Numb 2. and the other of Core his rebellious assemblies Numb 16. who was of Levi but it is more properly referred to the time past concerning the cruell exploit of Simeon and Levi Perer. QUEST VIII Whether Simeon and Levi digged downe a wall killed or haughed the oxen Vers. 6. IN their selfe-will they digged downe a wall 1. Some read they haughed a bull Septuag or carried away their oxen Iun. They which follow this reading some referre it to Sichem who was the principall man whom they slue some understand it of Ioseph who is compared to a bullocke Deut. 33.17 the same word shor is there used Tharg Hieros because Simeon and Lâ—vi are held to bee ring-leaders in that conspiracie against Ioseph for they were of the elder sort not the younger brethren that would have had Ioseph killed now Ruben and Iudah the first and the fourth sonnes consented not to kill him therefore it is most like that Simeon and Levi were the authors for which cause some thinke that Ioseph afterward caused Simeon to be bound in Egypt but this exposition agreeth not with the former clause in their wrath they slue a man for Ioseph was not killed Iunius seemeth to understand it of the spoile of the Citie and carrying away of their cattell but that seemeth to have beene the act rather of Iacobs sonnes than of Simeon and Levi Gen. 34.28 2. Mercer Musculus Calvin thinke this to bee the better reading they digged thorow a wall Of which reading these reasons may bee given 1. Because this was a more peculiar and proper act of their rage than to carrie away their oxen that proceeded of a covetous rather than irefull minde 2. Though this be not directly expressed yet these words insinuate as much they went into the citie boldly Gen. 34.25 that is breaking into the citie violently and over throwing the wals before them Perer. 3. Though shor the word here used signifie an oxe shur a wall yet schurech may bee put for châ—lem as the Chalde Interpreter readeth shur 4. The word ghacar to root or pull up properly understood of plants Eccles. 3.2 is more fitly by a metaphor applyed to the rooting up of cities Zâ—phan 2.4 than unto cattell and living things 3. But these reasons notwithstanding I rather preferre the reading of the Septuagint they houghed an oxe or bull for shor the word here used signifieth an oxe c. 32.5 Deut. 33.17 the word shur is a wall neither needed they to have undermined the wals the citie being secure and the gates open unto them the word ghakar is gnakar signifieth to hough or cut sinewes as Iosh. 11.6 Ioshua is bidden of the Lord to hough the Canaanites horse it seemeth in their furie that they abused the dumb beasts as Balaam in his rage threatned if he had had a sword to have killed his Asse Numb 12.29 now in that this is not mentioned before in the storie it need not see me strange in all matters and circumstances of fact the Scripture useth not to expresse as that of Iacobs concerning the Amorites with the sword bow c. 48.22 QUEST IX How Simeon and Levi were divided in Israel Vers. 7. I Will divide them in Iacob 1. Iacob appointeth a punishment answerable to the offence for as before they conspired together to doe mischiefe so now they shall be separated and divided Iun. 2. Which accordingly came to passe for Simeon had no possession or inheritance by himselfe but intermingled with Iudah Ios. 19. and were constrained afterward by force of armes to inlarge their bounds 1 Chron. 4.41 Iun. Some thinke that the poore Scribes which were dispersed in Israel came of Simeon Thaâ—g Hieros But certaine it is that it was a base and contemptible tribe in respect of the rest for which cause Moses omitteth it in his blessing Deut. 33. Mercer rather than for that Simeon was cruell against the Sichemites for then Levi should have beene omitted also or because Simeon was the chiefe in the conspiracie against Ioseph or because Iudas Iscariot came of Simeon for both these are uncertaine or for that Zimri of Simeon lately had committed such an uncleane act as Perer. 3. Levi also was divided in Israel they had no certaine inheritance but only certaine cities allotted unto them among the rest of the tribes to the number of 48. Ios. 21. they also went wandring up and downe the tribes to gather the tithes of their maintenance Mercer 4. Yet God who could bring light out of darknesse turned this which at the first was ordained for a punishment to a blessing for the calling of the Levites was honourable to themselves and everie one was glad to entertaine them it was also profitable to others for their instruction Calvin 5. This prophecie against Simeon and Levi is not unfitly by Ambrose Ruffin Rupert applyed against the Scribes Priests that put Christ to death for by this means the wals of Ierusalem were digged down overthrown the Jewes are dispersed in the world to this day Perer. QUEST X. Of the preeminence of Iudah Vers. 8. THy brethren shall praise thee c. 1. Though Iudah also was faultie concerning Thamar yet Iacob passeth over his offences and of the rest of his sons touching onely the most notorious sinnes among the rest as of Ruben Simeon Levi Muscul. 2. In saying Thy brethren shall praise thee he alludeth to the name of Iudah so called by Leah of judah to praise because shee had occasion thereby to praise the Lord and now his brethren shall magnifie and praise him Iun. The Chalde readeth Thou hast confessed and wast not ashamed which some understand of Iudah his delivering of Ioseph or of his acquiting of Thamar but the other reading is more proper 3. Iacob prophesieth foure things of Iudah 1. His principalitie over his brethren vers 8. 2. His victorie over his enemies vers 9. 3. The stabilitie and continuance of his kingdome under the Messiah vers 10. 4. His outward plentie and prosperitie vers 11. 4. Thy fathers sonnes shall bow downe c. Though Ioseph for the time present had the temporall honour yet the perpetuall preeminence is given to Iudah so that hence it appeareth why the Lord was angrie with the people for desiring a King because the time was not yet come when God purposed to exalt Iudah and for the same cause the Kingdome of Saul of Benjamin not of Iudah prospered not Calvin 5. This authoritie of Iudah over his brethren tooke beginning Iudg. 1. when the tribe of Iudah was appointed to be as the Captaine to the rest after Iosua his departure but it was more fully accomplished in David and Salomon and most of all in Christ of David of whose kingdome shall be none end Iun. 6. Although the ten tribes did revolt from Iudah yet the right of the kingdome remained with Iudah still which continued notwithstanding it was often by Israel impugned when the other was dissolved Calvin QUEST XI Of the explication of the
untimely death or sicknesse it seemeth not unpossible that such a number by ordinarie meanes in the circuite of 215. yeeres might be multiplied for seventie persons in thirtie yeeres if they beget every one but one in a yeere will have 2100. Cut off the odde hundred and admit that the third part onely of the other number was apt for generation that is sixe hundred which make 300. couples or mariages those will beget in thirtie yeeres more which is the 60. yeere from their comming into Egypt nine thousand the third part hereof three thousand maketh fifteene hundred couples which having but every yeere one will beget the next thirtie yeeres which makes 90. in all 45000. hereof the third part 15000. will make 7400. couples leaving the odde hundred which will beget by the 12. yeere 222000. the third part whereof 74000. maketh 37000. couples and will beget by the 150. yeere 1110000 the third part hereof 370000. maketh 185000. mariages which will beget the next thirtie yeeres by the 180. yeere 5550000. whereof the third part 185000. which maketh beside the five odde thousand 920000. mariages which will beget by the 210. yeere 27600000. that is 27. thousand sixe hundred thousand Simler Though herein no miracle be admitted yet could it not be done without the exceeding blessing of God especially that notwithstanding their cruell bondage and sore labour yet they multiplied without number Perer. Somewhat about this time the children of Ephraim being increased went against the men of Gath to take away their cattell but presuming before the time they were slaine and Ephraim mourned for them 1 Chron. 7.21 Osiander QUEST VII Who this new King was that knew not Ioseph Vers. 8. THere arose a new King in Egypt 1. This new King was neither an Assyrian borne as Cajetano conjectureth upon these words of Isay chap. 52.4 My people went downe into Egypt to sojourne there and Asshur oppressed them without cause but the Prophet in this place toucheth both the oppressions of the Israelites in Egypt and under Asshur neither in the Egyptian Chronicles was there any Assyrian King either before Moses or for a thousand yeeres after till the reigne of Cambises the Persian 2. Neither could this King be Mephres in whose ninth yeere Ioseph should die and the bondage of Israel begin as Vincentius For seeing all the Patriarkes were dead before their affliction began of which number Levi elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6. and so survived Ioseph who died at 110. yeeres 23. yeeres then could not Mephres be this King that began to reigne before Ioseph died 3. Neither was this King Ramesses as some thinke because one of the cities which the Israelites built was called by that name for Ramesses was King of Egypt in the time of the Trojane warre Plin. lib. 36. cap. 8. which was three hundred yeeres after the death of Moses if he reigned in Egypt in the time of Deborah as thinketh Eusebius he was 140. yeeres after Moses 4. But it is more probable that this King was Amemphis in whose 18. yeere Eusebius thinketh Moses was borne so also Hierome in Chronicis some call him Memnon the speaking stone whose image did use to speake at the Sunnes rise and so continued untill Christ Perer. Simler QUEST VIII Why this Pharaoh is called a new King HE is called a new King because he came of another family Ioseph or for that he brought in a new kind of government altering and changing the lawes as the Chalde Paraphrast and ruling after his owne pleasure Simler He knew not Ioseph either being borne after his time or having forgotten his benefits as Darius had Mardoches faithfulnesse Esther 6. Iunius Wherein his great ingratitude appeared for two great benefits Ioseph had procured one in generall in saving the whole land in the time of the famine the other to the Crowne in annexing to it the fift part of the revenewes of Egypt Perer. As also herein Iosephs modestie appeared that did not in his long time of honour which continued 80. yeeres raise up an honourable and wealthie state to his posteritie seeing his house was so soone obscured but as is most like he and his sonnes joyned themselves unto their brethren not hunting after the wealth of Egypt where they knew they were but strangers Simlerus QUEST IX The causes of the affliction of the Israelites Vers. 10. COme let us worke wisely with them c. 1. There were three causes why the Egyptians consulted to oppresse the Israelites first they envied their happinesse and prosperitie for God every way blessed them then they hated them for their religion in which regard the Hebrewes were an abomination to the Egyptians for they sacrificed those beasts which the Egyptians worshipped see Gen. 46.34 and Exod. 8.26 Thirdly they were afraid of them lest they should joyne with their enemies and rebell against them Perer. 2. And three things they feared lest they might take part with their enemies or rebell by their owne strength or make an escape out of the land Iun. They feared all these joyntly and every one in particular therefore it is better read disjunctively see before in the divers readings 3. They worke wisely or cunningly câ—â—ftily for so the word Chacham is taken both in the good bad part not as the Hebrewes imagine because they would not destroy them with the sword or fire lest God might be revenged of them in the same kind but devised by the water to destroy them whereby the Lord promised never to destroy the world againe but their craft is seene in attempting divers wayes to keepe them under that if they prevailed not by one meanes they might by another and in respect of themselves they worke wisely providing both for their owne securitie and for their profit in the service of the Israelites Simler Likewise they opprest them cunningly that they might not be accused of open and manifest tyrannie Osiander 4. Iosephus alleageth another cause of this affliction that about that time one of the Egyptian Priests foretold unto the King of one that should be borne who when hee once came to yeeres should worke much harme to the Egyptians and greatly exalt the people of Israel lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. But this being his conjecture no such thing here insinuated by Moses may be more safely rejected than credited QUEST X. Of the hard affliction of the Israelites 12. THerefore they did set taskmasters over them c. 1. Divers wayes were the Israelites most grievously oppressed in Egypt 1. Philo writeth that they were caused to carrie burthens above their strength that they were forced to worke night and day that the same were constrained to be both workmen and servers they were employed in making brick digging and building insomuch that many of them died under their burthens and were not suffered to be buried and beside the most cruell men were set to be their taskmasters Phil. lib. 1. de vita Mosis
a moneth which hee doth thus collect the first plague of converting the waters into bloud continued seven dayes chap. 7.25 then upon the eight day came the frogs and the next day after chap. 8.9 which was the ninth they were taken away upon the tenth day the lice were sent upon the eleventh day the swarmes of noisome flies are threatned upon the next day being the twelfth they are sent and the morrow after they are taken away chap. 8.29 which was the 13. day upon the 14. the fifth plague of the murrane of cattell is threatned the morrow after it is sent chap. 9.6 which was the 15. day upon the 16. day the sixt plague of botches and sores followeth the 17. day the 7. plague of haile is threatned sent the next day chap. 9.18 which was the 18. day and taken away the next which was the 19. day on the 20. day the 8. plague of grashoppers is threatned sent the 21. day and removed the 22. day the three dayes following the thicke darknesse came chap. 10.22 the 23.24 and 25· dayes upon the 26. day Pharaoh expelled Moses from his presence and about midnight following the beginning of the 28. day the first borne were slaine So that from the first plague to the last there was not above a moneth the last plague then of the slaughter of the first borne falling upon the 14. day of Nisan the first moneth of the Hebrewes the first began about the middle of Adar the last moneth which answereth to our February as Nison doth unto March Pererius And that it is more likely that all these plagues came together in the space of one moneth rather than of twelve moneths it may thus appeare first because the plagues following one immediatly upon another without any pause or respite they were so much the more grievous and this was the strong hand of God whereby Pharaoh was constrained to let Israel goe chap. 6.1 Secondly the plagues were such as Egypt never saw nor felt before chap. 9.24 and 10.14 and if they had continued long the Egyptians could not have endured Thirdly whereas the Israelites spent full forty yeeres in the wildernesse Iosh. 5.6 and Mosâ—s was 80. yeere old chap. 7.7 before any of the plagues began and 120. yeere old in the end of the 40. yeeres travell in the wildernesse Deut. 34. much time could not bee spent in Egypt after the hand of God by the ministry of Moses began to worke upon them QUEST XXX Whether the good Angels or bad were the ministers of the Egyptian plagues COncerning the author of these plagues there is no question but that they came from God who thereby did most justly punish the Egyptians for the unjust vexation of his people for so the Lord saith He will smite Egypt with all his wonders chap. 3.20 But there ariseth a greater doubt who were the ministers of these plagues whether the good angels or evill 1. Genebrard thinketh because it is said Psalm 78.49 By the sending of evill Angels that the evill spirits were executioners of these plagues But Augustines reason is very strong against this opinion for in the two first plagues which were counterfeited by the Sorcerers it is evident that the evill Angels were doers by whom the Magicians wrought they certainly were not the ministers of the true plagues for then as he saith Angeli mali ex utraque parte consisterent the evill Angels should be of both sides hinc illos affligentes inde fallentes afflâ—cting the Egyptians on the side and deceiving them on the other If the evill Angels then were not ministers of the first plagues neither were they used in the rest and beside we have a more evident argument that when in the third plague the Sorcerers attempted to doe the like they could not the Lord inhibited and restrained the evill spirits that they should worke no longer by their ministers the Sorcerers If the Lord restrained their power then he loosed it not or used it 2. Wherefore they are called evill Angels not in respect of their office but of the effect because they were messengers and ministers of evill plagues Perer. 3. But I thinke with Iunius that it is not necessary here to understand Angels for those ministring spirits but the word malacâ— may here signifie messengers and is referred to Moses and Aaron that were the messengers and ministers of these plagues And this interpretation is confirmed by two reasons because in this historie it is directly expressed that most of the plagues were procured by Moses and Aaron as the three first by Aaron the sixt seventh eight and ninth by Moses the fourth and fift though it be not expressed yet it may bee supposed to bee done by the same instruments and againe that place Psalm 105.26 may helpe to expound this Hee sent Moses his servant and Aaron whom he had chosen they shewed among them the message of his signes The messengers then and ministers of these evill plagues were Moses and Aaron 4. Yet I deny not but that God used also therein the ministry of his Angels as it is evident in the last plague of the destruction of the first borne Exod. 12.3 but the meaning of this place in the Psalme is more properly referred to Moses and Aaron And although God useth both the ministry of good Angels in punishing the wicked as in the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrha and of the evill sometime to trie the righteous as in the temptation of Iob much more in judging the wicked yet in this place for the reasons before alleaged the good Angels are thought rather to have beene used than the evill QUEST XXXI For what ends and causes the Lord wrought such wonders in Egypt THe ends wherefore it pleased the Lord thus to judge Egypt and to shew his mighty workes were divers 1. That the Lord might take just revenge of the Egyptians for the unrighteous vexing and oppressing of his people Exod. 4.23 2. That they by this meanes might bee forced to let Israel goe Exod. 6.1 3. That Gods power might bee knowne to all the world which exceedeth the law of nature or naturall things and that his justice might be made manifest in judging the wicked so the Lord saith For thâ—â— cause have I appointed thee to shew my power in thee and to declare my name throughout all the world Exod. 9.16 4. That the Hebrewes and people of God hereby might perceive the singular care and love of God toward them as Moses urgeth Deut. 4.20 The Lord hath taken you and brought you out of the iron fâ—rnace out of Egypt 5. That the fame of these great workes might keepe other nations in feare and awe of them by whom they should passe that they should not molest or trouble them neither that the Hebâ—ewes should be affraid of them so Rahab saith Iosh. 2.10 We have heard how the Lord dried up the water of the red sea before you when yee came out of Egypt To this
to the eyes doth deere them and easeth the paine It seemeth this plague consisted most of the common sort of frogs because they came out of the waters yet there might be a mixture also of the other sorts especially of the Rubetae to make the plague more grievous 3. And in this plague this was strange and extraordinary that the frogs left the waters their proper element and scralled upon the land and entered their houses Simler QUEST II. Of the greatnesse of this plague frogs COncerning the greatnesse of this plague 1. Philo noteth that those frogs filled the high wayes and their houses yea crept into their Temples and did climbe up into their upper chambers so that they were at their wits end 2. Iosâ—phus sâ—ith that beside the annoyance which they brought upon the land leaping upon their meat and drinke that the waters were corrupted by them so that it stanke of them and was putrified and full of corruption Some Hebrewes write also that they crept into their mouthes when they were asleepe and entred â—nto their bowels 3. Thus the Egyptians by this plague were cumbred and punished in all their senses in their sight with the number and uglinesse of them in their hearing with their croaking in their taste by corrupting their victuals in their smell with the stinch of them in their feeling with their â—iting and venom Pererius 4. This plague was sutable to their sinne for as they regarded not the pitifull and mournfull cries of the infants which they cast into the water so now are they vexed with the crying and croaking of frogges Infants as Theodoret noteth are herein resembâ—ed to cralling frogs because they doe so creepe upon their hands and feete before they are strong to goe Perer. 5. We reade that in time past whole Cities have beene dispeopled by frogs that invaded them without any miraculous worke Plinie out of Varro reporteth of a City in France where the people were driven away by frogs Paulus Oroâ—â—us writeth that the Abderites were chased out of their Country by frogs and craved of Cassâ—nder King of Macedonia some other place of habitation Perer. So the Artoriitae of India and the people inhabiting about Paeonia and Dardania were invaded of frogs Egypt also out of the slime thereof is apt to engender frogs as Iosephus writeth and for this cause the bird Ibis is honoured among them because that kind destroyeth the frogs But there is a great difference betweene this miraculous worke and the other first in respect of the infinite number of them and their generall overspreading secondly those frogs were ingendred not all at once but by little and little here as soone as Aaron had stretched out his hand this great army of frogs was raised thirdly they all are suddenly destroyed and gathered in heapes the other as they came not all at once so neither doe they goe away all together Simler QUEST III. From whence this great aboundance of frogs came THis aboundance of frogs 1. Came neither out of the slime as Iosephus thinketh into the which hee saith they were resolved againe 2. Neither yet altogether out of the waters for though Egypt is full of pooles of water and lakes yet they sufficed not to fill all Egypt with frogges 3. Therefore they were brought forth by the power of God neither did the frogs of any naturall instinct leave the waters to creepe upon the land but like as God by the ministry of his Angels brought all the creatures to Adam to receive their names and afterward unto Noah in the Arke so were these frogs brought together and sent upon the land Perer. QUEST IV. In what place and how the Sorcerers brought forth frogs Vers. 7. THe Sorcerers did likewise 1. They brought not forth true frogs but counterfeit as before in the first plague but the frogs that Aaron caused were frogs indeed for afterward they were gathered into heapes and the land stanke of them that it might appeare to be a true miracle Pellican 2. These Sorcerers though in shew they could bring forth frogs yet they could not remove the plague of frogs which was sent upon the land Osiander 3. The place where the Sorcerers shewed their skill was in the land of Goshen which was exempted both from these and the other plagues for the Lord threatneth only to bring the frogs upon Pharaoh and his people vers 3. Iun. Simler QUEST V. Why Pharaoh calleth now for Moses and not before Vers. 8. THen Pharaoh called for Moses c. Pharaoh called not for Moses to pray for him to remove the first plague though both Philo and Iosephus so affirme there being no such thing expressed before it is hard for any man to imagine that which there is no warrant for 2. Therefore this may be the cause why Pharaoh is forced now to flee unto Moses and not before because this was a more grievous and intolerable plague which is extended upon Pharaoh and his house none are exempted from it in the other plague they might make some shift to helpe themselves as the richer sort with wine the poorer with the juyce of herbes and such like but against this plague there is no remedy Perer. 3. But it seemeth that Pharaoh had a double meaning he would have the frogs removed first that afterward hee might call backe his promise for dismissing of the people Simler QUEST VI. Why Moses saith to Pharaoh take this honour to thee Vers. 9. TAke this honour over me when I shall pray 1. Some refer these words to the event that when the frogs were removed Pharaoh should have good cause to boast of Moses and to rejoyce that he was so neere at hand to helpe him Vatab. 2. Some understand Moses to speake by way of comparison that he had now no cause to boast of his Sorcerers that could not helpe but in Moses Simler 3. But the meaning seemeth rather to be this that Moses doth yeeld unto Pharaoh this honour to appoint a time when the frogs should be taken away that God might receive greater honour thereby Iun. QUEST VII Whether Moses tempted God in prescribing the time of removing the plagues AT what time I shall pray for thee 1. Moses doth not tempt God in appointing a time for this worke as the Bethulians did Iudith chap. 7. that limited to themselves the space of five dayes to expect helpe from God for they speake doubtfully but Moses confidently Simler 2. Neither herein did Moses presume but he was assured of Gods assistance not being so much confirmed by the successe of the miracles hitherto as building upon Gods promise who had made him a God unto Pharaoh both to bind and loose to doe and undoe Simler Borrh. 3. And Moses leaveth it to Pharaohs choice to appoint a time least he might have bin thought to have wrought by constellation or other astrologicall meanes Pellican QUEST VIII Of the use and application of this plague of the frogs COncerning the application of
Psalme Call upon me in the day of trouble and I will deliver thee and thou shalt glorifie me Psalm 50.11 Simler 2. Observ. Not to faint in our journey to the heavenly Canaan Vers. 12. IT had been better for us to serve the Egyptians than to die in the wildernesse Like unto these Israelites that preferred their servile life in Egypt before their perilous travell unto Canaan through the wildernesse are they which will undertake no paines nor undergoe any labour for the kingdome of God but are readie when affliction commeth to fall away and wish they had never entred into the profession of faith which they finde so difficult and unpleasant Sed melius est in itinere mori quam cum Egyptijs interire But it is better to die in the middest of the journey than to perish with the Egyptians Ferus As Moses did rather chuse to suffer affliction with the people of God than to enioy the pleasures of sin for a season Hebr. 11.25 3. Observ. Action to be joyned with invocation Vers. 15. WHy criest thou unto me speake vnto the children of Israel that they go forward As prayer is necessarie and faithfull invocation so also from prayer we must go forward unto action we must so depend upon God by prayer for his protection as that we must also carefully use the meanes which God hath appointed for our preservation Ostenditur non opus esse ut deinceps elamet sed in agre quod in mandatis acceperit Hereby is shewed that he need no longer crie but to do that which he is commâ—nded Simler Cornelius after he had prayed goeth forward he sendeth for Peter to bee further instructed as he was commanded Act. 10. 4. Observ. Faith the victorie of the world Vers. 14. LIft up thy rod c. and divide the sea This rod signifieth faith whereby the sea is divided unto us we overcome all tribulation as the Apostle saith this is the victorie that overcommeth the world even your faith 1. Ioh. 5.4 Ferus Of the power and efficacie of faith against all dangers the Apostle thus speaketh Hebr. 11.31 Which through faith subdued kingdomes wrought righteousnesâ— stopped the mouth of Lions quenched the violence of fire escaped the edge of the sword of weake became strong c. 5. Observ. Obedience to God and his Ministers cannot be severed Vers. 31. THey beleeved God and his servant Moses Moses was Gods Minister and they could not shew their obedience unto God but they must also receive and acknowledge the Minister of God Moses Hoc ergo principium teneamus non alios obedire Deo nisi qui Prophetas ab â—o missos recipiunt quia nefas est separare quae ille conjunxit Let us hold this principle that no other obey God than do receive the Prophets sent of him because it is a wicked thing to separate what he hath joyned together As our Saviour saith He that heareth you heareth me Calvin Moses therefore is here joyned with God to teach us that the Ministers of God speaking in his name are no otherwise to be heard than if the Lord himselfe should speake unto us as the law of Moses is of no lesse authoritie than the decalogue it selfe which the Lord pronounced and the Epistles of the Apostles than the Gospels which containe the doings and sayings of our Saviour Simler CHAP. XV. 1. The Argument and method THis Chapter conteineth first the solemne thankesgiving of the Israelites for their deliverance to vers 22. Secondly the historie of certaine journeyes of the Israelites to vers 27. The thankesgiving is performed first by Moses and his company to vers 20. Then by Miriam with the women vers 20.21 In Moses song there is first the argument and summe of the song propounded why they will prayse the Lord because they had overthrowne their enemies the horse and the rider in the sea vers 1. 2. The narration or exposition consisting of benefits past and to come The benefit already past is their deliverance and the destruction of their enemies to vers 13. where the effects with the causes are set forth which are three First who were drowned in the sea where the cause is set before the power of God vers 23. The effect followeth Pharaohs hoast and chariots and his captaines were drowned in the sea vers 4. Secondly by what meanes the cause is first expressed the power of God vers 6. Then the effect they were destroyed by the winds called the blast of his nostrils and the raging waters vers 7.8 Thirdly when and upon what occasion they were destroyed evenwhen they were in the height of their pride vers 9. The enemie said I will pursue then the cause thereof the power of God set forth comparatively vers 11. The benefits to come 1. Their preservation still vers 13. 2. The feare of the enemies both whom this feare shall take the people of Palestina Edom and Canaan vers 14.15 and the cause of this feare is shewed Because of the greatnes of their armie vers 16. and the fruits and effects of this feare Till the people passe by vers 16. 3. The bringing of them in and planting them in the land of Canaan vers 17. 4. Their continuall protection for ever vers 18. 3. The conclusion of this song containing a rehearsall of the destruction of the Egyptians and the deliverance of the Lords people vers 18. In the thankesgiving of Miriam three things are declared 1 Who they were Miriam with the women and matrons of Israel vers 20. 2. With timbrels and daunces 3. The matter and argument of their song answerable unto Moses song vers 20.21 In the second part of this Chapter there are described the journeyes of the Israelites which were of two sorts either hard unpleasant journeyes in difficult and dangerous places or comfortable and pleasant Of the first sort were their two journeyes one in the wildernesse of Shur for three dayes where they found no water at all the second journey was to come to Marah where is described first the distresse wherein they were the waters were bitter with the event the naming of the place upon that accident and the effect the mourning of the people then is shewed how they were delivered from this distresse where 1. The causes are expressed the principall God at the prayer of Moses the instrumentall or ministeriall a tree which the Lord shewed 2. The effect the waters became sweete 3. The event that by this occasion the Lord maketh a promise and covenant with them consisting of the condition their obedience the promise of the benefit their health and safetie from all the plagues of Egypt the foundation thereof the providence and protection of God I am the Lord that healeth thee vers 26. Their journey of the second sort was in Elim wherein were twelve fountaines of water and seventie palme trees both delectable for their pleasure and profitable for their present use and necessitie vers 27. 2. The divers readings
writer setteth downe that before out of his place which was done after Tostat. He therefore resolveth that Moses did write this propheticè by a propheticall instinct so also Iun. But this may be rather thought to be added by Ioshua or some other of the Prophets afterward as likewise the story of Moses death and buriall Deut. 34. which is not like to have beene penned by himselfe Piscator 2. Till they came to a land inhabited Augustine thus expoundeth Non quia continuò ut venerunt ad terram habitabilem c. Not because as soone as they came to a land inhabited they left eating of Manna Sed quia non ante But because not before But what land inhabited it was is expounded afterward namely the land of Canaan for though the Israelites possessed before the land of the Amorites on the other side of Jordan yet the Manna ceased not till they had passed over Jordan and were entred into the bounds and borders of Canaan which was the promised land that flowed with milke and hony Tostat. quast 15. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the excellencie and prâ—â—ogative of the Lords day Vers. 5. BVt the sixth day c. it shall be twice so much Origen upon this place well collecteth the prerogative and excellencie of the Lords day beyond the Sabbath of the Jewes proving that the Manna began first to fall upon that day his words are these Si sex diâ—bus continuis ut scriptura dicit collectum est à septima autem die quae est Sabbati cessatum est sine dubio initium ejus à die prima qua est dies Dominica fuit c. If the Manna were gathered six dayes together as the Scripture saith and it ceased upon the seventh which is the Sabbath without doubt it began on the first day which is the Lords day 2. Doct. That it is lawfull to lay up in store so it be done without distrust in Gods providence Vers. 19. LEt no man reserve thereof till the morning Though the Israelites were bound unto this precept because every day they received Manna from heaven and so the Compassions of God were renued every morning as the Prophet Ieremie saith Lament 3.23 yet this taketh not away all store and provision to be laid up aforehand for the sluggard is condemned for his sloth and carelesnesse and is sent by the Wise man to learne of the Ant which gathereth her meat in summer Prov. Our blessed Saviour also commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the remainder of the meat to be kept And the reason is not alike for then they received Manna every day and therefore needed not to lay up any thing in store But now the fruits of the earth are onely gathered in summer wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the letter of this precept is not to be urged but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sense and morall equitie bindeth us still that we take heed of an immoderate distrustfull care in making provision for the time to come but depend upon Gods fatherly providence Pelarg. 3. Doct. How Manna was a type and figure of Christ. Vers. 31. THey called the name of it Man c. The holy Apostle S. Paul maketh this Manna an evident type of Christ calling it their spirituall meat 1 Cor. 10.3 And in many things the type and figure agreeth unto the bodie and substance 1. In the causes of sending this Manna 2. In the conditionâ— and qualities thereof 3. In the manner of the gathering 4. In the use thereof Ferus First touching the causes 1. The Lord had compassion of his people when they were in want and almost famished in the wildernesse so Christ was given unto us that by faith in his bodie and bloud our hungrie soules should bee nourished Marbach 2. The Lord in sending Manna shewed his power his mercie goodnesse and love to his people and in nothing more appeareth the love of God to us than in sending his onely Sonne into the world to die for us 3. The Lord by sending Manna did prove whether his people would walke in his law or no vers 4. So the Lord maketh triall of the obedience of the world in receiving the law of his Sonne Christ that is the Gospell Ferus Secondly concerning the qualities and properties of Manna 1. It was but a small thing yet had great vertuâ—â— and Christ though in the low degree of a servant was of great power 2. The Manna was white and Christ was pure and unspotted 3. The Manna was ground in the mill or beaten in a morter and Christ was beaten and bruised for us Ferus 4. The Manna came from heaven so the Sonne of God descended and tooke upon him our flesh Simler 5. The Manna was sweet and pleasant as hony so is Christ unto the soule 6. The Manna fell with the dew so Christ brought with him abundance of spirit and grace 7. The Manna fell every day and Christ hath promised to be with his Church unto the end of the world 8. The Manna ceased as soone as they came into the land of Canaan and in the next world there shall be no use of the Word or Sacraments Ferus Thirdly in the gathering of Manna these conditions were observed 1. It was lawfull and free for all men and children male and female young and old master and servant to gather the Manna so there is neither bond nor free male nor female but all are one in Christ Gal. 3.28 Simler 2. They were commanded to gather every day and we must all our life long gather of the heavenly Manna 3. They were to goe out of their tents to gather it and wee must depart from our old conversation Ferus 4. They which gathered much had not the more nor they which gathered little the lesse so both those which are strong and they which are weake in faith are admitted to this Manna Marbach Fourthly for the use both good and bad did eat of the Manna so men of all sorts come unto the Word and Sacraments but not all to the same end for as the Manna putrified to those which kept it contrary to Moses commandement so the Word of God and the Sacraments are the savour of death unto death to those which unworthily receive them Ferus But it will here bee objected if this Manna were spirituall and heavenly food to the Israelites as S. Paul saith how is he reconciled with our Saviour Christ who saith Moses gave you not bread from heaven but my father giveth you true bread from heaven Ioh. 6.32 The answer here is ready that our Saviour speaketh according to their capacity and understanding with whom he there dealeth who had a carnall imagination of Manna and could see therein nothing but corporall food Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Conf. Against the carnall presence in the Eucharist Vers. 5. THe people shall goe out and gather Rupertus hath upon these words this glosse applying them to the
not the names of the mansion places where they stayed but such as they passed by Tostat. ibid. 5. They are said to have journeyed at the mouth of God because they followed the direction of the cloud for when the cloud was taken up they journeyed and where it abode they pitched this was the commandement of God here spoken of as it is interpreted Numb 9.18 Tostat. Simler QUEST II. Of penury and want of water which the Israelites here endured Vers. 1. WHere was no water for the people to drinke c. 1. The Rabbines here are deceived which thinke that the thirst of the people here was not naturall and necessary for Manna was both meate and being full of moisture served for drinke say they but of wantonnesse rather The words of the text shew the contrarie that there was no water for the people to drinke and therefore it was a violent and necessary not a wanton and voluntary thirst Simler Calvin 2. Their conceit also hath no ground that thinke some of the people had water which they brought along with them from Elim and therefore they are said to tempt God to shew his power when there was no such necessitie Tostat. quast 2. For all the people murmured as though they were ready to die for thirst vers 3. 3. The truth is therefore that they were driven to great extremitie for want of water for drought and thirst is a great triall and a miserable calamity as is evident by divers examples in sacred and forren stories As Hagar with her sonne were ready to perish for want of water Gen. 21. And the three Kings that were to fight against Moab were like all to bee undone for want of water if the Lord by his Prophet had not relieved their want The men of Berhulia when the Citie was besieged fell downe and died for thirst The Samaritanes being assaulted by the Romanes died of thirst Thales Milesius as Laertius writeth perished through heate and thirst Ioannes Leo hath a memorable storie of certaine Merchants that perished by thirst in the desert of Azoad in Africa where are to be seene two Sepulchers the one of a Merchant the other of a Carrier of wares who sold unto the other a cup of water for a thousand crownes and yet the water not being able to suffice both they twaine died there Lysimachus yeelded himselfe and his whole host for want of water and having drunke being now become a captive he uttered these words O Dii inquit quam brevis voluptatis gratia ex rege me feci servum O God for how small a pleasure of a King have I made my selfe a captive Pelarg. QUEST III. Why it pleased God to prove his people with thirst NOw it pleased God as before hee tried his people with hunger so now with thirst for these causes 1. Because the people were very oblivious and forgetfull of Gods benefits God by afflictions would put them in mind of their dutie that they which in prosperitie did forget him by want and penurie might be driven to seeke him as it is in the Psalme When he slew them they sought him and returned 2. Another cause was in respect of themselves because they were a proud and haughtie people and thought well of themselves as the rebellious say unto Moses All the Congregation is holy Numb 16.3 therefore the Lord by this meanes would humble them and make them know themselves 3. The Lord being purposed to make the Israelites a peculiar people to himselfe and purposing to give unto them his lawes by this meanes would prove and trie them whether they would keepe his commandements Deut. 8.2 Even as a father nurtureth and schooleth his child whom he purposeth to make his heire so the Lord saith As a man nurtureth his sonne so the Lord thy God nurtureth thee Tostat. 4. The Lord also brought them into this strait that the faithfull thereby should be discerned from the rest for affliction and temptation is as a sieve to trie the chaffe from the wheat Ferus QUEST IV. How the people are said to tempt God Vers. 2. WHerefore doe yee tempt the Lord 1. Some will have them to tempt God because there were among the people that had water and yet would have God to helpe them when there was no need for then to expect or require the divine helpe when there is no urgent necessitie is to tempt God Tostat. But it is shewed before that this want of water was generall and all the people were in great extremity 2. They are therefore said to tempt God either because they doubted of his power and therefore would trie whether he could give them water for the word nasah signifieth properly to make triall as David is said not to have tried or proved before to goe with armour 1 Sam. 17.39 Oleaster Or they tempted God doubting of the truth of his promises as vers 7. Is God among us or no Pelarg. And so they tempted God by their incredulity Iun. Further they doe prescribe and limite God that unlesse he shew them some signe of his presence and power they will not beleeve that it was his will to bring them out of Egypt unto that place Marbach They doe tempt him also by their impatiencie they urge Moses presently to give them helpe or else they will stone him whereas they should patiently have waited upon God Simler And further though they are not herein said to tempt God expecting his helpe where all humane meanes counsell was denied yet herein they tempted him because they thought God was bound unto them to succour them at their need Lyran. Whereas the heathen by the light of nature could see and say Diis parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia Wee cannot recompense the Gods and our parents God is no way indebted unto man Tostat. quast 2. QUEST V. Of Moses feare lest he should be stoned Vers. 4. YEt a little while and they will stone me 1. Iosephus here somewhat altereth and transposeth the storie for this taking up of stones to cast at Moses hee placeth before the giving of Man when they murmured for food in the desert of Sin But this their violent and audacious enterprise fell out in Rephidim 2. This was not a carnall worldly or distrustfull feare in Moses but a naturall feare which a right perfect man is subject unto for so our Saviour saith My soule is heavie unto death Tostat. 3. Yet this feare of Moses was not so much in respect of his present danger as in regard of the people lest they if he should have beene slaine after his death might have fallen to Idolatrie Lyran. 4. Or he might feare lest if they should have killed him the Lord would have punished them and revenged his death as Ieremie saith in the like case As for me behold I am in your hand doe with me as you thinke good But know for a certaine if ye put me to death you shall surely bring
were done is increased when they are done So then Moses hands became steadie afterwards being supported and so the constancie of the gesture of the bodie did rebound upon the affection of the soule which in like manner continued constant and fervent 6. Rupertus mysticall application is not here to be rejected Moses manus graves erant Moses hands were heavie because the law could bring nothing to perfection QUEST XVII Of the supporting and bearing up of Moses hands Vers. 12. ANd they tooke a stone and put it under him c. 1. Moses was both wayes wearied both in standing so long and in holding up his hands all that while therefore they provide both wayes for his infirmitie and weaknesse they put under a stone for him to sit upon and of each side held up his hands Tostat. 2. As they supported and bare up his hands so no doubt they joyned with him in their earnest prayers and desires unto God Quum manus ejus attollerent mentes etiam habebant ad Deum erectas As they lift up his hands so also they had their minds erected unto God Calvin 3. His hands are said to be steadie to the going downe of the sunne not that then they began to be faint but then the battell being ended and the victorie obtained there was no need for him any longer to hold up his hands 4. Divers allegories are made of this place as that Moses hands that is the precepts of the law are heavie but that by Aaron who signifieth Christ and Hur that is the holy Ghost they are made easie and light Ferus Some by Moses and Hur understand the two Testaments upon the which our prayer must relie Some againe thus allegorize Aarrn they say signifieth montanus hillie and Hur fire so two things support our prayer high and heavenly meditation and fervent charitie Lyran. But Chur signifieth white V◠light or fire and beside the false etymologie these allegories are too curious and somewhat farre fetcht 5. But Rupertus mysticall application may be received who by this stone understandeth the grace of the Gospell In quasederet Moses id est lex adimpleretur whereon Moses sate that is the law was fulfilled And this morall accommodation also is very fit that by Aaron and Hur all godly Ministers may learne Quomodo se mutuò animare debeant incitare ad preces How they ought to animate and stirre up one another unto prayer Marbach QUEST XVIII What this Amalek was and of whom descended Vers. 13. IOshua discomfited Amalek and his people 1. Strabo hath this opinion that this Amalek the father of the Amalekites should bee descended of Ismael Lyranus and Tostatus would convince him of errour herein because the young man which came running to David and confessed that hee had killed Saul said he was an Amalekite and yet he is generally held to have beene the sonne of Doeg that was an Edomite But this were to prove a thing more certaine by that which is uncertaine for it is evident and certaine out of the Scripture that Amalek the sonne of Eliphaz came of Esau Gen. 36. and whether that young man were the sonne of Doeg is uncertaine 2. Where it is said Amalek and his people Tostatus doth much busie himselfe to shew that this could not be Amalek the sonne of Eliphaz for then he must have beene above 260. yeare old for the time of the sojourning of Israel in Egypt was 215. yeare and when Iacob descended thither he was an 130. yeare old about whose 80. yeare Amalek might be borne and so he resolveth that this was not that Amalek but another of that name descended of that race Tostat. quast 7. in Exod. But all this labour might have beene well spared for by Amalek not any one person but the whole nation of the Amalekites is understood as Israel is usually in Scripture taken for the Israelites and his people were those which ayded and assisted them Vatab. As Iosephus sheweth how the King of Amalek sent unto other nations and that they combined themselves together against Israel 3. Thus we see how this victorie was atchieved First and principally by God the Author and cause thereof then the meanes were of two sorts partly spirituall by the earnest prayer of Moses partly externall by Ioshuas sword Simler And here began the prophecie to take place concerning Iacob and Esau The elder shall serve the younger Borrh. QUEST XIX What booke this was wherein Moses is commanded to write this storie Vers. 14. WRite this for a remembrance in the booke 1. Tostatus thinketh that this was some speciall booke beside this present storie and namely that which is called the booke of Iashar or the Righteous which is mentioned Iosh. 10. and that many things were written in that booke by way of prophecie which booke was written by Moses but is now lost because when that Heretikes had corrupted this booke the ancient Church neglected it and had no care of it lest in receiving the Verities in that booke they should together have received their Falsities and Heresies Tostat. quast 7. in Exod. Contra. 1. That this booke of Iashar was written by Moses it is not like seeing mention is made thereof in Davids time 2 Sam. 1.18 for if all those stories had beene prophetically set downe in that booke aforehand what needed those severall historicall books of Scripture to have beene written afterward 2. Neither had that beene a good reason to reject that booke because it had beene corrupted for so some bookes of canonicall Scripture also should have beene laid aside which some Heretikes corrupt fingers have beene medling with 3. This booke of Iashar therefore was none other than a Chronicle of the acts and gestes of the people of God which booke is now lost as divers other historicall books Iun. 4. Tostatus addeth further that this booke of Iashar was the same booke which is called the booke of the battels of the Lord Numb 21.14 which was not that booke of Numbers for there is a confirmation of those things then presently done by a former book which prophetically described those warres But it is no good argument thus to reason the booke of the battels of the Lord is not the booke of Numbers therefore it is that other booke of Iashar some thinke it was the booke of Judges Genevens Some a booke now missing the Scriptures now extant being sufficient Osiander The best answer is that the word sepher signifieth as well a rehearsall as a booke as it is taken Matth. 1.1 The booke of the generation of Iesus Christ. The meaning then is that when the battels of the Lord are rehearsed these also shall be spoken of which by Gods providence the Amorites made against Moab preparing an inheritance for the children of Israel who were forbidden to deale directly against Moab Iun. Numb 21. annot 8. 5. Wherefore the booke wherein Moses did make a memoriall of this thing was no other than this
an inheritance upon him Ferus 2. Posset absque praemii ullius promissione praeciperâ— c. God might if it pleased him command without promise of any reward for he is debter unto none and when we have done all which we can wee doe no more than our duty but God to stirre up our dulnesse propoundeth ample and large promises Marbach 3. And these blessings of plenty health fruitfulnesse long life are here mentioned because they should acknowledge God the Author and giver of all these blessings which the Idolators asked of their Idols Gallas 4. First God promiseth to blesse their increase and store their bread and water both to give them abundance and to blesse the use thereof unto them for otherwise without Gods blessing abundance will soone come to nothing and because plenty is nothing without health Secondly he saith he will take away all sicknesse then because all this would not availe if they had no heires it is added that none should be barren and beside long life is promised for to enjoy these things but a short time were no perfect blessing and lastly victory is promised over their enemies for all these blessings had little helped unlesse they might have had quiet and peaceable possession of the land Ferus QUEST XLVII What is understood by the hornets Vers. 28. I Will send Hornets c. 1. Some doe understand this literally that as God sent frogs and lice upon the Egyptians so against the Canaanites he armed waspes and hornets to shew his power quod per minuta animantia suis auxiliatur that he can helpe his by weake and small beasts Theodoret. So also Procopius giving this note Deum à coelo de improviso suis missurum auxilium That God of a sudden can send helpe unto his out of heaven So also Cajetan Simler Calvin Gallas Pelarg. But Augustines reason may here be urged against this sense Non hoc logimus factum c. Wee doe not reade any such thing to have beene done neither in Moses time under Iosua the Judges or the Kings that hornets were sent against the Canaanites only the booke of Wisdome hoc dicit impleâ—um saith this was fulfilled chap. 12.8 Thou sendedst forerunners of thine host the hornets to destroy them by little and little But this may also be understood of that feare and terrour which God did smite the Canaanites with before the comming of Israel 2. R. Abraham and Aben Ezra by hornets understand a certaine disease which did consume the Canaanites where they hid themselves in their caves But the text saith that these hornets drave them out not that they wasted and consumed them 3. Pellican maketh a metaphoricall sense Ita attonitos eos reddam ut etiam vespae siat â—is superiores I will so astonish them that even flies and waspes shall be able to overcome them c. But Ioshua found the contrary when he was discomfited and fled before the men of Hai that he had not to deale as with flies and waspes 4. Therefore I prefer Augustines sense Vespae istae aculei timoris intelligendae sunt c. These waspes or hornets are to be understood to be those prickes of minde and terrours which made the Canaanites give place to the Israelites So also Lyranus saith they were Anxietates animi eos pungentes tanquam aculei Perplexity of minde which pricked them as sharpe pricks And this to be the meaning the former verse sheweth I will send my feare before thee vers 27. the accomplishment whereof is declared Iosh. 24.12 I sent my hornets before you which cast them out before you the two Kings of the Amorites not with thy sword c. that is the feare which God sent upon them not their sword discomfited them Iunius Piscator As Rahab confesseth When we heard it our heart did faint and there remained no more courage in us Iosh. 2.11 So also Borrhaius 5. Rupertus maketh this allegoricall sense by the hornets Quos scimus de aquino stercore nasci c. Which wee know to be bred out of dung are to be understood those base and contemptible meanes whereby God overcame the power of Satan c. He meaneth the Apostles who were counted as vile and base whereby the Gospell of the kingdome was published and propagated But the former sense is to be insisted upon as the most fit and consonant to the Scripture QUEST XLVIII Why God did not cast out the Canaanites all at once before the Israelites Vers. 29. I Will not cast them out from thy face in one yeere 1. No nor yet in 400. yeeres were they all cast out till the reigne of David and Salomon which the Lord did for divers causes one is here expressed lest the land should have growne to a wildernesse if it had beene dispeopled all at once and so husbandry and tillage would have beene neglected Gallas And the wilde beasts in the solitary places would have increased as Wolves Lions Beares which would have beene a great annoyance to the people Tostat. qu. 84. 2. Another cause was for their rebellion and murmuring for the which they were punished to wander up and downe in the wildernesse 40. yeeres Simler 3. Eorum culpae imputandum est c. It is to be imputed to their owne fault that the Canaanites were no sooner cast out because they were slothfull and negligent therein themselves as Ioshua telleth them If yee goe backe and cleave to the rest of these nations c. and shall make marriages with them know for a certaine that the Lord your God will cast ouâ— no more of these nations from before you c. Calvin 4. Neither would God cast them out all at once Vt essent qui peccantes arguerent ut â—rudirit in eis Israel That there might be some which should correct those which sinned and that Israel might be nurtured by them Rabanus For God used those nations as whips and scourges for his people when they fell away from him as he stirred up the King of Canaan against them Iud. 4. 5. Another reason was that the people might have some alwayes to exercise them that they should not be given over to sloth and idlenesse but be trained up in warre this cause is touched Iudg. 3.1 That he might prove Israel by them as many as had not knowne the warres of Canaan Marbach Pellarg But this reason is not mentioned here Ne impatientia defecissent c. Lest they might through their impatience have fainted Lippom. 6. And further God would not Vt citra praelia dominium terrae acquirant That they should without battell get the dominion of the land for those things which are hardly gotten we doe the more set by Pracopius 7. Hoc etiam utile fuit ad cohibendum eorum praceps defiderium This was also profitable to stay their preposterous desire that they should wait the Lords leisure and thinke not all at once to have their desire Like as now many wish
Gen. 7.2 where mention is made of cleane and uncleane beasts which difference was observed before the floud and continued by tradition not in regard onâ—y of sacrifice but also for their eating as it may appeare in the reviving of this law afterward Levit. 11.47 That there may be difference betweene the uncleane and cleane and betweene the beast that may be eaten and the beast that may not be eaten that then is said by the definition of the law to bee a cleane beast that might be eaten that uncleane that might not be eaten So I conclude this question with the sentence of Ambrose Quicoâ—vivium adornat c. he that prepareth a feast doth kill his oxen and fat cattell before and then biddeth his guests so the Lord ante homini caeterorum animalium praeparavit epulas before prepared the meats of other beasts and then as his friend invitavit ad convivium bid him to the banket Epist. 37. His opinion is that the cattell were provided of God to bee meat for man Mercerus is of another judgement that the eating of flesh was generally forborne before the floud which is also the opinion of the Hebrewes 1. both because it was necessary for the preservation of the kinds of cattell 2. as also herbs being then of greater vertue and strength before the floud and after might suffice for mans sustenance Mercer in v. 29.1 ch Gen. But these reasons conclude not 1. Like as after the floud when liberty was granted to eat flesh as the greene herb yet they did forbeare for a time till the breed of Cattell was increased upon the like reason before the floud immediately after the creation they might abstaine for a time from the eating of flesh but not altogether 2. The great vertue and strength of herbs concludeth that the eating of flesh was not so generall or necessary then as afterward but the whole abstinence from all kind of eating of flesh it concludeth not I rather preferre Musculus opinion who upon the sacrificing of beasts and wearing of their skins inferreth that beasts were killed before the floud and consequently their flesh eaten in 1. Gen. v. 29. 4. The didactica that is places of doctrine observed out of this first chapter 1. Doct. Of the Trinity proved 1. AGainst the Jewes that deny the Trinity and the Sabellians which affirme but one person in the Deity we have evident proofe in this chapter vers 1. where the word God or in the hebrew elohim gods is joyned to a verbe of the singular number bara created noting the singularity of the Godhead and plurality of the persons But exception is taken against this argument by Cajetanus for the which he is reproved of Catharinus another Popish writer lib. 4. animad ver and by Bellarmine lib. 2. de Christ. c. 6. for that it is the use of the Hebrewes to joyne words of the plurall with a verbe of the singular number upon which reason this collection is misliked also by Calvin and Mercerus but it may be replied that it is not the use of the Hebrewes to put in the plurall number that which hath no plurality in nature as to say Gods if there were but one person in the godhead But yet this argument for the Trinity is more evident vers 26. Let us make man after our image c. where God neither speaketh to himselfe saying let us make not I will make neither yet to the earth as though that wrought together with God nor to the Angels for God only created man vers 27. nor yet doth God speake in the plurall number according to the fashion of great men for that use of speeâ—h was not yet knowne but in this forme of speech is set forth the consultation of the blessed Trinity the Father Sonne and holy Ghost 2. Doct. That the heavens and earth had a beginning 2. OUt of the first verse wee conclude that the world had a beginning and that it was created by God contrary to the opinion of Xenophanes who held the world to bee without beginning or end and of the Epicures who did impiously hold that the world was made by chance by the concurrence of bodies together and of Aristotle among the heathen and Eugubinus in Cosmopeia among Christians who affirme Coelum empyraeum the highest and supreme heaven to have beene eternall Likewise wee condemne the folly of the lying Aegyptians and Chaldees who extend the age of the world many thousand yeares before it was made The Aegyptians boasted that they had a continuall succession of Kings 70. thousand yeares Augustine maketh mention of a letter that Alexander writ to his mother Olympias wherein he reporteth that hee heard of an Aegyptian Priest that the Kingdome of the Assyrians exceeded 5000. yeares of the Persians 8000. yeares Pompeius Mela writeth that they have chronicles of 13000. yeares Diogenes Laertius from Vulcan to Alexander accounteth 48860. yeares August lib. 12. de civitate dei cap. 10. The Aegyptians also reckon 100. thousand yeares since they first learned Astrology de civitat dei 18. c. 40. All these are lying fables seeing by just computation of yeares it is found that the world hath not yet continued since the first beginning thereof 6000. yeares 3. Doct. The word from the beginning 3. Vers. 3. THen God said hence Servetus would confirme his wicked error that the word was not from the beginning because the heavens and earth are here said to bee made before God spake But wee have an evident testimony that the word was in the beginning with God and that nothing was made without it Ioh. 1 2 3. and seeing the light was made by this word the word must needs be before the light the cause goeth before the effect so that the heavens and earth were in the beginning made by the word of God but in this place first onely it is added And God said because now more manifestly the wisdome and power of God appeareth in the distinction and perfection of the creatures which before were confused together Calvin Mercer Further another heresie of Servetus is confuted who thinketh that this was a new quality in God to speake which spake not before for this speaking in God was no quality in God as in man but it signifieth only his will and decree though Ab. Ezra doe without cause finde fault with R. Saadian for so expounding this word of God was nothing but Gods decree and commandement whereby the heavens also and earth were first made Psal. 148.5 so that then God thus spake also Calvin Mercer 4. Doct. Of the different beginning of the soules of man and beasts 4. Vers. 24 LEt the earth bring forth every living thing animam viventem the living soule from hence it was gathered that not only the bodies of bruit beasts but their life also and as it were soule were derived out of the earth whereby a manifest difference appeareth betweene the originall of mans soule which was breathed of God
multiplyed by 9. which is the height will produce the said number of an 135000. whereas fodder for the cattell occupieth not above 90000 ex Perer. QVEST. VIII Whether the ravenous beasts lived of flesh in the Arke WHereas it is also questioned whether the ravenous beasts were fed with flesh according to their naturall use while they were in the Arke 1. Neither is it like that all the beasts did eat of one common food for the text saith Genes 6.21 take with thee of all meat that is eaten 2. Neither is it like as Origen thinketh of which opinion also is Bucer that Adam brought into the Arke a great number of cattell to be food for the ravenous beasts for there came no more but two of the uncleane and seven of the cleane 3. Neither is it probable that these beasts did not live of flesh but herbs and other fruits of the earth before the floud as I have shewed at large quest 23 in 1. cap. of Genes 4. Wherefore I approve rather Augustines resolution to the which Mercerus subscribeth which is to this effect 1. that these devouring beasts as they doe live of flesh so also they use to eat of the fruits of the earth 2. That it might be revealed to Adam what food besides flesh was convenient and apt for them 3. That hunger will enforce beasts to eat that which otherwise is not usuall 4. But his best answer is quid non suave faceret Deus qui etiam ut sine cibo viverent divina facilitate donaret What could not God make pleasant who could have given them power to have lived without meat much more then could God by his power dispose them to live for that time of other food than flesh QVEST. IX How the yeare is to be counted wherein the floud came Vers. 10. SO it came to passe after seven dayes that the floud was upon the earth in the six hundred yeare of Noahs life in the second moneth c. 1. Noah went seven dayes into the Arke before the floud came not as the Hebrewes conjecture to lament for the death of Mathuselah for it is certaine that Mathuselah died the same yeare the floud came so whether hee died seven dayes or seven weekes before it is uncertaine but it is more like that Noah entred before to dispose of every thing in the Arke before it should be tossed of the waters as also as Ambrose noteth that the rest of the world seeing him enter before there was yet any apparant danger might have beene drawne to repentance 2. Neither was the 600. yeare of Noahs age now onely begun as Lyranus Tostatus with others thinke but complete for otherwise there should not bee 1656. yeares from the creation to the floud neither should Noah have lived 900. and fifty yeares whereof he lived but 350. after the floud if hee had not beene full 600. yeare old before 3. This second moneth was neither the second moneth of the yeare considered a part from Noahs age as Rupertus thinketh for it hath a coherence with the 600. yeare of Noahs life whereof mention is made immediatly before neither is it to be taken for the second of Noahs 600. yeare without respect of the season of that instant yeare as Cajetan seemeth to thinke but it was both the second moneth of the usuall yeare and of Noahs 600 yeare which concurred both together for Noah his 600. yeare was the 1656. yeare of the age of the world from the Creation Mercer QVEST. X. Whether the floud came in the Spring or Autumne THis second moneth some thinke to have beene in the Spring answering to the moneth of May. 1. That it might be the more griefe to the wicked to be taken away from their pleasure as our Saviour sheweth that they were taken away in the middest of their mirth Matth. 24.37 Luther 2. That the floud might not be imputed to any naturall causes but onely to the power of God the waters increasing in the time of Summer which is a season of drought and decreasing in Winter when as the waters naturally increase 3. And againe because the Dove brought the leafe of an Olive in the 11. moneth after the floud beganne some doe gather that the floud came in the Spring Rupertus 4. But better arguments than these may be produced to shew it more probable that the floud came in the Spring because that then the world is supposed to have taken beginning as is before proved Quest. 10. in 1. chap. Gen. and from the creation to the floud are reckoned 1656. even yeares 5. The floud came in the second moneth of the yeare now it cannot be shewed in any place of Scripture where the moneths are accounted in order the first second third but from Nisan which answereth to part of March part of Aprill Moses ordaining this moneth to be the first Exod. 12. doth make no new institution but reneweth the old account which was discontinued in Egypt by reason that the Egyptians indeed beginne their yeare from the moneth Pthoâ— which answereth to our September And this reason from the order and account of the moneths I confesse hath much prevailed with me to thinke it more likely that the floud came in the Spring 6. And if it had beene Autumne when the Cattell came forth of the Arke when the herbs and plants doe fade whence should they have had food till the Spring 7. As also the cattell presently increasing and multiplying after their comming out of the Arke this might seeme rather to fall into the Spring time which is the aptest season for the copulation and ingendring of cattell but most especially of the fowles Of this opinion are most of the Ecclesiasticall Writers though divers of the Hebrewes hold the contrary as Ambrose among the rest thus resolveth Secundum mensem verni temporis fuisse non ambigitur quando augentur nascentia ager parturit c. tunc ergo fecit diluvium quando dolor eorum major foret qui in abundantia puniebantur c. It is not to be doubted but that the second moneth was in the Spring time when things increase and grow the field bringeth forth c. God therefore then sent the floud when their griefe should be the greater to be punished in their abundance The chiefest reason that moved Ambrose thus to thinke was the account of the moneths which alwayes in Scripture are reckoned from the Spring yea that moneth which some would have the beginning of the yeare when the feast of blowing the Trumpets and of Tabernacles was kept is called the seventh moneth Levit. 23.24.34 Of thâ—s opinion also is learned Mercerus that when the second or third moneth is simply named it must be accounted from Nisan which is in the Spring QVEST. XI What is vnderstood by the great deepe and the windowes of heaven Vers. 10. THe fountaines of the great deepe were broken up 1. By the deepe here is not understood the Tartarean waters
taken for Arabia as Ezek. 27.13 and 32.6 some thinke it more like to be a countrey neare to Arabia Perer. they cannot bee the Spanyards as Mercerus thinketh Of all the rest I judge Iosephus opinion to be most probable as shall appeare in the next place 6. Mesech 1. This is neither like to bee the Muscovites as some have thought because of the similitude of the letters Mercer 2. Neither is Mesech neare Arabia as Pererius would gather out of the Psalme 120.5 Woe is me that I am constrained to dwell in Mesech and in the tents of Kedar for although it bee agreed that Cedar is here taken for part of Arabia yet the other word is rather appellative than proper in this place and commeth of the Hebrew mashach which signifieth to prolong so the sense is why doe I sojourne so long as both Hierome and Tremellius translate and the Chalde read I have sojourned cum Asiavis c. cum tabernaculis Arabiani with men of Asia and in the tabernacles of the Arabians 3. Wherefore it is most like that Mesech was in Asia neare to Tubals countrey confining upon Armenia rather than Arabia and to be the countrey called Cappadocia Iosephus saith that the Cappadocians were first called Mesochaei Mesochians Pliny nameth them Mossyni Epiphanius Mossynaeci and Mela witnesseth that there is a certaine hill in Armenia toward Cappadocia called Moschicus and Iosephus testifieth that there was a certaine City in Cappadocia called Mosecha afterward Caesarea this therefore is that Mesech which is joyned so often in the Scripture with Thubal 7. Thiras 1. which is neither the Turkes as the Hierosolymitan 2. nor the Persians as Selomo Iarchi 3. But as it is received of the most this was the father of the Thracians who inhabited neare unto Pontus Euxinus not so called Thraces tanquam truces of their cruell and savage nature as of the hardnesse of the countrey but of their first founder Thyras Mercer Iun. QVEST. VI. Where the sonnes of Gomer inhabited Vers. 3. THe sonnes of Gomer Ashkenaz Riphath Togarmah 1. Some take Ashkâ—naz for the Gothes or Scithians Genevens Ierom. 51.27 2. Some for Germany Iosephus for the Rhegini a people of Italy sic Mercer 3. But it is most like they were a people inhabiting Asia as Ierosolymitan gathereth Ierem. 51.27 where Ashkenaz is numbred among the assistants of the Medes and Persians that came against Babylon And for the better evidence hereof there is a lake in Bithynia called Ascania and certaine Ilands of the Sea Aegeum are named Ascania Pliny also maketh mention of a famous mart towne in Phrygia called Ascania ex Iunio. 2. Riphath called also Diphath 1 Chron. 1.6 Epiphanius taketh them for the Caspians Ierosolymitan for the Phrigians Mercerus for the Râ—phei But it is most like they were the Paphlagonians who Iosephus saith were called Riphathaei whereof also the mountaines Riphaei were so named 3. Togarma this neither is like to be Turks as the Jewes nor the Germaine as the Chalde paraphrast Esech 27.13 for they had no traffick with Tiâ—us being so farre distant nor yet Barbary as the Jerosolymitan Paraphrast for Esech 38.6 the Thogarmians are reckoned among those nations that assisted Gog the Prince of Asia against the Israelites Iosephus taketh Togarma for the Phrigians but they are most like to be a people of Armenia the lesse whose Kings were called Tygranes as derived from Togarmah Iun. QVEST. VII Of the sonnes of Iavan Vers. 4. THe sonnes of Iavan Elisha c. Elisha the Chalde Paraphrast taketh for Italia Esech 27.7 some for the fortunate Islands whereof the Poets tooke occasion so much to celebrate the campi Elysii the Elisian fields tharg Hieros for Hellas Graecia Iosephus for the Aeolians famous for purple Ezech. 27.7 which is most probable Iunius Mercer 2. Tarshish Iosephus taketh it for India that yeeldeth gold lib. 8. antiquit and so doth Hierome the Septuagint Ezech. 23. for Tarshish reade Carthage the Chalde paraphrast Ierem. 10. Africa But Tarshish is rather Cilicia where was the City Tarsus S. Pauls countrey Iunius Mercer Act. 21.39 And hereupon because the Cilicians were chiefe Navigators and commanders of the Mediterranian sea all those coasts along were called Tarshish 3. Kittim some understand the Italians and Romanes as the Latine translation and Chalde Paraphrast Numer 24.24 Iosephus and Epiphanius the Cyprians where was the Citie Citium the towne of Zeno Citius chiefe of the Stoikes Mercer But Kittim are rather the people called Citii inhabiting in Asia neare to Cilicia of whom that City in Cyprus might be so called 4. Dodanim or Rhodanim 1 Chron. 1. v. 1. for the Hebrew daleâ—h and resh may easily be mistaken one for another the Hierosolymit understandeth Dodana in Epirus Mercer some the countrey by Rodanus the river of Rhone But the Rodians of the Isle Rodes are most like to take their beginning from hence as the Septuagint interpret Iun. QVEST. VIII Of the Isles of the Gentiles Vers. 5. THe Isles of the Gentiles that is all the sea coasts upon the Mediterranean sea not only the Islands as Rhodes Ciprus but the countries bordering upon the Sea were inhabited by these sonnes of Iavan for as Hierome citeth out of Varro and others the Grecians replenished the sea coasts from the mountaines Amanus and Taurus almost to the British sea the other sonnes of Iapheth inhabited the Asian and East parts as is before shewed And as yet there was no division of tongues whereof Moses entreateth c. 11. but he here speaketh thereof by way of anticipation QVEST. IX Of the sonnes of Cham. Vers. 6. THe sonnes of Ham were Chus Ham or Cham with his posterity dispersed themselves into the Meridoniall or Sotherne parts of the world both in Asia and Africa whereupon the tents or Tabernacles of Cham are taken for Aegypt Psal 78 51. and Chemmis was the name of a great Citie in Thebais and of an Island Chush is taken in Scripture both for Arabia in Asia and the great countrey Aethiopia in Africa Genes 2.13 the land of Chush must needs bee understood to bee Arabia Numb 12. Zippora Moses wife is said to bee Chusitis a Chusite or as other read an Aethiopian and yet shee was a Madianite which countrey bordered upon Arabia so 2 Chron. 14.9 Zerah King of Chush or Aethiopia came against Asia which is not like to have beene King of the African Aethiopia which was a great way distant from Palestina neither was there cause of hostility or enmity betweene the Jewes and them being so farre disjoyned and the text saith that Asa pursued the Aethiopians to Gerar and smote the Cities about it which did belong as should seeme to Zâ—rah But this Gerar was in the confines of Palestina as may appeare by the peregrination of Abraham and Isaack Genes 20.26 But that in some places Chush is taken for the greater Aethiopia beyond Aegypt is evident also in
goeth further and distinctly sheweth how many nations and languages came of Sem Cham and Iapheth upon these words Psal. 105.8 he hath remembred his promise that he made to a thousand generations hee sheweth that there are in the world a thousand generations and 72. languages from Persia to the Indians and Bactrians of Sem he maketh 27 languages and 406. nations from Euphrates and Nilus to the Gades of Cham 394. nations 22. languages from Tigris westward of Iapheth were multiplied 200. nations and 23. tongues eâ— Perer. But this is set downe onely by meere gesse and conjecture that there should be divided 72 languages for there are but 70. fathers named 14 of Iapheth 31 of Cham 25. of Sem for Heber and Peleg must be counted for one familie whereas tenne of the sonns of Noahs sonnes are set forth with their issue and posteritie two of Iapheth fower of Cham fower of Sem they make not severall nations without their sonnes no more than Noahs three sonnes and therefore tenne more must be detracted from the number of 70. and so there will remaine but 60. As Canaan must not be reckoned for a severall nation beside those that came of him and so of the rest And if those whose generations are not expressed whereof there are 11. five of Iapheth two of Cham fower of Sem did not make severall nations as Augustine thinketh but were incorporate to the rest then so many more are wanting of this number and there will remaine but 50. But admit that this last conjecture of Augustine be uncertaine yet it is most probable that all the Cananites of Canaan of whom came an eleven severall nations as they are â—ehearsed Gen. 10.15 spake but one language Isa. 19.18 they shall speake the language of Canaan which if it be so then could there not be 72. languages divided in the confusion of Babel Wherefore concerning this matter there are some things certaine some things uncertaine first it is certaine that the tongues and languages were divided then that every particular person had not a severall language for then there could have beene no society but that the principall and chiefe families onely had their proper speech Secondly as uncertaine it is 1. whither 72. languages or more or lesse tooke then beginning 2. whether some of those nations are not now utterly perished as Pliny out of Eratosthenes alleageth that divers people in Asia as of the Solymans Lelegians Bebrycians Calycantians are extinguished 3. Neither is it certaine whether every particular language now used was then founded or only the mother originall tongues out of the which other since have bin derived which is most like Mercer QVEST. XVI Where Cainan first added to the genealogie reconciled Vers. 12. THe Septuagint betweene Arphacsad and Sale place Cainan and so doth S. Luke in his Gospell ca. 3. according to most copies but Cainan is not found in the Hebrew to reconcile this doubt 1. We neither allow Cajetanes solution that the septuagint have set downe the true genealogie and that the Hebrew copies are imperfect and have beene corrupted by the Jewes for the Jewes had no reason to corrupt the genealogie which giveth the Christians no advantage neither maketh against them and beside the Chalde Paraphrast which is most ancient leaveth out Cainan 2. Neither is it like as Eugubinus saith that the Septuagint erred herein and that S. Luke followeth their error for although an error may be admitted in the Septuagint in this place as in many other yet the holy Evangelist was farre from approving their error being directed by the spirit of God 3. Neither doth the answer of Ioannes Lucidus and before him Nauclerus satisfie that Cainan and Salâ— were one and the same and that the place in Luke should be read which was of Sala which was of Cainan Luke 3.36 But this cannot be for beside that that there was no cause why Luke should set downe two names only of Sala and of none of the rest beside in the Septuagint Cainan is made the father and begetteâ— of Sala Genes 11.4 Lippoman and Canus answere that as Mathewe omitteth three of the kings in his genealogie betweene Ioram and Ozias to make the line of 14. generations equall from Abraham to David from David to the captivitie and from thence to Christ so Moses to make tenne generations from Sem to Abraham correspondent to the ten patriarkes before the floud might omit Cainan But the reason is not alike 1. For those three Kings Ahaziah Ioas Amaziah are thought by some to to bee omitted for another cause because they were killed for evill government Concent 2. And againe Moses summeth the yeeres of these Fathers which Mathewe doth not and therefore if Moses should of purpose leave out Cainan a great error would fall out in the Chronologie and computation of yeares 3. If Moses had left out Cainan to make the genealogie equall yet if there had beene any such hee should not have beene omitted in that catalogie of their names 1 Chro. 1.18 where was no such cause of â—mission 5. Some thinke that the Septuagint erred in adding of Cainan and that Luke followed that text not approoving that error but giving way to the time because the Septuagint was then well knowne among the Gentiles least if he had departed from that translation it might have hindred the credit of his Gospell Thus Iansenius and Genebrard among the pontificall writers and learned Iunius among the Protestants who saith that it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a slip or fault of memory but a faultlesse confession in respect of the time so also Mercerus who thinketh that this being but a matter of genealogie is not much to be stood vpon which Paul calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endlesse 1. Tim. 1.4 6. But I approove rather Beza his answere that Cainan was put into the text in Luke by the ignorance of some that tooke upon them to correct it according to the Septuagint for in that ancient manuscript which he followed Cainan was not to be found and therefore Beza in his translation upon good ground left it out and so doth the great English Bible Other thinke further that the translation of the septuagint was also herein corrupted by some that at the first these Greeke interpreters put not in Cainan for neither Iosephus nor Epiphanius which follow the septuagint rehearsing the fathers before Abraham make mention of this Cainan and in the best Greeke copies it is left out 1 Chronic. 1. QVEST. XVII When Arphaxad was borne Vers. 10. BEgat Arphachsad two yeare after the floud the question is whereas Elam and Asshur the sonnes of Sem are named before Arphacsad the third sonne how Sem could have these three in two yeares I answer 1. Neither with Aben Ezra that Sems wife might bee with childe in the Arke when the waters began to decrease for I thinke rather that
to take them wives abroad from among the Idolaters 2. v. 31. Sarai is said to bee Thare his daughter in law but if shee had beene his naturall daughter shee should have beene so called 3. It was alwaies unlawfull saving in the beginning of the world upon necessitie for brethren or sisters of halfe or whole bloud to marrie together as Augustine saith Abraham lived in those times when it was unlawfull for brethren ex utroque vel altero parente natos necti conjugio of one or both parents to bee coupled in marriage as it may appeare also by this because Abraham to perswade Abimelech shee was not his wife said she was his sister she could not then be both his sister and his wife Indeed among some barbarous Gentiles as the Egyptians it was permitted to marry their sisters as Ptolomeus Philadelphus did take to wife Arsinoe his sister which is condemned by Pausanius but among the faithfull it was never suffered nor practised Thamer saying to incestuous Ammon speake to the King for he will not deny thee 2 Sam. 13.13 sought but a delay to put off his wicked act not as though shee thought the King might or would grant any such thing 4. Abraham calleth Sarai his sister as he did call Lot her brothers sonne his brother chap. 13.8 for so the Hebrewes use to call their neare kinsmen by the name of brethren and he saith she was the daughter of his father not of his mother because her father Haran who might be 50. yeare elder than Abraham was the sonne of Thare by another woman and not by Abrahams mother 5. So then this Iscah is also Sarai for to what end else should Iscah here be mentioned as a stranger and not pertinent to the storie 6. It is most likely then that Sarai was the daughter of Haran elder brother to Abraham who and not Abraham was borne in the seventie yeare of Thare not as Pererius supposeth that Abraham was borne in the seventie yeare and Aran many yeares before for it is evident by the text that Thare had no children before he was 70. yeare old Gen. 11.26 R. Sel. affirmeth also that this Iscah was Sarai and he noteth that they are both of one signification for Iscah or Iacah is a name of principalitie as Sarai is yet Aben Ezra thinketh otherwise that if Sarai had beene Harans daughter Moses would have called her the daughter of Haran as Lot is said to be the sonne of Haran v. 31. but that is no reason for in stead thereof shee is called the wife of Abraham of whom she now was rather to take denomination than of her father Mercerus also thinketh that this Iscah was not Sarai because in the same verse there would not bee so sudden a change and mutation of the name but I thinke the first opinion more probable that Iscah is Sarai for the reasons before alleaged 1. because it had not beene pertinent to make mention of Iscah if she had not belonged to this story 2. It is like that as Nahor married the one sister so Abraham did the other 3. that they might take them wives out of their owne kindred and not marry into the idolatrous stockes of the Chaldeans QVEST. XXII Why mention is made of Sarai her barrennesse Vers. 30. BVt Sarai was barren c. Sarai her barrennesse is noted 1. not as some Hebrewes imagine that she should be reserved for the birth of Isaak and not bee polluted with other births for the birth is no pollution of the wombe and if this were the reason Isaack might have beene the first borne 2. neither was Sarai barren that by this meanes Ismael should be borne of Agar to bee a plague afterwards to the Israelites as some Hebrewes thinke 3. But this was the cause that Gods power might afterward appeare in giving her a sonne in her old age QVEST. XXIII Abraham whether cast into the fire and then delivered by his faith Vers. 31. THey departed together from Vr of the Chaldeans It seemeth to bee an old tradition among the Hebrewes that Abraham was complained of by Thare his father in the dayes of Nimrod for refusing to worship the fire which the Chaldeans adored as God and therefore he was cast into the fire but was delivered by his faith and that this was the Ur that is the fire of the Chaldees out of the which Abraham was brought and they adde further that Aran seeing his brother delivered refused likewise to worship that Idoll and was cast into the fire wherein because hee had but a weake faith he perished and therefore it is said he died before his father that is in his presence This tradition Hierome seemeth in part to allow of and Lyranus also and Paulus Burg. But it is a meere fable as may thus appeare 1. because Abraham as most Chronographers agree was not as yet borne in Nimrods time but in the 43. of Ninus that succeeded Nimrod or Belus 2. If Abraham had beene so miraculously delivered it is like that either Moses would have remembred it in this story or the Apostle Heb. 11. where he commendeth the faith of Abraham or Ecclesiasticus chap. 45. would not have omitted where of purpose he setteth forth the praise of Abraham Iosephus also lib. 1. antiquit and Philo that wrote two bookes of Abraham remember no such thing 3. This Ur was the name of a City in Chaldea which Eupolimus in Eusebius calleth Camerinis Ammianus Ur lib. 25. Plinie Oâ—choen the Septuagint translate it the region of the Chaldeans And here not onely Abraham but Thare Lot and Sarai all depart from Ur then it should seeme they were all cast into the fire Iosephus saith that in his time the Sepulcher of Haran was to be seene in Ur of the Chaldeans Haran then was not burned but buried Aben Ezra taketh Ur for the name of a place and Abrahams Countrey though Ramban would have Cuthena in Mesopotamia rather his Countrey QVEST. XXIII Whether Nachor went out with Terah from Chaldea Vers. 31. ANd Terah tooke Abraham 1. It is certaine that God was the author of this journey who spake to Abraham before he dwelt in Canaan Act. 7.2 and that Terah was made acquainted with Gods oracle by his sonne and obeyed the same Calvin 2. Terah is said to take Abraham c. because he was the chiefe and master of the family Muscul. 3. No mention is made of Nachor who chose rather to remaine in his Countrey and obey not Gods calling who afterwards notwithstanding followed and left his Countrey but went no further than Mesopotamia Gen. 24.10 and dwelt also in Charran Gen. 28.1 Mercer QVEST. XXIV Whether Terah Abrahams father were an Idolater COncerning Terah whether he were given to the Idolatry of the Chaldeans because he departed from Ur is a great question which may thus be decided 1. It is neither probable that as Suidas saith Sarug the grandfather of Terah brought in Idolatry commanding holy
not to them 2. The time was not yet come for the expelling of the Canaanites for then it was unlawfull for them to make league with them as the Israelites answer the Gibeonites Iosua 9.7 wherefore the times must be distinguished Muscul. 3. All this was done not without Gods speciall direction who moved these confederates to assist Abraham being a stranger in the land and of no great power Calvin 4. The Hebrewes also thinke that those three were of Abrahams faith and worshippers of God and that Abraham therefore made a league with them QUEST X. By what authority Abraham waged battell Vers. 14. WHen Abraham heard that his brother was taken c. The question is by what authority Abraham addresseth him to battell 1. Neither was the authority of Maâ—re Escol and Aver Lords of the Ammorites sufficient for they were all subjects to the King of Elam vers 4. Neither did the King of Elam take unjust warre in hand as some thinke for he came to suppresse rebels vers 4. 3. But wheras there are three things required to make just warre a good cause a good affection in following it and lawfull authority Abraham had all these his cause was good to redeeme his brother Lâ—t whom the enemie had unlawfully taken captive being a stranger and not accessary to the Sodomites rebellion thus the Wise man saith Wilt thou not preserve those that are laid to be slaine Prov. 24.11 Againe Abrahams affection was good he sought not to make himselfe rich neither did he seeke himselfe in this businesse vers 22. but the glory of God his authority was also from God as Melchisedeck saith That God delivered his enemies into his hand vers 20. And Abraham was now in right though not in possession the King and Lord of this Countrey whereof the Lord would aforehand give some testimonie as Moses by slaying the Egyptian did manifest his calling Exod. 2. Muscul. 4. And whereas he recovered not onely Lot but the rest of the Sodomites this also was done by the Lords direction because he had reserved them to a greater punishment Muscul. but these particular actions are not to be drawne into example but must be discerned from the generall duties of Christians QUEST XI Of the City Dan. HE pursued them to Dan c. 1. For the situation Dan bounded the land of Palestina on the North as Bersabe on the South it was planted at the foot of Libanus where was the spring head of the floud Jordan Iunius it is distant from Sidon 35. miles and therefore it is said to bee farre from Sidon Iud. 18.28 2. It is famous for many acts and exploits there done both good and bad there Ieroboam set up his golden calfe 1 King 12. there Peter uttered that excellent confession of Christ Matth. 16.13 and the woman was healed of her bloudy issue Perer. 3. It was first called Leshem Ios. 19.47 or Laish Iud. 18.28 then Paneas after that Caesaria Philippi by the Tetrarch Philippus and lastly Neronia by Agrippa in the honour of Nero. 4. But whereas this place was called Dan long after Moses time Iud. 18.18 I thinke it probable that Ezra or some other of the Prophets inspired of God that did digest the Scriptures into order did insert these names into the story which were not knowne to Moses for the better evidence thereof But that Ezra did write the Scriptures anew which should be burned when the City was taken as thinke some of the fathers Iraeneus Tertullian Clem. Alexandrini seemeth to be farre otherwise and but a fable borrowed from counterfeit Ezra lib. 2. cap. 14.44 For Daniel being in captivity maketh mention of his reading of Ieremies prophecie Dan. 9. which then was not perished and our Saviour saith Moses writ of him Ioh. 5. But if Moses works were utterly perished and Ezra had renewed them Ezra not Moses had written of him Ezra might restore the holy bookes defaced in continuance of time to their former perfection but wholly write and compose them againe he did not QUEST XII What number Abraham taketh with him Vers. 15. HE and his servants divided themselves c. 1. Abraham armeth his owne servants and such as were borne in his house which would be more trusty and faithfull to him Eugubin 2. He taketh 318. persons which were not the chiefe captaines onely and under them a great number of Souldiers beside as Iosephus but these were the whole number which he tooke with him yet were they not all his house for there were women and children and aged persons beside 3. Rupertus allusion here to the 318. fathers in the councell of Nice assembled against Arrius is farre fetcht and his application of the Greek numerall letters T.I.H. the first to betoken the Crosse the other two the name Iesu is also impertinent seeing Moses did write in Hebrew not in Greeke 4. The Hebrewes conceit also is vaine that Abraham had none but Eleazar his servant with him the letters of whose name make 318. QUEST XIII Abrahams policie in battell Vers. 15. DIvided themselves by night 1. Abraham who was before in Egypt so timorous that fearing to be killed he desired his wife to dissemble her selfe yet now is so emboldned that he dare with a small company set upon foure Kings so that Abraham might here say with David that God did teach his fingers to fight Psal. 144.1 Calvin 2. Abraham againe sheweth here the practice of that saying of the Wise man by counsell make warre Prov. 20.18 for he both divideth his company and setteth upon them in the night so did Gideon Iud. 7.16 and Iosua 10 9. so David came upon Saul in the night 1 Sam. 26.11 Muscul. 3. He taketh his owne servants and the servants of his confederates Iunius and overtaketh the enemie the fifth night and surpriseth them being weary of their journey secure unarmed and like enough also drunken Iosephus QUEST XIV Of Hoba Vers. 15. HOba It was the proper name of a place not an Epithite given to Dan as R. Salomon thinketh it signifieth culpa a fault because Dan afterward was faulty in idolatrous worship for here this Choba is described to be on the left hand of Damascus 2. Hierome saith that this Choba in his time was a village where certaine Hebrewes dwelt of the heresie of Ebion which retaine all the precepts of the law 3. But it is most like to be Opoton in Phenicia Iunius and so some Latine texts for Choba read Phenice QVEST. XV. Of the Valley of Sheveth Vers. 17. THe valley of Shaveh c. 1. This is not that Shaveth mentioned vers 5. that was beyond Jordan this on the hither side not farre from Sodom Mercer 2. Hierome thinketh it was a Vally so named of the City Shaveh which was situate in a Plaine not farre from Sodome where the Emims dwelt vers 5. which name it retained still in his time 3. Botehardus thinketh it was the same Valley where Sodome and Gomorrhe
his seed and beleeved they should possesse it in time 2. Abraham had great store of cattell treasure and houshold and of other goods which he gave unto Isaack Gen. 25.5 bestowing onely gifts upon his other sonnes 3. She desired that Isaack might be heire of Abrahams name and bloud as the Lord faith afterward that his seed should be called in Isaack QUEST VII Whether Hagar carried Ismael upon her shoulder Vers. 14. PVtting it upon her shoulder and the childe also 1. It is not like that Ismael being now a youth of twenty yeares old was laid upon his mothers shoulders to beare as the Septuagint read or that Abraham was constrained to binde Ismael with cords and lay him upon his mother for v. 18. she is bid to take him by the hand not to lay him upon her shoulder and whereas shee is said to cast him from her this was done not out of her armes but animo in her mind and affection Augustine Iunius Or taking him into her lap being sicke she after despairing of his health put him from her Mercer whereas also hee is called jeled a childe this word is used not onely of infants but of young men Genes 4.23 and Hierome well noteth that all children are so called in respect of their parents 2. Neither is it here a metaphoricall speech as Cajetane saith that to lay Ismael upon his mothers shoulders was to commit him to her care 3. But the sentence is thus distinguished as the Latine readeth well that whereas there are two words he gave and imposed or layed on this is to be referred to the bottle of water and bread the other to the child 4. As for that conceit of the Hebrewes that Ismael was sicke and through griefe fell into a dropsie or some inflammation which was the cause the bottle of water was so soone spent it hath small ground QUEST VIII What the reason is that Abraham gave Agar and Ismael no better provision HE tooke bread and a bottle of water c. How commeth it to passe that Abraham being so rich a man and loving Ismael so well should send him out with no better provision seeing that they were not to send away their servants empty but to give them a liberall reward of sheepe come and wine Deut. 15.13 1. Cajetane thinketh that by bread and water all other victuals are expressed and that Abraham gave them both servants and cattell being both his father and very rich and so both willing and able neither would he deale worse with Ismael his first borne than with the rest of his sonnes to whom he gave gifâ—s Genes 25.5 sic Cajetan But the Scripture it selfe gain-sayeth Cajetan herein which omitteth not to make mention of the very bottle which Abraham gave to carry the water in then by all likelihood the other gifts or greater value should have beene spoken of 2. Neither need we with Rupertus to seeke out an allegory that by Hagars carrying of water and not wine is shadowed forth the old Synagogue labouring under the literall sense of Scripture 3. Wherefore Tostatus thinketh better that Abraham gave Hagar no more than these necessary helpes in her journey 1. Either because Sarah the dame of the house would have it so whom God commanded Abraham to heare in this case 2. Or for that the Lord had promised to provide and take care for Ismael 3. Or Abraham might afterward remember Ismael with a portion among the rest of his brethren sic Tostatus 4. Or Abraham did thinke to send them a supply afterwards they sojourning not faire off 5. Or Abraham being in griefe and heavinesse for their departure might forget to doe that which otherwise he would have done for it seemeth he did it in haste Calvin Among which reasons I take the first and the last to be most probable QUEST IX How Hagars eyes were opened Vers. 19. GOd opened her eyes c. 1. Not that her eyes were shut before 2. Neither as though this fountaine which the Angel shewed did suddenly breake out of the ground as some think ex Vatablâ— 3. But caused her to see the well which either by reason of her griefe she before regarded not Calvin or she saw it not by reason of the farre distance or for that it was in some hidden place Perer. Thus the two Disciples are said not to have knowne and discerned Christ till their eyes were opened Luke 24. 4. Rupâ—rtus gathereth from hence a further mystery that as Hagar wandring in the wildernesse was brought to see a fountaine of water so the Jewes in the end of the world shall be called and brought to the knowledge of the truth QUEST X. Abimelech rather of feare than love maketh a league with Abraham Vers. 22. ABimelech spake unto Abraham c. 1. Some thinke that Abimelech not of any suspition or jealousie toward Abraham but for love of his vertue and seeing him to be a man prosperous and beloved of God both by reason of the victory given him against foure Kings when he recovered Lot and the honourable congratulation of Melchisedech that met him and now the rate birth of his sonne Isaack for these causes he desired his friendship Pererius 2. But it is more like that Abimelech feared Abrahams greatnesse and therefore of feare rather than love desired to make a league with him Muscul. Calvin for it is no other like but that Abimelech was affected to Abraham as afterward to his sonne that sojourned in the same place and how Abimelechs affection stood toward Isaack the Scripture sheweth Wherefore came yee to me seeing you hate me c. Gen. 26.27 yet Abimelech desireth also to make a covenant of friendship with Isaack QVEST. XI Of the gifts given to Abimelech and the seven lambs Vers. 27. ABraham tooke sheepe and beeves c. Pererius thinketh that no other ceremony was used in making this covenant but only an oath betweene them but this giving of sheep to Abimelech sheweth that some other rite and solemnity was performed Muscul. 2. And hereby Abraham doth acknowledge his homage to the King of the place for though all this land was promised to Abraham yet the time of his actuall possessing it was not yet come 3. The seven lambs were not money stamped with that marke but so many in the kind which Abraham giveth as a price or redemption of his well that he might enjoy it quietly afterward Calvin 4. And these seven lambs did not belong unto the covenant as a rite and ceremony thereof for then Abimelech would not have asked what they did meane v. 29. But they were as an earnest given for the redeeming of the well Perer. 5. Augustine thinketh that Abraham bought with them that parcell of ground where he planted a groave and it is not unlike for before this time Abraham is not sound to have planted any QVEST. XII Of the name and City of Beersheba Vers. 31. WHerefore the place is called Beersheba 1. The word
to deale with the gain-saying Jewes would not so much stand upon his Apostolike illumination neither would they rest upon it 3. Neither is the word seed taken here not singularly for the person of Christ but collectively for the whole spirituall seed of Abraham the people of God consisting of the Jewes and Gentiles Beza for this sense seemeth to bee coact and not proper and the Apostle himselfe denieth it to bee understood of many but of one 4. Neither doth Saint Paul ground his argument upon the received opinion and confession of the Jewes which hee was experienced in being brought up under the feet of Gamaliel who all generally did hold this promise of blessing in Abrahams seed to be understood of the Messiah Perer. for thus the Apostles reasoning should be inverted and that made his conclusion which is his argument for the Apostle doth not reason thus This place is referred to the Messiah Ergo he saith not seeds but seed But thus rather standeth his argument In saying seed not seeds hee meaneth but one Ergo the Messiah that is Christ. 5. Wherefore if the Apostles words bee thorowly weighed and examined he enforceth two conclusions in this one sentence the first is that this place out of Moses must needs be interpreted not of all Abrahams seed confusedly but of some one specially the other is that this being evicted that the Lord in this promise speaketh but of one it will follow of necessity that this one must be Christ. For the first that Abrahams seed is not understood promiscuè for all his seed the Jewes themselves could not deny for this seed was first restrained to Isaack and Ismael excluded then in Isaack it was assigned to Iacob and Esau refused in Iacob this seed was singled out in Iuda when the other tribes were carried into captivity and never returned therefore seed here cannot bee taken for many but wee must still proceed in descending till we come to one in whom this blessing is performed Calvin For the second that this one must be Christ it will necessarily follow because none else can be named in whom all the Gentiles received this blessing for that place Psal. 72.17 All nations shall blesse him and be blessed in him cannot be understood of Salomon who was so farre from procuring a blessing to all nations that he brought a curse upon his owne nation and posterity when for his idolatry a rent was made in the Kingdome the smallest part falling to the share of his sonne Rehoboam And beside this Psalme is a propheticall song of Christ under the type of Salomon as vers 5. They shall â—eare him as long as the Sunne and Moone endureth vers 11. All Kings shall worship him vers 17. His name shall endure for ever These sayings cannot be uttered of Salomon or any other mortall man but onely are true of the Lord Messiah There being then none else found by whom the Gentiles were spiritually blessed in being called from their filthy idolatry to the knowledge and worship of the true God in being lightned with Scriptures brought to the acknowledgement and so remission of their sinnes but onely Christ none else in whom they beleeve whose name is blessed among them Who can this else bee but Jesus Christ the Messiah And thus it is evident that the Apostle hath reasoned strongly from this place that salvation commeth not by the Law but by faith in Christ which is the thing the Apostle in this place intendeth to prove QUEST XXIII Whether Abrahams obedience or Isaacks patience were more notable IT may seeme that Isaacks obedience in yeelding himselfe willingly to death was more excellent and worthy of note than Abrahams because it is a greater patience to suffer death for Gods cause than to inferre it Isaack also should have felt the sorrowes and pangs of death in his body which Abraham was onely to behold Notwithstanding these reasons Abrahams example of obedience excelled 1. Because he was to sacrifice his onely most beloved and innocent sonne which was no doubt more grievous unto him than if he had died himselfe 2. Isaacks death came unlooked for it should have beene finished at once Abrahams griefe as it pierced his heart three continuall dayes before so the remembrance of this fact would have continued still 3. The Scripture giveth sentence with Abraham which maketh mention in this place and others beside of Abrahams offering up of Isaack but ascribeth no part thereof to Isaack Now because that example of the King of Moab which offered up the King of Edoms sonne in sacrifice and not his owne as the common opinion is may be thought to resemble Abrahams fact here it shall not be amisse briefly to examine that place as it is set downe 2 King 3.27 QUEST XXIV Whether the King of Moab sacrificed his sonne and wherefore FIrst then 1. Neither is it like that the King of Moab having learned of his Priests that God prospered Israel because of Abrahams faith which doubted not to offer his sonne as Lyranus therefore he attempted to doe the like for at this time the Israelites did not so greatly prosper the kingdome being divided because of the idolatry of Salomon and diversly afflicted and the King of Moab offered not his owne son but the King of Edoms as it is expounded by Amos 2.1 For three transgressions I will not turne to Moab c. because it burnt the bones of the King of Edom as lime 2. Neither did the King of Moab this by the advice of the Priests after the example of Israel because they used to offer up their sons to Molech thinking to please the God of Israel hereby Burgens For the Israelites rather learned this idolatrous use of the Gentiles and the Israelites prospered not but were punished of God for such impieties 3. Nor yet did the King of Moab this to move the Israelites to commiseration when they should see to what misery and necessity he was brought to offer such a bloudy sacrifice as Tostat. and Vatab. for he did it rather to despight them as shall even now appeare 4. Nor yet did he offer this sacrifice only with an intent thereby to appease his gods and to procure their help which opinion indeed the heathen had of such wicked and devillish offerings Cajetan Perer. 5. But it is most likely that the King of Moab assaying to breake thorow to the King of Edom and could not tooke the Kings sonne of Edom that was to reigne after him and therefore is called the King of Edom Amos 2.1 and sacrificed him in the sight of his father to his great griefe Iunius QUEST XXV What was the cause of the indignation against Israel SEcondly where it followeth thus For that Israel was sore grieved and they departed from him or there was great indignation against Israel 1. This is not referred to the indignation or wrath of God as though the Lord should be offended with Israel sent a plague amongst them
was sensible and visible for they appeared in the habit of heavenly souldiers as the like apparition was shewed to the Prophets servant 1 King 6. Mercer 3. The Hebrewes note that Iacob knew these to be the same Angels which he saw in vision to ascend and descend upon the ladder 4. And whereas Iacob is not said to meet them but they to meet Iacob therein appeareth the dignity and preeminence of the Saints whom the Angels are ready to attend upon Mercer QUEST II. Whether two armies only of Angels appeared to Iacob Vers. 2. HE called the place Mahanaim which word is of the duall number and signifieth two armies 1. Not as though God made one army and the Angels another 2. Or as though Iacob had at the first taken one company to be against him the other with him as some Hebrewes for hee knew them at the first to be Gods Angels 3. Neither were these two companies of Angels the one that brought him out of Mesopotamia the other that now received him into the land of Canaan as Rasi for these companies of Angels did all meet Iacob and offered their protection 4. Nor yet hath Iacob relation in this name to his hoast and company that made one and the Angels hoast which was the other as Iunius for Iacob had no reason to name the place by his hoast 5. But the duall number is here taken for the plurall as the same word Mahanaim is used Cantic 6.12 so that Iacob saw not precisely two armies of Angels one before another behind but he was compassed round with them beside the forme of the dual number is often applied to proper names though no reason can be yeelded of it as Ephraim Misraim so may it bee here Mercer QUEST III. Of the message which Iacob sent to Esau. Vers. 3. IAcob sent messengers to Esau his brother 1. R. Carus thinketh that Iacob sent Angels of his message to Esau for the word malachim signifieth the Angels vers 1. and generally messengers but this is too curious for if Iacob had sent Angels hee would not have given them Commandement and instructions what to say as he doth 2. Esau was now removed from his father before Iacob came Gen. 36.6 and it may be he had thereof intelligence from his mother Calvin He being now growne rich and seeing his wives were an offence to his parents but most of all desiring his owne liberty might remove into the land of Seir Calvin The countrey being neere adjoyning to Beerseba where Isaack dwelt Mercer 3. He sendeth to Esau 1. Because hee must needs passe by his countrey 2. And nameth himselfe his servant not thereby renouncing his blessing but yeelding temporall subjection for a time as David did to Saul though he were even then the annointed King 3. He maketh mention of his sojourning with Laban not so much to excuse the matter that he had not all this while sought to be reconciled to his brother as R. Carus as to report unto his brother what the state and condition of his life had been who as yet might be ignorant of it Mercer 4. He also speaketh of his cattell and riches that Esau should not thinke that he sought unto him for any need but only to have his favour QUEST IV. Whether Esau came with 400. men as an enemy or a friend Vers. 6. THe messengers came againe to Iacob 1. Some thinke the messengers spake not at all to Esau because they were afraid meeting him with foure hundred men but it is not like that Esau had notice of Iacobs comming but first from him by his Messengers 2. Neither did Esau come thus accompanied to make ostentation only of his power Musculus 3. Or to give his brother more honourable entertainment Calvin Mercer For he needed not then to have brought so many with him and he would have sent him some kind message before 4. Wherefore it is more like that Esau prepared himselfe to be revenged of Iacob as may appeare by Iacobs great feare which was not without cause and hereby also the power of God is more set forth that could in the very way change the purpose and counsell of Esau. QUEST V. Of the divers takings of this word in Scripture Vers. 10. WIth my staffe came I over the phrase is in my staffe this preposition in is diversly taken in Scripture 1. In is taken for with as Luk. 1.75 to serve him in holinesse that is with holinesse and so it is taken here 2. In for by Psal. 63.11 all that sweare in that is by him shall rejoyce 3. In for through noting power and helpe Act. 7.28 in him that is by him we live and move and have our being 4. In for to Psal. 136.8 hee made the sunne in potestatem for or to rule the day 5. In for because Hos. 5.5 they shall fall in their iniquity that is because of their iniquity 6. In for against Psal. 44.5 by thy name have we troden downe those that rose in nos against us 7. In for in stead Psal. 31.2 be unto mee in domum refugâ—i for or in stead of an house of defence 8. In for among Iohn 1.16 the word was made flesh and dwelt in nobis among us 9. In for with 1 Peter 5.2 feed the flocke qui in vobis which is in you that is with you committed to your care 10. In for of Habbac 2.14 woe to him that buildeth a towne in that is of bloud 11. In for before or at in the name of Iesus shall every knee bow that is at or before the name of Jesus Philip 2.12 in for under Psal. 91.1 he that dwelleth in the secret c. that is under ex Perer. QUEST VI. The cause of Iacobs feare Vers. 11. I Feâ—re him lest he will come and smite me c. Seeing that Iacob had the Lords promise for his safety Genes 31.3 Returne into the land of thy fathers and I will be with thee how commeth it to passe that Iacob is so greatly afraid for answer whereunto I neither thinke with Augustine qu. 102. in Genes that Iacob feared not his owne deliverance but that it should not bee without great slaughter for even Iacob feareth concerning himselfe lest hee will come and smite me 2. Neither as Lyranus was Iacob thus afraid because hee was to goe thorow his brothers countrey where hee and his might bee easily surprised Pererius thinketh that Edom was not in Iacobs way being entred into the land of Canaan already but to goe unto Beerseba or Hebron where Isaack dwelt which was in the south part of Canaan the way was by Idumea which lay south to Canaan Mercer But this was not onely Iacobs feare for Esau comming with 400. men even out of his owne territory had beene able to have spoyled Iacob and his company 3. Nor yet did Iacob doubt of Gods promise lest by reason of some sinnes which he might have committed in idolatrous Labans house it should be suspended as
with mee Ambrose The third is their impudent behaviour and continuall solliciting as here this unshamefast woman did day by day move and provoke Ioseph Vers. 10 ex Perer. 4. Observ. The occasion of evill to bee avoyded Vers. 10. HE hearkened not unto her to lie with her or bee in her companie Ioseph would avoid all occasions that might draw him into the least suspition of evill Muscul. So the Apostle saith Abstaine from all appearance of evill 1 Thess. 1.22 He that will not be inticed to adulterie drunkennesse and such like must shunne and avoid the companie of such 5. Observ. The unstable affections of the wicked Vers 14. SHee called to the men of the house This wicked womans love was turned into hatred such was Amnons filthie love or lust rather toward Thamar whom he hated as much after his uncleane act as hee doated upon her before 2 Sam. 13.15 Such are the affections of the wicked variable inconstant inhumane unstedfast 6. Observ. God visiteth his children even in prison Vers. 21. THe Lord was with Ioseph and shewed him mercie c. Though Ioseph was closed up in the darke dungeon yet God was his light and comfort as it is in the Psalme Vnto the righteous ariseth light in darkenesse Psal. 102.4 Visiâ—at deus in carcere suos God doth visit his even in prison as Christ saith in the person of his members I was in prison and ye did not visit mee Matth. 25. Thus God visited Paul and Silas being fast in the stocks in the inner prison when at midnight they sung a Psalme unto God Act. 16.25 CHAP. XL. 1. The Method or Argument THis chapter sheweth first what favour Ioseph found for the time present at the hands of the keeper and how he was set over the other prisoners vers 1. to vers 5. Secondly how by the interpretation of certaine dreames he made away for his deliverance and preferment following where first the dreames are rehearsed unto him the dreame of Pharaohs chiefe Butler apart as also the dreame of the chiefe Baker then Ioseph expoundeth the dreames the interpretation of the one was good of the other unhappie lastly is shewed the divers successe of these dreames according to Iosephs interpretaâ—â—â—n vers 19. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 1. It happened that two Eunuches offended H. the rest have not this clause but onely that the Butler and Bakâ—r offended The chiefe Butler and chiefe Baker S. The Butler and Baker caet v. 1 The Butler and Cooke T. Butler and Baker caet aphah signifieth to bake and to seeth and dresse meat it appeareth v. 17 that he had charge of the Kings meat v. 2. Pharaoh was angrie with them H. angrie with his two Eunuches S. two princes C. officers G. B. Courtiers T. Saris signifieth both and Eunuch and geâ—ded man as likewise a principall officer or man in authoritie v. 3. He sent them into the prison of the Captaine of the souldiers H.C. of the chiefe steward G. B. praefecti satellitum master of the guard T. principis lanionum the chiefe slaughter-man P. see before chap. 37.36 of the divers readings of the word tabach v. 3. In the place where Ioseph lay S. lay bound caet the house of them that were bound where Ioseph lay bound G. the round tower T. Soâ—ar a round vaulted place v. 5. They dreamed both a dreame the same night H. both one dreame in one night S. every one his dreame catâ—r Their visions were of their dreame S. each mans dreame of a divers interpretation S. according to the interpretation thereof câ—t The Butler and Baker of the King of Egypt which were bound in prison all have this clause but the Latin v. 13. Pharaoh shall remember thee C. remember thy service H. thine office S. â—â—mber thy head or â—eavie thine head T. lift up thy head B.G.P. heb v. 16. Three baskets of meale S. filled with principall or white bread C. three white baskets G. P. three white wicker baskets B. baskets full of holes T. char signifieth white and full of holes v. 17. All kinde of baken meats for Pharaoh cat all kind of meats dressed by the art of coquerie T. see before v. 1. v. 23. He forgot his interpreter H. remembred not Ioseph but forgâ—t him caet 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. What the offence was of Pharaohs chiefe Butler and Baker Vers. 1. THe Butler offended c. 1. This Butler and Baker that offended were not the under officers and therefore they which were set over them were punished as R. Ephraim Carus thinketh for it had not beene justice to punish one for an others fault but the same parties which offended were committed 2. Neither was this their offence because Pharaoh found a flye in the cup and a little stone in the bread as some Hebrewes imagine it is not like that so wise a Prince would punish so small offences with death some thinke they had attempted the chastitie of Pharaohs daughters but it is most like that it was some conspiracie or treason against the life of Pharaoh as we reade in the booke of Esther that two Eunuchs conspired against Assuerus Mercer QUEST 2. How the chiefe Butlers head is said to be lift up Vers. 13. WIthin three daies shall Pharaoh lift up or leavie thy head c. 1. Iunius exposition here is too curious that referreth this to that use and custome of tables made with rowes and ranks of holes with pegges against the which were written the names of the officers with their ministerie and services and that this peg is called the head and the boord or table the base or seat to the which the peg should be removed which signified the restoring of him to this place againe 2. I had rather with Mercerus understand by lifting up or leavying the head the numbering of him among the rest as the phrase is used Exod. 30.12 When thou liftest the head of the children of Israel that is takest the summe of them 3. But we neede not search further than with Musculus to take the plaine and ordinarie sense who by lifting up or leavying the head understandeth his advancement and restoring to his former condition as the head of Ioachim King of Iudah is said to be lift up when he was delivered out of prison 2. King 25.27 QUEST III. Whether Ioseph offended in making request to the Butler to remember him Vers. 14. HAve me in remembrance c. 1. The Hebrewes doe reprehend Ioseph for trusting to this meanes of his deliverance say that for this cause he was chastised with two yeares longer imprisonment to the same purpose writeth Augustin serm 82. de temp But although Ioseph was content to use the meanes which was offered yet there is no doubt he relied upon Gods providence still theerfore Ioseph is here reprehended without cause 2. Neither doth he make sale of his spirituall and propheticall
by Iudah that particular tribe and not the whole nation of the Iewes it should seeme that Iudah also in this place should be taken in the same sense 2. These words also of Iacobs prophecie untill Shiloh come may bee understood of that time when the certaine terme and number of years should be revealed of Shilohs comming which was shewed unto Daniel in the first yeare of King Darius Daniel 9.1 To whom Cyrus permitted the regiment of Babylon who reâ—gned together with him from which time there are reckoned 70. weekes that is 490. yeares which weekes begin in the first yeare of Cyrus when the Edict went forth for the returne of the Iewes and end in the passion of Christ at this time c. At this time Zerubbabel prince of Iudah was captaine of the people Ezra 2 2. and unto this time after the scepter was given to Iudah in David it was not removed but onely during the captivitie of Iudah when it is like also that the heads of Iudah bare the greatest sway over their brethren I leave this interpretation to the judgment of the learned neither doe I much insist upon it seeing the prophecie of Iacob rather aymeth at the historicall comming of the Messiah than the prediction of his comming 3. Some doe take the word shebet here not for a Scepter but for the tribe as Iunius and Oleaster translate the tribe shall not depart from Iudah this opinion may seeme probable for these reasons 1. the word is so taken in this chapter for a tribe vers 28. these are the tribes shibteâ—â— and it is very rare or not at all used in Moses for the scepter 2. Thus this prophecie was evidently fulfilled for till our Saviour Christs time the line of Iudah especially from David was exactly kept as may appeare by the genealogie set downe by S. Matthew and S. Luke but after Shiloh was come the policie and government of the Iewes was within one generation dissolved and the line and stocke of Iudah not regarded but shuffled and confounded with the rest neither can the Iewes tel at this day of what tribe they are descended I therefore herein approve of Calvins judgement who understandeth this prophecie of the policie and common-wealth of the Iewes which presently after the Messiahs comming was overthrowne 3. But it will bee objected that the tribe of Levi continued till Christs time as well as Iudah Perer. I answer that Levi was none of the 12. tribes neither had his peculiar lot as the rest had but according to the prophecie of Iacob hee was dispersed in Israel againe though some of the Levites kept their pedigree yet most of them could not prove their descent as it appeareth Ezra 2.62 these sought their writing of the genealogies but they were not found therefore were they put from their Priest-hood and further mention is made that the names of the chiefe fathers of the Levites were written unto the dayes of Iohanan and some of them to the reigne of Darius the last King of Persia Nehem. 12.22 23. it seemeth then that after that their genealogies were not kept 4. Some understand this prophecie of the 70. Elders called Sanedrim which were elected out of Iudah to whom the cognizance of the weightiest causes and establishing of lawes appertained who were of such supreme authoritie that they convicted Herod who hardly escaped the sentence of death for his contumacie these Sanedrim continued untill Herod who not long before Christs birth rooted them all out and then Herod himselfe was absolute King sir Mercer This interpretation joyned with the former I preferre before the rest for in this sense Iudah shall be taken for the particular tribe and the word shebet signifieth sometime the authoritie of the Judge and magistrate as Iudg. 5.14 Amos 1.6 The meaning then of this prophecie is that Iudah should bee possessed of the regall or at the least the chiefe authoritie untill Messiah come QUEST XIV Of the abundance of vines and wine promised to Iudah Vers. 11. HE shall binde his asse foale to the vine c. 1. Wee doe not with Oâ—kelos by the asse and foale understand the parents and children that should cleave unto the law as tyed to the vine and by the washing of their garments in wine that the Princes should bee cloathed in purple by the eyes the hills which should bee full of vines and by the teeth the fields white with corne 2. Neither need wee here run to allegories as to make the binding of the asse to the vine to insinuate the calling of the Gentiles to Christ and by the blood of the grape to understand the blood of Christ by the which wee are washed from our sinnes by the eyes the Prophets and Apostles by the teeth the Doctors and Pastors of the Church whose office it is to prepare the spirituall food for the people 3. Nor yet is that mysticall sense proper to this place to signifie the abundance of spirituall knowledge in the Church under Christ. 4. And with Hierome literally to understand the colt which the Apostles found tyed which they loosed and brought to Christ seemeth to be forced 5. Wherefore the meaning is no more but this to shew that in Iudahs lot there should bee vines of that greatnesse as they might serve to binde their asses unto Perer. and they should be as common as shrubbes and bushes to the which they use to tye their Cattell Iun. Calvin And that they should bring their asses to their vineyards to load them with grapes Mercer Yea and such plenty of wine they should have that they might use it in stead of water to wash their garments Mercer and it should bee excellent wine such as maketh the eyes of them that drinke it red and such store of good pastures should bee in Iudahs portion that they might eat milke in great abundance Iun. QUEST XV. Of the situation of Zabulun Vers. 13. ZAbulun shall dwell by the sea side 1. Iacob rehearsed not his sonnes according to the order of their birth for Zabulun was the tenth sonne first he nameth the sonnes of Leah together then the sonnes of the concubines Zabulun is set before Isachar who was the elder in respect of the situation of the countrey for Isachar had his lot betweene Zabulun and Dan Mercer Zabuluns border did not extend to Zidon for it is like mention would have beene made thereof Iosh. 19. where the dwelling of Zabulun is bounded Perer. Neither is the meaning that they should only traffike with the Sidonians as Andr. Masius but that their side and coasts should bee over against Sâ—don situated by the sea and full of havens Iun. 3. This tribe of Zabulun was famous because of the mount Tabor where Christ was transfigured and the citie Nazareth where Christ was conceived Luke 1.26 and brought up Math. 2.23 there also Christ began to preach Matth. 4.15 to the people that sat in darknesse he began there where was greatest need for they that
man But afterward he rejected this opinion quâ—st 2. in Exod. Oâ—cumenius also upon Iude bringeth in the Devill contending with Michael the Archangell that Moses was not worthy of buriall because he unjustly killed the Egyptian But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proofe of his calling from God Acts 7.25 2. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian was the husband of one Salomith with whom the Egyptian committed adultery and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death Levit. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses but these are meere conjectures 3. Some other Hebrewes thinke that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword but by the word of his mouth as Peter killed Ananias Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have beene so circumspect and to have buried him privily in the sand Simler 4. Cajetane defendeth this fact because this Egyptian was one of the cruell taskmasters that oppressed the Hebrewes and therefore it was lawfull to kill him but if Moses had beene a private man it had not beene lawfull no not to kill an enemie in this case 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion that Moses might doe this in charitie to deliver his brethren and to relieve the oppressed though he had not a singular inspiriation or publike calling to doe it so Ambrose seemeth to thinke lib. 1. de officiis cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it Deliver them that are drawne to death Prov. 24.11 But though it be an act of charitie to deliver and to rescue yet it is an inordinate charitie to kill one to deliver another 6. Wherefore the best defence is that Moses was inspired of God and had his authoritie from him to doe the office of a Judge betweene the Hebrew and the Egyptian which is affirmed by Saint Stephen He thought that his brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance Act. 7.25 And this is the resolution of Augustine quast 2. in Exod. Thostatus Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added that Moses being the reputed sonne of Pharaohs daughter was a publike person and so of great authoritie Iun. in Analys It may be also that all the circumstances of this fact are not expressed as that the Egyptian did so assault the Hebrew as that the one could not be rescued without killing of the other or Moses might kill him in his owne defence the Egyptian running upon him when hee offered to rescue the Hebrew Perer. But the best defence is that Moses was hereunto extraordinarily stirred up of God which extraordinarie motions are not now of us to be imitated or to be drawne into example Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secrecie and circumspection in this businesse Vers. 12. ANd he looked round about and when hee saw no man c. It will be objected if Moses had authoritie and a calling from God to kill the Egyptian why did hee it secretly To this may be answered that although Moses was to himselfe assured of his calling yet was it not knowne either to the Hebrewes or Egyptians and therefore his calling being yet secret and hid it was fit that his acts should be secret otherwise his publicke acts his calling being yet secret would have beene as much offensive and called in question as if hee had had no such calling Iun. in Analys So Ehud killed Eglâ—â— privately in his secret chamber Iudg. 3. and Gedeon being not yet pulikely knowne and taken to be appointed of God to deliver his people did pull downe the altar of Baal by night Iudg. 6.27 Herein thâ—n Moses sheweth his godly discretion that he might proceed by order QUEST XXI How Moses is said to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King Heb. 11.26 Vers. 14. THen Moses feared and said c. Yet the Apostle saith he feared not the fiercenesse of the King Heb. 11.26 To reconcile Moses and the Apostle 1. We approve not Theodorets exposition that Moses is said not to feare in respect of the cause of his flight the killing of the Egyptian which fact he feared not as not repenting him hereof but this interpretation seemeth somewhat hard and the Apostle sheweth that he feared not the King no not when he left Egypt therein then consisted the vacuity of his feare not in respect of the fact 2. Chrysostome expoundeth his not fearing of his so leaving Egypt that yet he feared not to returne againe thither but Moses was strengthened and incouraged of God to returne afterward the vision which he saw 40. yeeres after did not take away his first feare 3. Theophylact understandeth it of the degree of his feare hee did not so feare the King as that he fled a farre off but went to Midian a Countrie adjoyning not fearing that the King would pursue him thither But the Apostle exempteth him not onely from some degree but from all feare 4. Some referre his feare unto the affliction and persecution that by this meanes was like to be increased so hee feared not for himselfe but for the people Pellican but Moses speaketh of his owne feare upon the which he fled his fleeing was a meanes to deliver himselfe from the danger and not the people 5. Other say that he feared not so much the King as hee feared to offend God lest if he had offered himselfe to the danger and not made an escape he should have tempted him by presuming Osiander But the text sheweth that hee was afraid of Pharaoh and fled from him 6. Others confesse that Moses shewed his infirmitie of feare but it was covered by faith and so not imputed Genevens But the Apostle denieth that he feared at all 7. Some doe expound it not of Moses first leaving of Egypt when indeed he feared the King but of his second departure when he brought out the people thence for then hee feared not Pharaohs anger at all as is evident cap. 10.29 Lyranus Thostatus Pererius Iun. And this exposition doth very well resolve this doubt 8. Unto this also may be added that if wee understand it of his first departure Moses fled not for any feare in respect of himselfe but lest that his calling by this meanes should be hindred and he withdraweth himselfe not so much of feare as to reserve himselfe for a better opportunitie Simler Nor yet doth he feare as distrusting his calling but because hee lost this opportunitie Iun. And the reason of his feare is expressed in the text Then Moses feared and said certainly this thing is knowne Hee feared lest he should be hindred in this businesse of the deliverance of the people Thomas also to the same effect saith that there are two things to be considered in feare unum vituperabile one to be dispraysed when for feare any evill is committed or any good omitted and this was not in Moses another that is
fuit 〈…〉 quodâ—â— futurum est I am whatsoever was is and is to come And Thaâ—â—s Mileâ—â—us being 〈◊〉 what God was said Quod semper est neque principium habâ—ns neque finem That which alwayes 〈◊〉 having neither beginning nor end Plutarch also writeth that it was written in the doore of the Temple of Apollo 〈◊〉 T is es Thou art And Plato in Timaec saith Id solum esse quod est prorsus immutabile That only is said to be which is immutable but those things which are mutable and changeable may rather be said not to be than be For these and other such divine sentences in Plato some have thought that Plato either had read himselfe the bookes of Moses or had conferred with some Hebrewes while he sojourned in Egypt And this seemeth to be the more probable because Aristobulus who flourished in the time of the Macchabees writing to Ptolemer Philomâ—tor saith that Moses bookes were translated into Greeke before the time of Alexander the Great and that Pâ—tlhagoras and Plato had received many things from thence Clearchus also one of Aristotles schollers testifieth that Aristotle had conference with a certaine Jew a wise and learned man of whom he learned many things Ex Pererio QUEST XXVI Of the name of God Iehovah whether it be ineffable Vers 15. IEhovah the God of your fathers c. this is my name for ever c. 1. The Hebrew Cabalistes will have the word gholam being here written without vaâ— not to signifie for ever but rather hid whence they would gather that the name of Iehovah is ineffable and not to be uttered But beside that not gholam but ghalum with shâ—erk signifieth hid the words following unto all ages doe shew that it must be here read for ever the latter words expounding the former Indeed the name Iehovah is ineffable but in regard of the signification thereof for who can declare the essence of God not of the letters or syllables Simler 2. This name Iehovah signifieth the same with Eheje being added as more usâ—all and better knowne and it betokeneth two things principally both the eternity and alwayes being of God and his cause of being to all other things both efficienter formaliter and finaliter as the efficient cause from whom the formall through whom the finall for whom all things are Iun. 3. And this name Iehovah betokeneth Gods power in his goodnesse and truth the first in being able the second in being gracious and willing the third in being constant to fulfill his promises Borrhaius 4. This name Iehovah iâ— alâ—o incommunicable to all other Elohim is given sometime to Angels sometime to Judges upon earth But Iehovah is peculiar to God and therefore the Messiah is very God to whom this name is given in Scripture 5. Beside some Hebrewes thinke that the Messiah should at his comming reveale and make knowne this name of Iehovah to the world and so our Saviour commandeth his disciples to baptise else in the name of the Father Sonne and holy Ghost which name of the Trinitie is comprehended in Iehovah Simler The first letter Iod they would have to signifie the Father the second â—e the Sonne the third being vaâ— the holy Ghost and the second he the humanity of the Sonne Osian QUEST XXVII Why Moses is bid to gather the Elders together Vers. 16. GOe and gather the Elders 1. The Elders not in age for such a great number of aged folke among 600. thousand could not well be gathered together Simler But the Elders in office either for government or instruction which president Moses followeth Chap. 12.21 and Chap. 19.7 Iun. For although their state was now confused and out of order which was afterward by Moses reduced to a perfect forme yet there was a kinde of government among them in Egypt as may appeare chap. 5. where officers of their brethren were set over them Simler 3. The elders therefore must first be acquainted with the Lords message both because it was not safe to impart it to the ignorant and unruly multitude who would have given no great regard Pellican as also that the Elders and rulers by their example and perswasion might draw the rest Ferus QUEST XXVIII Why they make request but for three dayes journey Vers. 18. LEt us goe three dayes journey in the wildernesse 1. In that they went further than three dayes journey they did Pharaoh no wrong for they were not his subjects but he usurped authority over them and beside they therein followed the Lords direction that went before them 2. Yet notwithstanding they dealt not deceitfully with Pharaoh for it was not necessarie that they should impart their whole councell to their enemies the truth is not wholly at all times to bee uttered it may in part bee concealed as the Lord gave Samuel instruction when he went to anoint David 1. Sam. 16. Iuniuâ— 3. The Lord therefore would have them cautelously and prudently to propound their message that they would goâ— but three dayes journey and into the wildernesse which was in some sort under Pharaohs jurisdiction that the request being so reasonable if Pharaoh should deny it he might be left without excuse Ferus QUEST XXIX How the people is said not to have sacrificed in the wildernesse THat we may sacrifice unto Iehovah Yet the Prophet Amos denieth that they sacrificed unto God in the wildernesse for the space of 40. yeeres but carried the tabernacle of Moloch Amos 4.26 and Act. 7. This then is to be understood not simply and absolutely but in part that they did not sacrifice unto God as they ought but that many of them were Idolaters and polluted with the superstitions of Egypt so the Lord denieth that he required of them to tread in his Courts Isay 1.12 or to offer sacrifice and yet he commanded such things so he saith I will have mercie and not sacrifice that is not sacrifice alone without mercie Simler QUEST XXX How it is said that Pharaoh should not let them goe no not with a strong hand Vers. 19. HE will not let you goe yea not with a strong hand 1. The most reade but with a strong hand that is being forced by the mighty hand of God sic Lat. Pagnin Septuag Simler Ferus but then it should be im lo unlesse except not velo which signifieth neither 2. Some doe understand this strong hand of the Israelites that Pharaoh will let them goe but not with a strong hand that is with their armies and forces 3. Some referre it to Pharaoh that hee would not let them goe because by a strong hand that is by his armies and forces hee was not able to keepe them still 4. But the most proper sense and meaning is that Pharaoh no not with a strong hand referring it unto God should let them goe that is hee should stand out a great while notwithstanding the plagues which should be sent upon him but at the length he should yeeld So his heart was obstinate
chap. 3.18 3. Wherefore it is like that the Elders also went in but Moses and Aaron onely are named as the principall as vers 4. Pharaoh in saying get ye to your burthens speaketh not to Moses and Aaron onely but to the other Israelites with them Iunius Simlerus QUEST III. Whether Pharaoh were altogether ignorant of God Vers. 2. I Know not Iehovah 1. Paulus Burgens thinketh that Pharaoh so spake because the name Iehovah was not knowne to him But it is not like that Moses would use a strange name of God which Pharaoh understood not 2. Thostatus thinketh that hee simplie denied not God but that he was Iehovah that is the ruler and governour of the world that seeth and beholdeth all things But this is too curious and it seemeth that Pharaoh had no good opinion of the Godhead and divine power 3. Therefore whereas there is a twofold knowledge of God the one naturall by the creatures the other spirituall by the word of God the first onely sheweth that there is a God the other teacheth who that God is and how to be served it is like that Pharaoh was not altogether void of the first which he abused detracting from the true God and giving the divine honour unto filthie Idols but the true God he was utterly ignorant of Borrh. 4. So that beside his grosse ignorance hee in pride of heart contemneth and despiseth the true God Simler Hee acknowledgeth the God of the Hebrewes to bee no God and inferiour to the Idols of Egypt Perer. and of no such power to command him being King of Egypt Pellican and afterwards by plagues and judgements hee is taught to confesse and acknowledge God Ferus 5. And there are foure causes that for the most part doe bring men to denie God either feare as Peter denied Christ or grosse ignorance as the wicked thinketh there is no God Psal. 10.4 or corruption and wickednesse of life as the foole saith in his heart there is no God Psal. 14.1 or abundance of prosperitie which maketh a carnall man thinke that hee is sufficient of himselfe without God and therefore the Prophet prayeth that God would not give him too much Lest I be full and denie thee Prov. 30. 6. These three last did concurre in Pharaoh his ignorance wicked life and abundance of prosperitie Perer. QUEST IV. Why mention is onely made of going three dayes journey Vers. 3. LEt us goe three dayes journie into the desert c. 1. Some doe mystically apply these three dayes journie as Augustine to the Trinitie Ferus understandeth it of the purging of our thoughts words and works Perer. Of the way of Christians by faith hope and charitie Borrhaim observeth the like number of three dayes as chap. 19. when they are bid to sanctifie themselves against the third day Ionas was three dayes in the belly of the whale Christ rose the third day But such mysticall applications are but mens wittie devices 2. Neither is the conjecture of the Hebrewes sound that whereas it was not three dayes onely but three moneths journey unto mount Horeb where they sacrificed as appeareth chap. 19. they say a day is taken here for a moneth for thus Moses request should have beene captious and full of deceit 3. Therefore Moses maketh mention onely of three dayes journey as the Lord commanded him who knew that Pharaoh would not grant so small and reasonable a request that his inhumanitie might bee made manifest and so Gods judgements to be just Thostat Lyran. 4. And though God purposed that Israel should never returne into Egypt againe yet it was not necessarie nor convenient that all the Lords counsell should bee revealed to such a cruell Tyrant and herein Moses told no untruth but onely prudently concealed some part as the Lord directed him Simler QUEST V. What other things were said and done by Moses before Pharaoh COncerning other things said and done by Moses 1. Neither is it likely that Moses rehearsed unto Pharaoh the benefits which the Egyptians had received of him as Iosephus but rather he might make mention of Iosephs worthie acts done in Egypt 2. Neither is any credit to be given to Artapanus report alleaged by Eusebius how Moses caused fire to come out of the earth that being committed to prison his keepers were suddenly slaine and the gates opened of themselves and he came into Pharaohs chamber without any let and how certaine Priests for deriding the name Iehovah which Moses had written in a table were sudenly striken dead it is like if such memorable things had beene done Moses would not have omitted them Perer. Therefore to know the summe of Moses acts it sufficeth us to have recourse to the storie here pâ—nned by himselfe QUEST VI. In what sense Pharaoh saith they were much people Vers. 5. BEhold now much people is in the land and would ye make them leave their burthens 1. Some referre it to that which was said before vers 13. Moses gave this reason of his request that the people might be dismissed to sacrifice to God lest he come upon them with the pestilence and so Pharaoh should answer that although the pestilence came upon them he could spare many of them because they were a great multitude 2. Some thinke that Pharaoh objecteth to them rebellion that they being confident upon the strength and multitude of the people did gather them together and caused them to remit their works intending some mutinie Vatab. 3. Other doe make this to be the sense if the people having beene kept under by sore labour doe so increase how much more if they had their case sic Pellican Osiander Latin interpret 4. But it is best read with an interrogation Seeing they are much people would you hinder them and so their works should be intermitted that were so profitable and of such advantage to Pharaoh Iun. Simler This sense is most fitting and agreeable to the text as may appeare by the scope thereof QUEST VII Why they used straw in making bricke Vers. 7. YE shall give the people no more straw 1. They used straw to make bricke both to temper the clay therewith that it might be firmer Lyran. as also to cover it and keepe it from parching and chapping by the sunne as also to burne the bricke with Simler 2. There was great use of bricke in Egypt not onely because they wanted stone but for that the buildings made of bricke were durable and continued long as the wall that compassed Athens was made of bricke and Iupiters temple Plinl ib. 35. cap. 14. The same author also reporteth from Epigenes that there was bricke worke in Babylon of seven hundred yeeres continuance wherein the observation of the starres were graven Perer. 3. As for the allegories which are here devised as by the strawe to understand evill thoughts by the clay corrupt doctrine by Pharaoh the devill I omit them as humane devices QUEST VIII Whether Moses sinned in expostulating thus with God Vers. 22. MOses
sympathies and Antypathies their qualities and operations he can apply and temper the causes together and so is able to worke wonders though not true miracles which are beside the order and course of nature which Satan cannot invert As to put this for an example the small fish which is called Echinus or Remora is able by applying himselfe to the ship to stay it though it bee under saile and have both the sea and winde with it which Plinie sheweth to have beene found by experience how that Antonius his ship at one time and Caius at another were stayed by this fish Now if a Magitian should secretly apply this fish to a ship hee might bee thought to worke a great wonder and yet it should bee naturall The other reason is that beside the knowledge of nature Satan is skilfull of all humane arts and sciences by the benefit whereof even men doe worke wonders as Archimedes was able to stirre a ship with his hand by certaine engines which he had prepared which a great number of men by strength could not doe He also devised such kinde of instruments when Marcellus the Romane Captaine besieged Syracusa whereby they so annoyed their enimies and made such havock and slaughter of the Romanes that Marcellus himselfe said they fought not against men but against the Gods Architas the Pythagorean by Mechanick art made a dove of wood to flie Severinus Boetius made serpentes of brasse to hisse and birdâ— of brasse to sing If men can make such admirable things by art it need not seeme strange if by the power of Satan wonderfull matters are sometime compassed Ex Perer. QUEST XII What things are permitted unto Satan to doe THe next point to be shewed here is what things which seeme to us to be miraculous the Devill may doe by himselfe or his ministers the Magitians First in generall wee are here to consider a twofold action of spirits the one is immediate as they can themselves passe speedily from place to place as Iob. 1. Satan came from compassing the whole earth for if the Sunne being of a bodily substance can compasse the heavens of such a huge circuit many hundred thousand miles about in the space of 24. houres the spirits can doe it with greater agility they have also power to transport bodies from place to place aâ— our Saviour yeelded his body to be transported of Satan to the tempters further confusion The other action is mediate as Satan can transport and bring together the causes of things which being tempered and qualified may bring forth divers naturall effects which are wrought immediatly by those naturall causeâ— yet mediately by Satan which bringeth them together Secondly in particular these things are permitted to Satans power he can transport bodies and carry them from place to place as thâ— Ecclesiasticall stories make mention how Simon Magus was lift up on high in the aire by the 〈◊〉 of Satan but by the prayer of Peter was violently throwne downe so sometime serpents and 〈◊〉 have beene seene flie in the aire Albertus Magnus saith that oxen have rained and fallen out of the aire all which may be wrought by the conveyance of Satan 2. The Devill can suddenly convey things out of ones sight as Apollonius from the presence of Domitian Thus it may be that Gyges if that report be true not by the vertue of a ring but by the power of Satan became invisible 3. They can make images to speake and walke as before wee heard of Apollonius brasen butlers and the image of Memnon so the image of Iuno Moneta being asked if she would remove to Rome answered se velle that she would and the image of fortune being set up said ritè me consecrastis yee have consecrated mee aright Valer. Maxim lib. 1. cap. ultim de simulachris But the Devill cannot give power unto these things being dead to performe any action of life but that hee moveth and speaketh in them as the Angell caused Balaams Asse to speake 4. The Devill can cause divers shapes and formes to appeare as of men Lions and other things in the aire or on the ground as in the life of Antonie the Devill appeared unto him in the shape of terrible beasts 5. And as he can counterfeit the shape of living things so also of other things both naturall as of gold silver meat and artificiall as of pots glasses cuppes for if cunning artificers by their skill can make things so lively as that they can hardly bee discerned from that which they resemble as Plinie writeth of Zeuxis grapes lib. 35. cap. 11. much more can Satan coyne such formes and figures as Philostratus lib. 4. of the life of Appolonius maketh mention how a certaine Lamia pretending marriage to one Menippus a young man shewed him a banquet furnished with all kinde of meat and precious vessels and ornaments which Appolonius discovered to be but imaginarie things and shee confessed her selfe to bee a Lamia 6. The Devill by his subtile nature can so affect the sensitive spirits and imaginary faculty as that they shall represent unto the inward sense the phantasie of some things past or to come and cause them to appeare to the outward sense as wee see that franticke persons imagine many times that they see things which are not and there is no doubt but that the Devill can effect that which a naturall disease worketh 7. Hee can also conforme the fantasies of those that are asleep to represent unto them things which the Devill knoweth shall come to passe and by this meanes to bring credit unto dreames 8. In some things the Devill can interpose himselfe and helpe forward those superstitious meanes which are used to prognosticate as the Augurs by the flying and chirping of birds by looking into the intrals of beasts by casting of lots tooke upon them to divine and the Devill by his mysticall operation concurred with them more strongly to deceive 9. The Devill can stirre up in naturall men the affections of love anger hatred feare and such like as he entred into the heart of Iudas Iohn 13.1 and this he doth two wayes either by propounding such externall objects as helpe to inflame and set on fire such affections and by conforming the inward phantasie to apprehend them Hierome in the life of Hilerius sheweth how a certaine virgin by Magicall enchâ—ntments was so ravished with the love of a young man that shee was mad therewith QUEST XIII How divers wayes Satans power is limited THese things before recited Satan by his spirituall power is able to doe yet with this limitation that his power is restrained of God that he cannot doe what he would but sometime the Lord letteth him loose and permitteth him to worke either for the triall and probation of his faithfull servants as is evident in Iob or for the punishment of the wicked as hee was a lying spirit in the mouthes of Ahabs false Prophets for if Satan had free
Devill could bring downe fire from heaven But how is it then called the fire of God if it were of Satans sending therefore the text it selfe is against that opinion some take it to bee called a fire of God that is a great and most vehement lightning as things of excellencie are so called as the wrestlings of God Gen. 30.8 and the mountaines of God Psal 36.7 Iunius But this sense in that place seemeth to be improper for as here the lightning is called the fire of God so Psal. 29. thunder is called the voice of God I thinke that it will not be said that here also it is so called because the thunder giveth a mighty voice for this is there beside expressed The voice of the Lord is mighty but there the reason is shewed why it is called the voice of the Lord because the God of glorie maketh it to thunder vers 3. Againe every where the Scripture maketh God the author of thunder and lightning and windes as Psal. 107.25 Hee commandeth and raiseth the stormie winde and Psal. 147.15 Hee sendeth forth his commandement upon the earth and his word runneth very swiftly he giveth snow like wooll Psal. 148.7 8. Praise the Lord c. fire and haile snow and stormy winde which execute his word they execute Gods word and commandement onely but if they might bee raised by the power of Satan then should they execute his word Further the Lord saith Iob. 38.25 Who hath divided the spoutes for the raine as the way for the lightning of the thunders and vers 28. the Lord is said to bee the father of raine and so consequently of the other meteors If the Devill can cause raine thunder lightning then he might be said to bee the father of it Hence it is that the people of God have used to pray unto him as the only author and giver of raine and weather as Samuel saith Is it not wheate harvest I will call unto the Lord and he shall send thunder and raine 1. Sam. 12.17 So Ambrose saith Cum pluvia expeteretur ab omnibus quidam dixit neomenia dabit eam c. When raine was desired of all one said the new Moone will bring raine although we were very greedy of raine yet I would not such assertions to bee true yea and I was much delighted that no raine was powred donec precibus ecclesiae datus manifestaret non de initiis lunae sperandum esse sed providentia misericordia creatoris untill it being at the prayers of the Church did manifestly shew that raine is not to be hoped for by the renewing of the Moone but by the providence and mercy of the Creator Some thinke that the fire which came upon Iobs flocke did not come downe from heaven but was otherwise kindled by Satan but that the Devill made as though it came from Heaven the more to terrific Iob when hee should see that even the heavens and God himselfe were set against him Of this opinion seemeth to bee the author of the Commentary upon Iob under Origens name Non de coelo cecidit ignis ille sed ita finxit nequissimus c. Non à Deo missus est sed tua iniquita â— miserrime omnium diabole succensus est That fire came not downe from heaven but so the wicked one fained it was not sent of God but kindled by thy wicked meanes O thou Devill of all most miserable And afterward hee sheweth that Satan cannot bring fire from heaven Dic ergo infoelix tunc super oves Iob ignem de coelo potuisti adducere cur non potuisti revocare illum ignem quem advocavit Helias Say then couldest thou O wretched one bring fire upon Iobs sheepe and why couldest thou not then keepe backe the fire which Helias called for upon the fifties for they were thy ministers and servants This authors judgement in this latter point wee willingly imbrace but his first conceit seemeth not to bee agreeable to the text which saith it was the fire of God then not kindled by Satan Neither yet is it to be thought that Satan had no hand in it but that it was wholly Gods worke for so God should be Satans Minister in serving his turne and not Satan his Wherefore my opinion is this that this tempest of fire and winde were in respect of the naturall generation of them of the working and sending of the Creator But Satan was Minister dejecti ignis the minister of the fire cast downe as Osiander saith not the author but the minister yet not Gods minister in the originall worke which proceeded of naturall causes but in the execution God caused the fire but Satan brought it upon Iobs flocke God raised the winde but Satan drave it upon the foure corners of the house for this we doubt not of but that thunder and lightning and winde being once raised that Satan hath power by Gods permission to carry and transport it from place to place if the winde blow one way he can turne it to another but of himselfe by his spirituall power I deny that he can raise windes and tempests where none are upon the reasons before alleaged And therefore we may hold that to bee a fable which Philostratus reporteth how Apollonius saw two tunnes among the Indians which being opened did send out the windes and being shut they were restrained So I conclude this place with that decree of the Councell Bracaâ—ens 1. c. 8. Si quis credit quòd diabolus tonitrua fulgura tempestates siccitates sua authoritate facit sicut Priscillianus docet anathema sit If any man beleeve that the Devill by his owne authority can make thunder lightning tempests drought as Priscillanus holdeth let him be accursed QUEST XV. Of the power of spirits in naturall workes NOw concerning the other actions of spirits which is called mediate they by applying tempering and qualifying naturall causes may bring forth strange effects for the vertues and properties of herbes plants precious stones mettals mâ—nerals are exactly knowne unto them and but in part unto us 1. As we see man by art by composing things together can effect rare and strange workes as is evident in the graffing and incision of trees in distilling of waters compounding of medicines so much more can spirits by aportioning and applying divers naturall causes together produce strange things 2. Againe many times the excellencie of the artificer or workeman addeth to the perfection of the worke beyond the vertue of the instrumenâ—â— as an axe serveth but to cut but the cunning workeman can therewith doe more than cut as frame a bed or table and such like so these spirituall powers by their great skill can by naturall instruments and meanes bring forth more excellent and strange works than their naturall force serveth unto because they are the instruments of Angels and spirits Sic Thom. Aqui. cont Gent. c. 103. 3. Augustine giveth instance of divers strange and admirable workes in
nature as the naturall burning of certaine mountaines as of Aetna in Cicilia Vesuvius in Campania It is found by experience that certaine things putrifie not as the flesh of a Peacoke as Augustine saith and coales upon the which for the same cause Chersiphron founded the temple of Diana lime boyleth with water and is quenched with oile the adamant is so hard that it cannot bee broken upon a smithes anvill the Agrigentine salt melteth in the fire and sparkleth in the water there is said to bee a fountaine among the Garamants that boileth in the night and freezeth in the day the stone Asbestus burneth continually being once set on fire and is never extinct the wood of a certaine figge tree in Egypt sinketh in the water in the Isle Tilo the trees cast no leaves in the Temple of Venus there was a lampe that no tempest could put out and Lodovicus Vives there reporteth that a certaine lampe was found in a grave that had burned above 1050. yeeres At Alexandria in the Temple of Serapis a certaine image of iron did hang in the top by reason of a certaine loadstone which was inclosed in the roofe These and other such like strange things in nature Augustine remembreth Some wee have knowledge of but many secrets of nature are hid from us but knowne unto the spirits who by this meanes doe worke wonders only producing extraordinarie effects of nature 4. Augustine further in another place sheweth the reason thereof in this manner Sunt occulta quaedam semina arborum plantarum c. in elementis c. There are certaine hid seeds of trees plants in the elements for as there are visible seeds so there are hid seeds which give unto the other their vertue like as then the husbandman doth not create corne but bringeth it out by his labour so the evill Angels doe not create things but only doe draw forth those seeds which are unknowne to us but well knowne to them As Iacob did not create that variety of colour in the sheep but by applying of particoloured rods brought it forth sicut ergo matres gravidae sunt foetibus itâ— mundus gravidus est causis seminibus nascentium Then as mothers that are great with child so the world is full of such seeds and causes of the beginning of things which causes they better knowing then we doe worke wonders yea wee see that men by the pounding of certaine herbes and by such like meanes can cause wormes and other like small creatures to come forth To this purpose Augustine QUEST XVI What workes in naturall things are forbidden unto spirits to doe IT followeth now to shew as wee have seene what things are possible to bee done by spirits so what things are out of their reach and beyond their power 1. Touching the immediate action of spirits which is by locall motion the Devill cannot destroy the world or any principall part thereof nor subvert the order and course of nature he cannot change the course of the heavens or put the starres out of their place neither although he may work some alteration in some part of the earth the whole he cannot remove these and such great workes he cannot doe Perer. ex Aquinat the reason is this because this were to crosse the Creator who by his providence as by his power hee created the world and all that is therein so he preserveth the same in that order which he hath appointed as the Psalmist saith The earth is the Lords and all that therein is hee hath founded it upon the sea and established it upon the flouds Psalm 24.1 2. Secondly concerning the other mediate action of spirits by the instrument and mediation of the creatures these things are denied unto spirits 1. They cannot create any thing of nothing for that argueth an infinite power and is peculiar unto God 2. The Devill being himselfe spirituall and without a bodily substance cannot immediatly change or transforme any materiall or corporall substance without some other naturall cause comming betweene 3. Neither can these spirits change any naturall thing into an other naturall thing immediatly without that subordination of nature and preparation and disposition of the matter which is observed in the generation of things therefore hee cannot bring forth a beast without seed nor a perfect beast all at once because naturally both the generation of such things is by seed and they receive their increase and growth not all at once but by degrees and in time therefore when by the operation of Satan lions and beares and such like creatures have beene made to appeare either they were but phantasies and no such things indeed or were transported from some other place and by this reason he cannot restore dead bodies to life because the body being void of naturall heat and spirits is not fit to entertaine the soule 4. Neither can Satan hinder the operation of naturall things if nothing be wanting which is necessâ—ry for their working And generally whatsoever alteration may be made by naturall causes as wormes and frogs and such like may come of pâ—â—refaction these things may be atchieved and compassed by spirits but such changes and transmutations as cannot be done by naturall meanes as to turne a man into a beast are not within the limits of Devils power But when such things seeme to be done they are in shew rather than truth which may be done two wayes either by so binding and blinding the inward phantasie and sense as that may seeme to be which is not or by fashioning some such shape and forme outwardly and objecting it to the sense Perer. Ex Aquinat QUEST XVII Whether Satan can raise the spirits and soules of the dead AMong other things which exceed the power of spirits it is affirmed before that they cannot raise the soules of men departed as Necromancers doe take upon them to talke with the dead 1. Let us see the vaine opinion of the heathen of this devilish Necromancy Porphyrius writeth that the soules of wicked men are turned into Devils and doe appeare in divers shapes and the soules of them that want buriall doe wander about their bodies and sometimes are compelled to resume their bodies Likewise Hosthanes did professe and promise to raise what dead soever and to bring them to talke with the living as Plinie writeth lib. 30. cap. 2. who in the same place reporteth a farre more strange or rather fabulous thing that Appion the Grammarian should tell of a certaine herb called Cynocephalia and of the Egyptians Osirites which hath power to raise the dead and that thereby he called Homers ghost to inquire of him touching his countrie and parents There were among the Gentiles certaine places famous for Necromancie where they received oracles from the dead as they were made to beleeve such was the Cymmerian oracle at the lake Avernam in Campania such was Ericthone the Thessalian that raised up the dead to declare to Sextus
Pompeius the successe of the Pharsaliam battell Tertullian writeth that the Nasomannae and Celtae used to consult with the dead at the tumbes of their parents and of warlike men lib. de anima Such was the vaine opinion which the heathen had of this magicall art which Plinie himselfe derideth as vaine and foolish because Nero that wicked and bestiall Emperour who was given over to all lewdnesse yet could not be induced by Tyridaetes whom he greatly advanced and gave him a Kingdome solliciting him thereunto and bringing Magitians unto him to give any credite unto Necromancie Plin. lib 30. cap. 2. 2. Now this vaine or rather prophane profession of summoning of the dead and consulting with them may evidently be convinced to be nothing else but the Devils sophistry and forgery for first the soule being separated from the body hath no power to move or exercise any body but that which it did give life unto being the forme thereof which being now dead is an unapt organ or instrument for the soule and therefore such soule being once departed from the body can neither assume it nor any other body Secondly the soules that are departed are either in heaven at rest and over the soules of the holy and righteous which are in the hands of God the Devill hath no command or they are in hell and from thence there is no returning againe as is manifest in the parable of the rich man and Lazarus where it was denied unto the rich man that any could goe from thence to be a messenger to the living 3. True it is that the Lord by his power hath called againe into the bodies and caused to appeare some that were departed of the which we finde three sorts some were restored to life and their soules joyned againe to their bodies as the daughter of Iairus the widdow of Nains sonne and Lazarus others appeared in their true bodies and came out of the graves yet not to converse among the living but to bee witnesses of the resurrection of Christ Matth. 27.53 And yet wee reade of a more strange apparition of Moses and Helias in mount Tabor where our blessed Saviour was transfigured who appeared not out of their graves but from heaven in their glorious persons We deny not but that God hath and can at his pleasure cause the Saints departed to appeare unto men but not out of purgatory as Pererius imagineth or to the end to bee patrons and helpers to his Church for wee have alwayes the presence of Christ and of his Angels neither yet can we beleeve that so many Martyrs have appeared at their Tombes as some Ecclesiasticall histories make mention for as Christ is gone out of the world not to returne till the day of judgement so because he saith where I am there shall my minister bee Ioh. 12.26 so wee cannot but thinke that the Saints departed attending upon Christ are not now to bee seene in the world This then being granted that the Lord hath power over the soules of men departed to command them to their bodies for a time for some speciall service and to send them into the world at his pleasure yet this is no warrant at all to thinke that Satan or his ministers can doe the like for seeing this is as great a miracle for the spirits of the dead to appeare as to raise the dead to cause the borne blinde to see or to doe any such great worke and God being the only worker of miracles this cannot fall under Satans jurisdiction Such visions then and apparitions when dead men appeare in their bodily shape though not with true bodies and in their wonted apparell counterfeiting their voice and behaviour while they lived are to bee held meere illusions of Satan that can transforme himselfe into an Angell of light so I conclude this point with that saying of Tertullian Et si quosdam revocavit Dei virtus in documentum juris sui non id circo communicabitur fidei audaeciae Magorum falaciae somniorum licentiae Poetarum c. Although the power of God hath called some againe to shew his dominion yet this power is not communicated to the confidence and boldnesse of Magicians to the deceitfulnesse of dreames or to the libertie of Poets QUEST XVIII Why Satan doth counterfeit the spirits of the dead THe Devils then doe counterfeit the spirits and soules of the dead as Chrysostome sheweth Homil. 29. in Matth. and August lib. 10. de civit Dei cap. 12. for these causes 1. By this meanes the Devill more strongly deceiveth seeing men are ready to heare their parents and friends departed 2. By this subtilty the Devill perswadeth men that hell is not so fearfull a place nor so enclosed but that there may bee a respite and going forth 3. Thus that opinion is nourished of the passing of soules from one body to another as Pythagoras taught 4. And it commeth also to passe that the living are afraid of the dead whom they imagine doe appeare unto them and so to please and reconcile them they superstitiously worship them and offer unto them Ex Perer. 5. Tertullian addeth further that these apparitions bred a conceit that all wicked men goe not to hell but their spirits wander up and downe 6. Et judicii resurrectionis fidem turbant And they doe hinder the faith of the last judgement and of the resurrection if they could assume their bodies being dead which the Christian faith holdeth to sleepe in the grave untill the resurrection QUEST XIX Of the divers kindes of miracles NOw to proceed and draw neere to the principall question in hand concerning these wonders wrought by the Egyptian Magicians two things in generall are briefly to be touched first concerning the divers kindes of miracles then of the difference betweene true miracles and false Concerning the first A miracle is taken three wayes first simply and absolutely in respect of any nature whatsoever so there is no miracle for unto God the author and framer of nature to whom all things are possible there is nothing strange or miraculous that is called a miracle which either excelleth ones power or understanding but God both knoweth all things and can doe all things 2. A miracle is called in respect of men those things which are unusuall and whose causes they are ignorant of men use to wonder at and in this sense not only spirits and their ministers the Sorcerers but wise and cunning men may doe miraculous and strange workes 3. But properly that is a miracle which exceedeth the nature and power of things created and is beside the ordinary course of naturall things And this kinde of miracle last spoken of is effected three wayes 1. The miracle is either in the thing that is made or done which nature can by no meanes bring forth as for the body of man to bee made immortall and to remaine in the heavens and this is the highest degree of miracles 2. Or
purpose the Priests of the Philistims thus say Wherefore harden yee your hearts as the Egyptians and Pharaoh hardned their hearts when he wrought wonderfully among them 1. Sam. 6 6. 6. That the Hebrewes by the remembrance of these great workes should bee kept in obedience to the law of God as it is therefore set before the ten Commandements Exod. â—0 2 7. That the just confusion and subversion of the Egyptians might bee made manifest to all men that hardned their hearts notwithstanding such grievous plagues Perer. QUEST XXXII Who were exempted from the plagues of Egypt FUrther it will be inquired who were exempted from these plagues in Egypt whether they were generally upon all 1. It is certaine that all the Israelites that dwelt in the land of Goshen were exempted wherein three things are to be considered first that although this exception and reservation bee expressed only in five plagues as in the swarmes of noisome flies and beasts chap. 8.23 in the murrane of the cattell chap. 9.7 in the haile chap 9.26 the thicke darknesse chap. 20.23 and in the destruction of the first borne chap. 12.23 Yet by the same analogy it is to be understood that the Israelites were also freed from â—he rest of the plagues Secondly mention is first made of this privilege in the fourth plague when the Sorcerers were hindred from working for this cause that whereas before they tried their skill in their counterfeit signes in the land of Goshen for in all Egypt the plagues overspread and from thence it is like that they had the water which they turned into bloud now it is insinuated that they had no longer power to doe any such thing no not in the land of Goshen as they had before Thirdly not onely the persons of the people of Israel were free as Exod. 12.23 from the death of the first borne but even their cattell chap. 9.7 and their ground the land of Goshen where they dwelt chap. 8.22 2. Another sort is likely also to have beene exempted from these plagues namely such strangers as sojourned of other nations in Egypt for the story runneth upon the Egyptians that they were plagued because they only were guilty of the wrong done to the Lords people the other that were not accessary might either withdraw themselves out of Egypt seeing the hand of God so heavy upon them or they might through the mercy of God be spared 3. Whereas these plagues did most of all light upon Pharaoh and next upon the Ministers and Officers of his Kingdome as the chiefe authors of the affliction of the Israelites and then generally upon all the common sort of people who executed the Kings cruell edict for the drowning of the Hebrewes children Exod. 2.23 yet wee are to thinke that although in other generall plagues which came upon Israel many righteous persons did suffer in the calamity of the City as in the destruction of Jerusalem and the Babylonian captivity yet that in these universall plagues they that feared God of the Egyptians were spared as is expresly mentioned in the seventh plague that they which feared the word of the Lord among the servants of Pharaoh were delivered from it chap. 9.20 that hereby it might appeare that the Egyptians were punished for their cruelty towards the Lords people Perer. QUEST XXXIII Whether the Egyptians which inhabited with Israel in the land of Goshen were exempted from the plagues BUt it is more doubted of the Egyptians which dwelt among the Israelites in the land of Goshen for they were mingled together as is evident chap 3.22 whether they were freed from these generall plagues 1. Thostatus thinketh thaâ— they also tasted of all the plagues as well as the rest of Egypt because their hatred was no lesse towards the Lords people But in some plagues as in the fourth of the swarmes and in the seventh of the haile it is affirmed that there were none in the land of Goshen If the Country were freed then the inhabitans also and though these Egyptians that cohabited were haters of them also yet the Lord might spare them for his peoples sake because some plagues should also have touched the Israelites if they had fallen upon their neighbours as the haile and lightning 2. Augustine thinketh that the Egyptians inhabiting Goshen were free from all the plagues but the last upon the first borne because this was upon their persons the other upon the ground it selfe wherein Goshen was privileged quaest 44. in Exod. But this is not like neither for in the fifth plague only the cattell and beasts of Israel are preserved from the murrane chap. 9.4 the beasts of the Egyptians though dwelling among Israel cannot bee said to bee the cattell of Israel 3 Wherefore this distinction and difference must bee made that all those plagues which might be inflicted upon the persons or substance of the Egyptians without any damage or annoyance to the Israelites among whom they dwelt did as well fall upon them as other Egyptians as such plagues as their persons were smitten with as the sixth of botches and sores and the tenth of the first borne as also which fell upon their cattell as the fifth plague likewise the ninth plague of darknesse come upon the Egyptians also who as it is observed Wisdome 18.1 did heare the Israelites but saw them not even the Egyptians which were neighbours to the Israelites felt of that plague also But from the other plagues which were an annoyance to the ground it selfe and to all the inhabitans even the Egyptians also were freed that cohabited with them as from the plague of waters turned into bloud for herein the Egyptians there dwelling could not be punished but the harme would likewise redound to the Israelites such were the plagues of the frogs lice swarmes haile grashoppers which were noisome to all the inhabitants where they fell and in some of these plagues it is expressed directly that the land of Goshen was free as chap. 8.22 in the 4. plague of the swarmes and in the 7. of the haile chap. 9.26 QUEST XXXIV Of the diversity in the manner of the plagues THe last of these generall considerations is both of the divers manner of inflicting these plagues and of Pharaohs divers behaviour that is for the diversity of the plagues some of them were sent upon their persons as the 6.9 and 10. some upon their cattell as the fifth some upon their fruits as the seventh some upon the water and the earth as the rest some continued seven dayes as the first some three as the ninth most of them but one as is shewed before Quest. 29. Some of them are sent without any warning given before as the third plague chap. 8.16 and the sixt chap. 9.8 and the ninth chap. 10.20 Some plagues are expresly mentioned to have beene removed by the prayer of Moses as the second of frogs chap. 8.9 the fourth of swarmes chap. 8.30 the seventh of haile and lightning chap. 9.33 the
eight of the grashoppers chap. 10.19 the other plagues have no such note But it is like that when a new plague came the former ceased QUEST XXXV Of Pharaohs divers and variable behaviour 2. AS touching Pharaohs behaviour it was very variable and divers at the first comming of Moses he was at defiance with God and said hee knew him not chap. 5. At the first the third the fift and sixt plague he was nothing at all mollified but his heart was hardned still in the second the fourth the seventh the eight and ninth he somewhat yeelded and made some semblance of repentance yet all was but in hypocrisie So in dismissing the people of Israel hee was of divers mindes first hee would give them leave only to sacrifice in the land of Egypt chap. 8.25 then he would grant them to goe into the wildernesse to sacrifice there but they must not goe farre away chap. 8.28 afterward he would let the men only goe neither the women nor children chap. 10. ver 10.11 then he giveth leave for the children to goe also but their sheep and cattell should stay behind chap. 10.24 at the last he is content they shall all goe with all they had chap. 12. Perer. QUEST XXXVI Why the Lord sent divers plagues upon Pharaoh not destroying him at once NOw it pleased God whereas he could have destroyed Pharaoh and all the Egyptians at once yet to multiply his plagues for these causes 1. That Gods mercy might appeare in giving unto them time of repentance and not consuming them together 2. And by this variety of plagues and judgements the omnipotent power of God is set forth 3. This also addeth to the affliction and misery of the Egyptians that were not cut off at one blow but by this diversity of plagues their punishment was made so much the more grievous 4 Hereby also Pharaohs obstinacie and hardnesse of heart is made manifest that could by no meanes relent notwithstanding so many plagues Of the first particular plague of turning the waters into bloud QUEST XXXVII Why Aaron is sometime the minister of the plagues and not Moses Vers. 20. HE lift up the rod. That is Aaron 1. Not as the Hebrewes because it was not meete that Moses who was saved out of the waters should bring a plague upon the waters for Aaron also was the minister of the other plagues 2. Neither was it for â—his as Ferus that Moses should not be thought to doe it also by sorcery for they might have had the like suspition of Aaron 3. But this was Godâ— institution and appointment that Moses should speake to Aaron in the name of God and Aaron should be his Prophet chap 7.1 both to speake unto Pharaoh and to shew the signes which both belonged unto Prophets And therefore whereas vers 19. Moses is bid to take the rod it was to deliver unto Aaron Iun. 4. Beside also this might be some reason thereof Aaron was minister of the plagues and of judgement Moses of mercie for he specially prayed unto God to remove the plagues as chap. 8.12 and 30. chap. 9.33 QUEST XXXVIII Why the first plague beginneth in the water HE smotâ— the water The first plague beginneth in the water 1. Philo thinketh because the Egyptians held the water to bee the beginning of all things therefore the Lord causeth his plagues to begin there 2. Rather because they put their confidence in Nilus and gave divine honour unto it and superstitiously adored the Crocodile therein therefore the Lord doth punish them there where their confidence and supposed strength was Perer. 3. As also because water is one of the most necessary things that belongeth to mans life and specially Nilus in Egypt whereby their grounds were watered the plagues begin there to shew the power and severity of God Simler 4. As also this plague hath some correspondencie with their sinne of cruelty 1. As they sinned in the water by the murdering of the innocents so are they punished by water 2. Because they caused the infants to dye in the water the fish also dye there 3. As they abhorred the Israelites so the waters become horrible and loathsome 4. As they shed the bloud of Innocents so they are constrained to drinke bloud Ferus Unto this story doth the Evangelist allude in the Revelation where the third Angel powreth out his viall and crieth For they shed the bloud of thy servants the Prophets and therefore hast thou given them bloud to drinke chap. 16.6 5. This turning of the waters into bloud did also portend the destruction of the Egyptians which last of all was fulfilled but first of all threatned Fer. QUEST XXXIX The greatnesse of this first plague THe greatnesse of this plague appeareth 1. Because it was generall over all Egypt only the land of Goshen excepted where the water was not changed as Iosephus thinketh this is more than Satan can doe for he is but in one place at once and only worketh where he is present but here the power of God changeth all the water of Egypt at once whereas Aaron stretched out his hand but over one place Ferâ—â— 2. Philo maketh this corruption of the waters more generall he thinketh that all Nilus was turned into bloud even from the first head and spring thereof but that is not likely for Nilus springeth from certaine Mountaines in Aethiopia and runneth a great way thorow the Aethiopians land then by this meanes Aethiopia should have beene plagued as well as Egypt whereas the Scripture onely maketh mention of the land of Egypt to be thus plagued 3. Beside not onely the river but all lakes and pondes and vessels where they used â—o gather the water of Nilus to refine and cleanse it and to make it more potable were corrupted Sim. 4. The waters were changed into very bloud such as commeth out of the body insomuch that many died of thirst Philo. And they that dranke of it were exceedingly pained Iosephus 5. Yea because not bloud but water is the element of fish they also are choked and by them the water was more putrified which judgement was so much the greater because the Egyptians doe most feede of fish Simler 5. And this maketh the miracle more strange that the water of Nilus running cleere along thorow a great part of Aethiopia when it came to the coasts of Egypt it there changed both his colour and substance being turned into bloud Perer. QUEST XL. Whence the Sorcerers had the water which they also turned into bloud Vers. 23. ANd the Enchanters of Egypt did likewise Whence the Magicians of Egypt should have this water which they turned into bloud all the waters of Egypt being converted and altered already much question there is and great diversity of opinion 1. Yet doe I not thinke with Theodoret that they had these waters out of the sea which was not farre off for that was no potable water apt for drinke and those kinds of waters Moses changed not they are said
for if God could punish them by so small a creature they might thinke that if God armed the greater creatures against them they should not endure it Simler QUEST XIV Why the Lord by the stretching out of Aarons rod brought forth lice Vers. 17. AAron stretched out his hand with his rod. It was not Aarons rod or hand that of it selfe could doe any such thing God needed not any of these meanes but thus it pleased him that this plague should bee wrought 1. To shew his great power that is able to doe great things by weake and small meanes 2. And that not only he hath power in himselfe to doe whatsoever it pleaseth him but that hee can give power unto his creatures to execute his vengeance so the Lord is able by himselfe and by others to bring forth his judgements 3. This hee did also to shew how much hee setteth by his elect to whom hee giveth such great power and to countenance the ministry and calling of these his servants Ferus QUEST XV. Why the Sorcerers could not bring forth lice Vers. 17. NOw the Enchanters assayed likewise with their enchantments to bring forth lice c. 1. The Sorcerers could not bring forth lice not as the Hebrewes imagine as Lyranus and Thostatus report of them because they cannot bring forth any creature lesse than a barly corne for if they could produce to the sight greater creatures they might more easily have compassed the lesse whose generation is not so perfect but commeth out of corruption Indeed in artificiall workes it is harder to worke upon a small substance and therefore Pliniâ— commendeth the curious devices of certaine workemen for their smalnesse as Cicero telleth of the Iliades of Homer written so small that they might bee put into a small nutshell Callicrates made antes of Ivory so little that the partes thereof could not be perceived Mirâ—ecides made a ship that a Bee might cover it with her wings But in naturall workes the reason is contrary the lesse workes are more easily perfected for the force of nature worketh from within but the artifices applieth his instruments without and cannot therefore worke upon every small substance 2. Rupertus hath this conceit that the Sorcerers did indeed bring forth lice as they did frogs before but because they did not sting and bite as the true lice which Aaron caused their fraude was discovered but this is contrarie to the text which saith they endevoured or wrought to bring forth lice but could not 3. Cajetanus thinketh that the Sorcerers did erre in their worke and did not applie their enchantments aright and so failed But it proceeded not from any vertue of their enchantments that they did counterfeit the three signes before but of the will and power of Satan who is not tied to these enchantments which are but a signe and ceremonie of their covenant and league with the devill therefore though they had failed in some circumstance the devill would not have forsaken them seeing they wrought under him and for him if it had been in their power 4. Augustine maketh this the reason why the Magicians were confounded in this third plague but it was the fourth signe counting the turning of the rods into serpents for the first to signifie that the heathen Philosophers some of them had knowledge of the Father and Sonne but erred concerning the holy Ghost But beside that some of the philosophers did see as in a cloud the mysterie of the Trinitie as both Cyrillus Eusebius Theodoret witnesse Plato in his writings maketh mention of God the Father the Word and the Minde this is rather a mysticall than historicall reason And if to seeke the cause thereof we neede flie unto mysteries it rather signifieth thus much that many of the philosophers did know divers things concerning God and his creatures but they were ignorant altogether of the Trinitie Perer. 5. The sorcerers then were hindred by the power of God who suffered them hitherto to deceive by their Satanicall illusions but now by a superiour commaunding power he controlleth the power of darkenes Simler Pererius Pellican Cajetan Ferus And Satan is hindred in his working two waâ—es either altogether that he cannot do what he would as in this place or when he is permitted to doe any thing yet the Lord so disposeth as that he cannot atchieve that end which he intendeth as appeareth in the temptation of Iob Borrh. And the Lord confoundeth them in this small and base creature for their greater confusion when their mysticall working by the operation of Satan is there restrained where they thought most easily to have prevailed Ferus QUEST XVI What the sorcerers understand by the finger of God Vers. 19. THis is the finger of God 1. Some by finger understand the plague it selfe as the Chalde Paraphrast as though in effect the sorcerers should confesse thus much that this plague was of God and they could not resist it so Iob saith the hand of God hath touched me cap 19.21 2. Augustine by the finger of God understandeth the spirit of God whereras Saint Luke saith that Christ cast out devils by the finger of God cap. 11. Saint Matthew saith by the spirit of God and fitly is the spirit compared to the fingers that as the fingers proceed from the hand and arme the arme from the bodie so the spirit proceedeth from the Father and the Sonne and as there are ten fingers upon both the hands so there are divers gifts of the spirit and here are tenne plagues answering to the number of the fingers So also Ierom saith that the arme and strength of God is the Sonne and the Spirit is the fingers and with this finger did the Lord write the tenne Commandements in the Tables of stone But this collection seemeth to be somewhat curious neither is it like that the Sorcerers had any such knowledge of the mysterie of the Trinitie 3. Therefore Rupertus thinketh that the sorcerers did onely meane by this phrase the power of God but that unwittingly also by a divine instinct they doe give an evident testimony of the holy spirit the third person of the Trinitie as Caiphas did ignorantly prophesie of Christ. But it seemeth that these sorcerers being professed servants of Satan and possessed with his spirit were not fit vessels to receive any such divine instinct 4. Pererius thinketh that by the finger of God they understand a great invincible power as the Scripture saith the Cedars of God a man of God for the tall cedars and for an excellent man But in this sense they could not denie but that the other works were also excellent more admirable than this 5. Liranus will have them by the finger of God to understand the power of some superiour devill that staied the working of the inferiors But this is an insolent speech by the name of God to understand the devill and by this meanes Satan should strive against Satan and
grace doth as a most just Judge punish their voluntary obstinacie with a further degree of induration See more hereof before Doct. 2. in 7. cap. 3. But here God is to be considered not as in his bare prescience only foreseeing the obstinacie hardnesse of mens heartes but as a just Judge in leaving of them to themselves Simler 4. And this Augustine doth worthily wonder at that Pharaoh is hardned by those meanes which in all likelihood should have mollified him For if the Israelites cattell had died aswell as the Egyptians and if the sorcerers had prevailed still hee might have had some colour but seeing all things doe fall out contrarie the Israelites to be preserved and his sorcerer to be foiled he being still hardned bewraieth a most obstinate heart that could no way be mollified QUEST XIII What plague the Lord threatned to destroy Pharaoh with Vers. 15. FOr now I had stretched forth my hand 1. Some doe understand this generallie of the plagues following shewing that the plagues to come were greater than these which were alreadie past and that the Egyptians had felt nothing to that which they were like to feele Ferus But here mention is made of the plague of pestilence which both Pharaoh and his people should be smitten with yet none such came 2. Some do referre it to the plague of the first borne and the full accomplishment of this threatning they say was in the red Sea Osiander But neither Pharaoh nor his people perished by the plague 3. It is better understood of the plague which was alreadie past that God might as well have destroyed them with the pestilence sent upon the cattell but that he spared them for another end sic Iun. Borrh. Perer. This sense best agreeth to that which followeth vers 16. For this cause have I kept thee c. The Chalde Paraphrast also expresseth the same sense as is before shewed in the divers readings QUEST XIIII In what sense the Lord saith I have kept thee Vers. 16. FOr this cause have I kept thee c. 1. Not that God made Pharaoh obstinate of purpose to shew his power on him thereby to get glorie to himselfe for God needeth not mans malice for the setting forth of his glorie Ferus And like as the Apostle giveth this rule not to doe evill that good may come of it so neither doth the Lord give consent unto evill that some good thing may be wrought thereby 2. Some referre it to Gods permission that he suffered Pharaoh to be hardened to this end that hee might get glorie by him but neither can this be said of God that he suffereth any evill to bee done as it is evill and to suffer one to be hardned is the greatest punishment of sin that can be and it is usually inflicted for great sinnes that were committed before therefore before Pharaoh had grievously sinned he cannot be said to be permitted and suffered to bee hardned Perer. 3. Some do understand it of Gods ordinance that Pharaoh being hardned and become obstinate by his owne corrupt will is ordained of God for the further setting forth of his glorie Perer. 4. But though this exposition be sound yet it seemeth not to be so fit and proper in this place this verse then depending of the other sheweth the reason why the Lord had saved and reserved Pharaoh out of the pestilence that he might shew his power in him Simler Borrh. Iun. This then is the sense though Pharaoh being wickedly bent and obstinate had deserved to have been cut off by the former plagues yet the Lord was patient to him ward and suffered him yet to continue that the Lord might get greater glorie by him Ferus 5. The Apostle indeed in setting forth this example hath relation to Gods eternall decree Rom. 9. yet it may very well stand also with this application to the present time of Pharaohs preservation for that which God doth presently he also decreed before in his eternall counsell to be done Simler QUEST XV. The plague of haile supernaturall Vers. 18. I will cause to raine a mightie great haile 1 Although haile thunder lightning are for the most part procured by naturall causes yet this was a supernaturall and extraordinarie tempest for these reasons in Egypt there are no tempestes or winter weather but only in places neere the sea in the time of winter there fall some thinne showers but above Memphis there falleth no raine at all Sic Philo. This tempest then of haile was unusuall in Egypt secondly it was generally over all Egypt as tempests use not to be thirdly it came at a certaine time prefixed Simler And this was admirable in it that the fire and haile being mingled together the fire did not melt the haile stones nor the haile quench the fire as Philo also noteth and it is set forth Wisdom 16. 2. In this plague three elements together shew their force the aire in the thunder the water in the haile the fire in the lightning Perer. 3. Whereas the Grecians and Egyptians and other heathen did imagine some gods to be of the aire some of the water some of the land the Lord therefore sendeth of all sorts of plagues upon the Egyptians in the aire the water in the earth in the fire to shew himselfe to bee Lord of all the elements and of all creatures Thedoret quaest 21. 4. Concerning the application of this plague Origen understandeth the thunder haile and lightning of the Word of God the voice thereof instructeth it beateth downe sin as haile as fire burneth up the stubble of our affections Augustine whom Ferus followeth compareth it with the eight Commandement Thou shalt not steale for as heere the fruit which the trees beare are beaten off with haile so whatsoever gaine is gotten deceitfully it perisheth and Gods curse is upon it But such mysticall applications are more curious than profitable every man according to his own conceit may find out wittie conveiances But this observation is more proper which Ferus noteth that this plague hath also a fit correspondencie with the crueltie of the Egyptians for as they did cause the Israelites to wander up and downe their fields to gather straw so now the Lord sendeth haile and lightning which destroyeth the fruit in their fields QUEST 16. Whether there useth to be no rayne and hayle in Egypt Vers. 18. SVch as was not in Egypt since the foundation thereof These words do give occasion to inquire whether raine haile and thunder are usuall in Egypt or not at all as some affirme 1. Iosephus thus writeth that in this plague there came haile never seene in Egypt before and bigger than useth to bee in other countries in the time of winter 2. Philo also writeth that Aegyptus sola inter regiones in mediano tractu hyemem ignoret that Egypt alone of all the South countries hath no winter And consequently no winter weather as raine haile and such like and
seventh day rather is enjoyned to bee a principall feast day unto the Lord 〈◊〉 chap. 12.16 Vers. 8. For this cause did the Lord this unto me when he brought me I.V.C. or that he brought me c. S. This is that which the Lord did unto me where c. L. but here the word baghabur for or because is omitted this is done because of that which the Lord did A.P.B.G. This last seemeth to be the best reading See the 6. question following Vers. 12. Thou shalt sâ—t over unto the Lord. I.V. cause to passe A.P.C.H. separate L.S. set apart G. appoint B. The first rather best agreeth that is he shall deliver it out of his hand unto the Lord as having now no more power over it Vers. 15. Therefore I doe sacrifice unto Iehovah B.G. cum caeter macte I doe kill I. but the other word is more fit because things holy unto God are rather said to be sacrificed than killed Zabach more usually is taken to sacrifice Vers. 13. Thou shalt cut off his necke I.A. better than kill it C. L. or breake his neck B. G.P.V. gharaph signifieth to strike off the necke as Deut. 21.4.6 Vers. 18. The children of Israel went up well appointed or girded P. not armed A.B.G.C.L.V. for whence should they have so much armour nor in battell order I. that is five in a ranke I. for the word signifieth fived they would so have taken up a great length of ground nor in the fifth generation S. for that is contrary to the Lords promise Gen. 15.16 that they should come forth in the fourth generation the word chamushim is derived of chomesh taken for the fift ribbe 2. Sam. 2.18 The meaning then iâ— that their loynes were girded up as they were commanded to eat the Passeover chap. 12.11 and so they went forth as appointed for their journey 3. The explanation of difficult questions QUEST I. How the first borne were accounted that were consecrate unto God Vers. 2. SAnctifie unto the Lord all the first borne 1. What the Lord meaneth by the first borne is expressed in the next words that which openeth the wombe so that here the first borne are so accounted in respect of the mother but in the right of the first borne there was respect had unto the father as Iacob calleth Ruben the beginning of his strength for Ioseph though he were Rachels first borne yet was he not Iacobs but here that is called the first borne which openeth the wombe of his mother as Christ according to this law was the first borne of Mary Simler Though Ioseph her espoused husband had as some thinke other children by a former wife so that if a man had divers wives the first borne of every one was holy unto God 2. It is added among the children of Israel as well of man as of beast because those beasts are excluded which were wilde and not serviceable among them Calvin QUEST II. In what sense the first borne are said to be the Lords Vers. 2. FOr it is mine 1. The first borne are said to be the Lords not onely by a common right as all things are said to be the Lords the earth and the fulnesse thereof 2. Nor yet only because the encrease of every thing is thankfully to bee acknowledged to proceed and come of God Pelliâ—â—n 3. But the first borne of Israel both of man and beast were the Lords by a peculiar right because he preserved them in Egypt when all the first borne of Egypt were destroyed Iun. in Analys 4. God might have commanded all to be offered unto him but he would not challenge or expect of them his full right and due lest it might have seemed grievous unto them but only hee requireth that which hee had more specially preserved Ferus QUEST III. Why the law of the Passeover is repeated Vers. 3. THerefore no leavened bread shall be eaten This institution of the passeover is now againe repeated and the caveat concerning leavened bread is often inculcate and urged 1. Both because mans corrupt and crooked nature had need to be often admonished being ready to forget the precepts of God and to wrest and deprave them Ferus 2. As also to put them in minde of that which was signified hereby to take heed both of the leaven of corrupt doctrine and of corrupt manners Pellican 3. The Hebrewes give this reason of this double institution because of the double sense of the Law one the plaine and open sense the other the hid and secret sense which reason we also approve but not in their meaning which wrest the Scripture with fabulous glosses and ridiculous collections but this wee affirme that in the passeover was a double sense the one concerning that outward ceremony which belonged to the paschall lambe the other hath relation unto Christ the true paschall lambe by whose bloud we are redeemed Simler QUEST IV. Whether Abib were the proper name of a moneth Vers. 4. THis day came ye out in the moneth Abib 1. Some take this to be no proper name of the moneth but a description of it by the fruit that began to ripe then and so they translate Mense novarum fruguâ— the moneth of new fruit so the Chalde Septuagint Latine Pagni Simler Pelican and M. Calvin giveth this reason because the Hebrewes had no proper names of their moneths but such as 2000. yeere after they borrowed of the Chaldes Contra. 1. It was not 2000. yeeres untill the Captivity of Babylon when the Hebrewes borrowed those Chalde names nor full out 1000. as is shewed before quest 46. in chap. 12.2 And further that other names of the moneths are found in Scripture beside the Chalde names as Zif the second moneth Ethanim the seventh Bul the eight is likewise declared afore quest 4. in chap. 12.3 And if Abib were here no proper name it would bee uncertaine which moneth hee meaneth the first or the second for in both there were ripe eares of barley in the first and of wheate in the next for they were to offer of their first fruits also in the feast of weekes Levit. 23.20 Numb 28.26 2. Yet they are deceived that tooke this moneth Abib for the same with the moneth Ab which answereth to our July as Pagnine for it is evident by the keeping of the passeover on the 14. day of the first moneth that the Israelites came out in the first moneth 3. Therefore it is more probable that Abib is here the proper name of the first moneth so called because then the corne was spindled and began to be eared for Abib signifieth the spindle with the eare as Exod. 1.9.3.1 Iun. Vatab. Not that the fruit was ripe this moneth but it began to flower and shew Calvin And thus the Hebrewes in all their feasts had relation unto the fruits of the ground the passeover was kept when the corne eared Pentecost when it was ripe and the feast of the Tabernacles in the end of the
feare of the people vers 1. 2. The crying of the people unto God vers 10. 3. Their murmuring and expostulating with Moses because hee had brought them out of Egypt amplified both by their present feare of death and their former foolish prediction in Egypt vers 11 12. 4. The confident answer of Moses wherein he exhorteth them not to feare with a promise of deliverance and destruction of the Egyptians grounded upon Gods assistance vers 13.14 In the second part there is first the counsell of God to Moses containing both a commandement that they should goe forward vers 15. and a promise both of the safe passing of the Israelites thorow the red Sea with the instrumentall meanes prescribed the stretching out of Moses hand with the rod over the Sea vers 16. and the destruction of their enemies with the end thereof Gods glorie vers 17. and the effect the confession and acknowledgement by the Egyptians themselves of Gods power vers 18. 2. The performance and execution followeth first on the part of the Israelites where the causes are expressed of their safe conducting thorow the Sea both the principall Gods presence and working testified by the removing of the cloud vers 19.20 and the instrumentall either voluntarie in the stretching out of Moses rod or naturall which was the East wind vers 21. then is expressed the manner of their passing thorow the Sea vers 22. Secondly the other part of Gods promise is effected concerning the Egyptians where we have first the occasion the pursuit of the Egyptians vers 23. 2. The causes of their subversion first the hand of God upon them in striking them with feare and taking off their chariot wheeles vers 25. with the efficient thereof the Lord looked toward the host of the Egyptians vers 24. and the effect the flight of the Egyptians vers 21. Secondly the returning of the waters with the principall cause the power of God in commanding the instrumentall cause the ministerie of Moses Thirdly the effect followeth Pharaoh and his host are drowned vers 28. 3. The events follow first the saving of Israel in passing safe thorow the red Sea vers 29. Then the overthrow of their enemies whose carkasses they saw upon the Sea banke vers 30. Lastly the people beleeve God and reverence his minister Moses with the cause thereof the beholding of the great power of God vers 31. 2. The divers readings Vers. 2. Campe before the streits of Chiroth I. Piscat not before Pihahiroth A.P.B.G. cum cater for pi is here no part of the proper name as is evident Numb 33.8 where pi is omitted mippeâ—e hachiroth from the face or sight of Hachiroth where also Ha is the article prefixed no part of the name as the Septuagint read Eroth and the Chalde in that place Hiroth Vers. 5. and 11. What is this that we have done I.C.V. rather than why have we done this A.P. cum cater as Gen. 42.28 What is this that the Lord hath done unto us Vers. 9. All the horses and chariots of Pharaoh B. G. cum cater rather than the chariot horsemen I. for seeing the horses were the chiefe strength of the chariots who had not every one a rider but chariot men to guide them the originall word and sense is better retained Vers. 12. Is not this the thing that we said unto thee V. or did we not tell thee this thing B.G. is not this the word or saying I. cum caeter dabar signifieth both a word or thing their meaning is that the thing now answereth to their words then Vers. 17. And concerning me behold I will harden I. Piscat rather And I behold I will harden B.G.A.P. cum caeter vaani and I. He the nominative case is put absolutely though in this place it agree with the construction following yet elsewhere it doth not as Gen. 17.4 And I behold my covenant is with thee where unlesse it be read concerning me or some such word supplied the nominative case I will not agree with the sentence following Vers. 30. And the Israelites saw the Egyptians dead upon the Sea banks B.G.C.V. cum caeter rather than the Israelites saw the Egyptians dying in the Sea banke I. that is the Israelites standing upon the banke saw the Egyptians dying in the Sea for the word meeth signifieth dead rather than dying as chap. 12.33 we are all meet him dead men and the Hebrew comma or imperfect distinction at Egyptians sheweth that the last words on the shore are referred to the Egyptians dying not to the Israelites beholding and further the preposition ghal signifieth on or upon rather than in and the Sea useth to cast up the dead bodies on the shore Also if the Israelites saw the Egyptians yet alive how should Moses speech be true that they should never see them againe vers 13. that is alive 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of the place where they are commanded to pitch Vers. 2. THat they returne and campe before the streits of Chiroth 1. The reason why they are bid to returne or turne aside was as is shewed before chap. 13.17 because the Lord would not have them goe thorow the Philistims countrie 2. They are commanded to campe in a most incommodious place where they were hemmed in on every side betweene the Sea before them and on one side the Tower or Citie Migdol which was the Citie Hero a Garison of the Egyptians and the mountaines on the other side so that they had no way to passe but by the straits whereby they entred and so to returne upon the face of the enemies that pursued them Iun. Iosephus 3. This Chiroth were certaine craggie mountaines which run along unto the hill Casius Iun. and reach even to the Sea Iosephus which might be so called either of Chur because they were full of dens and caves or of Charath which signifieth to cut of the craggie rocks that seemed as hewne or cut Calvin 4. Baalzephon was a certaine plaine neere unto the Sea where the Idoll so called of the place was worshipped which hath the name of espying or looking there might be some watch Tower to observe the wayes that they might bee safe for the travellers Simler QUEST II. Why the Lord would have them pitch in so discommodious a place Vers. 3. FOr Pharaoh will say of the children of Israel 1. The Hebrewes thinke that the Egyptians had great confidence in this Idoll Baalzephon whereof they had this opinion that hee could fetch againe fugitives that were run away and that therefore they hearing that the Israelites were inclosed there thought them to bee in sure keeping of the Idoll Ex Simler But there is no such cause here touched the onely reason that moved Pharaoh to pursue them was to take advantage of the place thinking they were so hemmed in that they could by no meanes escape 3. The Egyptians might have pursued and overtaken them if they had pitched elsewhere
Vers. 2. The Lord is my song I.V.C. praise B.G.A.P.I. the first rather Ziâ—arah commeth of Zamar to sing Vers. 2. And I will build him a tabernacle I.G.C.A.P. rather than I will praise him B.L.S.V. navah signifieth to dwell as Habak 2.5 he shall not dwell or continue and in hiphil to cause to dwell Vers. 4. In the reedie sea I.V. the sea suph A.P. rather than the red sea B.G. cum cater suph signifieth a reed or bulrush Vers. 6. Thy right hand is glorious to me in power I better than thy right hand is glorious in power B.G. cum cater the word is nedari with an affix pronoune Vers. 6. Thy right hand hath bruised them A.B. cum caeter better than with thy right hand thou hast brused them I. for a preposition should be supplied here which is wanting in the Hebrew and the word jeminca is used before in the beginning of the verse in the nominative case Vers. 9. Mine hand shall take them for an inheritance I. shall rule over them S. bâ—tter than shall destroy them A.P.V.C.L. cum cater the word torish of jarash to inherite signifieth properly to cause to inherite sometime it signifieth to expell but that sense is not fit here and beside it was their intendment to bring them againe into their subjection and service cap. 14.5 Vers. 11. Who is like unto thee among the mightie I.L. rather than among the gods A.P.V.B.G.C. for beside that â—elim is so taken for the strong and mightie 2. King 24.15 this sense is more generall and exalteth God above all that are called mightie Angels or men Vers. 17. Plant them in the mountaine of thine inheritance B.G.C.A.P. cum cater of thy possession I. but nachalah rather signifie than inheritance as the Septuagint translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vers. 19. Pharaohs horses went with his chariots I.C.P.G. not Pharaohs horsemen L. V. for that is expressed afterward nor Pharaohs hâ—rse S. or Pharaoh on horseback went B. for though it be sus in the singular in the originall yet it is taken for the plurall as cap. 14.23 it includeth a signification also of Pharaohs personall going into the sea Vers. 20. With timbrels and daunces B. G. C. cum cater rather than timbrels and flutes I. the word mecholoth is taken for dauncers Iud. 21.20 and so waâ— the use for the women to come forth with daunces to meete those that returned with victorie as Iud. 11.34 1. Sam. 18.5 and heere as Miriam is said to take a timbrell only so it is like the other women did neither had it been so fit for them to play upon flutes because of their singing and answering Moses Vers. 22. And they went forth toward the desert of Shur or that they might go forth to the wildernesse of Shur I. better then they went out into the desert of Shur B.G. cum cater for they did not immediately enter into the desert of Shur after they left the red sea but they travelled first three dayes thorow the wildernesse of Ethan Num. 33.8 Iun. Vers. 23. He or everie one called the name of the place Maraâ— I.V.A.P.C. not the name of the place was called B.G.S.L. for the word â—ara is in the 〈◊〉 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QVEST. I. Of the antiquitie and excellencie of Moses song Vers. 1. THen sang Moses 1. This song of Moses as it is the first that we reade of in Scripture so it is the most auncient song that is extant in the world for the songs of Linus Musaeus Orpheus are found to be 300. yeares after this song of Moses 2. Iosephus saith that Moses composed this song in hexameter verse and lest any should thinke this strange Hierome in his preface to the booke of Iob witnesseth that all that booke from those words in the beginning of the third chapter Let the day perish wherein I was borne unto those words cap. 42. therefore I abhorre my selfe and repent in dust and ashes iâ— written in hexameter verse for the most part consisting of Dactilus and Spondaeus the two usuall feete of an hexameter verse Perer. 3. But whereas Iosephus in the same place saith that the Israelites did passe all that night in mirth and rejoycing for their deliverance that seemeth not to be so for it was morning before the Egeptians were drowned cap. 14.24 The Lord looked toward the Egyptians in the morning watch and the Israelites saw their dead bodies upon the sea banke which they could not so well discerne by night therefore this rejoycing was solemnized the next day not the same night QUEST II. In what order Moses the children of Israel and Miriam sang this song COncerning the order and manner how this song was sung 1. Some are of opinion that Moses sang it alone and that he taught the people afterward this song who did often sing it as they had occasion Thostatus and Iosephus thinketh that the people first rejoyced and gave thankes unto God and that afterward Moses framed this song in hexameter verse but the text favoureth not this opinion which saith that then even at that time Moses and the children of Israel sang wherefore I subscribe rather unto Philo who saith that Moses began first every verse and then the people followed this is agreeable to the text where Moses boginneth in his owne person saying I will sing unto the Lord and seeing that Moses and the children of Israel sang this song who were not all Prophets to endite a propheticall song neither in so short a time could they have learned this song before it is like that the one followed the other and that Mosesâ—egan â—egan and then the people repeated either the whole verse or the ground of the song only which was this Sing unto the Lord for he hath triumphed gloriously the horse and his Rider hath hee overthrowne in the sea which verse is after repeated by Miriam and her companie for so was it the use in solemne songs to have one verse repeated as Psalme 136. that clause For his mercie endureth for ever is often repeated Now in what order of consort and consent Miriam sang and answered the men is not agreed upon 1. Some think that Miriam with the women answered the men and sang the ground of the song by tuâ—nes Oleaster Iun. and Philo sometime is of the same opinion that there was a mixt harmonie of the great and base voyces of the men and of the sharpe tunes of the women 2. But I thinke rather that there were two companies of fingers of the men apart and of the women apart and that as Moses began and the people followed so did Miriam sing and the women answered her Sic Pellican Simler Calvin And this may seeme more probable 1. Because it was the use for the women only by themselves not mingled with men to celebrate such solemnities as appeareth Iud. 11. when Iepthahs daughter met him and 1. Sam. 18.5 when
the daughters of Israel came out against Saul and David 2. Beside their instruments and gesture of dancing sheweth so much that they were by themselves 3. Neither is it to be thought that they sang only the ground of the song which for brevities sake only is expressed but the whole song Simler Calvin Ferus And so much seemeth to be insinuated in the Psalme 68.11 The Lord gave matter to the women to tell of the great armie They therefore did set forth in their song the whole manner of their deliverance and the overthrow of their enemies as Moses had done before this place of the Psalme Genebrard doth fitly applie unto this song of deliverance made by this company of women whose opinion also is that there were two companies one of the men the other of women singing by themselves Viri in uno choro cum Mose foeminae in alterâ— cum Maria celebrabant victoriam de Pharaone partam The men in one companie with Moses and the women in another with Marie or Miriam did celebrate the victorie of Pharaoh obtained 4. And whereas Miriam is said to answere the men that may be referred rather to the correspondencie of the like act of singing performed by the women and to the identitie and agreement of the song than restrained to their answering them by turnes as Simlerus giveth his opinion that while Moses sang this verse with the men Marie his sister appointeth a peculiar queere of women Et idem carmen pracinâ—us illis succinentibus priori virorum choro respondet And singing before them the same song doth answere to the former queere of men QUEST III. The end of the song of Moses THe end of this song of Moses was 1. To testifie their thankfulnes unto God for this great deliverance and that by this example others afterward should be stirred up to give like thanks unto God as the daughters of Israel did at the returne of Saul and David from the overthrow of Goliah and the Philistims 1. Sam. 18. and as Iehosaphat and the people blessed God in the same place where they had obtained the victorie 2. Chron. 20. Simler 2. This celebration of publike thanks doth make also very much for the truth of the historie for as Calvin saith Quibus mentiti essâ—nt cùm aliis alii testes essent To whom should they have lied seeing they were one witnesse to another neither did this song come abroad to other nations 3. This song was a notable type and resemblance of the spirituall joy of the Church for their deliverance by Christ as in the Revelation the Saints that had gotten victorie over the beast are said To sing the song of Moses the servant of God and the song of the Lambe saying great and marvellous are thy workes Lord God Almightie just and true are thy wayes thâ—â— King of Saints cap. 15.3 QUEST IV. Why the scripture speaketh so much against horse used in battell Vers. 1. THe horse and his rider hath he overthrowne in the sea 1. The singular is put for the plurall which is usuall in the Scripture and in this place with a speciall relation to Pharaoh himselfe in person overthrowne with his horse 2. We shall finde in Scripture that the pride and trust in horses in battell is much discommended as Psal. 20. Some put their trust in chariots some in horse but we will remember the name of the Lord our God Psal. 33.17 An horse is but a vaine helpe Psal. 76.6 At thy rebuke O God of Iacob both the chariots and horse are cast asleepe Psal 147.10 He hath no pleasure in the strength of an horse and among other sinnes of the people this is numbred for one Thir land was full of horses and their chariots were infinite Esay 2.7 3. The reason why horses are so much discommended Origen would have to be this the Law commandeth nothing concerning horses as it speaketh of asses because horses are ordained more for mens destruction but asses serve for labour and carrying of burdens and other necessarie uses and he addeth further Lascivi motus superbae cervicis animal equâ—s An horse is a lascivious and proud beast and therefore the Scripture compareth such unto horse Orig. hom 15 in Ios. Hierome giveth this reason Quia contra Dei imperium possidâ—tur Because it was against the commandement of God to possesse and multiplie horses Deut. 17. Hieron in 2. cap. Isaia Another yeeldeth this reason Habet Dominus noster equos habet diabolus suos c. The Lord hath his horse and so hath the devill but when the Prohpet desired that the eâ—es of the young man might bee opened hee saw chariots and horse but no riders Quia currus equi Angeli eorum aâ—censor Deus Because the Angels are the Lords chariots and horse and the Lord himselfe is their rider and on the other side the Devill is the rider of his horse Hieron in Psal. 77. Rupertus would have this the cause Hic mundus per equum Diabolus per ascensorem significetur Because the world is understood by the horse the Devill by his rider Philo goeth futher from the marke Equi sunt furor concupiscentia insessor aâ—riga intellectus The horse are rage and concupiscence the rider is the understanding and so he understandeth that prohibition allegorically Deut 17. That the King should not multiplie horses of the passions and affections of the minde Philo libr. de agricultur Ex Perer. 4. But the true cause indeed why the Scripture so much inveigheth against horse is not as though it condemned the necessary use of them and the defence and service by them in warre for Salomon had 40. thousand stalles of horses for his chariots 12. thousand horsemen 1. King 4.26 and therin sinned not But two reasons may bee rendred thereof the one politicall which concerned onely that people lest they might by this occasion go into Egypt to multiplie horses Deut. 17.16 which being a plaine countrie abounded with horse the other reason was morall because they did put their trust and confidence in horse Both these causes the Prophet joyneth together Isay 31. 1. Wâ— unto them that go downe into Egypt and stay upon horses And for this cause as Origen well noteth Filii Israel nunquam equis usi fuisse referuntur The children of Israel in all their battels against Canaan are never said to have used any horses Basil also toucheth the cause Quia jubebat Deus ut toti penderent à suo praesidio c. God commanded them wholly to depend upon his helpe Basil upon that place 2. Esay So then as simplie to number the people was not displeasing unto God for Moses numbred them but with an intent to rejoyce and put confidence in their numbers as David did so simplie it was not unlawfull for them to have horse but to place their trust and confidence in them QUEST V. How the Lord is said to be the strength and
of regality and principality 3. As for that heathenish conceit of the Philosopher that vertue is not properly said to be in women it is contrary to that position of the Apostle that in Christ there is neither male nor female Galath 3.28 the spirit of God can plant grace and vertue in the hearts of women as well as of men nay often the Lord chuseth the weake things of this world to confound the mighty things 1. Cor. 1.27 And the examples of so many vertuous and good women in the Scriptures of Sara Rebecca Anna the Shunamite and the rest in the old of Marie Anna Martha Lydia Dorcas and many other in the new Testament doe evidently confute that prophane paradox of the Philosopher 4. And to deliver the regiment of women from the Cardinals vile and impure slaunder this country and nation of ours as is hath found the government of a woman the worst in the late Marian persecutions when more good men and women Saints of God were put to death than in any three Kings reigne beside so have we seene it in the next change the best of all other Princes reignes that went before famous Queene Elizabeths government as for flourishing peace honourable fame and name enriching of the Land subduing of forraine enemies enacting of good lawes may be compared with the reigne of any former Kings So for the advancing of true religion increasing of learning propagating the Gospell none of her predecessors came neere her That as the refining of coine being reduced from base money to pure silver and gold was her honour in the Civill State so the purging of religion according to the purity of the word of God in the Church shall bee her everlasting fame in the world and is her eternall reward with God 4. Confut. That Christ shall have no Iudges under him at the latter day but shall be the only Iudge himselfe Vers. 22. LEt them judge all small causes Origen upon these words hath this private conceit Hanc sâ—guram Iudicum non solum in hoc seculo sed etiam in futuro servandam c. 〈◊〉 this forme of Iudges shall be observed not only in this world but in the next And then he alleageth that text Matth. 18.28 That when the Sonne of man shall sit in the throne of Majesty yee which have followed me in the regeneration shall sit upon twelve seats and judge the twelve tribes of Israel Whereupon he inferreth that Christ at the day of judgement shall appoint other Judges beside himselfe Qui judicent populum de mineribus causiâ— c. Which shall judge the people in smaller causes referring the greater to him The Rhemisnis and Romanistes whose manner is to scrape all the refuse of the Fathers affirme likewise That the faithfull shall judge and give sentence with Christ at the latter day wresting the same text in Matthew to the same purpose Contra. 1. The Apostles and Saints are said indeed to judge the world but not in that sense as Christ is said to be the Judge of the world but as he saith his Word shall judge them at the latter day Ioh. 12.48 that is be a witnesse against them so the Word preached by the Saints in their life and their conversation following the same shall be a witnesse against the world and so their condemnation like as in the processe of judgement here in earth the evidence that is brought in and the witnesses produced are said to condemne the guilty partie and to judge them though the Judge only give sentence Thus Ambrose fitly expoundeth this phrase Iudicabunt Sancti hunc mundum quia exemplo fidei illorum perfidia mundi damnabitur The Saints shall judge the world because by example of their faith their perfidiousnesse shall be condemned 2. For otherwise if Christ should observe the same forme which Moses did to appoint coadjutors because he alone sufficed not this were to derogate from his all sufficient power who needeth not as man any assistants or fellow helpers Vers. 22. Every great matter let them bring to thee Upon this president the Romanistes would ground the papall reservation of cases from whom no appeale say they is to be made as there was not from Moses Tostat. quaest 11. in 18. cap. Exod. Contra. 1. There is great difference betweene the reservation of matters to Moses and of certaine cases to the Pope for Moses was set over but one nation which at this time encamped together within the compasse of not many miles and so they might with ease bring the weighty causes to him But the Pope challengeth to be the supreme Judge over all the world and so without infinite trouble the greater causes cannot be brought unto him 2. Moses judgement was sought for because hee could not erre having often conference with God to direct him as the Pope hath not and this Testatus confesseth Romanus pontifex c. The Roman Bishop though he have great power sometime is not a man very vertuous and though he be because he hath not God present to answer unto all his demands facilius errare potest he may more easily erre therefore that is but a foppish and fawning conclusion of the Canonists that the Pope hath Omnia jura in scrinio pectoris All lawes in his breast 3. Whereas Iethro intended in this device the peoples ease not to goe farre for their causes and Moses ability to performe his office neither of these inconveniences is helped in making appeales to Rome for neither is the Pope able to amend all such causes and the people would be infinitely molested to be hurried to Rome 4. And if it were not for the advantage of the Court and Consistory of Rome they would desire to bee eased rather of than cumbred with such appeales But Moses herein only sought the profit of Gods people not his owne Simler 6. Morall Observations 1. Obs. To take heed of idle and vaine talke Vers. 8. THen Moses told his father in law c. Moses did conferre with Iethro about the wondrous workes of God which the Lord had wrought for them Vnde arguuntur hi qui vanis colloquiis delectantur They then are reproved which are delighted with vaine talke Ferus Which may serve as a good motive in our dayes to cut off idle if not very prophane conference when wee meet remembring ever that of idle words we must give an account B. Babington 2. Observ. Workes must be joyned with faith Vers. 12. THen Iethro tooke burnt offerings c. Having beene thankfull in words now he addeth deeds for S. Iames calleth that a dead faith where workes want if we joyne both these together as Iethro did we shall fully give assurance both to others and to our selves of our true faith B. Babington 3. Obs. That we should doe all our workes as in Gods sight Vers. 12. THey came to eat bread with Moses father in law before God Hereupon Origen well noteth Sancti manducant bibunt in
wicked as Abraham followed after the foure Kings that had taken Lot prisoner and delivered him out of their hands Gen. 14. 3. The manner also must bee considered that although the cause of warre be just yet that it be not rashly set upon but all other meanes must first be tried as Ezekiah before he would by force resist the King of Assyria sought to have pacified him by paying a certaine tribute 2 King 18.14 So the children of Israel before they assaulted their brethren the children of Benjamin by open warre because of the wickednesse of the Gibeonites committed against the Levites wife first required of them that those wicked men might be delivered into their hands which when they wilfully refused then they resolved to set upon them Iudg. 20.13 Ex Simlero 4. Confut. Against the Romanists that make difference betweene counsels and precepts IN the next place the Romanists are to bee dealt withall and here commeth first to be examined that assertion that whereas we affirme that even in this Commandement Thou shalt not kill that dutie of charitie is prescribed even in loving our enemies they affirme that this is no precept which we are bound to keepe but a counsell of perfection and a worke of supererogation Thom. Aquin. 2.2 qu. 25. art 9. Contra. 1. This derogateth from the authoritie of Christ to say that he gave counsell to his Disciples and did not by his authoritie command them 2. Seeing all the duties of charitie are required by the law for love is the fulfilling of the law it followeth that even this dutie also in loving our enemies is enacted by the law and not left free 3. Our Saviour adding further as a reason hereof that ye may bee children of your Father which is in heaven sheweth that wee cannot otherwise bee the true children of our heavenly Father unlesse we be like him herein even in loving of our enemies then it will follow that it is not a counsell of conveniencie but a precept of necessitie Ex Bastingio See more of this popish distinction of counsels and precepts Synops. Centur. 1. err 84. 5. Confut. Against the Popish distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes ANother assertion of the Romanists here to be taxed is that anger si sit talis motus ut deducatur ratio est peccatum mortale c. If it be such a motion as that the reason is drawne to consent it is a mortall sinne Si usque ad consensum non pervertitur ratio est peccatum venidle c. But if reason be not perverted to consent then it is a veniall sinne but if it bee not a mortall or deadly sinne in the nature and kinde thereof as is murther and adulterie then although there be a consent it is no mortall sinne Sic Thom. in opuscul This distinction of sinnes veniall and not veniall in their owne nature in respect of the greatnesse or smalnesse of the sinne is not to bee admitted for these reasons 1. In the respect of the nature of sinne which of it selfe deserveth death Rom. 6.23 The wages of sinne is death and sinne is the transgression of the law 1 Ioh. 3.4 and every transgression of the law is under the curse Galath 3.10 2. In respect of the infinite Majestie of God which to violate can bee no veniall sinne of it selfe considering also the perfect and absolute righteousnesse of God which cannot abide the least blemish or imperfection therefore in regard of the perfect righteousnesse and infinite Majestie of God no sinne committed against God can in it selfe bee veniall 3. And concerning this motion and passion of anger even when it is sudden and unadvised though there bee no further purpose or intendment to hurt it is guiltie of judgement Matth. 5.22 Where by the way it shall not bee amisse to note the difference here betweene Thomas Aquin and Bellarmine for Thomas holdeth this anger here spoken of to bee a deadly sinne in that he saith He that is angrie with his brother shall be guiltie of judgement it must be understood dâ— matu tendente in nocumentum c. of a motion tending to hurt where there is consent and so that motion is deadly sinne Sic Thomas in opuscul Ex Lippoman But Bellarmine affirmeth that this is a veniall sinne and so deserveth not everlasting damnation because hell fire is onely due unto the last to call one foole Bellarm. lib. 1. de purgator cap. 4. Contra. 1. Every mortall sinne deserveth damnation but in Thomas Aquins judgement as is shewed before this anger here spoken of is a mortall sinne Ergo. 2. The naming of hell fire onely in the last place sheweth not a divers kinde of punishment from the rest but a divers degree of punishment for otherwise judgement in Scripture â—s taken for damnation as Psal. 143.2 Enter not into judgement with thy servant for no flesh is righteous in thy sight So Rom. 2.1 In that thou judgest another thou condemnest thy selfe Here to judge and condemne are taken for all one to be culpable then of judgement is to bee guiltie of damnation 4. Yet we admit this distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes if it be understood not in respect of the nature of sinne but of the qualitie of the persons for unto those that beleeve all sinnes are veniall and pardonable through the mercie of God Rom. 8.1 There is no condemnation to those that are in Christ Iesus but to the wicked and unbeleevers all their sinnes are mortall Rom. 6.23 to them the stipend and wages of sinne is death See more also hereof Synops. Papis Centur. 4. err 6. 4. Morall observations 1. Observ. Not to be hastie to anger THou shalt not kill Our blessed Saviour expounding this Commandement Matth. 5.22 sheweth that even hee which is angrie unadvisedly transgresseth this precept which may bee a caveat unto furious cholerike and hastie men that they should bridle their intemperate affections and not give place to rage for as Chrysostome saith Si concedatur licentia irascendi datur causa homicidii faciendi If libertie be granted unto anger even cause many times will bee given of murther But if any man shall say when hee is angrie with a man for railing and reviling that hee is angrie with his sinne let him consider that when he heareth the name of God blasphemed he is not so much moved which sheweth that he is angrie in respect of his owne name and person which is called in question and not simply for the sinne Simler 2. Observ. The challenging of one another into the field forbidden ANd if it be simply unlawfull to kill then let such looke unto it that take it to be their honour and estimation to challenge one another into the field whereupon often ensueth murther for we have otherwise learned in the Scriptures Omnem cupiditatem seipsum ulciscendi vetitam esse That all desire for a man to revenge himselfe is unlawfull Simler For such doe usurpe the Lords office The
persons as S. Paul saith Be not filled with wine wherein is excesse Ephes. 5.18 Contrarie hereunto are 1. Intemperance in meats and drinks as in drunkennesse and gluttonie 2. Facesse and superfluitie of meats and drinkes which breedeth intemperance as also excesse and pride of apparell reproved by the Prophet in the daughters of Sion Isai. 3. and other unseemely usages of the bodie as in painting or colouring the face or haire as wicked whorish Ieâ—abel used to doe 2 King 9.30 3. Contrarie unto this moderate temperance is in another extreme superstitious and immoderate abstinence such as was that of the Heremites and Anachorites that with too rigorous abstinence and fasting did oppresse nature Vrsin 4. As in temperance in diet is forbidden as the nourishing cause of lust so also in all other kind of behaviour as the wantonnes of the eye which opened as it were a window unto that great sinne of adulterie which David committed with Bathsheba 2 Sam. 12. Likewise obscenitie and vncomelinesse in speech for evill words corrupt good manners 1 Cor. 15.33 Simler But these two last rehearsed are rather opposite unto the second vertue of shamefastnesse before rehearsed 3. Places of Controversie 1. Confut. Against the Anabaptists and Nicolaitans which make their wives common THou shalt not commit adulterie c. First seeing this precept commandeth chastitie in the married estate to be preserved the Nicolaitans and heretikes called Gnostici are condemned which as of other things brought in a filthie communitie and mutual commixtion of their wives Bucanus Contrarie to the Apostles doctrine To avoid fornication let every one have his wife 1 Cor. 7.2 that is the wife ought to bee proper and peculiar to the husband and the husband likewise to the wife for the honour of mariage is stained when the mariage bed is defiled and therefore the Apostle putteth them both together Heb. 13.4 2. Confut. Against the Maniches and Marcionites that condemne mariage FUrther this Commandement forbidding the violating of mariage by adulterie and all other uncleane and unlawfull lust consequently alloweth the wholesome remedie of mariage against the old heretikes the Maniches Encratites Marcionists Chrysost. hom 12. in 1 Timoth. Ambrose addeth to these the Patritians in 1 Tim. 4. that condemned mariage as being instituted of Satan whose wicked opinion is blasphemous against God upon whose blessing Increase and multiplie dependeth the procreation of children which is the speciall fruit of mariage And they contradict the holy Apostle who saith That marriage is honorable c. Hebr. 13.4 3. Confut. Against the Romanists that forbid Mariage THirdly the Romanists are here confuted that enjoyne single life unto their Priests as more agreeable unto their orders which they thinke are defiled and polluted by mariage and they count that to bee the more holy state among them and such to bee most religious which are entred into a vow of single life so that although they doe not in open blasphemie condemne marriage as the other wicked heretikes which made the devill the author thereof yet they speake falshood through hypocrisie and under pretence of greater holinesse condemne the holy institution of marriage so that they cannot escape the censure of the Apostle which calleth it a doctrine of devils to forbid to marrie 1 Tim. 4.1.3 Neither can they shift it off by saying that they doe not forbid mariage generally no more did the Maniches who allowed their hearers such as were lay men to marrie but denied that libertie to their Clergie whom they called their elect and chosen men August hares 46. And the Heretickes called Apostolici would not permit such to marrie as had made a vow of single life being not able to performe it August hares 61. So the Romanists hold it unlawfull for their votaries to marrie though they bee never so weake and unable to performe their vow It is evident then that whereas S. Paul giveth libertie to everie man for avoiding of fornication to have his wife 1 Cor. 7.2 and againe he saith that mariage is honorable among all men Hebr. 13.4 the practice of the Romanists not allowing their Clergie and Monkes to marrie doth contradict the Apostolical doctrine And beside by this restraint of marriage they give occasion of adulterie fornication and other uncleane lusts seeing they restraine the remedie against these enormities which is lawfull and honest marriage and so they are apparent transgressors of this precept Herein they are not unlike to those old Heretickes called Origeniani turpes the filthie Origenists who as Epiphanius writeth of them rejected marriage and yet gave themselves to lust and some of them went in the habit of Monks professing solitarie life and yet were defiled with uncleannesse Epiphan hares 63. Such were the Monks in Poperie given over to al filthinesse as their hypocrisie was notably discovered in the suppression of their uncleane cages and cells here in England See more hereof Synops. pag. 260 261 c. 4. Confut. Against Aquinas that saith in the matrimoniall copulation there may be mortall sinne HEre by the way some exception is to be taken unto certaine positions of Thomas Aquinas who confuting those who affirmed Commixtionem viri uxoris non esse sint peccato that the companying of the husband with the wife could not bee without sinne setteth downe these conclusions 1. That 〈◊〉 conjunctio aliquando non solum est sine peccato sed etiam ad meritum vita â—ternae that such conjunction is sometime not only without sinne but meritorious also of eternall life 2. Quando est cum intentione procrâ—anda prolis vel reddendi debiti c. when in the matrimoniall act there is an intention of procreation or of rendring the mutuall debt of marriage it is an act of justice and so without sin at all 3. Aliquando est cum peccato veniali c. somtime it hath a veniall or small sin as when neither of the two former intendments do concurre 4. Quando autem excedit ut si posset se extenderet in alium tunc est mortale c. but when this matrimoniall copulation exceedeth the bounds that if it might bee it would extend it selfe to another then it is mortall Thomas in opuscul Contra. 1. No act of righteousnesse in man can be meritorious of eternall life seeing our best workes are imperfect and betweene the merit and worke there must be a proportion and kinde of equalitie but so there cannot bee betweene our imperfect workes and such a perfect and infinite reward The Apostle saith That the afflictions of this present life are not worthie of the glorie which shall be shewed unto us Rom. 8.18 If the suffrings of the Saints are not meritorious much lesse their actions 2. When matrimoniall conjunction is applied to the right end it is without sinne as S. Paul saith in the like case Let him doe what hee will he sinneth not 1 Cor. 7.36 that is materially he sinneth not the thing which hee doth is no
which is intended for the good of the Citie yet some may be dispensed withall and exempted from watching who may more necessarily bee employed for the common good for here although the letter of the law bee not precisely kept yet the intention of the Law-maker is observed which is to seeke and procure the common good So likewise 1. Universally the Lord himselfe neither will nor can dispense against his law as to make it lawfull to have other gods to take Gods name in vaine and such like for this were for God to denie himselfe to be just which were to deny himselfe but the Apostle saith God is faithfull and cannot denie himselfe 2 Tim 2.13 but to make it lawfull in generall to violate the precepts of the first and second Table were to denie his owne justice and so consequently to denie himselfe for God is most just yea justice it selfe and the law is a perfect rule of justice 2. Yet in the particular determinations of the law the Lord doth dispense as with Abrahams sacrificing of his sonne the Israelites robbing of the Egyptians the fornication of Ose the Prophet for the will of God which is most just and the right which he hath in the lives bodies and goods of men maketh these things lawfull being done by the Commandement of God which otherwise should bee unlawfull for as a man may use his Oxe or his Asse at his pleasure because they are ordained to his use so the Lord may doe with men take away their lives at his pleasure and that by a double right both because man by his sinne hath deserved to die and God as Creator may use the creature as it may best serve to his glorie And as a man may use his owne goods and that which is lent unto a man precariâ— freely and frankly during the pleasure of the lender he may when he will require againe so the earth being the Lords and the fulnesse thereof which he as it were lendeth unto man so long as it pleaseth him the Lord may justly at his pleasure transferre things from one to another So likewise in the third case of fornication like as matrimony maketh carnall copulation lawfull so the Lord may tale vinculum inducere by his commandement bring in and supplie the like bond as matrimonie is as when he commanded the Prophet to take him a wife of fornications Hose 1.3 the commandement of God made that lawfull which otherwise was unlawfull 3. But as God can make that which seemeth unjust to be lawfull and just so yet can he not make a just and good act to be evill and wicked as that he which worshippeth God aright doth evill or such like and the reason is because God by this meanes should bee contrarie to himselfe in commanding one so to worship him and yet to count him so worshipping him to doe evill Againe Impossibile est Deum facere quae non potest velle It is impossible for God to doe that hee cannot will now the Lord willeth none evill to be done therefore hee cannot make that which is good to be evill because he cannot denie himselfe who is onely good 4. Further a difference is to be made betweene the precepts of the first and secood Table God doth dispense with the precepts of the second which are referred to the good of our neighbour when he seeth it more to make for his owne glorie which is the chiefe end and scope of the duties of the first and second Table as when God commandeth to dishonour parents rather than to dishonour him and biddeth any kill and so in the rest but with the precepts of the first Table God dispenseth not because they are immediately referred to Gods glory for that were to consent to the dishonouring of himselfe And thus much for the answer to the first part of the argument Secondly it followeth not if God can dispense that therefore the Prelates of the Church may 1. Because the dispensation against a law must bee by as great authoritie as the law was first made by but the morall law grounded upon the law of nature was founded by the Author and Creator of nature and therefore by him onely and not by any else may it be dispensed with 2. As in naturall effects ordinarily there must goe before a naturall cause as a thing cannot be made hot unlesse fire or some other efficient cause of heat be put unto it so that the Pope himselfe cannot command a thing to bee hot but by such efficient cause of heat yet the Lord without any such mediate or ordinarie cause can make a thing hot by his infinite power supplying that cause himselfe so likewise in spirituall actions the Lord may supplie that which maketh the thing lawfull which man cannot doe unlesse some externall cause or circumstance doe concurre which maketh the act lawfull As to kill is an unlawfull act in it selfe neither can the Pope or any other make it lawfull to kill unlesse there be some cause that maketh it lawfull to kill as when the partie commanded to be slaine hath deserved to die But God to whom all men are debters and who is the Lord of every mans life may command to kill without any injustice although there be no such apparent cause or circumstance which should make that act lawfull 2. Object Further it is objected thus to restore that which is committed to a mans trust is a naturall dutie yet this is dispensed with when as a man refuseth to restore to a mad man his sword or weapon which he gave one to keepe so the Magistrate ordinarily dispenseth with that precept Thou shalt not kill when he commandeth malefactors to be slaine so the Macchabees dispensed with the Sabbath when they resolved to fight with their enemies upon the Sabbath 1 Macchab. chap. 2. as these precepts are dispensed withall by men so also may the rest Answ. 1. For the first instance there is in that particular case no dispensation against the law of nature for then by such dispensation it should bee made lawfull not to restore that which is committed to trust which cannot bee made lawfull by any dispensation for this were to crosse and overthrow the law of nature but not to restore a sword to a furious man is but a particular interpretation of that generall law of nature wherein the intent of that law is kept for it is agreeable to the law of nature to render whatsoever belongeth to another and the reason thereof is because it is just so it is lawfull by the same law nothwithstanding not to give unto a mad man his owne sword because it is just also the meaning and reason of the law is kept because the furious man would doe some hurt with his weapon and therefore to minister occasion and instruments unto his rage were unjust 2. In the other two particulars there is no dispensation but an interpretation rather or declaration of the law in the
their discretion are to moderate it Gallas 3. Tostatus thinketh that these were not the ordinarie Judges of the Hebrewes sed arbitri constituti ex voluntate partis utriusque but arbitrators chosen by the will and consent of both parties quest 24. But that part of the law which followeth Thou shalt render life for life which is spoken to the Judge to whom the sword was committed sheweth that this authoritie also of setting the pecuniarie punishment is referred to the civill Magistrate QUEST LIX Whether the law of retalion be literally to be understood Vers. 24. EYe for eye tooth for tooth c. 1. Some doe thinke that this law of retalion is not to be understood according to the letter but an estimation was to be made by money so R. Salomon to whom consenteth Tostatus upon these reasons 1. Because in some of these kinds as if a foot should bee taken from him that perished his neighbours foot it might so fall out that together with the foot hee should lose his life and so there should be more than a retalion 2. And againe in the former law vers 18. where one upon anothers smiting lieth downe on his bed but riseth againe the other was onely to beare his charges there the law of repercussion and retalion tooke no place and so is it to be understood here 3. Favorinuâ— thus reasoned against this law of retalion as Aulus Gellius bringeth him in lib. 20. cap. 1. that it was impossible to be kept for if the like should be inflicted for the like as one wound for another they must take heed that the like wound in every respect should be made neither longer nor deeper if it were then a new retalion should bee offered unto the other that prosecuted the action and so there should be no end Contra. 1. The like may bee objected concerning the cutting off of other members as of the eares and hands which are inflicted by the lawes of divers countries for divers times death followeth in the amputation of such parts and yet the law intendeth not death He then may thanke himselfe that deserved such mangling of his members neither is the severitie of the law to give way because of some inconvenience which is feared And yet further thus much may bee added that where in such tetalion death was like to follow where death was not intended that in this case much was left to the discretion of the Judge that compensation might bee made in another kinde as by pecuniarie satisfaction 2. The other instance is not to the purpose for the law speaketh of such hurting when as there is no losse of any member for in that case they are referred to this law but when the body was otherwise hurt and bruised without any corruption of the parts and members then the smiter in that case was to beare his charges that rested and lay upon his bed by his meanes 3. The other objection is frivolous for it was not in the private mans hand that was wounded to make what wound he thought good againe but it was in the Judges power to order it 2. Therefore the more probable opinion is that this law is literally to be understood that he which had spoiled his neighbours eye hand foot should suffer the like himselfe as may appeare by these reasons 1. Because the first clause here set downe vers 23. Thou shalt pay life for life is literally intended not that he should pay mony for his life but he should lose his life indeed 2. Our blessed Saviour so expoundeth this law Matth. 5.38 Yee have heard it hath beene said an eye for an eye c. which libertie being given unto the Magistrate onely every private man did arrogate to himselfe to seeke revenge as he thought good and therefore our blessed Saviour correcteth that error But I say unto you resist not evill c. Now if this retalion and recompence had beene made in money and not in inflicting the like hurt they had not resisted evill or sought revenge 3. Other forren lawes also borrowed this law of retalion from Moses as among the Romanes in their twelve tables this law is extant Si membrum ruperit nisi cum eo pacit talio esto c. If he have broken a member unlesse he agree with him let there be a retalion 3. Yet this law is so literally to be understood as that it was lawfull notwithstanding to turne the like punishment into a pecuniarie mulct Iosephus thinketh it was in his choice that was hurt whether hee would be satisfied in money or have the like punishment inflicted So also Bâ—rrhaius But it is not like that it was left wholly to his choice but that it rested in the Judges discretion as before in another case the womans husband was to set the summe but the Judges were to moderate it vers 22. 4. Therefore it is like that it was in the Judges power to award either the like penaltie or a compensation in money as afterward vers 29.30 If a mans oxe used to gore chanced to kill any the owner was to die or pay a ransome of money And the reasons of this commutation are these The difficultie in the strict law of retalion that it could hardly alwayes be observed according to the letter as if hee were weake and sickly that was to lose a member he was like to lose his life also with it and if a poore man had lost an arme it was more profitable for him to have amends made him in money than to have anothers hand cut off and if the Judge should upon every ones humorous desire have taken away from one an arme or a legge this would have nourished revenge It is like then upon these reasons that the Judges as they saw cause did make a change and commutation of this penaltie with money as the Pretors did among the Romanes 5. Yet although it were in the Judges power to make a commutation of the like punishment with a pecuniarie mulct the law of retalion notwithstanding is set downe 1. Both for more certaintie because one rule could not serve for all pecuniarie taxations which might be aggravated or diminished in the discretion of the Judge according to the divers circumstances 2. As also if a mulct of money had beene set then the mutilation of the members being not warranted by the letter of the law could not have beene inflicted 3. As also this severitie in the amputation or cutting off the like part doth imprint a greater terror than if any summe of money though never so great had beene imposed Simler QUEST LX. Whether the law of retalion were just and equall BUt against the law of retalion it will be thus objected 1. That sometime there may be great inequalitie in the persons and then such equall and like requitall is not just as if a subject should smite a Magistrate and wound him it is not sufficient for the other to be wounded againe And in
penaltie than the servant because he was the cause but if he were a mercenarie man or an hireling then he together with the master that set him aworke are joyntly to beare the losse because it was in his power to have refused Tostat. So then not onely he that maketh such a pit and leaveth it uncovered but he that also caused it are punishable by this law Iun. 3. But in this other point R. Salomon his opinion is very probable that this law must be understood of such pits as were made in such common and usuall places where cattell used to goe not of such as were digged in solitarie and unfrequented places as in the mountaines for then it was a meere chance if any such casualtie happened Tostat. Lyran. Neither can this law take place now when men have their severall and divided grounds wherein they make their pits and wels which divisions were not so usuall among the Israelites then Gallas 4. Though mention be made onely of the oxe and asse that shall fall into the pit yet there is the same reason of other cattell as of sheepe and goats Lyran. But there is a greater doubt what should bee done if a man and woman should perish by such meanes Simlerus seemeth to be of opinion that the owner or maker of the pit should be punished in this case as if hee had not kept his oxe that used to goare But the life of man is of greater value than to be taken away where there is no direct law but by a kinde of consequent If indeed any man should of purpose leave open a well to intrap his brother here he is guiltie of wilfull murther because he lay in wait for his brother and therefore was to die for it according to the law vers 14. But if the pit bee left open of negligence in this case the digger of the pit shall not make satisfaction for the life of a man as for a beast there decaying because a man in his reason and discretion could better prevent the danger of falling into the pit than a bruit beast 5. Gregorie doth thus mystically applie this law Quid est aperire cisternam nisi sacra scriptura arcaâ— penetrare c. What is it to open a well but to search into the Arke of the sacred Scripture Subliâ—â—s sensus coram non capientibus silentiâ— contegat Let him cover with silence the high and secret sense before those which cannot conceive them otherwise he shall be guiltie si per verba ejus mens in scandalum c. if by his words the simple minde of the hearer shall be scandalized Gregor 17. moral cap. 13. 6. Thomas doth thus moralize Then one giveth occasion of falling to another which is to fall into the pit quando facit aliquid vel dicit minùs ratum when hee doth or saith any thing which is not right whereby occasion is ministred to another of falling Thom. quodlibet 4. art 23. ad 3. QUEST LXX How the live and dead oxe are to be divided where they were not of equall value Vers. 35. IF a mans oxe hurt his neighbours oxe c. they shall divide c. 1. This is not meant of the oxe onely but of other cattell also as if one mans ramme kill another à parte totum intelligendum est by one part the whole is to be understood August quaest 82. in Exod. 2. And this law is most equall because it cannot be knowne which of them first assaulted the other the one being not knowne to push more than the other that both the live dead should be equally divided Simler The like law the Romans had in the 12. tables that if ones beast hurt another the owner should make it good or deliver the beast Gallas 3. But this division must bee understood where the beasts are of equall value otherwise there should be wrong done to one of them As if the dead oxe were worth six pound and the live oxe but two pound if both should be divided then he that was owner of the live oxe should receive foure pound twice so much as his oxe were worth and the other should lose two pound in the price of his beast the meaning then is that an equall division should be made where the oxen are equall in value and the losse in the dead oxe to bee equally borne by them both as if the live oxe bee worth six pound and the dead oxe was worth as much being alive but now is valued at foure pound then either of them both the oxen being sold should have five pound a peece and so each of them should beare 20.s. losse Lyran. But where the value was unequall first the price must bee made up in money where the oddes was and then the rest divided as if the live oxe were worth 12. sicles and the dead oxe worth but six alive and foure now he is dead these being now both sold make 16. sicles in all of this summe first six sicles must be given unto the owner of the live oxe to make up the equall value of the dead oxe which was worth but six then the residue being ten sicles should bee divided to each of them five sicles and so the losse should bee indifferently borne betweene them Tostat. quaest 32. 4. To know then how an equall division may bee made when the beasts are of unequall value these rules must be observed 1. Si non perdit uterque aequaliter â—f both doe not lose alike the owner of the live beast and the owner of the dead the division is not equall Tostat. quaest 33. Medietas damni debet poni super unum c. The halfe of the losse must bee laid upon one and the other halfe upon the other Lyran. As if the live oxe be worth 12. sicles and the dead oxe was worth but six being alive and now is sold for foure here are two sicles lost which must bee equally borne betweene them so that the owner must have five sicles and so he loseth but one 2. Another rule is that if either of the owners receive more for the live or dead oxe than it was worth being alive the division is not good as in the former example if the owner of the live oxe should have above 12. sicles or the owner of the dead above six 3. If the owner of the dead oxe have lesse allowed him than his dead oxe is worth as if hee should receive but three sicles when the dead carcase is sold for foure 4. If the owner of the dead oxe receive as much for the dead as he was worth alive as namely six sicles whereas he is worth but foure the division is unjust for now the whole losse of two sicles should lie altogether upon the owner of the live oxe Tostat. quaest 33. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of keeping the seventh day of rest holy unto God Vers. 2 IN the seventh yeare he shall goe out free Consider here
cast by false witnesses even against his knowledge should be free then Pilate who condemned Christ being by false witnesse and the malice of the Jewes accused whom he knew to be an innocent man giving this testimonie of him I find no fault in him at all Ioh. 19.4 should notwithstanding herein have beene without fault Therefore upon these reasons the former conclusion of Lyranus standeth sound and good that a Judge sinneth in giving sentence against the innocent condemned and cast by false evidence if hee in his conscience knew him to be innocent And that he ought rather in this case to give over his office and dignitie if there be no other way to deliver the innocent rather than to be guiltie of his bloud QUEST XIV A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man not found guiltie in publike judgement BUt as the Judge is bound in conscience to deliver the innocent whom he knoweth so to be that yet is found guiltie through malice and envie notwithstanding it dâ—th not follow that hee should likewise condemne him that is cleared in publike judgement whom he knoweth in his private knowledge to be guiltie of the crime as of murther adulterie whereof he was accused but by favour and partialitie acquited and the reasons of this difference are these 1. The law is more readie to spare than to punish to extend favour than to shew rigour according to that rule in the law Odia restringi decet favores convenit ampliari Hatred is fit to be restrained and fafour to be enlarged Tostat. 2. In condemning a man of his owne knowledge he doth more than in dismissing the innocent for here he doth not absolve him by any sentence but onely suspendeth the sentence of condemnation and giveth over his place rather than he will give sentence against him but here he giveth sentence against the other 3. If he should condemne any upon his private knowledge onely he should doe it as a private man but so he hath no power to condemne Lyran. 4. Yet the Judge knowing the partie accused to be guiltie may by some meanes so worke and give such direction that his wickednesse may be found out but of his owne knowledge without further processe or evidence in judgement he cannot condemne him whom he knoweth to be guiltie QUEST XV. What a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts Vers. 8. THou shalt take no gift 1. That is the Judge when any cause of his is in hand who bestoweth the gift upon him otherwise for the Prince or Magistrate to take a present or gift of acknowledgement which the subjects and inferiours doe offer to shew their dutie and thankfulnesse it is not here forbidden nay those wicked and unthankfull men that brought Saul no presents are reproved 1 Sam. 10.27 Osiander 2. And a difference is to be made betweene Judges and Advocates for these may safely take their fee so they exact not more than is due unto them because both they have not their set stipends as Judges have and beside they are but pleaders not givers of sentence and so the danger is the lesse whereas Judges have their certaine solarie appointed them and in their sentence definitive the cause standeth or falleth Tostat. 3. This also must bee understood of extraordinarie and unusuall gifts for inferiour Judges have by order certaine fees allowed them in every cause which they may safely take in some places they have publike allowance maintenance and revenues wherewith they ought to be contented as Nehemiah was allowed the bread of the Governour though he tooke it not chap. 5.15 4. And not he only which receiveth silver and gold sed etiam qui propter landom judicat male munus acciple c. but he also which for praise doth judge unjustly receiveth a reward August And there are three kindes of taking of gifts munus à corde est captata gratia à cogitatione c. there is a gift from the heart when a man thinketh to winne favour munus ab ore a gift from the mouth in praise and commendation munus ex manu a gift out of the hand by receiving of a reward Gregor QUEST XVI Whether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull 1. SOme thinke that all gifts are not unlawfull which are given to Judges and they make this difference some gifts are for gaine and lucre as silver gold and such like some are for meat and drinke and these were by some Lawes allowed to be taken especially after sentence given And these circumstances further they would have considered in gifts 1. Who giveth if the rich to him that is poore it is so much the more suspicious 2. The quantity of the gift if it be but small it is not like to corrupt the minde and therefore Tostatus saith Ecclesia Romana non consuevit in his interpretari accipientem delinquere vel donantem The Church of Rome useth not to interpret that the giver or taker offend in these small gifts But it is no marvell that their Church which loveth gifts so well according to the saying Omniae venalia Romae All things are saleable at Rome doth give such a favourable interpretation of bribery 3. The time of giving must be considered if one give unto him in his necessity it is not presumed that he did it to corrupt his mind as to releeve his want Tostat. As though it be not so much more like to corrupt the Judge when he receiveth a gift in his great necessity 2. Therefore this text seemeth to condemne all gifts great or small given to whomsoever rich or poore and whensoever being given to obtaine favour in their cause for a generall reason is given because all such gifts doe blind the eyes and judgement of the wise which are here called the seeing and as the word ghiver in piel signifieth doe not only blind but pull out their eyes as in the same mood it is said Ierem. 52.11 That the King of Babel put or pulled out the eyes of Zedekiah Oleaster And in another sense the word ghur signifieth evigilare to awake so gifts cause the eyes of the prudent to awake and attend upon the unrighteous cause Oleaster But the other sense is more fit here they are said to blind their eyes either that their judgement being corrupted they see not what is just or right as lovers are blinded in that which they love or though they see what is just yet they are turned by gifts to give wrong judgement against their owne conscience Simler These gifts also pervert the words of the just their heart also is first perverted but mention is made of words because principalis subversio c. est in verbis Iudicis the principall subversion and overthrow of the righteous cause is in the words of the Judge Tostat. qu. 8. They are called still righteous though now corrupted because they were so indeed before and seeme to be so still to themselves and others Simler
For this cause many are weake and sick among you and many sleepâ— and that these corrections proceed of love he presently after sheweth But when wee are judged wee are chastened of the Lord because we should not be condemned with the world 4. Nec hoc fecerunt justi homines sine authoritate divina c. Neither did those just men doe this without the divine authoritie which sometime is manifested in Scripture sometime hid lest any should thinke it was permitted unto him to kill whom he would at his pleasure 5. De inimici dilectione c. in veteribus libris legitur c. And yet we reade in the old Testament of the loving of our enemy whereof David is an example who when Saul was offered unto his hand elegit parcere potius quà m occidere chose rather to spare him than kill him ubi ergo nec difficultas fuit occidendi nee timor dilectio profecit inimico c. where then there was neither difficulty nor feare to kill the enemy it was love that helped him c. Thus Augustine learnedly sheweth the old Testament not to be contrary to the new 4. Controv. That every mans terme of life is certaine with God Vers. 26. THe number of thy dayes will I fulfill c. Here are two errors to be taken heed of which through the mistaking of this text have deceived some The one was of Diodorus Tarseus whose opinion was that because the dayes of the wicked are often time shortned thought that the terme of every mans life is not prefixed and set downe certaine with God Ex Simlero So also Procopius Non ostendit singulis praefixum esse certum vita finem He sheweth not here that to every man is set a certaine end of his life seeing God according to his pleasure doth sometime shorten and sometime prolong it c. But this opinion seemeth evidently to contradict the Scripture which thus evidently testifieth Are not his dayes determined the number of his moneths are with thâ—â— thou hast appointed his bounds which he cannot passe As God then hath set downe with himselfe the certaine time of every ones comming into the world so also he hath appointed their time of departure and going out of the world which time in respect of Gods prescience is neither prevented nor deferred But to us it seemeth so to be when the naturall period of any mans life by some violent and accidentall meanes seemeth to be cut off Theodorus therefore here resolveth well Vnusquisquo nostrâm 〈◊〉 dios vivâ—â— quos Deus pranoscit c. Every one of us shall live out those dayes which the Lord hath foreseene and foreknowne The other error is of those which thinke Câ—rtum â—undem 〈…〉 That the same certaine terme of life is appointed to all whâ—â— Theodorâ—â— in the same place confuteth for if it were so â—â—que jâ—stus 〈…〉 neither the righteous should enjoy a longer nor the unrighteous a shorter life The 〈◊〉 whereof is also seâ—â—e by daily experience for wee see some infants to dye before they are a moneth old and some men to live above an hundred yeere 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. The vertues of an upright Iudge Vers. 1. THou shalt not receive a false tale c. In these three first verses are set forth three excellent vertues that ought to be in every Judge The first is truth which ought alwayes to be followed in judgement contrary whereunto are false reports and tales which a Judge is not to give â—are unto So the Wise-man saith He that heareth speaketh continually he that by patient hearing and wise examining fifteth a cause may speake without controlement The second vertue is constancie not to be swayed by the judgement of the multitude or by the power of the mighty to swarve from justice The third vertue is equality touched here in the third verse neither to esteeme the person of the rich or poore in judgement B. Babington 2. Observ. Not to use the names of the Gentile gods in poems and verses Vers. 13. YE shall make no mention of the name of other gods By this we may gather hand piè Christianè fieri ab â—is c. that it is no Christian or godly use in them which in their verses and poems do invocate the gods of the Gentiles as Apollo Iupiter Minerva Marbach But the Apostle saith If any man speake let him talke as the words of God 1 Pet. 4. vers 11. 3. Observ. God is to be praised both in the beginning and in the end Vers. 16. THe harvest of first fruits c. the feast of gathering fruits God would have them both first and last to acknowledge a benefit they must offer the first fruits as a signe of their thankfulnesse when their corne began to be ripe and keepe a feast also when they had gathered in all their fruits Men now adayes thinke it enough to make a shew of thansgiving when they begin to taste of a benefit and forget it afterward But we must in the beginning and in the end celebrate the praise of God Oleaâ—â— as the Apostle saith In all things give thankes 1 Thess. 5.18 CHAP. XXIV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter there are two severall commandements given expresly by the Lord unto Moses with their severall executions the first to vers 12. the second thence to the end of the Chapter The first commandement 1. Is given vers 1 2. both who shall come up unto God vers 1. and in what order vers 2. Moses should come neere unto the Lord the rest should stand further off 2. In the execution first it is set downe how Moses delivered the Lawes which he had before received which are rehearsed in the former Chapters which he first delivered by word of mouth and the people obediently received them vers 3. then in fact where foure things are delivered which Moses did 1. He wrote the Law vers 4. 2. Set up an Altar 3. Sent young men to sacrifice 4. Sprinkled of the bloud part on the Altar part on the people so establishing and confirming the covenant vers 6 7 8. Secondly the execution of the commandement given vers 1 2. followeth in these three things 1. Their obedience in going up vers 9. 2. The effect that followed they saw God vers 10. 3. The event they did well after and no evill thing happened unto them The second commandement is propounded vers 12. with the end thereof wherefore Moses is bid to come up namely to receive the Tables of stone containing the Commandements then the execution is shewed in generall vers 13. how Moses and Ioshua went up and what charge Moses gave to the Elders before he went vers 14. Then in particular the manner of his going up into the mountaine is described where foure things are declared 1. How the mount was covered with a cloud vers 15. 2. When the Lord called to Moses on the seventh day 3.
sinne of idolatrie as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned Nec tamen sequitur ex hoc quòd fuit idololatra and yet it followeth not hereupon that he was an idolater for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped erecting of an altar and offering sacrifice unto it all which Aaron did doe proclaime him guiltie of externall idolatrie QUEST LXII Why idolatrie is called a great sinne THis great sinne 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne even in the highest degree because it is a sinne committed directly against God not as other sinnes of the second table which are done against our neighbour which are also against God because they are against his Law but not directly against Gods honor as the sins against the first table are 2. And among all the sins of the first table there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God as idolatrie for he which taketh Gods name in vaine or prophaneth the Sabbath is an enemie to Gods honour but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God as idolaters doe Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King because they are against his Lawes but those which are against his person are most directly against him and among them treason specially which is intended against his life of the same nature is idolatrie which is high treason against God 4. Thomas saith Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur A sinne is so much the more grievous the further wee are thereby removed from God but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God 5. Idolatrie also is a great and grievous sinne in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it for here Aaron as much as in him lay aâ—â—er fit ultimam cladem had brought upon them utter destruction Calvin if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath they had all beene at once destroyed QUEST LXIII Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron and forbeareth further punishment NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment and onely rebuked him 1. Some make this to be the cause for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount before he came downe at what time Moses prayed also for him seeing the Lord bent to kill him Tostat. qu. â—5 But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward at Moses second going up to God when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights as before at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron Deut. 9.20 And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation and so Aaron could not escape Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel that God would not destroy the whole nation 2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron quiae sic arguendi praelati because Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Governours are so to be reproved Ferus he thinketh he was now the high Priest So also Oleaster calleth him Pontificem summum the chiefe Priest But as yet Aaron was not consecrated as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons Quia non illi improperatur conspâ—râ—atum sacerdotium He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie 3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time and afterward likewise when he repined against Moses cum propter alias causas tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros Both for other causes as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes But if this had beene the reason all the tribes should have beene spared likewise because out of all of them came holy and worthy men Judges Prophets or Kings 4. But the causes rather were these 1. Aaron confessed his sinne and therefore Moses inclined to favour him 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne the punishment also was remitted Simler 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office what it should be and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated all which had beene in vaine if Aaron now had perished 4. Beside Moses had direction from God to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence but for Aaron hee had no such commandement 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason Novit ille cui parcat c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment and whom not to spare at all or for a time for his wayes and judgements are past finding out qu. 148. 5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings as he did as it appeareth by this reprehension it may be answered that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth or which is rather like Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat had left Aaron his deputie governour when he went up into the mount Simler and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance QUEST LXIV What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession 1. His modestie that being Moses elder brother yet hee calleth him Lord and submitteth himselfe unto him whereof these two reasons may be yeelded both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him agnoscebat sejure argui he knew he was worthily reproved 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault in saying Let not the wrath of my Lord waâ— fâ—erce Agnoscit crimen hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner rem gestam liberè confiâ—etur he freely openeth all the matter how it was done Pelarg. both what the people required and upon what reason and ground what he did and what came thereof rem ut gesta est simpliciter narraâ— he simply declareth the matter as it was done 2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie 1. Peccatum culpam in alios trajicere studet Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others laying the fault upon the people Ferus 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can being afraid nâ— aliquid de existimatione sua decodat lest he should lose any
is the man whom thou directest O Lord and who will not stirre unlesse thou shew him a signe c. We must waite then upon God for his direction as the eyes of the servants looke unto the hand of their masters And as the campe of Israel removed at the lifting up of this cloud so by Gods direction I have begun and by his gracious blessing finished this long and laborious worke this fifth of Iune Anno 1608. To whom in all humblenesse of soule and with bended knees of my heart I doe onely ascribe the praise thereof and now as at the setling of this cloud the camâ—e stayed so heere I rest for this time untill by the ascending of the cloud that is the further motion and direction of Gods Spirit I shall be raised to march on still by those heavenly stations of the Scriptures toward the celestiall Canaan Amen 1 Timoth. 1.17 Now unto the King everlasting immortall invisible unto God only wise be honour and glorie for ever and ever Amen FINIS THE TABLE OF THE QVESTIONS HANDLED IN THIS COMMENTARIE Certaine Generall questions out of the whole booke explained 1. QUest Concerning the inscription of the booke 2. qu. Of the computation of yeares comprehended in the storie of Exodus 3. qu. Whether Moses were the writer of this booke 4. qu. Whether Moses Iudiciall lawes doe now necessarily binde the Civill Magistrate Questions upon the first Chapter 1. QUest Why the twelve Patriarkes are so often rehearsed 2. qu. VVhy Iacobs sonnes are not alwaies rehearsed in the same order 3. qu. How they are said to bee seventie soules that went downe with Iacob into Egypt 4. qu. Of the wonderfull multiplying of the Israelites in Egypt 5. qu. In what time the Israelites so exceedingly increased 6. qu. By what meanes the Israelites increased 7. qu. Who this new King was that knew not Ioseph 8. qu. VVhy this Pharaoh is called a new King 9. qu. The causes of the afflection of the Israelites 10. qu. Of the hard affliction of the Israelites 11. qu. Of the cities Pithom and Rameses which the Israelites built for Pharaoh 12. qu. How many yeares the affliction of the Israelites is supposed to have continued 13. qu. The reasons why the Lord suffered his people to be afflicted in Egypt 14. qu. Whether the Midwives were Egyptians or Hebrew women 15. qu. Why Pharaoh only giveth his cruel charge to two Midwives 16. qu. Whether the Midwives made a lie and are therein to be justified 17. qu. How the Lord is said to make them houses 18. qu. Whether the Midwives onely were temporally rewarded Questions upon the second Chapter 1. QUest Of Amram Moses father 2. qu. Why it is said he went and tooke 3. qu. Of Iacobed Moses mother whether she were aunt or cosine german to Amram 4. qu. Why such marriages were tolerated in those daies 5. qu. When Amram married his wife 6. qu. Of the time of Moses birth compared with the times before and the times after 7. qu. Of the antiquitie of Moses who is found to be the most ancient of all writers either sacred or prophane 8. qu. VVhether the name of Moses were knowne unto the Gentiles before Christ. 9. qu. How Moses is said to bee a proper child and by Whom he was hid 10. qu. The Arke wherein Moses was put whereof it was made and where placed 11. qu. Whether Moses parents did well in exposing him 12. qu. Of the education of Moses and his adâ—ption to be Pharaohs daughters sonne 13. qu. Whence Moses had his learning of the Egyptians only or of the Grecians also 14. qu. VVhat kind of learning Moses received of the Egyptians 15. qu. VVhence the Egyptians received their learning 16. qu. VVhy it pleased God that Moses should be instructed in the Egyptian learning 17. qu. VVhy Moses had this name given him 18. qu. Of Moses visiting his brethren 19. qu. Whether it were lawfull for Moses to kill the Egyptian 20. qu. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secresie and circumspection in this busines 21. qu. How Moses is said heere to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King 22. qu. Why Moses sufferings are called by the Apostle the rebukes of Christ. 23. qu. Why Pharaoh sought to slay Moses 24. qu. The causes why Moses lived in exile and banishment fortie yeares 25. qu. Of Midian what countrie it was and where situat 26. qu. Rahuel Iethro Hobab whether they were the same 27. qu. Whether Rahuel were Prince or Priest of Midian 28. qu. VVhether Rahuel were an idolatrous Priest or a Priest of the true God 29. qu. Why Zipporah is called an Aethiopesse 30. qu. In what time Moses sonnes were borne unto him 31. qu. To whom the right of imposing names upon the children belongeth 32. qu. Whence the name of Gershom is derived 33. qu. VVhat Pharaoh it was that died while Moses was in Midian 34. qu. Whether the crie of the Israelites proceeded from true repentance Questions upon the third Chapter 1. QUest How long Moses kept his father in lawes sheepe what he did in the mountaine and to what â—nd he was so exercised 2. qu. Of the mount Choreb whether it was the same with mount Zion also why Moses went thither and why it is called the mountaine of God 3. qu. Of the vision of the bush 4. qu. Of the flame of fire that burned in the bush 5. qu. What is meant by the burning of the fire without consuming the bush 6. qu. Whether it were an Angell or God himselfe that appeared unto Moses and whether he that appeared were Michael the Prince of the people of God 7. qu. What made Moses to draw neere to behold this strange sight 8. qu. Why the Lord doubleth Moses name in calling him 9. qu. VVhat the putting off the shooes meaneth 10. qu. Why the Lord calleth himselfe the God of Abraham Isaak and Iacob 11. qu. Why Moses hid his face 12. qu. How this text is alleaged by our Saviour in the Gospell to prove the resurrection of the dead 13. qu. Why our Saviour in the Gospell specially urgeth this place against the Sadduces 14. qu. How God is said heere to descend 15. qu. In what respect the land of Canaan is called a large countrie 16. qu. Of the great fruitfulnes of the land of Canaan and of the wonderfull fruit of Palestina called the apples of Paradise 17. qu. Whether the fruitfulnes of the land of Canaan do yet continuâ— 18. qu. VVhether the Canaanites were a peculiar people by themselves 19. qu. How many nations of the Canaanites and why they were cast out 20. qu. VVhat made Moses so unwilling to take his calling upon him 21. qu. What signe it is which the Lord promised to Moses 22. qu. Why Moses enquireth after Gods name 23. qu. Of the best reading of these words I am that I am 24. qu. What the name is which the Lord heere giveth himselfe 25. qu. Of the meaning
cor H. inter H. cor T. mut pers Hebrewes fables The manner of espousals Labans craft Beauty how far to be respected in marriage Abuses to be avoyded in mariage feasts How Leah was not discerned of Iacob Hebrewes fables How farre the fathers are to be imitated S. sin f plur C. inter Ch. cor H.S. alt T. G. T.r. S. ad S. ad S. alt S.G. T.C.r. divers sig T.B.G. H.S. cat T. B· H.S.c. T.B.r. S.c. T. H.r. S.c. S. ad Procreation the gift and worke of God Mandrakes have a strong â—avour Epiph. in philolog c. 4. Mandrakes whether their vertue is to make women conceive Of the description of mandragoras The vertue operation of Mandrakes Hebrewes fables Leah doth not name her son Gad of fortune Iacob hath not only the parti-coloured goats but sheep also Most particoloured sheepe in Palestine The Latine translation refused of the Romans themselves Strange births procured by the conceit and fancie of the minde The force and power of the affections S.T. ad C.r. cor C.r. cor div sig S. cor S.H. cor S. ap f. prop. B. mut temp S. cor S. ad B. H. ad Ch. S. ad H.c. H. de Ch. cor S. ad H. S. ap f. pr. H.c. H.S. det S. ad Who are understoâ—d to be Iacobs brethreÌ„ S. ad S. ap f. pr. S.C. cor C.c. S.C.c. T.B.r. divers fig. T.r. S. app f.p. divers accep B.G.r. Hebrewes curious â—â—servations Why mention is here made only of Iacobs eleven children Hebrewes conceits The Angels not understood by the seven spirits Revel 1.4 H. ad T.G.r. T.P.G.r. H.S. mut temp H.c. H.S.c. divers sig B. Gr. H. trans H.S.C.c. H.S.c. S. ap f. pr. H.S.B. pr. f. â—p Of divers kinds of bowing the body Salem and Sichem whether one place H. det diff ver Ch. c. H. deâ— H.S.C.c. S.P. divers signif T.B.r. S. ad S.c. H. inter H. cor â— b.g.r. Hebrewes uncertaine collections Simeon and Levi whether to be excused in part Reasons for the justification of Simeon and Levi their acts answered The circumstances of the cruell acts of Simeon and Levi weighed Jacobs sentence against Simeon and Levi explained H. det Ch. mut T. r. differ sig S. ad H. det div sig app s. pr. S. c. H. det H. det S. trans H. S. cor T. B. r. H.C. app f. pr. S. ad S.c. How Benjamin is numbred among those that were borne in Mesopotamia S. cor S. cor S. cor S. ad T. cor S. ad H. ad S. cor S. S. cor B. S.H.C. S. S. C. app f. pr. S. H. S. Aholibamah whether the same with Iudith Of Sibeon and Anah Basemath Ismaels daughter Amalek how counted among the sons Adab Of the Horites what people they were Dishon three of that name Gen. 39. â— Hebr. 13. â— Ambr. lib. de Ioseph c. 5. Ambr. lib. â— offâ— c. 14. De utilitate nihil perdideraÌ„t qui acquisierant perpetuitatem â—elius fuit conferre aliquid de fructibus quà m to tuâ— de jure amittere offic 2.16 Non venditionem sui juris sed redemptionem salutis puâ—â—banâ— ibid. Greg. hom 〈◊〉 in Ezechiel Psal. 101.1 Detersa est irâ— quae apparebat non erat ostensa est misericordia quae erat non apparebat Greg. ibid. Toletan 5â— can 5. Gen. 49.24 Ioseph ofâ—asaph â—asaph to adde H. cor divers sig S. det H. det S. ad H.c. H. alt H. ad S.c. T.c.r. T.r. Why Ioseph is said to be a child his yeares being expressed before In what cases priâ—ate admonition is not necessary before publike accusation Why parent loâ—â—â—heir youngest children best The remedie against envy Ioseph wherein a type of Christ. How Iacob rebuked Ioseph Iosephus in errour The judgement of Simeon and Levi. The divers senses of that word sheol Nephesh taken in Leviticus for a dead corps S.c. S.c. C. ap f. pr. H. cor ap f. pr. T.r. C. cor H.c. T.P.r. T.H.r. H.c. H. 〈◊〉 H.c. L.C.r. S.H.c. simil ver T.r. T.B.G.r. T.P.r. Iudah and his children married very young Adullam the nâ—me â—f a village in the tribe of Judah Thamar whether the daughter of Sem. Unnaturall lust how many wayes committed Er or Onan whether the greater sinner Moses Law Deut 24.5 whether to be understood of the naturall brother Why Thamar is adjudged to be burned Iudahs his rigorous oversight in adjudging a woman great with childe to the fire Why Christ condemned not the adulteresse Ioh. 8. T.B.r. C.c. C.att. H. det T.C.r. H.c. T.C.r. H.S. alt C.c. H.c. H.c. S. ad H. cor T.r. H.c. Iosephs maner of imprisonment H. ad S. ad T.r. T.r. S. det T.r. H.S.c. S.B.c. H. det T.r. divers sig T.r. H. det Canaan why called the land of the Hebrewes The hanging upon the crosse an ancient punishment S. ap f. pr. T.r. H. alt H. det T.G.r. H. det S.c. T.B.r. H. alt H.S.c. H. cor C. alt Ga. T. H.r. S. det C. ad H.c. ad divers sig C.r. T.S.r. H. cor H. cor The soothsaiers blinded Pharaoh a common name to the Kings of Egypt Ioseph knew not Pharaohs dreame aforehand as Pererius This plentie and famine not procured by naturall causes The increasing of Nilus in the yeares of plentie how many cubits How the corn was preserved Of the citie On. Why Ioseph marieth the daughter of an Idolater Iacob and Iosephs yeares compared together At 30. yeares a man fit for publike imployment How it was wrought that Iacob had notice all this while of Iosephs being in Egypt The phrase to bâ—eake bread whence taken The Latin corrupt S.C.H.c. T. G.r H.S. ad C. c S.c. S.H. alts T.r. S. cor T.C.r. T.G.r. S. G. c. T. C.r. H. cor H. cor H. cor T.B.G.r. Reconciliation of places How a booke is used in the ministring of an oath Three notable fruits of affliction Affliction maketh us to know God Affliction bringeth us to know our selves Affliction teacheth us to know the world what it is T.B. r H. ad H. det S. cor H.S.c. T.r. H. aâ— Tr. S. ad H. det S. mut pers H.c. inter T.r. Hebrewes fond collections Hebrews vaine confidence Why the Egyptians refused to eat with the Hebrewes The ancient use of sitting at the table Readings of the word Shacar to be drunken H.G.r. H.G.r. H.S.c. H.S.c. T.r. B.G.T.r. Divers opinions of them which justifie this fact of Iosephs examined Ioseph not to be charged here with agrievous sinne Iosephs fault how it may bee extenuated though not justified What iniquity they meane that God had found out Benjamin why called a little lad at thirty yeares Bellar. lib. â— dâ— Monach. cap. 24. S.C.c. S.H.c. T. S.c. S. T.G.r. H. cor H.S.c. S. cor B. T.r Whether Ioseph 〈◊〉 revealâ—◠〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 against him Hebrewes curious collections Hebrewes â—ables H.S.c. H. c. T.C.H.r. T.P.r. S. c. H. S. c. S. c. H. dâ—â— â— c H. det S. alt S. alter divers signif S. add S. add S. cor S. cor S. cor S. ad divers signif S.