Selected quad for the lemma: cause_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	king_n	people_n	power_n	4,914	5	5.4287	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A34703	An answer made by command of Prince Henry to certain propositions of warre and peace delivered to His Highnesse by some of his military servants whereunto is adjoyned The French charity, or, An essay written in French by an English gentleman, upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into England, and translated into English by F.S.J.E.	Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.; Evelyn, John, 1620-1706. French charity.	1655 (1655)	Wing C6477; ESTC R32525	69,823	112

for the future appointing peculiar Treasurers of their own to give account upon Oath the next Parliament and such Grants which they professed to proceed b ex libera spontanea voluntate Dominorum Comitatuum from the free voluntary grant of the Lords and respective Counties to be void if Conditions on the Kings part were not performed And this unfortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern the exacting of so great Subsidies and extorting so much money from the Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his mercy And when Henry the 6. in anno 20. would have had a Relief from his Subjects c de aliqua summa notabili of some considerable summe he had in answer Propter inopiam c. populi illud non posse obtineri that in regard of the poverty c. of the people it could not be granted The like 24. of the same King Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and awe for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use or to force Necessity to extend Praerogative so far untill by putting all into Combustion some may attain unto the end of their Ambition others the redresse of supposed Injuries d Thus did the Faction of Hen. the fourth in the one and the Nobility under Hen. the third in the other who hereby quitted the State oppressed as they thought with the Kings Half-brothers the Poictovins and other Strangers Subjects feare to have the enemies of their Soveraigns too much weakned least themselves become Tyrants And it is in the farthest respect in the a Baronage under John Henry his son and b Edward the second to feare asmuch the absolute Greatness of their Soveraign as they did the Diminution of their own estates And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune least by inlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness he might forget and become a Tyrant as one saith of Henry the first c Assumpserat cornua audacia tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universalitatem Roberto fratre aliis inimicis edomitis having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the Church as the rest of the Kingdome breaking his Seal his Charter and his Oath The memory of this caused the Nobility d to call in the French Kings Son when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority as they thought too much And the French Subjects aided on the other side Henry the third against their Mr. when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey This as the Stories report being a practice usuall in those dayes THe last mischief is the disposition that Military education leaveth in the mindes of many For it is not born with them that they so much distate peace but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of this State were dangerously undertaken but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused King Iohn had been after a sine Regno without a Kingdome as he was at first sans terre without land if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyall designs of Fitzwalter and Marshall whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services then either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could b If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the government of Gascoign he had never so much dared against Duty as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master and pursue him with that fury of Ambition untill he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperiall Crown and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty as to capitulate with them upon even conditions which not performed I use his own words c Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere it shall be lawfull for all persons in our Kingdome to rise up against us and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant ac si Nobis in nullo tenerentur so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them as if they were by no ty obliged to us If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Souldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State he had never disquieted the calm of his Times or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say That if he had never learned to play the King by his Regencie in France he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England Our own times can afford some whose spirit improved by Military imployment and made wanton with popular applause might have given instance of these dangers if good successe had been a relative to bad intentions And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions seeking rather a great then a good Fame and holding it the chiefest Honour to be thought the Wonder of their times which if they attain to it is but the condition of Monsters that are generally much admired but more abhorred But warre some may say mouldeth not all men thus for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends against Enemies for defence And to those men their own goodness is not safe nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt for Kings suspect good men sooner then bad Kings must have their Ministers pares negotiis fit for their businesse and not supra above it or too able for it For another mans too-much sufficiency as they take it is a diminution of their respectiveness and therefore dangerous THe meaner sort having forgot the toile of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of Warre which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness and the means of getting to their own justice can never again endure either order or labour and so return but to corrupt the Common-wealth with their lawlesse manners For living more riotously then the rapine of forrein victory could warrant as for the most they doe in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune they desire a change of the publick Quiet In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings howere the world goes they can be no loosers for like Silla's Army making no difference between sacred and profane Robberies for the victors

the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England b that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary c When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an. 27. d the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. e there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000. l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession f this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus The sauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith of ann. 38. g Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toyle and expense he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an. 17. a of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d besides 29660. Quarters of Grain and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the 3. b the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain c cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King 192599. l. 4. shill. 5d de receptis forinsecis onely It was delivered in Parliament an. 1. Rich. 2. d that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17th of this King e a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux f but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquitain 5787. l. for double that time when the intire Dutchie exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. g was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606. l. was the h first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. the Town of i Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of k Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill. the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny may in a few Examples appeare a Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprobavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses The Town of Brest b cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year and it stood him in an. 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition untill the losse in every age the Expense for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed c From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil. 4d Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings In an. 29. 30581. l. 18d for 2. years compleat d In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847. l. e And in the yeare following 26355. l. 15. shillings f In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000. l. for 3 yeares compleat g Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending a anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann. 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings And b for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil. And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign 85643. l. From the end of c Richard 2. untill the 4. of Henry 4. for 3. yeares d 62655. l. 17. shillings And for one succeeding 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2. yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign e 46519. l. 15. shillings In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England f 86938. l. 10. shil. for this place And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the g 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an. 11. The Subsidies in England were an. 27. h levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the i 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil. of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end k And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth l that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. m And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool Sandwich 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis n And in an. 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings o And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. a Henry 8. 8834. l. And about 30th when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117. l. And from the 30th of this

France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France not the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place left it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say a Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which in answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But a ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign a Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain b The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if c Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry d 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and 3d. Edwards the 5th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea a adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with b Robert Earle of Flanders And again c cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond d mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the e Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn a and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King b The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an. 11. drew c Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Marks d And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an. 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an. 13. e