The English PRESBYTERIAN AND INDEPENDENT Reconciled SETTING FORTH THE Small ground of Difference between them Both LONDON Printed for Edward Brewster at the Sign of the Crane in Pauls Church-yard 1656. THE ENGLISH PRESBYTERIAN and INDEPENDENT RECONCILED THe great long and heavy troubles brought upon the three Kingdoms under the late King's Dominions complained of in the Discourse and a Meditations of the Book called The Kings Pourtrayture have had other Causes from whence they originally did spring and have derived their Being from a more antient date of time than of what the Author of that Book complaines of the King's Complyance and giving way unto the death of a Lord a Favorite of his mentioned in that Book when as the late Jealousies between the King and his party on the one side and the Court of Parliament on the other grown into Civil broils and having for many years disturbed the Peace of his Kingdomes cannot be ascribed to any other visible Motive than to a more generall and universall one at first Iniustice and Oppression practised where no Power was able to resist for if as the b Wise man observes Righteousnes exalts a Nation sheweth also how the King's Throne may be established by the rule of contraries Iniustice overthrows a Nation and by His listening unto the wicked His Throne is thrown down The next motive whereunto the continuation of these troubles mentioned in that Booke may be ascribed is unto the Violence and Heat in the prosecuting their severall Interests upon the one Party's mis-apprehending the Subject of the Quarrell both Parties pretending to the preservation of the common Peace and severally setting forth the justice of their Cause the reason and equity of their proceedings which hath produced so much Sedition Strife and Faction that untill in more of all sides a right and perfect understanding be had the Common-wealth is likely to remain as a long time it hath in a languishing and sad estate Severall discourses have been vented diverse Bookes of an opposite sort each to other published to vindicate and cleare the one to calumniate and traduce the other Party when as there is but one Truth and Justice which both Parties challenge to be theirs laying the Iniquity and Wrong-doing to their Adversaryes charge A scrutiny made into the falshood and counterfeit glosses practised by the one an equitable acceptation of the just interest and pleading of the Other a serious and true examining the various Writings on either part what hath passed in the transaction of their Affairs might stint the Quarrel the observing how the one Party in their Declarations have unjustly and deeply charged the other of severall Crimes and Misdeamenours thereby wronging their own proceedings in the manner of their dealing might convince the Adversary and consequently put a speedy period to this contention When about eleven years since the King c from the urgency of his own affairs as is given out in his behalf from indeed His contesting with His Subjects of Scotland about their endeavouring to defend their antient Constitutions summoned this Parliament and by his Writ confined it to such a Time and Place when the matters were debated there the Convention being full and free so by himself acknowledged that which seemed displeasing and not consonant to his Will was attempted to be made frustrate by his Power which the Parliament being sensible of and foreseeing future and forcible attempts to be made upon their Priviledges sought on the other side to maintain their Power and Rights to relieve their fellow subjects suffering under the late oppressions offered by the Ministers of Justice against the peoples liberties against the known fundamental Laws The infringing of which added to the late jealousies entertained by our neighbouring Nation the Scotish and divers of the English Nation was in most mens judgment the first Ascent to these Divisions Oppression Injustice in the King his party first then their contending to defend and excuse themselves to accuse and retort on the Parliament and their Party the guilt of their own demeanor wherein when they could not prevaile their desire and pursuit of making good their Accusation encreased the division to this height how and by what degrees it went higher what projects and practices to get the upper hand follows in this Narration In the resenting which all men seemed engaged either in Affections and tacite Wishings or in Action some to the one others to the other Party most unto that which they conceived was ordained and then convened to preserve Peace and Justice which by the other had been not long before disturbed Not by the way that it is thence inferred that the Parliaments Cause was therfore the better or more just because the most and greatest part of People then sided with them or that the King's Parties Cause is so now in that so many are faln off from the Paâ—â— and that party some upon dissenting in Opinion others grudging at without duly weighing the reasons of the Parliaments actings most indeed troubled at being subject to their Power Government by reason of the Impositions Taxes wch for a time they do lie under repine to pay not looking back to the first Occasioners of the war but fondly conceiving because they feel not the fury of a prevalent hostility war that therefore there is no war but because the People the wiser sort at least long since knew the benefit and use the dignity necessity of that Court as the supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom therefore the antient Authority thereof to be maintained the Power and Priviledges not to be infringed or violated they knowing the End wherefore that Court was instituted at first by an ancient necessary and wholesom * Law of giving redresse to grievances in a Common-wealth of what quality the Persons assembled by solemn Writ should be directing how they were to be Habited to defend their Country against all force opposing them as by the d Emblem of Valour required in them it may appear And no question if the Kings of this Realm have deputed none to place of iustice but e meunltz valiantz as King Edward the 3. expresseth it None but such are to defend serve their Country in the highest place of Judicature That as to this present Parliament the King himself in his f Answer to a Declaration sent him from both Houses of Lords and Commons doth confesse and allow them a full and Iuridicall power to iudge and determine the most doubtfull high and weightiest crimes and causes although he seems to limit it again by particular Cases and regularly brought before them acknowledging withal g together with the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxford the Privileges of Parliament to be so substantiall and entire a Right that the Invasion of the liberties of either House as the course of Parliaments was then heretofore held was an iniury to the other and to
that end so the Protestation taken all together is best observed and kept To the Protestation for the Defence of the Protestant Religion every one who takes it is not immediately and specially bound by vertue of his Vow to n extirpate and remove all Papists or to offer violence to their persons that is above the Power and Liberty of every common Person neither is wishing well alone and sitting still a sufficient discharge of the Protesters duty of vowing to endeavour Endeavouring is a progressive motion and the Protesters neglecting and supine failing to endeavour can be no better reckoned of in these divided and subtile times then the * Historian did of those Souldiers who dreamed of their enemies Votis Sedenâ—o debellari posse or what the * Prophet doth of the Aegyptians that their strength was sitâ—ing still A perfunctory and neutrall slackness in the Protester satisfies not the precept which God himself enjoynes When thou vowest a vow unto the Lord thou shalt not bee slack to pay it and wherein many have not only deserted this their vow but endeavoured against the same others contemplatively onely and remisse as not endeavouring at all but with close and cautiouâ— Reservations keep off their Endeavourings thence become wiser in their owne eyes then their fellow Subjects their abstruse and close demeanour being like Caius Cotta his observed by the * Oratour who to carry on his Ambition and private Interests did outwardly comply with all sides concealing and reserving the affections of his heart to his best advantage The passive and faint observing of the Vow and Protestation in some the Acting contrary to it in others is a sinne which GOD is justly angry for the neglect of which vow as wee may justly feare to use the very words of the o Divines open one Flood Gate the more to let in all these calamities upon the Kingdom Wherefore if he who hath taken this protestation and shall solemnly observe the same shall foresee or hath cause of suspition to believe that the Protestant Religion is or was when he took the same in danger of declining and that the Papist was then p connived at and countenanced by higher powers for the Question is not about the certaine and actuall bringing in of Popery but touching the pregancy of suspition if the Protestor adhereth to that party which promiseth to defend the Protestant and opposeth that which countenanceth the Popish his Protestation is then truliest kept a promise or vow the more pursued the more fulfilled in like manner to the other part of the same Protestation viz. The maintenance of the Kings honour every one who takes the same is not thereby bound to comply assent unto and obey the King in whatsoever he may command whether unlawfull or unjust or to think all his attempts and actions Iustifiable throughout This were indeed in the highest degree and seemingly to honour him but in a more serious and as truly a loyall way of his being honoured by his Subjects is when they or those who are put in Place and Auhority over them shall enquire into and provide against all things incident to his Dishonour when they shall endeavour to suppresse all Astronts which may be offered to his Dignity This though a more remote and lesse flattering yet a more stableand certain discharge of duty in honoring him To the COVENANT the q Preamble prefixed thereto points at the sense thereof in these words VVHereas a Covenant for reformation and preservation of Religion the maintenance and defence of Lawes and Liberties hath been thought a fit and excellent means to acquire the favour of Almighty God towards the three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland and likewise to unite and by uniting to strengthen and fortifie them against the common Enemy of the true reformed Religion peace and prosperity of these Kingdoms And in the Covenant it selfe wherein the Noblemen Barons Knights Burgesses Ministers of the Gospell and Commons of all sorts in the Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland do swear That they shall sincerely really and constantly through the grace of God endeavour in their severall Places and Callings the preservation of the Reformed Religion Secondly That they shall in like manner without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of Popery Prelacy c. Thirdly That they shall with the same reality and constancy in their severall vocations endeavour with their Estates and Lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament and the Liberties of the Kingdoms and to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdomes Fourthly That they shall with all faithfullnesse endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shal be Incendiaries Malignants or Evill instruments by hindering the reformation of Religion dividing the King from his People or one of the Kingdoms from another and them to bring to publick tryall Fifthly That Iustice may be done upon the willfull opposers of the firme Peace and Union betwixt the Kingdoms Sixthly That they shall in this common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms assist and defend all those that take the Covenant and shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination perswasion or terrour to be divided or with-drawn from this Union or Conjunction The Objection which some men make that the late Engagement doth crosse the Covenant at least one Article thereof of defending the Kings Person and Authority It seems not so if we go further to what his Person and Authority is to be defended and observe the whole Article the current of the Covenant being for the preservation of Religion the Liberties the Peace and Union betwixt the three Kingdoms against Papists Prelates Disturbers and Opposers of such Peace r In divers cases it canot be denyed but the obligation of an Oath or Covenant doth cease As when we swear Homage and Fealty to our Lord and Superiour who afterward ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour then the formal cause of the Oath is taken away and therefore the Obligation Sublato relato tollitur Correlatum Admit that the three Kingdoms had been in imminent danger of Invasion from a Forrein Enemy and the Subjects should for the defence thereof enter into a Solemn League in these words Whereas a League and Covenant for strengthning the three Kingdomes is thought a safe and necessary means conducing thereunto That they will resist prevent and bring to publique Tryall all wilfull Opposers of the safety of the said Kingdomes with sowe other subordinate clauses and branches in the Covenant as namely That they will maintain the Chief Governour of them in his just Power c. let it be the King himself or some other supreme Power equal to the King although the King were to be valued as King David's People did value him at the price of ten thousand of
which Party doth declare and argue more prudentially the Reasons of their severall undertakings in this Quarrell as which Party the Kings or the Parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their Proceedings in this Warre whose Writings and Declarations have been more true whose most seditious and false which Party hath in their severall Books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending which more genuinely and sincerely have argued let the Reader judge So because there may not want Fuell for Contention 't is debated concerning the actions of Violence and Terrour to the People on either part the Kings and the Parliaments which did act with more Cruelty by putting all sorts of People to the Sword spoyling consuming with sire laying wast Houses Villages Towns 'T is known that a a County not farre distant scituate in the chiefest part of the Land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad Record As to the Writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest First the Letter to the Governour and Councell of War at Bristol that City being then a Garrison for the Parliament from the Lord Lieutenant-Generall of the Kings Forces c requiring the Governour and Councell there to forbear the putting to death the two Citizens threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some Gentlemen of the Parliaments Party kept Prisoners by the Kings with the resolution and Answer of the Governour and Councell to such Message The quality of which Answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d Print to be an insolent Pamphlet with other words of scorne which Letter and Answer being here set down the Reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either PATRICK Earl of FORTH Lord ETTERICK and Lord Lieutenant-Generall of all his Majesties Forces I Having been informed that lately at a Councell of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriffe of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expresing their Loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his service according to their Allegiance and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others taken in Rebelion against his Majesty at Cyrencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned that those here in Custody Master George Master Stephens and Captaine Huntley must expect no Favour or Mercy Given under mine hand at Oxford this 16th of May 1643. FORTH To the Commander in chief of the Councell of Warre at Bristoll The Answer of this Letter was as followeth NATHANIEL FIENNES Governour and the Councell of Warre in the City of BRISTOL HAving received a writing from your Lordship wherein it is declared that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert Yeomans William Yeomans and others you intend to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others into the same condition we are well assured that neither your Lordship or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition for whâ—ther they live or dye they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their King and Country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest Court they held the justest whereas the Conspirators of this City must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the Brand of Treachery and Conspiracy and if Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been but the law of Nature amongst all men and the Law of arms among Souldiers make a difference between open Enemies and secret Spyes and Conspirators And if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned but also of divers others of the Conspirators unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy And doe further advise you that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of Warre then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonell Connesby with divers others taken in open Rebelion and actuall Warre against the King and Kingdom whom we have here in custody must expect no Favour or Mercy And by Gods blessing upon our most just Cause we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us Given under our hand the 18th of May 1643. Nathaniel Fiennes President Clement Walker c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant-Generall Secondly e That from the Marquesse of Argyle and Sir William Armine Commissioners from both Kingdomes of England and Scotland fully and in few words delivering their Intentions and Reasons for the Summons sent to the Governour of Carlislâ—a Garrison for the King with his Answer to them full of words pregnancy of wit and iealousie reiecting their Summons and some of his Party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the Commissioners A g third of no great length the Reader hath it in the very words sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King with his Parties descant and scornfull Comment on the same The Message sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King VVE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the contents of a Letter from the Earle of Forth unto the Lord Generall the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves Have resolved with the concurrent advice aâ—d consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to your Majesty in all humility and pâ—aiâ—nessâ— as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to dâ—e our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the expressions in that Letter of your Majesties we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever because thereby those persons now assembled at Oxâ—ord who contrary to their duty have deserâ—ed your Parliament are put
either side then these foure above-mentioned The Convocation house at Oxford urging a violation of that Statute 11 Hen. 7 before recited and in page 31 of their Book viz. that None that shall attend upon the King and do him true Service shall be attainted c. therefore requiring the people by vertue of that Statute to assist the King contrary to the Negative Oath imposed by the Parliament in these words That I will noâ— directly nor indirectly adhere unto or willingly assist the King in this Cause or Warre against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament The words assisting him are made use of only without the termination or qualification how or on what termes neither the People nor the Parliament the Representative of the People in Henry the seventh his time would have made or consented to a Law made noxious to themselves If Henry the seventh had severall wayes oppressed his people and afterwards taken up arms to maintaine his oppression the Parliament would questionles have forborn the enacting such a Law the Title whereof especially relating to the doing the King true service wherefore unlesse true and lawfull be contradictory terms which no man will suppose that Statute was not so fitly applyed in opposition to the Negative Oath Neither doth the Objectour takeing out only the word assisting and confining it to such a contracted sense as may serve his turne satisfie the impartiall Reader weighing and examining the tenour of the Statute and wherefore it was enjoyned But to the Reasons of the Presbyterians and their parties deserting their first judgment if so they have it may be rather judged to be a fencing and tryall of wits in an argumentative way of discoursing only then any setled revolting from their first opinion They are well read in the good mans Character who will not be afraid for any evill tydings his heart standeth fast and will not shrink untill c. which suiteth well with the beginning of their Covenant That they will sincerely really and constantly in their severall places c. Sincerely and Really that is with all truth and faithfulnesse Constantly which is without defection or falling off on triviall dissentings in judgment and opinion The Arguments they have lately taken up against the residing part of the Parliament and the Army the maintainer of their power and next under God the preserver of our Peace are none of the more eminent sort of the Presbyterian Parties nor like to theirs rather from a more willfull and weaker sort The House of Parliament being grown thin by their first dividing is by the Presbyterians deserting it become more thinne the more weake it is through their defections the more need it hath of being supported by their returne As for the Force which they and their sub-divided Party urge to be offered to them by the Army their Servants an high affront and breach of Parliament Privileges both parties Presbyterian and Independent seeme to be forced alike though not in an equall degree of strength and number yet in a strict and closer tye of Policy and Prudence by and through an extream and inevitable necessity for the preservation of themselves and their fellow Subjects neither they nor any of their party can devise or act a means how to sâ—ttle such a course as may prevent a totall confusion or the overthrow of those who have already prevailed by the Sword Nor to Still the common Enemy and Avenger but if he being hard driven should by Treaty or other unsafe way of setling a peace have prevailed he had been left at liberty to do his pleasure in Treaties or like wayes of Parleance what security could he have given or would he have kept commensurate to the safety and welfare of many thousands engaged in this quarrell to the avoidance of those dangers and jealousies administred by him The example of Henry the third of England is memorable for his complyance and giving way unto a Treaty his signing Articles to perform the Treaty but when he had by that recovered his power againe kept none of them But to the Presbyterians Arguments and their paralleling the Kings offering a force to six members of the Houses of Parliament to the force offered unto the eâ—ected and repulsed Members by the Army the King might by an usurped authority break in and do whatsoever he pleased to grieve and vex whosoever should not submit to his will to exercise a regall power above the Lawes from assuming unto himselfe by a strong selfe conceipt an unlimited Soveraignty transcendency of Might in nothing to be resisted to awe and force this present Parliament and all future Parliaments in case he had any purpose to summon any more to his beck as t is probable Not long after by the like menacing and imperious Act of Proclaming those Gentlemen i Traytors who either obeyed not or refused to conforme to his present will There was no necessity but his sole will to force all those who complyed not with him to save and rescue his creatures from the hand of justice and whether there be not now a stronger necessity then before the great and universall engagement of many good and deserving men let all men judge In that the Presbyterians take it ill that their servants so the Army stile themselves should force their Masters they are not simply and precisely servants immediate many of them their equals as being Members of the same Parliament and Commanders and Officers in the Army the private Souldiers commanded and led by them or the Army relatively unto Them as Iurors in a tryall of Right at Westminster before a number of Iudges for so the Parliament are although the resemblance holds not adequately as to an Army and to a Iury Let a Mayor part of the Iudges incline or direct which way they please yet an upright Iury will find according to the evidence in being The evidence in this case is the certainty of knowing and recollecting things past the foresight of things to come which induceth them to bring in such verdict as may render all things iust and safe for when it shall happen to be debated which ought to be prefered The Privilege of Parliament or the safety of a Kingdom every one can judg which ought to sway the Ballance Againe admit 〈◊〉 Army to be their Servants yet properly they are servants unto those from whom they receive their pay that is from the Kingdom and the Representative thereof neither from the Presbyterian nor Independent party In a mixt and joynt Government where more then one commandeth and a mutuall consent had betwixt the Governours that the People to be commanded shall obey the discreeter party they mutually consent that the people shall be directed by the wiser of the two there it is left to the Election and discretion of the people which of them to pay obedience unto It skills not in a governing and politick
themselves yet if there be a greater price at stake and the chief Governour be false to his Trust in Government that thereby the safety of many hundred thousands be in jeapordy that his design be probably such as to make his way through the shedding the bloud of many thousands for compassing it and rather than fail engage the Kingdoms each against the other to the destruction of all three It cannot be thought a breach of the Covenant in the Covenanters to remove the Governour when as the more principall matters to be secured are in danger to be destroyed The Resemblance may be fitted in a case of a narrower orbe if souldiers in a Town of Garrison for the better security of the Town shall enter into a League and Covenant to preserve the Magazine thereof to keep withoâ—t making away or suffering to be made away the Arms and Ammunition belonging to the Garrison to defend the Governour thereof if notwithstanding this their Oath and League they shall suspect Revolting in the Governour a Failer of his Trust whereby to turne the Arms and Ammunition against the Garrison and the Inhabitants to the detriment and destruction of the Town so that upon good causes of suspition of their Governours breach of Trust they remove the Magazine and Arms they withstand and resist the Governour it is no violation of their Oath for what they swore was in order and relation to the most considerable part of what they were to maintain viz. The defence of the Town and Garrison without staying untill they had too late made a perfect and full discovery of the Governours Revolt and Falshood If the King hath given cause of suspition of maintaining Å¿ Popery Prelacy or of disturbing the Peace of any of these his Kingdomes it is no breach of the whole Covenant to provide against the endangering of what they have Covenanted more principally to secure The Question is not of the King his enjoyning his immediate and actuall bringing in of Popery for then his own Protestant Party would have failed him in the maintenance of his Cause and Quarrell nor of his upholding and adhering unto Prelacy which the t Scots have so much withstood and laboured to extirpate but if he had not by his Power Favour or other personall relation working strongly on his affections given Cause of just suspition of maintaining the one viz. Popery of his taking part and favouring the other Prelacy if he had shewne any dislike he had of Prelacy any condiscending or propension to the abolishing it according to the u Covenant which he hath beene often implored to take inhibiting it If he had not had a great influence on the Archbishops and Bishops and if the Author of that Book be to be credited they Protection and Incouragement from him One of them avowing these Contentions and the Warre to be Bellum Episcopale as hath been given out That the Warre was intended and waged against Bishops and the Hierarchicall Government and had they not had tuition support from his exercising a more powerfull Authority then their ordinary and meaner friends could have supplyed them with there had not so much bloud been spilt in this Quarrell So the substance and drift of the Covenant one part of the Article being to defend the Kings Person and Authority is not crossed by taking the Engagement of late enjoyned if duely weighed Admit that the Letter of the Preamble to the Covenant did in the Covenantâ—rs sense comprehend the Kings Heirs and Successors yet still the maine and principall parts of the Covenant are to be observed in order to the preservation of the Protestant Religion the Subjects Liberty the Peace Union and Safety of the three Kingdoms So that if his Heirs and Successors shall be discovered and known to tread in their Predecessour's steps he having given cause of suspition of his endeavouring to overthrow them all the Covenanters could not both maintain the Honour of his Heirs and Successours and yet in the common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms withstand as they w protested they would all opposition to bee made against the same and what they could not of themselves suppresse they would doe their best to prevent and remove The Scots our Covenant-Brethren cannot but confess that the words Preventing and Opposing in the Covenanter with his large expression of bending his whole force and power carry an universall and greater latitude then to take away the present power of the Fathers Person or that the Covenant should continue only for his life time seven years and the term of life being by common repute in men's commerce equivalent each with other the Covenant neere half so many years in framing no doubt was made and entred into to remain for longer then for so soon an expiring term as a mans life to provide against his future and successive power To take the paines of removing Danger out of the Fathers reach and leave it in the Sonne or any of his Successours being of the Fathers temper and laying His Cause to heart could not be thought a Task worthy of so solemn a LEAGUE and COVENANT or the Industry which both Kingdomes have taken to settle their Peace and Liberties As to that part of the Covenant that they had then no intention to diminish the Kings just power and greatnesse they might intend no lesse untill they saw they could not overcome him by humble applications and dutifull addresses by their Reasons Declarations and Messages setting forth the wrongs and injustices acted by his Ministers of Iustice the mischiefs and dangers whereunto his Kingdomes were exposed unlesse he returned and hearkned to their Councels and joyne in redresse of such Grievances yet notwithstanding those faithful humble expressions that they could not discerne any conâ—iscending to such Peâ—tions any acknowledgment of his former errours any placable or propitious heart towards his Parliament and People any purpose in him to signe those Propositions as the only and necessary means for setling a safe peace long since tendred to him joyntly and unanimously by the Parliament then sitting whether Presbyterians or Independents as they are called yet not concluding or providing what was to be done in cased he did refuse but instead of sorrowing for what he had done his refusing to signe those Propositions and contrary to the x Articles of the large Treaty agreed upon gracing and preferring to his nearest secrecy and trust a person proclamed guilty of High Treâ—son charging still and banding against the Parl. one of the Supremest and Greatest Councells for weight and number in all Europe Retorting on them and highly and with a scornfull vanity demanding in lieu of the Propositions sent to him counter-Propositions of his Parties devising to be sent to them contending to lay the deluge of blood spilt in this Warre at Their doors and theirs alone ever seeking by a covert and restlesse ill-will one way against the y
he was blamed by some of his neerest friends for not seizing some others in their stead as hath been credibly given out so that nothing was properly to be laid to the charge of those six when as the same crimes were to be fitted to any other in the House the Articles charged on them are elsewhere mentioned by a Gentleman who hath writen the History of the Parliament of England and those six Gentlemen charged to be Ringleaders in the committing severall Treasons but how justly in every designe and purpose there is some more activity in one two three or more than in the rest and every conpleated Act is first the conception and motion of some few individuall persons than the consent of the rest if the first motioners of such a designe shall for their forwardnesse without any advantage to themselves be therefore accused of Treason and in a violent way pursued and when their persons could not be met with others of their fellow Members were to be seized in their room it could not but strike at the root of the Subjects liberty the power and privileges of Parliament So many sad and direful notes could not but portend a War against one or both Nations as time and opportunity should best serve to manage the design in hand or else the Parliament knowing themselves to be a free and full Convention in all parts a Parliament both in the Substance and Form summoned by the Kings Writ to meet c. as in the circumstance of Time and Place must submit to the will and pleasure of an o incensed King so to be dissolved or awed at pleasure or to have Boundaries put upon their Acts and Counsels by such as they knew to be corrupt and would have removed from the King to the end his Throne might be established which desire of theirs was on the other side counterpoised by a factiously framed and superstitious Maxime amongst his Favourites That if a King will suffer men to be torne from him he shal never have any good service done him So that in this Doubt and Perplexity whether the Parliament should Submit Desist or Act according to their Trust they thought it neerly and necessarily concerned them to provide for their own the Kingdoms safety for the publick welfare some of their Members being impeached and charged two Kingdoms provoked and mâ—naâ—ed the p Third also likely to bear a part in the broils of the other Two the King himselfe jealous and displeased to see the Parliament then at distance with him in transaction of matters concerning the three Kingdomes Petitioned and Appealed unto termed in an envious and scornfull way by some of his Party Omnipotent others murmuringly upbraiding that it was Idolized himself as it were neglected and left out none or seldome Addresses made to him which by the Author of the q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is with much indignation urged that some few of the Members of the House were more looked on as greater Protectors of the Laws and Liberties than the King and so worthier of publique protection Hence it was that the Parliament had a narrow path to tread between their hopes to regain the Kings lost favour after many evidences of his anger poured forth and their hazarding the ruine of those principles whereon they did first engage that they thus Acting knew well that their Cause was just their War defensive as was at the beginning of these Troubles by a r Gentleman of good abilities in an excellent Speech of his delivered to that purpose setting forth the Enemies series and succession of designes to interrupt the Parliament as first by awing and taking away the freedom of it by an Army then actually assaulting it and with the sword to cut asunder the onely Nerves which strengthens and knits together the King and People the People amongst themselves and the whole frame of Government in one firme and indissoluble knot of Peace and Vnity That the Parliaments taking up Arms was to defend onely to repell the force and violence practised by a few of the King's side at first afterwards to provide against the mischief which his Party heightned through rage against the Parliament pretence of Loyalty towards the King might severall wayes intend That their resisting his and his Parties practices was then judged and discoursed to be for no other end then to maintain their own just Privileges in order to the maintenance of the Lawes and Liberties of their Fellow Subiects that for these familiar Reasons here ensuing no man would imagine that they dâ—â— intend an Offensive Warre to engage the Subjects one against the other or the King against themselves An instance thereof may be fully seen in these particulars following I. First for that they could not but foresee that the consequences of a War falling ouâ— betwixt a People oppressâ—d a Court of Parliament provoked and a King displeased Å¿ Counsell and Duty on the one being recompenced with Indignation and Reproach on the other side would prove calamitous and sad but on which side the calamity would fall with greatest force fury very uncertain when as besides the two Parties immediately engaged one against the other a middle and Neutrall part worse aâ— wel in the t Kings Partyes accompt as in the u Parliaments would fall in as opportunity should serve II. That it being presumed the aim and Counsells of the Parliament and all men else â—â—ing for Peace and Justice a War once waged would hinder and destroy their aims produce more overtures for discord more fresh supplies for quarrelling in the prosecuting which many unexpected chances would fall out to increase the discord as in the controversies between man and man he who hath not been so forward and visibly active for them unto whom he did adhere as in every particular opinion of theirs concurrent with them shall be traduced and accused by them also for a Neutrall or an Enemy when as men not at all assisting have therefore been by the one Party convicted Neutralls and thereupon pronounced w Forsworne III. That amidst their hopes of conquering there would not be wanting discontented and seditious humors even out of their own first Party to traduce and vilifie their proceedings if not consonant to their particular humours and fantasies that those humours would be fed and animated by the first and common Enemy on purpose to divide and weaken the prevailing Power IV. That divers other consequences likely to result from War would prove harsh and irksom to a people born free and governed under Laws and Peace as that the Soldiery and prevailing Power knowing their own opportunity and strength would be apt to intermeddle with private Interests or at least the People would be jealous of it to the perverâ—ing Justice and trampling down the Lawes which in a time of Peace distristributes to every man his iust Right so that the people would not onely
want the blessing of Peace but grow subject to the oppression charges and injuries incident to a VVar. V. The Parliament could not but foresee that in case a VVar were to be waged their own Countrey-men both Officers and private Souldiers must fight it out Souldiers of Fortune when they have gained will sometimes desist their undertakings and leave off the service VI That the English were unaccustomed to War and by reason of their easie and soft way of breeding not fitted to the discipline and managing thereof neither able to endure the hardship and duties of a VVar howbeit experience hath otherwise proved it VII That the English gallantry and their courage unacquainted with the conditions of a warfare and the temper requisite to a Souldier might make them upon every discontent as apt to Mutiny and Resist as fight VIII The Parliament could not but be sensible withal of their fellow subjects that the apprehension of Engaging would carry with it a sad aspect all men unwilling to and wary how they did Engage that if they did Engage the Engaging parties on either side when they see the face of a VVar inevitably approaching would and must for their better strength and union betake themselves to what Policy Pacts and Leagues they could Defensive and Offensive as to bind themselves and friends by Vow and Covenant which being to consist of severall Heads and Parts to be without much study or delay framed for fear of their Enemies gaining time on them could not be so exactly and entirely devised but might admit of a doubtfull sense how to be understood in part or in the whole so consequently divide the Covenanters within themselves IX That when they should have gained a power they must to maintain the same Engage and Enforce all men to acknowledge and conform unto their Power thence hazarding the repute and censure of becomming Usurpers over their fellow-subjects of exercising an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall power over the Peoples estates and consciences X. They could not but withall know that which side soever should prevail both sides would be losers the King and Kingdome vast sufferers in the losse as they in an humble and dutifull x Message although contrariwise interpreted did in the sadnesse of their hearts foretel the King XI That in this War the prevailing Power would be to seeke to carry an even well tempered hand how to deal with the vanquished their own Countreymen and mistaken fellow-subjects for 't was a Misunderstanding which first made the rent between them scorn to acknowledge and retract their Errour widened and continued it amongst which doubtings if they did inflict too heavy a punishment either pecuniary by Mulct or corporall by Imprisonment 't would seem unjust and harsh from the Conquerour being of their own Nation and keep off the hopes of reconcilement and re-union if too gentle and remisse 't would leave and allow the Conquered a power and means of recovering their power again XII That if the Parliament should in any degree prevaile there would want no Policy or Stratagems to disturb and interrupt their further prevailing all Falshoods Impostures Counterseitings Semblances of friendship of busines Commerce to be practised against them and their successe as by Forrein Tenders from abroad Private Addresses here at home all from the same dis-affected and troubled Fountain moved and stirred by the Enemy on purpose to divert their thoughts and counsels to retard and hinder their progresse and successe XIII That above all in the doubtful events of War as it was likely to fall out betwixt Persons offending on the part hating to be reformed and a Court of Parliament on the other chosen and set apart to redresse Grievances in a Commonwealth Offendors would apply themselves for refuge to the King a supreme Power whom if he did protect y making thereby the Offendors faults his own would without dispute revert to his dishonor and consequently begâ—t a Jealousie and Difference betwixt him and his People and if the Parliment should take ill his protecting them there would issue a Contest kindling and preparatory to a War thence if the King engaged and the Parliament resisted or fought they could not hope if they were subdued to avoyd the Charge of High-Treason nor think it an easie thing in the first beginning of their strength to prove Conquerours over a King seated a long time in an ancient Monarchy invested with many advantages of power and guarded with Courtiers Friends of all sorts Servants and Favourites all of which had their retinue also and traine of Freinds to assist in case of needing such Besides the King if resisted and opposed and thence a War fall out betwixt him and his subjects They could not hope soon or suddenly to overcome him but the War must be of some continuance the seat thereof in the bowels and best parts of the Kingdome nor to be onely an intestine War at home but forreign Forces to be expected from abroad for that the King to maintain his cause would endeavour to engage other Kings in his Quarrell to take part with him upon this suggestion That their Subjects by the example of his may doe the like how treasonable and dangerous a President it is for Subiects to rise in Armes against their King when as unto them who have known the state and government of other Kingdoms the case between other Kings and their Subjects is far different from This both in the manner and frequency of his Offendings as the Charges and Remonstrances of both Houses of Parliament published to the world have declared touching his actions and demeanour during or neer the time of his whole reign as also in the condition and quality of the Government of this Kingdom different by many Notes of distinction limited from all other throughout EUROPE all States and Kingdomes having their peculiar Laws Constitutions Forms of Government Degrees of Subjection in the Governed This having been no absolute but a limited and mixt Monarchy where the King was as a great z Lawyer takes his Dimension Singulis maior universis minor c. Wherefore if amongst other Nations our neighbouring a Kingdome by reason of the Commotions and Civil broyls in it shall as some of them do object That the Subiects of this having taken up Arms against the Kings Parties attempts and force have infected the Subiects of that Kingdome with the like disposition and designe of disobedience and rebellion 'T is answered the Government of That differs in their Laws Manners Constitutions and Policies as much from This as two Christian Kingdoms may in theirs and as to the matter of Freedom the old received saying mentions the different wayes of Government betwixt Us and Them betwixt the King of that Realm commanding on his part whatsoever he pleaseth and the Subjects obeying on theirs in that it is commonly said howbeit with too acute and bold a censure that their King is Asinorum Rex the King of England
they pretend the Authority of the Word and whatsoever conceipt is begotten in their heads the Spirit of God to be presently the Author of it when as learned and judicious men in whom the Lord hath put wisdome and understanding to know how to worke all manner of worke for the service of the Sanctuary like Bezaleel and Aholiab refuse much of the stuffe which is offered them Scripture is given to all to learne to teach to interpret only to a few It is the voice of God confessed by all that the sense is Scripture not the words it cannot be therefore avoyded but that he that wilfully strives to fasten some sense of his owne other then the nature of the place will beare must needs take upon him the person of God himselfe and to be an indicter of Scripture No Scripture is of private interpretation There can be but two certaine and infallible Interpreters of it either it selfe or the holy Ghost the Author of it it selfe doth then expound it encouragement to the Study and Increase thereof by their favour and respect shewn unto the Universities and Colledges where it is most properly to be acquired and had for which they were instituted at first and are renowned equally to the best Seminaries of Learning throughout all EUROPE the Parliament having for the c most part exempted them from any Charge or Tax for raising mony towards this War by giving way unto and placing painful and sober Governours in the severall Societies of the Universities to reduce them to their former temper of acquiring Learning and good Manners that what the fury and fiercenesse of the War was likely to demolish and destroy is yet recoverable by the care and industry of their Governours that whereas there is a Disproportion and Antipathy between Science a soft milde and tender habit and a War a privative and destroying judgement there is yet by Gods blessing left a possibility and meanes of a regresse from a Warre and Garrison of Souldiers in * one of them to an acquisition of Sciences and Learning Neither doth the Parliament for ought we see neglect or disesteem the Universities or other Seminaries of Learning or take away the Endowments of Colledgeâ— as their Enemies give out in that some of the most learned of the Schollers there are dispossessed of part of their Estates for their disaffection or because that able men of the Universities and elsewhere are sequestred for a time by reason of their constant prejudice and ill will against the Parliament and their Proceedings the Parliament knowing such to be Interested and not long since seasoned by the Enemy Garrisoning in one of the Vniversities and devising yet to contrive their overthrow to let in the King's Power againe They could not be ignorant of the discontent and envy borne towards Them by divers of the more ripe and learned of the Clergy to see the Church Preferments and Dignities which they aimed at to be taken away how apt withall to engage the younger sort of Schollers in this their Cause by seasoning them with the same leaven of Discontent without considâ—ring that what was bestowed and instituted at first by Pious d Founders for the encouragement of Learning study and good uses many of them did betray to Luxury and Ease which the Parliament not knowing how otherwise to correct or moderate and foreseeing such Corruption to be so incorporate into their Prelaticall and Caâ—hedrall Calling that amidst these oppositions and distractions threatning the ruine of Three Kingdomes occasioned chiefly by reason of a corrupt and Prelaticall Clergy as the e Estates of 2 of the said Kingdoms have observed They knew no other remedy to be applyed then to alienate those Endowments to dispose of them to other uses The work of Reformation being in hand and Preaching the Gospell the instrumentall means thereof no man will judge such an emulation or ill-will to be in a prudent Laity intending to Reform towards a learned Clergy the means of Reforming that the one should discountenance or bring down the other the Clergy such as the Apostle would have them be Blamelesse have h Remonstrated and Protested for the contrary Rather the Kings Party with the Presbyterians most adhering unto him now seem to give way to many practises tending to Irreligion although not directly and immediately unless by those of the Popish Faction yet remotely and consequently whilst they so earnestly contend against the opposite Party called Independents that they would rather submit unto a Turk or Jew then to be mastered by that Party for the Presbyterians weakning them and themselves also by striving each with other help the Enemy into a Power to subvert that which some of the Kings Party have heretofore aimed at and hath been the first object of this Quarrell Religion The Emulation and Discontent of which Parties the Kings and those of Presbyterian grows out of a fear to be overcome Adversaries convinced are prone to Revenge and Envy and that appears from the judgement and censure the Kings Party have passed against the Parliaments in the punishment had the Kings prevailed they would have condemned them to for of the moderate sort of the Parliament and their Friends they hold them unskillfull i vulgar spirited weak and seduced men for siding with the People as they term it and their Multitudes the more eminent active sort Traitors Periured All yea the Neutralls too for not offering to defend the King according to the Oath of Allegiance the Parliament Party having a more moderate and milde judgment of the King's knowing many of them restlesse and implacable as yet judging others mistaken onely misapprehending the Cause in hand or to have been led away through ambition aspiring thoughts to adhere unto the King whereupon they have accordingly passed by the Errors and Transgressions of the Kings by an easy mulcting them giving way unto their enjoying their Estates and Fortunes so that if the judgment at the first had been no worse no more rashly and erroneously passed against the one then it was against the other Party the War had soon been ended and a Peace restored By the Kings Parties large extenâ—ion of which Oath in not offering to defend the King they may bring many within the compasse of Perjury the King holding himselfe bound to maintaine the Lawes by his Supreme power to tâ—ke vengeance on evill doers without which he may think he bears the Sword in 〈◊〉 as the Subjects are to their Allegiance the obligation is reciprocall as the two Houses of Parliament when allowed to be and styled by the King himselfe a Parliament with an unanimous consent observed in their Message sent unto him else-where recited in this discourse if the King may dispence with his Oath from which the Author of the k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} presumes to discharge him as that the Author is so far from thinking the Maiesty of the Crown of
England to be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blind and brutish formality and that the King reckons himselfe accomptable to none but God which the Parliament objecteth as a maxime and ground for any Tyranny the enacting Lawes are of no value as to the King and then the Question is how far swearing Allegiance is to the Subject as the Oath was therefore and then imposed which is next to be discussed To the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance obje Books seditiously printed and privately dispersed abroad to discountenance and depresse the Parliaments cause to extoll and magnifie their own obtruding their writings on such Authors as they please all to affect the Reader sometimes on the adverse part to render them the more dâ—spicable and ridiculous sometimes on their own Friends to make them the more applauded and famous for their Actions or sufferings as by that one more remarkeably for the King in his name it may appeare of which it may be said as it was of Sampson that it did his Enemies more hurt upon and by the occasion of his death then he could doe when he was alive namely and to instance in one of his parties acts amongst the rest their publishing the Posthume Book called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by some men reputed to be his though unlikely since by the Parliaments Declarations and Proofes convicting him of severall crimes it is made appeare unto those who shall impartially read and judge the transactions mutually passed betwixt him and his accusers either that the Book and those applauded Tracts and Meditations in it are none of his or that his party by setting forth that Book in his name would have him act the part of an exquisite hypocrite in representing such devotions as most of all should consist and be wholly taken up in a serious and reall sincerity so that the Tytle of that Book might be both literally and morally as to the King himselfe or to him who personates such conceptions in his name be entituled the Image and Pourtraiture of a Counterfeit rather than the Pourtraiture of a King the falshood and imposture resting on them alone who thus dresse and sets him forth Whosoever shall read the Parliaments often Declarations and Charges against the King set forth since the beginning of this War not denyed or answered by any of his Party saving in a recriminatory and scoffing way calling the Parliament and their Acherents Rebells or who shall read the n History of the Parliament of England summarily reciting what the Lords and Commons have accused the King of his countenancing and giving way to the Rebellion in IRELAND setting downe at large the strong presumptions against him for his countenancing it although eloquently excused and in a fine and pious Language denyed by the Author of the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} his averseness from calling Parliaments cannot but acknowledg that Book o whatsoever the fair and plausible flourishes in it do pretend of the Kings inclining to and desiring Parliaments to be falsly and injuriously charged on him few or none so indulgent to his Cause as to beleeve the whole Booke both for matter and forme to be of his owne penning however they may thinke some part of it to be his Falsly because they cannot but know how p unwillingly and seldome he called any how q oft he did dissolve or attempt to dissolve them when they were called notwithstanding the great Necessity of that Court for the propagation and maintenance of Justice that it drew on a r Law yet in force to call a Parliament every year in that through the discontinuance of them through the often dissolving them in the time of his Reigne and his Declarations published against some of the Members of either House the Historian reports The deiected People were forced to read with Patience and to allow against their own Reason Whence the Reader may observe an Answer to an Objection which the Kings Party makes r That the Parliaments party did begin the Preparations for a War before the Kings The People 't is true were discontented and greived at the Exactions and Oppressions practised in the time of his Reign they held themselves destitute of any means of redresse and therefore might harbour Heart burnings and thoughts of Rising but could not devise or thinke of any course towards the Preparations for a War the Power of the County being in every Sheriff of the severall Shires and Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies many other suborâ—inate Officers of the Kings upon the first Summons given from him to them in a readinesse to suppresse and check the People in case they should but move or stir up Commotions to the likenesse of a War neither could they build upon the strength of any Power to levy War on their behalf a Parliaments strength they sadly and long since observed was of too frail and uncertain a fabrick for them to trust unto as being awed and dissolved at pleasure so that if they had no thoughts of levying a War wanting the opportunities means of Prevailing if they had entertained such thoughts the first offering of Hostile attempts and acts will lye upon the Kings Parties accompt his aversenesse to call Parliaments his awing and dissolving them when called often and long before any preparations could be thought of for a War may satisfie the Objection when as to adde to the probability of some of his parties hostile and warlike preparations it hath been observed that some of his Friends knowing themselves obnoxious and questionable for their Tenents Demeanours when time should serve have long since before this Parliament was called fortified and furnished their Houses in divers parts of the Klngdome with Armes and Ammuniâ—ion no other notice taken til of late then of adorning them for strength and splendour which with some small addition became strong Garrisons for him the Parliaments Friends had none or not so many Holds so soon or suddenly to be fortified for their defeâ—ce The most wise and happy of Å¿ Kings could tell us by his own practiced Policy That it is not the first Blow that makes the War Invasive for that no wise Power would stay for nor the Voting a War to be Defensive as the t Scots have theirs which makes it so but the first Provocation or at least the first Preparations towards a War Injuriously charged on the King in that the Author and Reader also if a friend to Him and would have the Book reputed his doe unawares and as it were against their Will wound his honour and render the manner of his death the more unchristian then otherwise it might be judged when whilst the life is mortall they make the Vices of Dissembling and Uncharitablenesse to be surviving and immortall moâ—ions The reporting it to be the Kings seems besides to blemish the credit of those penitentiall expressions therein derogating from the serious
retired and solid Parts wherewith he was endowed then doubtless free from the affectated words whereof the Book is full in defence of the manisold actions of his incident to this War many of them too weakly excused to be his although in an handsome way of writing to possesse the belief of men obtruded on him by indeed the Author of the Booke of Divine and wholsome Councell left in his name to his Sonne might gaine a beliefe of what was vehemently suspected to the contrary That the Fathers heart was seasoned with the like Principles according to the Councell given unto the Sonne and as to the time of that Councell given there are none but have observed that the fears of the growth of Superstitious Tyranny in the peacefull times were y only and a long time more then those of the growth of Anarchy easy to be let in amongst other disturbances and distractions through the licentiousnesse and confusedness of a civill Warre and wherefore is that Councell given as if the Parliament did intend or had brought in Anarchy or devised to root out all Government No calumny whereby to render them and their proceedings odious and detestable is of extent enough to serve and satiate their Enemies appetite The Parliament in their prudence and experience might discerne a reason for the changing the Monarchical into some other form of as much conducement to the maintenance of Peace and Justice But z what that Religion is which the Author enjoynes the Prince unto whether opposite to Popery or Schisme this like weeds in Corn choaking and hindring its growth that like Mildews blasting and destroying it he defining not makes it seem doâ—btfull to the Reader for presently after he would have the Prince his Iudgment and reason to seale to that Sacred Bond which education hath written in him let a computation be had of his young years how in his infancy uncapable of discerning the differences of Religion before this Warre began where and with whom he hath lived these eight or nine years since it began all men will not believe that to be the Reformed Protestant Religion which is there enjoyned him take it in its purity or as the corruption of times hath fashioned it the Prince is vehemently suspected to goe in a contrary Diameter to either as to those Instructions given him by the Author by what is reported of his having favoured and entertained at his Court the greatest and most known Papists Forraigners of all parts setting aside his Protestant and Native English And howbeit he seems now for a tyme to comply with the Protestants and other of the Scotish Nation and they reciprocally with him his constant and certaine ayde is yet kept up his interest maintained by the Kings Catholick Subjects in Ireland as they terme themselves in favour to the Prince so that what at the beginning of these Warres was acutely urged as a witty and plausible fallacy of the Papists taking up Arms for the Protestant Cause is at this day marveled at the name changed only as that the Papists in Ireland take Armes to defend a Protestant Prince in Scotland All which considered the Prince cannot be thought to take those instructions to be truely and genuinely the Kings or little observes them as the Kings That which should have beene expunged out of the Booke to make it the more admired his is that one passage strange amongst the rest about the Authors challenging the Parliament for discovering the Letters taken at Naseby Fight even now mentioned unlesse it were ill taken by the Author in the Kings behalfe that the naming his friends assembled at Oxford in the nature of a Parliament his Mungrell Parliament as himselfe stiled it should be disclosed together and Liberties of a Free-born people or presumptuously shall take part with the subverters of the same although in a small degree of Oppression and Eâ—action the Lawes having their Metes and Limits to bound out unto every man his owne are in the Judgement of a Learned b Prince no better than Pests Vipers and Traytors to a Kingdome whence it might be mervailed at but that the Parliament hath with Clemency passed by the Transgressions of their mistaken Country-men and fellow Subjects without any heavier censure then Fining them that the violating the ancient Law of Magna Charta so industriously and religiously preserved by their Ancestors and above thirty severall times confirmed in Parliament to use the very words of the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxford in their c Declaration printed there should be objected against the Parliament sitting at Westminster to be a bold avowed transgression of the Laws and Liberties of the People as if the parties of those Lords and Commons were altogether free from the like transgressions so they may in like manner object a violating the late Kings Grant to the Petition of Right when they and their party are setting aside the justice of the â—ause on either side as culpable as the Parliaments party are The pillaging the Earl of Stamforâ—'s house in Leicestershire by the Kings Party commanding there an undoubted and notorious Felony by the Letter of the Law all his Souldiers guilty of the same The storming by day and night the breaking into the Marquesse of Winchester his house in Hantshire by the Parliaments Party the highest degree of Burglary many the like Hostile Acts may be instanced in on either side but how in the heat of War in the pursuit of Conquest each party striving who should overcome and destroy their Enemy One other passage in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as unjustly and improbably delivered is considerable viz. the plausible reasons d given of the Kings going to the House of Commons with so many armed Gentlemen which as the Author sayes was no unwonted thing for the Maiesty of a King to be so attended especially in discontented times The times were not then so discontented as that unheard of and horrid act might have made them at that time had but the hand of one desperate Caitiffe given fire to his Pistols ready cockt the House of Commons being neer full and equall in number to the Forces prepared against them no man knows how disastrous and fatall the Event had been Neither could the King justly fear to be assaulted by any in the House as the Author intimates None in the House within being armed answerable to the Kings Guard without The Author thinks he hath handsomely palliated that Attempt under colour of the Kings standing in need of a Guard rendring those His Attendants there short of his ordinary Guard but whether he meant short in number or in a daring and forcible array he declares not Many other Passages as improbable as these are the Discourses of the Booke too tedious to recite the examining and search whereof is besides this purpose It seems to have little of the King it hath elegancy of wit enough and affectation of
have both behaved themselves The Presbyterians being against Subscribing is not in respect to the House of Lords nothing in the Covenant to deter them from Subscribing as touching the leaving out or holding in the Lords whom no part or Article of the Covenant includes or comprehends Briefly to understand the Reason of Enjoyning Taking or Refusing it which is now become a disputable Theame the exception against the taking is either in the manner the formall reason the scope and intention of those who enjoyned it or the matter enjoyned as to the first the reason of enjoyning it seems no other Bond and yet then what the Parliament their friends did about 8 years since of entring into a Covenant for the better strengâ—hening and 〈◊〉 fiâ—mly binding all men together in a Religious and Civill Union that seeing Dividings in Opinion and Dissentings in practice are fatall to the Conquerour Union and Accord to the Conquered the Parliament contends to bring all men into one form of Civill Government to one unanimous judgment whereby after the p Uniting of their Minds a Restraint of Hands and ceasing from further Contentions might ensue to the begetting a firme and lasting peace Opposition in Affections begets the like in Actings and Endeavourings especially in a Civill Warre where men of eminent and active spirits zealous for and fond of their own Opinions anâ— bold to vent them when subdued by Arms and convinced by Reason shall resolve into Revenge and Fury and become restlesse in their attempts even to the hinderance of an ensuing Peace untill they and their Party may gaine what they have lost The Engagement now enjoyned and tendred seemes more easy to be observed more uniforme then the Covenant the * Covenanters protesting in one place That they will desend the Kings Person and Authority in the preservation of the true Religion and Peace of the three Kingdoms in other places That they will really sincerely and constantly without respect of persons endeavour to bring unto condigne punishment all such as shall oppose and disturbe such Peace If a King shall sweare to governe according to the Lawes of the Land as the late King did the Oath is no longer to be understood an Oath then the Lawes have being To govern taking it without an addition is an indefinite and indeterminate act To governe according to the Lawe a qualified and limited one in the termination of his Oath The termination in the Covenant for the preservation of the true Religion Liberties and Peace is the reason and formality of that and of other Articles of the Covenant A Covenant or Promise to preserve the Kings person without setting down wherefore or to what end is a short and indeterminate promise unlesse the intent or finall Cause of such promise be expressed Wherefore if the King as the Lords and Commons have often charged him be guilty of the blood spilt in these his Kingdoms the Covenanters could not both defend his Person and Authority * and yet bring to publique Triall thâ—â—uthors of the effusion of that Blood and to bring them to that condigne punishment as the degree of their offences should require or deserve as is elsewhere mentioned As to the matter of the Engagement to be true and faithfull to the Commonwealth as it is now established without a King or House of Lords what is the exception against the subscribing this The King being dead and least the Prince his Sonne or any other of his Family shall pursue what he hath threatned the revenge of his Fathers death the Parliament hath thought it fit yea necessary to exclude him as a King from the Supremacy of this Government the Competition being betwixt a Monarchicall forme of Government a Government by a King and a mixt of Aristocraticall and Oligarchicall or of a Common-wealth without a King If the former be admitted viz. a Monarchicall the power of Government then descends unto the Prince the late Kings Sonne and Heire So the Presbyterian having entred into a Covenant chiefly and principally for the defence of the Protestant Religion the Subjects Liberties seems to waine those parts of the Covenant entred into for defending them if now that the Father is taken away they admit the Sonne treading in his Fathers steps unlesse the making and taking it were inâ—ended onely to inure and remaine in force for the term of one mans life Wherefore the Powers that be have good cause to be jealous of such as reject the latter Form embracing a Monarchicall one as complyers with the late King and Prince and weary of submitting and adhering unto them Wherefore the States enjoyning the Engagement is no matter of chance as a thing which may be required to be done or let alone of none or a slight concernment devised or instituted to little or no purpose when conducing as far as at the present they judged it might avail to the discovery of mens affections it conduceth likewise to the settlement of a Peace and Union for whilst the mindes and judgments are no more unanimous the contentions in this War will hardly cease The choice of Taking and Refusing should likewise be of a judicious and sober inquiry as who doth enjoyn and to what purpose t is enjoyned not that therefore we should so refuse because we have suddenly and rashly resolved so to doe a fault incident to yong wits hot and fiery spirits or because we see learned and eminent men in other kindes of knowledge able indeed to lead weak and unstable spirits Captive unto theirs do refuse but on good deliberation and well weighing wherefore the State hath required it They in their enjoyning the Engagement insist not nor is there cause they should so much on the value and efficacy of polite Learning and knowledge take it either in Languages Arts or Academick faculties or â—n the judgment and discretion of such Men as have read a multiplicity of Authors or are as Mâ—ses was skilfull in all the Learning of the Aegyptians as on a sober studied and well grounded Prudence ballasted with Observation and Experience all which the Learned may likewise have governing and guiding the safest way to a selfe-preservation and welfare of a Common-wealth Besides the Novity the Unexpectednesse of the Engagement now enjoyned other discontents and heart-burnings are whispered and cherished by the common Enemy insinuating and seditiously giving out That the Nobility are unthankefully and indignely dealt withall as being detruded from their Rights and Privileges of sitting in the House of Parliament as Peers to joyne with the Commons in the debate and handling the affairs of the Commonwealth withall that those Lords who have been active and assistant both in their Estates and Countenance to promote the good of it during these distractions may think themselves neglected and ill rewarded if now debard from their ancient and Native Liberty of Voting in the House The reason of the Parliaments enjoyning of the Peoples subscribing to this Engagement
rests upon the issue of these Questions Whether from Irelaâ—d so erroneously misled and malevâ—lently affected towards England by a two-fold Antipathy both of Nation and Religion and so impetuously set on by three severall parties the Royall Popish and Prelaticall there be not an evident approach of perill to England in case the English be not some way cemented and untâ—ed as the Engagement now in question aymeth at and with a joynt vigour to subdue them and to keep them under when subdued Whether through and by reason of these distractions England be not in danger of losing their ancient Rights and Claims their credit and privilege of Commerce and Traffique which heretofore they have had with other Nations Whether Scotland not remaining in the same condition of Amity and Brotherhood as in their League and Covenant with England they at first United in but rather revolting from it it be not necessary to make up that breach by a closer union amongst our selves and against them when as it appears without recounting the particular actions falling out betwixt the Parliament and Army betwixt divers and private Members and Officers of Both as what this or that particular person by himselfe or by the instigation of some few hath done contrary and against the directions or command of his superiours That the Scots have in the maine broke with us For instance sake in the Article of the large * Treaty betwixt us and them granted and confirmed by the late King and wherein amongst the rest they having covenanted and Declared against Popery and Prelacy which the King and his party hath countenanced and favoured and now endeavouring to helâ— his Sonne into his Fathers power that then he may make good his favour towards Papists and Prelates would excuse themselves and Quarrell to assigne the breach of Covenant to us but how justly let the Reader judge Their insisting on a pretended Loyalty clears them not in the judgment of any who since the beginning of these troubles have observed their Motions their Demands and Treaties neither doth their literall leaning on the words in that Article of the Covenant to defend the Kings Person and Authority excuse their guilt the Kings Person and Authority being but one and an halfe part of that Article the sense and drift of it makes it up which the English according to the End and Meaning do pursue in the preservation of the true Protestant Religion the Liberties and Peace of the three Kingdome c. Now that they give out and threaten to come in an hostile manner into England under their Apologeticall and specious pretence of fighting against the Sectaries thereof of repressing Schisms and Heresies when as they have nothing to do with our Doctrine and Discipline Ecclesiasticall or Civill when as our own Divines can do better service by their Tongues and Pens for the suppressing Schismes and Heresies then can be expected from the Scots their Swords and Arms which if we may speak by experience are by the continuing this Warre more like to increase them both in number and power then to suppresse or lessen them in either and for the English Laity none or a very few and inconsiderable number of them doe tolerate Heresies and Sects as is elswhere set forth in this discourse Moreover when the English have shewn their Aversenesse from a VVarre with Them q their tender and compassionate thoughts towards them when they were at the lowest ebbe and they expecting the like measure of friendship and Brotherhood from the Scots according to their motto and profession to deal as they would be dealt with have assisted them before and even at the beginning of these troubles when they suffered most when by their applying themselves to the King for redress they could have none the English was their only ayd and best support The last Question then falls out Whether whilst these matters be in dispute we may rest secure from an Hostile invasion from them or other Forraigners whether by these unnecessary disputes and dissentions here at home the Commonwealth be not in danger to lose that in a short time which hath cost so much Treasure Industry and Blood For the powers that be once shaken and becomming weake will soon fall most men being apt to lay hold on the r Politicians advice Not to leane on a weak and toâ—tering Wall The judgment and knowledge of deciding these Questions rests in the Prudence and Experience of the State who after a long time casting and consulting what was fittest to be done what the safest course to be taken for the strengthning and support of a firme and present Government have resolved upon an universall Engagement in such manner and forme as to their wisdomes seems most expedient and they have accordingly Declared and Ordained that they knowing the justnesse of their Cause ought in relation to the present security and maintenance of their power to the preservation of a firme and lasting Peace to use all Expedient and Lawfull means against the violence and restlesse opposition of their Enemies none they judge so safe as by an Engagement and Subscription thereunto which if throughly weighed crosseth no former Vow either of Protestation Covenant Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy the subscriber only promising to be true and faithfull to the Commonwealth as it is now Established without King or House of Lords not the Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy as is before observed if you look into the Reason and End of enjoyning the said Oaâ—kes Nor the Proâ—estation taken 1641. for the maintenance of the Kings Honour Person and Estate Nor the Covenant taken 1643 for the preserving his just Power and Greatnesse where his Honour and Power are transitory and personall capacities during life dying with his Person without further respect had unto his successors So the taking the Engagement commencing since the time of the King his death is no breach either of Covenant or Protestation taken for him in the time of his life nor by the words Now Established without a King or House of Lords are the Nobility excluded for ever from their Privileges as to succeeding Parliaments if the Wisdome of the State shall so admit and these continued Divisions beget not an universall ruine taking away the succession of Parliaments all Order and Government to be hereafter had nor from an Envy or Neglect had by the House of Commons to degrade the Lords or lay their Honours in the dust as hath been of late seditiously given out for so the Gentry of which the Parliament themselves consists being in the next ranke to the Nobility may fear their turn is next to be thrown from their station also al become Levelled Such suggestions questionlesse are infused by the Enemy's Factours into the Gentry's ears to draw away the affections of them also as well as of the Nobility to set on those ancient ranks of men against the Parliament and their proceedings endeavouring indeed to turn the
hands and hearts of all men against them but that the Persons and Estates of such of the Lords as have assisted the Court of Parliament in the time of their extremities may hence be preserved from ruine which in case the Enemy should get the upper hand they must be subject to and cannot therefore in their serious and prudent thoughts but confesse that Safety and Preservation are as valuable as Order or Honour is Did the Engagement crosse the above-named Oaths the Refuser might plead the tendernes of his Conscience that having taken those Oaths which to his present judgement doth deter him from subscribing to the Engagement he cannot without dispencing with his Conscience so subscribe The Subscriber from the tendernesse of his observes and builds on the Apostles precepts Let every Soule be subject to the higher Powers againe submit unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake he holds withall Gratitude to be a morall act of Conscience and therefore thinks he may nay that he is bound to promise fidelity to the Power from whence be receives protection and enjoyes his safety so it seems strange that amongst men of the same uprightnes and integrity many of either party being conscientious and honest men one Party should Take another should Refuse and that the same guide of Conscience conversing about the selfe same object should tend and lead to contrary Ends and Actions Conscience is a certain and uniform habit of the mind of man and therefore cannot erre in a contrary Diameter as at the first entrance into this Warre the Kings Party did pursue their Cause as the Parliament did theirs each of them imploring Gods blessing according to the Iustnesse and Righteousnesse thereof which could not be Iust on ether part when their undertakings were contrary and crosse each to other It seems as strange that divers of either party acknowledging Gods Goodnesse trusting on his help should from contrariety of judgments and Courses each to other hope to succeed in that they expect from him a blessing upon their endeavourings he is the same knowes no change nor faileth them who trust in him none so wicked but will confesse that he is good and gracious but for any to expect that through his blessing through his goodnesse which they take not the proper course for in Prudence Sobriety and obedience or faile in that which he hath ordeyned for conveying unto us what we look for at his hands it is rather a tempting then a trusting on him Conscience else may be defined a perswasion of the mind that such or such a thing is sinne that therefore we are unwilling and afraid to commit the same for feare of displeasing a great and all-seeing Majesty sinne is a transgression of the morall Law subscribing is no breach of it the act of Subscribing or not subscribing may proceed from a disposition or indisposition to do or refuse what our will doth prompt us unto Neither is it so much Conscience in the Taker and Refuser both in respect of some t is to be feared a Passion or selfe wilfull humour governed and directed by a carnall and selfeseeking policy neither is it a matter of small difficulty to distinguish betweene the Naturall and Spirituall inclinations of a man It is not betweene Taking and not Taking the Engagement amongst us as betweene Eating and not Eating meats amongst the Christian Romans where as to the Eating and not Eating the Aposte judgeth it a matter of indifferency as to them that were so divided concerning meates and thereupon ordereth Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not which he doth to take away the occasion of secondary differences which might grow betwixt them to preserve the common Peace to take away all scandall and division there was nothing there enjoyned as to the Eating or Abstaining from Eating It is not so between Submitting and not Submitting unto Authority as to the Lawes and Policies of a Commonwealth for whereas submission to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake is required and here the Powers that be enjoyne the same Obedience being a conscientious Duty better then Sacrifice the indifferency seems to cease and is become a duty and there the Conscience swayes the ballance rather unto that side which obeyes then unto that which resists Authority so the continuation of the quarrell rests in subjection on the one hand to in resisting on the other hand the higher Powers the process of this War lies on their score and theirs alone who when they have erred and are convinced shall not acknowledge and retract their errour which can be no injury or disrepute to the sober and lowly minded The wisest of * Philosophers maintaines that no injury can befall a wise man his stout and resolved heart keeps off the stoâ—ms of Calumny when weaker ones do feare and shrinke under every gust of reproach and censure so that if the convicted Party shall redeem their errour by confessing it the vanquishing forbeare to glory as some have over-hastily boasted in their extraordinary successe of a finite uncertaine and vanishing condition Å¿ rather then in the Equity and Iustice of their Cause of a more durable and lasting station t Or in the flattering and pleasing our selves with the divisions falling out amidst our enemies abroad concerning their Counsells and Commands rather in studying to compose and reconcile our own at home the Warre might soon be ended and the God of Peace own us as of the Number of those unto whom he hath promised * the Blessing of Peace FINIS a In the Meditation upon the second Treatise in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} b Proverb c See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ☞ * Edw. 3. cap. 25. d With swords girt on their sides c. See the form of the Writ in the Crown Office e Mr. Lambard in his Eirenarch lib. 1. cap. 6. f See his Answ to a Declaration sent from both Houses May 1642 g See the two Declarations entituled The Declarations of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oâ—ford with the specious Frontispices of The One Touching a Treaty Other Concerning their endeavors for Peace Print March 1643. h In his Declaration concerning his proceedings with his Subjects of Scotland since the Pacification in the Camp near Berwick Printed 1640 pag. 38. i Namely in that Recorded in the Chronicle of Richard Earle of Warwick his Answer unto King Henry the 6th who directing His Privy-Seal to discharge him of his Governourship of Callis the Earle refused alleging That it was granted him by Parliament Whereunto if it be answered That that might be a personall Contumacy in the Earl nothing proving the validity of that Court the reply may be That the Authority of Parliament hath been of so large an extent That some Kings of this Realm have been by Act of Parliament confirmed as Edw. the 4th Some with their Wife and Issue dis-inherited
presenâ— judgment of the Corvocation at Oxford dated June 1647. which if weighed with the Arguments in the Letter written by the London Ministers to the Lord Fairfax and his Councell of War dated January 1648. in behalf of the Covenant and the keeping it the Reader will soone discern the odds * Suprema Lex Salus Populi n See the Exhortation to the taking the Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion c. * Livy * Isaiah * Ciceâ—o o See the Exhortation of the Assembly of Divines to the taking the Covenant Printed Feb. 1643. p See the Lords and Commons Instructions for taking the Covenant The unanimous judgment of most part of the Kingdome observed by their severall Petiâ—ions at that time presented especially that of the Gentry and Trained Bands of the County of Essex presented to their Lord Lieut. the Earl of Warwick Likewise Sir Benjamine Rudyard his speech in the beginning of this Parliament about Popery countenanced See Master May his History Lib. 2. Chapter 6. Page 15. q See the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament with Instructions for taking the Covenant r Mr. Alexander Henderson in his reply to the Kings first Paper Å¿ See the Essex Petition before cited t See their Commissioners judgement and intentions concerning Episcopacy Declaring Prelacy to be the cause of all our broilâ— In their Papers dated 24 Feb. 1640. u See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in severall Treatises viz. Upon the Listing Raising Armieâ— against the King Upon the Covenant and elsewhere w See the 6. Article of the Covenant x See the Articles pag. 16 Demand 4 Granted by the King 1641. viz. That none should be admitted to his Councell or attendance but such as should be approved by both Kingdoms y See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 4 and elsewhere in that Book his parties constant 〈◊〉 towards the City of London and upon all occasions of his partâ—s naming it some of them have termed it a Rebellious City a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition raised against their King reproaching it with scornfull Nick-names as they pleased z See their Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643 pag. 14 15. against the suggested irregular and undue procâ—edings of the Common-Councell the Represenâ—ative of the whole City a See in the Letter of the Ministers their notice taking of the Parliament and Armies conceipt had of the Covenant page 8. b See his Parties opinion of the Covenant and the taking of it in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} pag. 113 114 115. whether and how far it is to be kept how little uniformity in the taking or keeping it and for what purpose in the Authors judgment framed at first how ambiguous and hard to be understood how much mistaking or dissembling in the making it at first or mis-representing by those who like it noâ— that howbeit one part thereof is That they had then no intention to diminish the King's just Power and Greatnesse the Authour in the King's name conceives that it was made and intended against the King as in many places of the Treatise against the Covenant the Kings Party complaineth See also the Kings Declaration since the Paciâ—iâ—aâ—ion against the Scots and the Covenant pag 8 which opinion of his see confirmed in the Marquesse of Montrosse his Declaration set forth 1649 As in a Bâ—ok called the History of the Kings affairs in Scotland before cited pag. 6. * Paâ—auâ— * St. Ierome c See their Acts and Ordinances for raising Contribution-money towards the Warrs throughout all Counties exempting the Universities and other Colledges from such Payments * Oxford d See the like observed in the Consecration of the Bishops of England written by Mr. Mason sometimes Fellow of Merton Colledge in Oxford in his Epâ—stle to the Archbishop of Canterbury e See their Remonstrances since the beginning of this War h See their Remonstrance before cited i See the Declaration of the Lords Commons assembled at Oxford c. printed there 1643. p. 24. 26. 27. k In the Treaâ—ise concerning the Kings retirement from Westminster n Written by Mr. Tho. May 1647. beginning at pag. 6. unto pag. 46. o See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 1. on the Kings calling the Parliament p Mr. May his History q Mr. Hollis his Speech r See the 36 Statute of Edw. â— r See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise to upon their seizing the Kings Magazines Forts Navy and Militia Å¿ Hen. the 7. t In their Apology Printed soon after the â—nglâ—sh Army went toward Scotland y Tantum res 〈◊〉 câ—m qu 〈◊〉 satellâ—ith 〈◊〉 Pontific is 〈◊〉 Iewel in Apolog. Eccles. Anglican z The speedy and effectu-suppressing Errors and Schisms is charged on him b K. Iames his Speech before-mentioned c See the Oxford Declaration pag. 19. d In the treatise concerning the Kings going to the House of Commons to surprise the five Members g Marlborougâ— Decemb. 1642. h See the Oxford Declaration page 26. 27. i See the same Declaration page 11. * 25 Edw. 3 l Sir Edward Cooke his Collections concerning the Authority of the Parliament in the fourth Book of his Institut m Quanquam Principes sunt ex numero {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} tamen natura temporis ratione prius sueâ— int Subditi Princ pes veâ—o nisi qui Tyrannidem usurpârint non naturà ut Patâ—es sed suffragio Subditorum gratia constituti sâ—nt Iâ—de illud Domini apud Daniel 4. 32. Scias quod dominetur Altissimus in regno homin um cui volueâ—it dabiâ— illud Ex quâ— sequitur non Regum causâ Subditos nasci sed Reges commodis SubditoruÌ„ inserviâ—e debere Bucan. Institut Theolog. Tractat. de Magistratu Thomas 1 part 1 samma Theolog. quest 9. Art 3 4. n The Author of the Peoples Plea * Aristotle * Tertullian * Treatise 26. p Master Lambards Eirenarch cap. 2. in his Tract on King Edw. the third his Writ directed to the high Sheriff of Kent for the Proclaming Peace where he speaks first of Uâ—iting Minds then of Restraining Hands as a meanes for the preservation of the publick peace * See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} upon the Covenant * See the Covenant * Pag. 16. Demand 4. q At the defeat given them by Montrosse at Kilsyth eveâ— to the ruining the State of Scotland when the Lord Fairfax the English Generall and other Commanders in chief wrote to the Earle of Leven the Scottish Generall that they accounted the calamities of Scotland to be their own and would willingly adventure their owne blood for the Scots as for the English till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquâ—shed See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England r Noli in caducum parietem inclinare Lipsius Politic. * In sapientem non potest cadere Injuria Seneca Å¿ See the exhortation for and touching the taking the Covenant annexed to the Covenant Printed 9 February 1643 t Commonly discoursed in the Diurnalls and Occurrences Printed in Aprill and May 1651. * Psal. 19.