together The suspicion which most enhans'd their Crime was that whereas they resolved to lay hold of Aristo and send him to Rome they had not seiz'd either him or his Ship Then they begun to dispute with the Kings Embassadors concerning that part of the Country which was then
in question In which case the Carthaginians defended their Cause by pleading to the limits of their Dominions That it was within those bounds which P. Scipio being Conquerour had set to that part of Africa which should belong to the Carthaginians and by the Kings own confession who when he pursued Aphires a Fugitive out of his own Kingdom wandering with a Company of Numidians about Cyrenae begg'd leave of them to pass through that very Region as undoubtedly pertaining to the Carthaginians To which the Numidians reply'd Not only that what they said concerning Scipio's making such bounds was altogether false but likewise that if any one would search into the true original of their right what Region could they find in Africa that properly belong'd to the Carthaginians Certain strangers had as much ground precariously given them to build a City upon as they could compass with a Bulls-hide cut into thongs and all they have since gain'd without their ancient Seat called Byrsa they got by force and Arms. For they could not prove touching that Region now in dispute not only that they have had it always since they first took it but not any considerable time because sometime they and sometimes the Kings of Numidia had it in possession by turns it being always his that had the longest Sword That they would let the matter be in the same condition as it was before the Carthaginians were Foes or the King of Numidia Friend and Ally to the Romans nor would hinder them that could from getting it Whereupon the Senate thought fit to answer the Embassadors of both sides That they would send Embassadors into Africa to debate of the present case between the Carthaginians and the King Accordingly they sent P. Scipio Africanus C. Cornelius Cethegus and M. Minutius Rutus who have heard and look'd into the matter left all things in suspence inclining in their opinions to neither side But whether they did that of their own accord or because they were so ordered is not so certain as it seems to have been proper for that juncture that they should be left without any decision of the quarrel for unless it were so Scipio alone either by his knowledge of the thing or his Authority having deserv'd so greatly of them both might have ended the dispute even with a nod DECADE IV. BOOK V. The EPITOME Pub. Scipio Africanus Embassadour to Antiochus had a Conference at Ephesus with Annibal who had join'd himself with Antiochus to remove if it were possible that fear which he had conceived of the Roman People Where when among other things he ask'd whom Annibal thought the greatest General he answer'd Alexander King of Macedon for that with so small an Army he had defeated an innumerable Host and because he had over-ran the very utmost Borders of the World which but to see was above all humane hope And when he ask'd him again whom he lookt upon to be the second Pyrrhus said he for he first taught Souldiers how to Encamp besides that no body took places or disposed of his Guards with more cunning Whereupon when Scipio demanded whom he esteemed the third he reply'd Himself At which Scipio laugh'd and ask'd him What would you have said if you had conquer'd me too Why then said he I should have preferred my self not only before Alexander but Pyrrhus and all others 21. Among other Prodigies which were very numerous 't was reported that an Oxe belonging to Cn. Domitius the Consul spake and said Rome have a care of thy self 23. The Romans prepare for a War against Antiochus 13 25 c. Nabis Tyrant of Lacedemon incited by the Aetolians who importuned both Philip and Antiochus to make War against the Romans revolted from the Roman People and waging War against Philopaemenes Praetor of the Achaeans 35. Was kill'd by the Aetolians 32. The Aetolians also revolted from their Alliance with the Romans With whom Antiochus King of Syria having enter'd into a League and made War upon Greece possessed himself of many Cities among which Chalcis was one besides all Euboea 3 c. Contains the relation of what was done in Liguria and the preparations for a War made by Antiochus AT the beginning of the year in which these things were done Sex Digitius the Praetor had more Conflicts than are worth the speaking of in the hither Spain with those Cities which after M. Cato's departure had many of them rebelled and most of those so unfortunate too that he scarce deliver'd to his Successor the half of those Forces which he had receiv'd Nor is it to be question'd but all Spain had revolted if the other Praetor P. Cornelius Scipio the Son of Cneius had not fought many successful Battles beyond the River Iberus at which the people were so affrighted that no less than fifty Towns submitted themselves unto him Seipio had done these things whilst he was Praetor But he also when Pro-Praetor set upon the Lusitanians who having pillaged all the farther Spain were coming home again with a vast booty upon the rode and engaged them from the third hour of the day till the eight without knowing who would have the better of it being out-done by them in point of number but superiour in all other circumstances for he had opposed them not only with a close well-order'd Army against a long train of men that were encumber'd with a crowd of Cattle too but with fresh Souldiers against such as were tired with a tedious march For the Enemies had set out at the third Watch and travailed till three hours of the day were past nor had they any time to rest themselves before the Battle seconded the Fatigue of their Journey Wherefore in the beginning of the sight they had some vigour in their Bodies and Minds so that they put the Romans into disorder but afterward the fight was by degrees brought to an equal lay At this critical juncture The Propraetor vow'd Games to Jupiter if he routed and slew the Enemy At last the Romans bore more briskly up to them and the Lusitanians gave way till soon after they totally turn'd their backs and whilst the Conquerours pursued them very close were twelve Thousand of them slain five Hundred and forty who were most of them Horse being taken with one Hundred thirty four military Ensigns though of the Roman Army there were lost but seventy three This sight was not far from the City Ilipa to which P. Cornelius led back his Victorious Army with a rich Booty which was exposed to view before that City and leave given to the owners to see what was theirs the rest being delivered to the Questors to be sold and what Money was made of it divided among the Soldiers C. Flaminius the Praetor was not yet come from Rome when these things were done in Spain Wherefore not only the fortunate but the unfortunate events there were very much magnified both by him and his Friends besides that he had tryed seeing a mighty War