haue spoken or shall speake shall change presently or hereafter they may not in any sort derogate from our opinion Next after the Senate hath the ouer-sight of the publique Treasure For they may dispose of the Reuenewes and Expences It is not in the power of the Questors to imploy mony no not in perticular Affaires without their order but for the Consuls Finally the greatest and heauiest expence as that which many times the Questors are accustomed to imploy at the returne of the Quinquinall or space of fiue yeares for the repairing of publique Buildings the Senate decrees And whatsoeuer is allowed the Censors depends thereon Of all offences committed throughout Italy which deserue a publique punishment as Treason Conspiracy Poysoning and Murthers by secret practises the punishment belongs vnto the Senate And moreouer if any priuate person or any Citty hath neede of thankes or blame or of succours and assistants the Senate hath the whole charge Finally if they bee to send an Embassie into any part out of Italy to reconcile some or to admonish them be it to Commaund any thing or to declare Warre the Senate hath the power In like manner when as Embassadours come to Rome the Senate giues order for their entertainment and what answere shal be made Finally the Commons haue no hand in all that which wee haue sayd So as whatsoeuer thou shalt see done in the absence of the Consull will seeme to bee an Aristocraticall gouernment The which many Grecians and Kings imagine for that in a manner all their affaires are vnder the Authority of the Senate without any contradiction whatsoeuer For this cause some one will demaund with reason what portion of the Common-weale remaines to the people Seeing that the Senate hath the Gouernment of things which wee haue deliuered in perticular and that it disposeth which is much more of the Reuenewes and publique expences And that moreouer the Consuls making Warre without the Citty haue a Royall power ouer the preparations and all other affaires which are in the Campe. And yet there is a part reserued for the people the which is of greater esteeme For they haue the authority of honours and punishments wherein is contained the power and gouernment and finally the generall life of men Beleeue me there is nothing that concernes the Subiects that can be ordered by reason by such as haue not the knowledge of this difference or hauing it doe abuse it What reason were there that the Wicked should be equall in Honour with the Good The people therefore iudge and many times diuersly when as the iniustice which they are to punish is of great consequence and namely in those which haue had great and Honourable charges They alone condemne to death Wherein there are some actions past worthy of praise and memory For vsually they suffer those that are accused of a Capitall or haynous crime to retire in the sight of all the World although there remaine an opinion in some which confirmes the iudgement and Sentence by the which a free and Voluntary Banishment is taken quite away Fugitiues are in safety in the Townes of Naples Preneste Tiuoly and in other Confederates Finally the people giue Principalities to the most sufficient which in a Common-wealth is a goodly reward of honesty They haue also Authority to confirme the Lawes and Peace and Warre lies in their will Iudging of the Succours Reconcilliation and Accords of their Allies Finally the people confirme these things in approouing or disannulling them So as now some may iustly say that the greatest part of the Common-weale is in the peoples hands and that it is Democraticall We haue deliuered how the diuers formes of Common-weales are diuided among them Wee must now shew how they may assist and giue comfort one vnto another When the Consull hath receiued his power and drawne an Army to Field hee seemes a King yet hee hath neede of the people and Senate to bring his resolutions to an end without the which hee cannot possibly finish his Affaires It is certayne that hee hath neede to furnish and prouide Victualls pay and munition for the Armies But it is not possible to furnish him with Corne Apparrell nor pay without the will of the Senate So as the attempts of the Consulls are of necessity made fruitlesse if the Senate doth willingly faile him or hinder him By this meanes it is in the resolution of the Senate to make the Enterprizes of the Commaunders effectuall or not It is also in their power to send another Commaunder when the yeare is past or continue his Authority that doth enioy it Moreouer the Senate may make his Exploits seeme great and admirable and augment and increase his Actions in like manner they may blemish and disgrace them In regard of that which they call Triumphes by the which a certaine visible shewe of their Actions is brought by the Consulls to the view of the people they dare not attempt them as it is fitting neyther to speake plainly bring them to an end vnlesse the Senate allow of them and furnish the charge The consent of the people is wonderfull necessary be they neuer so farre off for it rests in them as were haue formerly sayd to confirme or disannull all Accords and Leagues But behold another case For after their Gouernement is ended they are forced to yeild and submit their actions vnto the iudgement of the Common people so as they ought not to bee carelesse of the loue and good liking of the Senate and vulgar sort Although the power of the Senate be very great yet they must of force haue respect vnto the multitude of publique affaires and drawe them to their ends and intentions Neyther can they put generall and great doubts in Execution nor punish crimes committed against the Common-weale if what the Court ordaynes bee not confirmed by the Common people Matters which concerne the Senate it selfe are of the same condition For if any one propounds a Law by the which it doeth in any sort abridge the Authority and power of the Senate or ouer-throwes their Prerogatiue and Honour or pursues them in their liues all these things are to bee done by the power of the people It is likewise certaine that the Senate cannot execute any of their resolutions not hold a Councell nor assemble themselues if any one Tribune of the Commons opposeth The Tribunes must alwaies doe according to the opinion of the people and obserue their will In regard of these things the Senate feares the people and obserues them In like manner the people are bound vnto the Senate and forced to winne them For as there are many Farmes which the Censors dispose of throughout all Italy for the great multitude of publique repairations and many places of Riuers Pooles Gardens and Mines and finally all other things of that nature which are vnder the Roman Empire they are all mannaged by the people hiring all the Rents and profits
Countrey Finally he resolued to Guard Acheia with the Acheins and Mercenaries from the danger of the Elyences and Etoliens This done hee pacified the Discord which was growne among the Megalopolitains according vnto that which the Acheins had ordered For you must vnderstand that the Megalopolitains beeing a little before chased out of their owne Countrey by Cleomenes had neede of many things which were wanting And although they still maintained their authority yet they had neither victuals nor necessary expences either for the publique or priuate So as all was full of mutiny rage and malice The which doth vsuall fall out in Common-weales and among priuate persons when as victuals faile First they were in debate among themselues concerning the walls of the City some being of opinion that that they should not make the inclosure greater then their power would then beare and keepe it with so small a number of men considering it had bin the cause of their former danger for that it was greater and more spacious then the power of the Inhabitants was able to defend Moreouer they were of aduice that such as had Lands should contribute the third part to the end they might people the City Others said that they must not giue a lesse circuite to the City nor contribute the third part of their possession But their chiefest contention was concerning the Laws written by Pritanides an excellent man among the Peripatetiques whom Antigonus had giuen them for a Law-giuer The City being in these combustions Arate pacified them and quencht the quarrels which were inflamed among the Megalopolitains as well publique as priuate Finally they haue grauen the Articles agreed vpon on a Pillar seated in the Omarie at the Altar of Vesta After the reconciliation of the Megalopolitains Arate parting from thence retired presently to an Assembly of the Acheins leauing the Aduenturers with Selcuous of Phare The Elienses incensed against Pirrhie as if he had not discharged his duty they called Euripides from Etolia to be their Captaine Who considering that the Acheins held their Diet tooke sixe hundred Horse and two thousand Foote and went suddainly to Field where he spoild the whole Countrey vnto Egia And when he had taken a great booty he made haste to returne to Leonce Lyce hearing this went to meete them and encountred them suddainly when they came to fight hee slew foure hundred and tooke two hundred Prisoners Among the which were found Phissias Antanor Glearcus Euanorides Aristogites Nicasippus and Aspasias men of note and withall he had all their Armes and Baggage At the same time the Captaine of the Sea-army for the Acheins came to Molicria and parting thence suddainly he turned his way to Calcea where when as the Townes-men came out against him he tooke two Gallies armed and furnished with all things necessary with many other smaller vessels Moreouer he tooke great spoiles both by Sea and Land and drew victuals from thence with other munition wherewith hee made the Souldiers more hardy and resolute for the future On the other side the Cities were in better hope for that they were not forced to furnish victuals for the Souldiers In the meane time Scerdilaide holding himselfe wrong'd by the King for that he had not giuen him his full pay as he had articulated with Philip sent fifteene Vessels vnder a counterfeite shew of carrying Merchandizes the which at their first arriuall to Leucade were kindely entertained as Friends in regard of the League with the King And when they could doe no worse they tooâ—e Agatin and Cassander of Corinthe who as Friends were entred into the same Port with foure ships Being thus taken with their Vessels they sent them presently to Scerdilaide This done they weighed Anchor from Leucade bending their course towards Maleu spoiling all the Merchants In the beginning of Summer when the Souldiers of Taâ—rion were negligent in the guard of the said Cities Arate hauing with him the choise of the Army came into the Country of Argos to get victuals On the other side Euripides going to Field with a good number of Etoliens wasted the Country of the Tritenses Lyceus and Demodochus particular Captaines of the Acheins aduertised of the descent of the Etoliens drew together the Dimenses Patrenses and Pharenses with the Aduenturers and ouer-ran the Country of the Etoliens Being come to a place which they call Phixia they sent their Foot-men that were lightly armed with their Horse-men to ouer-run the Champaigne Country and log'd their men that were best armed in Ambush thereabouts When the Elienses came to charge them without order to succour their people passing the Ambush Lyceus Company fell vpon them whose fury they being vnable to resist fled so as there were about two hundred slaine and foure score taken Prisoners with all the Booty At the same time the Commander of the Acheins Sea-army hauing sailed often to Calidon and Naupacte spoiled the whole Countrey and chased the Enemy twice He also tooke Cleonice of Naupacte who for that he was a friend to the Acheins had no harme but within few daies after was freed without ransome At the same time Agete Chiefe of the Etoliens assembled a Troupe of them putting the Country of the Acarnanians to fire and sword and spoiled the Country of Epirus This done he returnes home giuing leaue to the Souldiers to retire to their houses Afterwards the Acarnanians made a descent into the Country of Strate where being repuls'd by the Enemy they made a shamefull retreate yet without any losse for that the Stratenses durst not pursue them fearing an Ambush At the same time there was a Treason practised in the Country of the Phanotenses after this manner Alexander Gouernour of Phosis for Philip laide a plot for the Etoliens by a certaine man called Iason to whom he had giuen the gouernment of the Phanotenses He was sent to Agete Chiefe of the Etoliens promising to deliuer the Fortresse of Phanotenses vnto him whereupon they agree and sweare together When the day appointed was come Agete comes in the Night with the Etoliens when he had laid his Troupe in Ambush he made choise of a hundred men whom he sent to the Fort. Iason hauing Alexander ready with him with a sufficient number of Souldies receiues the companions into the Fortresse according to the accord whom Alexander charged with his Company and tooke all the Etoliens But when day was come Agete assured of the fact carried backe his Army into his Country hauing worthily deserued this deceipt for that he had many times practised the like At the same time Philip tooke Bylazon which is a great Towne in Peonia and in a good scituation for the entry from Dardania into Macedony By this meanes he freed them from all feare of the Dardanians who could not make any incursions into Macedony the entry being stopt by the taking of the said Towne whereas placing a good Garrison he sent Chrysagonus
was intended This course being continued no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made nor whither they went out of the next City All being vncertaine and receiuing one another they marcht on But for that the Cities which were beyond had not an equall distance from Tegee hee did not send Letters to them all at the same time but particularly according to their order so as vnknowne to the Inhabitants and to those which arriued what should succeed all the Acheins entred in Armes by all the Gates Hee had without doubt resolued these things in his iudgement by a Military stratagem for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had The which the Tyrant had The same day that the multitude of the Acheins should assemble hee sent choise men who in the Night should passe the Selasia and at the breake of day runne into the Countrey of Lacedemon But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them he giues them charge to recouer Scotite obeying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things For hee had giuen him the charge of all this enterprize These men went resolutely to the place appointed And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheinsâ—o â—o suppe earely hee goes with his Army out of Tegee and making good vse of the Night in his Voyage hee leads his Army to the place appointed neare vnto Scotite the mid-way betwixt Tegee and Lacedemon The Souldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custome and assailed the Enemy suddainly who were aduertised of their comming by their Scouts And when the Acheins according to the Commandment they had receiued retired they pursued them at their backes confidently and with courage But suddainly they fell into the Ambush where some of them were slaine by the Acheins and others taken A PARCELL OF the Seuenteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Where they treate of the Peace betwixt Philip of Macedony and the other Grecians by the meanes of Titus a Roman THe time appointed being come Philip artiues by Sea from the Demetriade to the Gulfe of Meliâ—a accompanied with fiue Foists and one Galley wherein hee sayled He was attended on by Apolodorus and Demosthenes Macedonians his Chancellours There was also Brachylles of â—eocia and Chiliades the Achein a Fugitiue out of Morea for the causes aboue mentioned With the which were also King Saminandre and Dionisodorus sent by Attalus And as for the Cities and people Aristenetes and Xenophon were for the Acheins and Acesymbrotes and Nauarchus were for the Rhodiens and for the Etoliens came Phenee Chiefe of the Army with many other Citizens When they were approacht the Sea neare vnto Nicea Titus the Chiefe of the Romans stayed at the shoare Philip being almost at Land stayed in his Vessell And when as Titus perswaded him to Land he sayd standing vpright in his ship that hee would not Being likewise demanded by Titus what he feared he answered No man but the Gods but there were many there whom hee did not trust namely the Etoliens And when the Roman Commander wondred saying that the perill was equall vnto all and that time common Philip answering sayd that he vnderstood it not so For an inconuenience hapning to Phenee the Etoliens had Commaunders enough for the War But if Philip dyed there was no King of Macedony for the present In the beginning of his Speech he seemed importune to them all But Tytus aduised him to speake of the Affaires for which hee was come Philip answered him that it belonged to him and â—ot vnto himselfe For this cause hee required him to let him know what there was to be done to enioy a Peace The Roman Commaunder told him that hee must vse plaine and open words and aduised him to leaue all Greece restoring the Prisoners and Fugitiues which were in his power To yeild likewise vnto the Romans the places of Sclauonia which he had seazed on after the Accord made in Epirus That he should restore vnto Ptolomy all the Cities which he had taken since the Death of Ptolomeus Philopater When Tytus had spoken this he held his peace But turning to the rest hee willed euery man to deliuer his charge Dionisodorus being sent by Attalus beganne first saying that he should restore the shippes taken by him in the Battaile at Sea neere vnto Chio and likewise the Prisoners and re-edifie the Temple of Venus and the Aâ—senall of the triumphes of Victories which hee had ruined After whom Asesymbrotes Chiefe of the Army at Sea for the Rhodiens required that Philip should leaue Perea which he had taken from them and finally retire the Garrisons which hee had at Iasse in the Vargylies and in the City of the Eromeens And moreouer restore the Perinthiens to the comminalty of the Constantinopolitains and to abandon Sestes Abydos and the Faiers of Asia After the Rhodiens the Acheins demanded Corinth and the City of the Argiues whole and safe After these the Etoliens required first as the Romans had done that hee should abandon all Greece and that afterwards hee should restore the Cities whole and entire which formerly had beene of the same Burgesse with the Etoliens When as Phenee Chiefe of the Etoliens had spoken thus Alexander following after whom they call Isie in shew a man of iudgement to mannage affaires and of great Eloquence said that Philip did not demand a peace roundly nor made Warre valiantly if it were to be done at any time and that in assemblies and treaties hee watcht carefully playing the part of an Enemy and that in the Warre hee carryed himselfe wickedly and not as a good man For when he should affront the Enemy it is manifest that hee flies the list and in the meane time burnes and ruines Cities and being thus vanquished by his will hee corrupts the rewards of the Victors although the ancient Kings of Macedony were neuer of that minde but quite contrary They haue fought often Battailes in the open field and haue seldome ruined any Cities The which is manifest to all the World as well by the Asian Warre of Alexander against Darius as by the difference of the Successors by the which they haue all made Warre against Antigonus for the Empire of Asia And their posterity hath beene of this humour vntill the time of â—yrrhus to fight valiantly with an Enemy in open Battaile Doing all that concerned a mutuall Combate of men furnished with Armes yet pardoning the Citties for that the Victors of them are vanquished and blamed by those which are subdued It is the part of a mad man to ruine that for which the Warre is made and then to leaue it The which he sayd Philip did at that time and that he had ruined more Cities in Thessaly being of the same friendship and League in Warre when as hee parted speedily from the streights of Epirus then euer any of those had done which made Warre against
againe Maisters of the Sea with out contradiction seeing the Romans had no more any Fleete at Sea Moreouer they had great confidence in their Army at Land and not without cause For after that the report of the battell giuen in Affricke came to Rome and that they vnderstood that the defeate of their men hapned by the force and fury of the Elephants for that they had broken the Rankes and opened the battalions and that they had made a wonderfull slaughter of them Their feare of the Elephants from that day was so great as for two yeares after they neuer durst charge the Carthaginians although they made many incounters in Affricke and in the Country of Selinuntia nor Campe in the Plaines within fiue or sixe furlongs of them keeping alwayes the Mountaynes and hilly Countries to saue themselues from the Elephants so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara Wherefore the Romanes knowing the feare their Army had resolued againe to put a Fleete to Sea At that time the Romane people being assembled they chose vnto the Consulship Caius Attilius and Lucius Manlius They also made fifty new ships and Rigg'd out the olde the which they furnished with Souldiers proportionably When as Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians knowing well the feare of the Romans had beene aduertised by the Fugitiues that one of the Consuls was returned vnto Rome with halfe the Army and Cecilius remayned alone at Palermo with the other he parts from Lylibeum when as Haruest approached with his Army to spoile and falls vpon the Territory of Palermo planting his Campe vpon the Mountaines Cecilius hauing newes of their comming and knowing that Asdruball desired nothing but a battell kept his Army within the Towne By this meanes Asdruball growing very confident conceiuing that Cecilius kept himselfe close for feare he causeth his Army to March to Palermo hauing ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries The Consull was alwaies of opinion not to go to field vntill that his enemy was drawne to passe the Riuer which runnes neere vnto the Towne Walls But when he saw that the Campe and the Elephants approached he caused a â—ally to be made by the nimblest and most actiue men of his Army commaunding them to skirmish with the enemy vntill their whole Campes should be forced to come to the combats And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired he ordaines the lightest and most actiue to plant themselues beyond the Towne ditch giuing them charge to cast Pertuisans Darts and Spits a farre off at the Elephants And if they came running vpon them with fury and violence they should slip into the Ditch and from thence cast their Darts at them He also commaunded the Archers of the Marker place to go out of the Towne and to fight at the foote of the wall In the meane time he issued foorth with all the Eâ—signes by another side of the Towne right against the enemies left Wing and sent many to those which fought with Darts Presently after the skirmish beganne the Maister of the Elephants who with a desire of glory would haue the honour of the Victory incensed them against the enemies not attending Asdrubals pleasure The Romans obseruing the Consuls commaundment turned head presently and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury they slipt into the Ditch the Elephants being vppon the side of it they were suddainly charged with Darts and Pertuisans aswell by the Townesmen which were vpon the Walls as from the Souldiers which lay in the Ditch And when as they could passe no further they turned head being necessarily forced to fall vpon their owne battallions with great slaughter In the meane time Cecilius goes suddainly to field hauing his whole Army entire and in good order by another gate and chargeth his enemies furiously who being already broken by the Elephants and charged againe by the Consuls Troupes were easily defeated A part of them were slaine the rest saued themselues by flight There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Maisters 〈…〉 after the battell their Gouernours being cast downe This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius as the Man who by the report of all the whole World had beene the cause that the Romanes after that time resuming courage camped in the Plaines When the Romanes had newes of this Victory it is not credible the ioy which they conceiued not so much for the taking of the Elephants whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased as for that their men seemed to be grownâ— more hardy in the Warre for that they had conquered them Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea as they had formerly resolued and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessells desiring to make an end of that Warre Whither they past hauing made prouision of Victualls and other things necessary This was the foureteeneth yeare since the beginning of the Warre The Consuls being arriued and receiuing the Bands of Souldiers that were there they go and lay siege to Lylibeum hoping after the taking thereof they might easily transport the Warre into Affricke But the Carthaginians mooued with the like considerations resolued by all meanes to keepe it knowing well that after the losse of Lylibeum they had nothing else remaining in Sicily The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Iland except Trepanum But to the end that what wee speake of Sicily may not seeme obscure to some one by reason of the ignorance of places we will deliuer the Scituation in few words All Sicily hath its Scituation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof like vnto Morea in respect of Greece and its bounds It is true â—here is some difference for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy Whereas Morea is ioyned vnto Greece by a little slip of Land for they may goe on dry foote from Morea vnto Greece and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping Sicily is of a Triangular forme and so many Angles as it hath so many Capes or Promontories there are vpon the Sea shore Among the which that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beate is called Pachinus and lookes towards the South that which tends towards the North where the Sea doth end and is not aboue a mile and a halfe from Italy is called Pelorus The third which hath his Aspect towards Affricke and towards the Winterly West and which is right against Carthage from the which vnto the Affricke shore there is not aboue one hundred twenty and seuen miles is called Lylibeum diuiding the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily There is a Towne on this Cape which carries the same name the which the Romans besieged at that time The which is strong with Walls and Ditches and moreouer with Marshes and Pooles by the which lyes the passage for ships into the Port but the entry is difficult and not accessible but by expert Marriners The Romans then to besiege it throughly made round about it Trenches
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
the greatest part but also a comfoâ—t and assistant This trouble grew when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiberâ—ans and the Carthaginians against Massinissa King of Lybia and what time Attaâ—us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne by the meanes of Demetrius was soone after restored by him But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians for the causes which wee will specifie so as they resolued first to transport them and afterwards wholly to ruine them And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution although I hold it for certaine that if a long life should faile mee yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men that would finish our Worke and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs. As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader as well in generall as perticular it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians say that the siege of Sagonte was the first and the second that contrary to the accord made with the Romans they had past the Riuer of Ebro For my part I am of opinion that these were the beginnings but not the causes for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things vnlesse some will say that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans the which is neither true nor likely But what man is so much blinded with ignorance that will affirme and maintaine that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander and partly by Phillip in his life time for the Warre of Persia Or by the Etoliens to make Warre against the Romans before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre These are the opinions of men who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ and that the causes in all things are the first and the beginning are the end of causes I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution and makes vs so to iudge as are the thoughts the aduices the discourses of reason and such other things This will be apparent for that which followes For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made and whence the beginning came The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces nor that presented it selfe hee was forced to returne into Greece for the troubles which were kindled there as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians For which causes Phillip King of Macedon hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians taking his occasion that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them And therefore wee must say that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related and the occasions are those whereof we now speake and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours but also resolued to put all in hazard so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past It is true the liberty of Greece was the occasion vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled So they which treate of Histories are altogether vnprofitable if the reason of the place of the time with the causes and occasions bee not knowne There is therefore nothing more necessary nor more to be desired than to know the causes of all things that happen For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires and it is easie to preuent their beginnings It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal Generall of the Carthaginians Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and that being returned to Carthage hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth and to ouerthrow their Lawes The which the chiefe men discouering they opposed themselues against Asdrubal Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage hee returned presently into Spaine and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage Moreouer he saith that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him was of the same enterprize and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine hee followed the courses of Asdrubal So as this Warre which was made against the Romans was begun by
as they which were lightly armed which had beene sent to succour them met with them that fled they were forced to doe the like being amazed with this new accident and partly broken by them that fled So as the defeate was but of fiue hundred whereas the â—light was of aboue two thousand The Etoliens seeing plainely what they had to doe pursued the Acheins with cries and ioy Who thinking to finde their men in Battaile where they had left them retired to Arate And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest and for their safety But when as they saw them dislodge and to come by files and in disorder then some flying here and there sought for their safety others marching directly to their owne men disordred one another without any Enemy Finally they all flie and saue themselues in the neighbour Townâ—s for Orchomenes and Caphies were not farre off otherwise they had beene all taken or slaine that day Thus the Acheins were defeated neere vnto Caphies The Megalopolitains being aduertised that the Etoliens had planted their Campe neere vnto Methydrie they assembled all with one consent and went to Field three dayes after the Battaile to succour the Acheins but they were forced to bury those with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy And therefore they made a great Ditch wherein they put all the dead Bodies and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Countrey The Etoliens being Victors past through Mroea without feare of danger At what time after they had sought diuers wayes to gaine the Pellenesiens and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens in the end they retired by the streight of the Isthmus These were the cause of the warre of the Allies whereof wee haue formerly spoken whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies and confirmed at Corinthe where they were all assembled for that cause Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto Some few dayes after the Acheins being assembled they blamed Arate both in publique and priuate as if he had beene the cause of this defeat and losse and the Commons were the more inflamed for that the Enemies league made it to seeme greater First it seemed hee had committed a great fault to haue seazed vpon the Magistracie before his time and to haue made enterprizes doing another mans office wherein hee had many times before beene vnfortunate But it seemed hee had done worse dissoluing the Acheins Army the Etolien Commaunders being still in the midst of Morea Thirdly that being ill accompanied he had giuen Battaile without force considering that hee might easily haue retired to the Neighbour Townes vntill the Acheins had made a new head and then giue Battaile if he had thought it fit Finally that hee had carried himselfe so inconsiderately that in leauing the Plaines where without doubt his Men had beene the stronger he had assailed the Enemie in the Mountaines with Souldiers lightly armed whereby the Etoliens could haue no greater aduantage Yet suddainly when as Arate was returned and 〈◊〉 into the assembly and that he began to deliuer the things which he had formerly done for the publique good and had made knowne the causes of the last Defeat and giuen them to vnderstand that he was not the cause thereof as his Enemies had falsly slaundred him and that finally hee would haue craued pardon letting them know that if hee had commited any fault the Acheins should not consider the euent of things so bitterly nor with such rigour but with fauour and mildnesse the opinion of the Commons was suddainly so changed as where before they seem'd to be wonderfully incensed against Arate they sodainly turned their choller against his ill-willers so as from that time they followed the Councell and opinion of Arate These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth Olympiade and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth It was then resolued by the Acheins to send Embassies to the Epirotes Peociens Phocenses Acarnaniens and to Philip King of Macedon to let them vnderstand that the Etoliens had entred twice into Acheia contrary to the former accords and likewise to demaund succours according to the league and moreouer that the Messeniens might bee receiued and that the chiefe of the Acheins might leauie fiue thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse and succour the Messeniens if the Etoliens did reassaile them Finally that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens touching the number of Foote and Horse which they should keepe ready for the common affaires of the league After these things thus resolued the Achiens stomacking the Defeate whereof we haue spoken did not forget the Messeniens affaires nor their resolution The Embassadours execute their charge diligently The chiefe likewise assemble the youth as it had beene decreed and agree with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens that either of them should furnish two thousand fiue hundred Foote and two hundred and fifty Horse to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse The time being come when as the Etoliens were to hold their Diet they assembled the Commons and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens and with other people their neighbours being forced partly by pouerty and partly weakned by the Acheins Allies As for the Acheins they resolued to contract with them if they would leaue the Alliance of the Messeniens But if they would hold it still they were of aduice to make Warre against them which was a most idle and sencelesse thing For being allied to the Acheins aud Messeniens they declared Warre against the Acheins if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens and contrariwise a peace was confirmed if they held them for their Enemies And therefore their villany could not take place by reason of the contrariety of their subtill inuention The Epirotes and Philip hauing heard the Embassadours charge receiued the Messeniens into the league and although they disliked the outrages of the Etoliens yet it seemed they made no great accompt of it for that they had done no new action considering they had beene accustomed to such things Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them Thus sometimes outrages growne old and continued are sooner pardoned then those of new date The Etoliens vsing this course of life in ruining Greece by their incursions and making Warre many times before they declared it did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints Many times also they made no accompt and mockt at those which demanded satisfaction for those things which they had done or would doe And although that the Lacedemonians had beene lately restored to liberty by Antigonus by meanes of the Acheins hauing promised to Philip and the Macedonians not to attempt any thing against them yet they sent an Embassie secretly to the Etoliens and confirmed friendship and alliance with them When as the
men falling vpon him slew him cruelly with Sthenelaus Alcamenes Thyestes Byonides and diuers others As for Polyphonte hee retired with his friends to Philip hauing long before foreseene the future Things passing in this manner the Lacedemonian Gouernours sent an Embassie to the King to lay the wrong vpon them that were slaine and to perswade him to proceede no farther vntill that all the troubles of the Citie were pacified Ciuing him to vnderstand that the Lacedemonians kept their faith and friendship with the Macedonians inuiolable The Ambassadours meeting the King neere vnto the Mountaine of Parthenia deliuered their charge Who being heard Philip aduised them to returne speedily and to aduertise the Gouernours that hee would soone returne with his Army to Tegee and that they should presently send the chiefe of their Citie to Corinthe to conferre of their present affaires By this meanes the Ambassadours being returned and hauing acquainted them with Philips answere the Gouernours sent him tenne of the chiefe of the Citie among the which Omias was the first who comming to Tegee and entring into the Kings priuie Councell they vsed disgracefull speeches of Adionant and his confederates as if he had bin the cause of this Mutinie Finally they omitted nothing which they thought fit to purchase the Kings loue promising to doe any thing whereby it should appeare plainely that they continued constant in the Kings alliance and friendship Hauing deliuered these things the Lacedemonians went out of the Councell The Macedonians were of diuers opinions concerning these affaires for some being aduertised of the Enterprizes which the Spartains made with the Etoliens being also of opinion that Adimant had beene slaine for the loue he bare vnto the Macedonians beganne to counsell the King to make the Lacedemonians an example to others as Alexander had done the Thebains when he came to be King The other Senators said that this kinde of punishment was more rigorous then their deedes deserued and that they should onely let the offenders know their offence and depriue them of the gouernment of the Common-weale and giue it to his friends All which being heard the King deliuered his opinion if it be credible that it was his owne for it is not likely that a young man who had scarce attained the age of seauenteene yeares could giue iudgement in so great affaires But it becomes a Historiographer to attribute the resolution taken in Councell to Princes by whose will all things are gouerned So they which read or heare this History must conceiue that these kinde of sentences proceede from those which are the wisest and neerest vnto Princes as if they should attribute this to Arate who at that time was in great authority with the King Philip therefore said that if the Allies attempted any thing in particular among themselues it did not concerne him but onely to warne them by words or letters But if they offended their Allies openly they must receiue a publique punishment and that the Lacedemonians had not infringed the common alliance in any thing but contrariwise had offred to doe all things for the Macedonians and that moreouer hee must not study to intreate them worse considering that it were against reason to take reuenge on those for a light cause who being Enemies his Father had pardoned The Kings Sentence being confirmed Petreus a Friend to Philip was presently appointed to goe to Lacedemon with the Embassie hauing charge to aduise the Spartans to liue in Friendship and to take an Oath for the preseruation of their Faith and League In the meane time Philip razeth his Campe and returnes to Corinthe leauing a great hope in the Allies of his good disposition hauing vsed the Lacedemonians so graciously And hauing found the Embassadours of the Allies at Corinthe who were assembled there by his command they began to hold a Councell for the common affaires of Greece where as all with one voice had the actions of the Etoliens in execration The Beociens charged them that in the time of peace they had spoyled Minerua's Temple and the Phocenses that hauing planted their Campe neere vnto Ambryse and Daulia they had a resolution to take them The Epiretes shewed that they had put all their Countrey to fire and sword the Acarnanians that they had attempted to take a very rich Towne in the Night by Scaladoe Finally the Acheins propounded that they had taken Caria belonging to Megalopolis That they had ouer-run and spoiled the Bounds of Patras and Phare and put Cynethe to fire and sword and then razed it And moreouer had spoiled Diana's Temple at Luses and besieged the Clitoriâ—ns and that finally they had made Warre at Sea to Pyle and at Land to Megalopolis ioyning with the Sâ—lauonians The Councell of the Allies hearing these things all with one consent concluded to make Warre against the Etoliens It was resolued in Conncell that all they should bee receiued into the league whose Townes of Prouinces had beene taken by the Etoliens after the death of Demetrins who was Father to Philip. And that moreouer they which through the necessity of the time had beene forced to make an alliance with the Etoliens should be restored to their former liberty and it should bee lawfull for them to liue according to the Lawes and customes of their owne Countries Finally they ordained that the Amphictions should bee restored to their Lawes and haue the superintendency of the Temple which at that time the Etoliens held who had made themselues Lords When as these things had beene thus resolued the first yeare of the hundred and fortieth Olympiade suddainly the Warre of the Allies was kindled which tooke its iust beginning from the outrages done by the Etoliens whereof we haue spoken They that were in the assembly sent presently to the Allies to aduertise them that according vnto that which had beene ordayned euery one for his part should make Warre against the Etoliens Moreouer Philip writes vnto the Etoliens that if they would answere any thing to that they were charged they should send vnto him And that they were mad with folly if spoiling and ruining all the World without any open Warre they which were vniustly wronged would not seeke reuenge and that in doing so they would be held to begin the Warre The Etoliens hauing receiued these Letters making no stay for the Kings comming appointed a day to goe to Rhie to meete the King But when as they were aduertised of that which had beene concluded in the assembly they sent a Post vnto the King to let him vnderstand that they could not resolue any thing concerning the affaires of the Common-weale before the Etoliens had called an assembly The Acheins hauing held their Diet at Egia according to their custome they confirmed the resolution and presently signified Warre to the Etoliens In the meane time Philip comming to Egia vsed a gracious and friendly Speech vnto them the Acheins embraced his words with great
affection renuing that ancient Friendship which they had held with his Predecessours At that time the day of the Election was come and the Etoliens had made choice of Scope for their Captaine who had beene the first Author of the former alterations Wherevpon I know not what to say for a warre mannaged by a common consent a spoile committed by souldiers vpon al their neighbours not to punish such crimes to aduance and honour the Captaines and Heads of such actions seemes to mee an absolute villany For how can wee otherwise call this kind of Malice That which I say is manifest herein When as Phebidius had violated the Cadmian league the Lacedemonians punished the Authour of the Crime yet they did not with-draw their Garrisons as on the other side it is fit to make satisfaction for the vniust wrongs committed The Thebains did otherwise For when as by a publique edict they had restored the Townes to their liberty and to their owne Lawes according to the Antalcidan peace yet they did not depriue the Magistrates And when as hauing a league with the Mantiniens they had ruined them they said they had done them no wrong for that they had transported them from one Towne into many Hee is simple and accompanied with Malice who shutting his owne eyes thinkes he is not seene Beleeue me Enuy hath beene a great occasion of the mischiefe of these two Citties the which no man of iudgement should follow in his priuate or publique affaires But when as Philip had receiued money from the Acheins hee retired into Macedony with his Army to leuie men and to make necessary preparations for the Warre Finally hee left a great hope of Clemency not onely in the Allies but throughout all Greece for the conclusion which was generally confirmed These things were done at such time as Hannibal chiefe of the Carthaginians besieged Sagont after that he had conquered all beyond the Riuer of Ebâ—o If then the beginning of Hannibals actions fall out at the same time with those of Greece it is apparent that we haue not vnaduisedly related his vallour in the last Booke considering that wee follow the order of time And for that the Affaires of Italy Greece and Asia had their proper beginnings and their common-ends it hath beene necessary to make a particular relation of either of them vntill wee come vnto the time when the said affaires being intermixt together haue begun to draw vnto the same end By this meanes the relation of euery part is more manifest and the vniting of all more plaine You must vnderstand that they were intermixt and turned to the same end in the third yeare of the hundred and fortieth Olympiade Wherefore we will relate in common that which followed As for that which was before this time we haue deliuered it in particular euery thing in its place in the last Booke to the end that the time should not only follow but there should be an vnion of all things Philip wintring in Macedony made a new leuie of men and necessary prouisions for the Warre he fortified the Townes against the attempt of the Barbarians which dwelt about Sparta Afterwards he went to Scardilaide with whom hee made a league promising him aide and succours to pacifie the affaires of Sclauonia and in blaming the Etoliens he perswaded him to what he would For a priuate iniury doth not differ from a publique but by the number and greatnesse of things which happen It is also an ordinary thing that the alliance of wicked men is easily broken if Equity and Iustice bee not obserued The which happened at that time to the Etoliens You must vnderstand that when as they had compounded with Scerdilaide that the Booty should bee equally diuided if hee would fall vpon the Acheins with them who giuing credit to their words marcht with them to Cynethe where after the taking and razing thereof the Etoliens carried away great store of Gold and a great number of Cattell diuiding the Booty among themselues whereof they did frustrate Scerdilaide Wherefore he grew into choller and indignation and when as Philip put him in minde thereof hee suddainly confirmed the alliance vnder these Conditions that he should haue twelue thousand Crownes yearely and should saile with thirty ships making Warre by Sea against the Etoliens Behold the things with such like which Philip contriued In the meane time the Embassadours sent vnto the Allies arriued first in Acarnania whereas letting them vnderstand what they were enioyned they presently and freely confirme what had beene decreed and make Warre against the Etoliens although they had beene to bee pardoned if they had forborne longer then the rest considering that for their neighbourhood they seemed to haue iust cause of feare and that they had formerly had experience of what consequence the hatred of the Etoliens was vnto them and for that they alone might be ruined It is true and I am of opinion that honest men and such as respect their honour should hold nothing more deare then to giue order that their duty may in no sort be forgotten the which the Acarnanians haue alwayes obserued aboue all the Greclans although they had but a small beginning whereby it follows that no man should forbeare to make this people a Companion in his affaires for they haue naturally something in them that is generous and noble and desirous of liberty The Epirotes on the other side after they had heard what the Embassadours had in charge they allowed of the resolution Yet they made answere that they would not make War against the Etoliens before they were aduertised that Philip had begun it And afterwards they made answer to an Embassie of the Etoliens that they had decreed to maintaine peace with them shewing themselues in such affaires fearefull and inconstant For they sent Embassadours vnto King Ptolomy to intreate him not to furnish the Etoliens against Philip and his Allies with money victuals or any other succours But the Messeniens for whose cause this Warre was kindled answered the Embassadours that they would not make Warre against the Etoliens before they had recouered by the meanes of their Allies the Towne of Phigalea scituated in the Mountaines which then the Etoliens detained from them vniustly Which aduice was giuen by Oenes and Nicippus Gouernours of the Towne with the consent of some of the principall notwithstanding that the Commons opposed Wherein I conceiue they vnderstood not their Duty nor the profit of their Common-wealth I am of opinion that we should flie and auoide Warre but not in such sort that wee should choose to endure and suffer all things rather then to enter into it But why should wee commend an equality in a Common-wealth or Faith or the name of liberty which is so pleasing if there were any thing to be preferr'd to peace I doe not commend the 〈◊〉 who in the time of the Warre of Media made choice of
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
none of their enterprizes succeeded retired to Appelles and caused him to come from Calâ—is giuing him to vnderstand that they could not doe any thing without him for that the King crost them in all things Appalles had carried himselfe in Calcis with greater liberty then was fit for he gaue them to vnderstand that the King was young vnder his Guard and without any power terming himselfe Lord and sole Gouernour of all things Wherefore all the Princes of Macedony and Thessaly adrest themselues to him in all affaires Within a short time likewise all the Citties of Greâ—ce had forgotten the King in their elections honours and offices Onely Appelles mannaged all affaires The King being long before aduertised thereof was much discontented and incensed whereunto Arate spurd him on continually although he dissembled his conceite so well as no man could discouer it Appelles ignorant of the Kings resolution and thinking to obtaine any thing when he should present himselfe vnto him came from Calcis to Corinthe When he came neere the Towne Leonce Ptolomy and Megalee Chiefe of the Targeteers and other Souldiers that were best armed gaue him a great reception perswading the youth to goe and meere him He came then to the Kings lodging in pompe being attended on by the Captaines and Souldiers When as he sought as he was wont to enter suddainly a certaine Vsher told him that he must haue patience for that the King was busie for the present Appelles wondring at this new manner of proceeding remained pensiue for a time after which he departed discontented and without iudgement all the rest likewise abandoned him so as hee returned alone to his lodging hauing no other Company but his owne Family O how suddainly are men aduanced to great honours and in as short time reduced to greater miseries especially such as frequent Princes Courts They are like vnto Lots which they vsually giue in publique Councells For as those which a little before were were giuen in Copper are suddainly turned into Gold according to the will of those that dispose of them So they which follow the Courts of Princes are according to the Kings will and pleasure happy one day and miserable the next When Megalee knew that he had sought the assistance of Appelles in vaine he trembled for feare and intended to flye After that day Appelles was called to Banquets and other honours that were done but he neuer entred into the priuy Councell nor assisted at the ordinary resolutions which were taken for affaires Soone after the King returned to Phocis leading Appelles with him Whereas hauing speedily effected his will he returned againe to Elatia During this Megalee flies to Athens leauing Leonce caution for him for twelue thousand Crownes And when as the Chiefe of the Atheniens would not receiue him he returned to Thebes The King being parted from the Countrey which lies about Circe hee sayled to the Port of Sicyonia with the Targeteers and his Guard From whence comming suddainly to the Towne he preferred the lodging of Arate before the other Princes making his continuall abode with him commanding Appelles to sayle to Corinthe When as newes came in the meane time of the flight of Megalee hee sent Taurion with the Targeteers whom Leonce had vnder his charge to Triphalia as if hee had beene forced thereunto by some great affaires After whose departure hee causeth Leonce to be apprehended The Targeteers aduertised hereof sent an Embassie to the King to intreate him that if Leonce had beene taken for any other thing then for the caution that the iudgement might not be giuen before their returne Otherwise they should thinke themselues contemned and in disgrace with the King The King prickt forward by the importunity of the Souldiers he put Leonce to death sooner then he had resolued During the which the Embassadours of Rhodes and Chios returned from Etolia hauing agreed vpon a Moneths truce and saying that the Etoliens were ready to treate a peace with the Knig appointing moreouer a day when he should meete with them neere vnto Rhie Being confident that they would doe whatsoeuer he pleased to haue a peace The The King accepting the truce sent Letters to the Allies willing them to send Embassadours to Patres to conferre with him on the conditions of the peace Then hee parts from Leche and arriues two dayes after at Patres At the same time they bring vnto him Letters from Phocis which Megalee himselfe had written vnto the Etoliens by the which he solicits them to maintaine the Warre couragiously for that the King could not long continue it for want of victuals and other munition Moreouer they contained many scandalous and opprobrious speeches against the King The which being read the King conceiuing that Appelles had beene the cause and the beginning of these practises causeth him to be taken and brought to Corinthe with his Sonne and Concubine And hee sent Alexander to Thebes giuing him charge to bring Megalee to the end his caution might be discharged But when as Alexander thought to execute his charge Megalee preuented him and slew himselfe In a manner at the same time Appelles his Sonne and his Concubine were put to death receiuing the worthy punishment of their wicked liues and namely for the outrage done by them to Arate Although the Etoliens desired peace being discontented with the long Warre and seeing their affaires to succeed otherwise then they expected for that conceiuing they had to deale with a Child considering that the King had neither age nor experience they found him by his deeds to bee a man excellent in Councell and Execution and themselues to bee Children as well in their particular as publique affaires Yet aduertised of the mutiny of the Targeteers and of the death of Appelles from whom they expected some great alteration in the Kings Court they came not to Rhie at the day appointed Philip holding this a good occasion to entertaine the Warre solicites the Embassadours of the Allies which were there assembled not vnto peace for the which they had beene called but to Warre Then parting from thence with his Fleete hee came to Corinthe and sent all the Macedonians to winter in their houses Parting from Corinthe hee sailed by the Euripe to Demetriade there hee put Ptolomy to death who onely remained of the Conspiracy of Appelles and Leonce by the iudgement of the Macedonians At the same time Hannibal had past the Alpes and was in Italy and had planted his Campe neere to the Riuer of Poe not farre from that of the Romans Antiochus after hee had conquered many places in Syrria had brought backe his Army to winter Licurgus King of the Lacedemonians fearing the Magistrates had fled into Etolia for the Magistrates hearing a false report that hee would attempt some reuolte came in the Night to his house with a Troupe of Youth whereof being formerly aduertised he fled with his seruants When as Philip
Asia and the Ilands And as for Thracia and Macedony the Princes of Enos and Maronia and of Townes that were more remote had alwayes an eye ouer them Wherefore imploying their forces to assaile forreine Princes farre from their Realmes they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt Their chiefe care then was for the Warres of forreine Countries In regard of this King of whom wee speake there were many in a short time who for his infamous loues and ordinary excesse in drinking had an eye vpon him and his Realme Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedemon was the first He made no alteration whilest that the other King liued who was surnamed Benefactor as if he were perswaded that during his life he should want no meanes to reconquer his Realme But when as after his death the affaires required his presence Antigonus being also dead And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made Warre against the Lacedemonians which they maintaine according vnto that which hee had aduised them in the beginning being allied to the Etoliens Then hee was forced to thinke of his departure from Alexandria Wherefore hee first solicited the King to send them backe with an Army and sufficient munition And when as the King would not giue eare vnto it he intreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family for the time was now come when as great opportunities were offred to recouer his Fathers Realme The King neither considering the present nor fore-seeing the future for the causes aboue specified like an ouer-weening man and without iudgement neuer made any esteeme of Cleomenes But Sosibius who chiefely gouerned all the affaires of the Kingdome at that present holding a Councell with his Friends was not of aduice to suffer Cleomenes to goe with an Army at Sea and munition disdaining forreine affaires and holding this charge lost considering the death of Antigonus fearing likewise that this death being so fresh the way might be made easie to stirre vp some Warre And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes he would soone make himselfe Lord of all the Citties in Greece Finally they feared he would become their Enemy considering the present in regard of the Kings manner of life which was well knowne vnto them With this disaduantage that Sosibius saw the Prouinces of the Realme to lie one farre from another and to haue great opportunities of reuolte For there was neere vnto Samos a good number of Vessels and great Troupes of Souldiers neere vnto Ephesus Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send backe Cleomenes with an Army for the afore-sayd reasons But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Common-wealth to let goe so great a personage who afterwards might proue their open Enemy there was no preuention but to retaine him by force The which notwithstanding the rest disliked conceiuing that there would be great danger to keepe the Lyon and Sheepe in one fold Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause At such time as they resolued to take Mega and Beronice and that they feared to bring their enterprize to a good end in regard of the fiercenesse of Beronice they were forced to drawe together all those which followed the Court and to make them great promises if they preuailed Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the Kings fuccours to recouer his fathers Realme and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politicke in great affaires he discouered his whole secrets vnto him propounding vnto him great hopes Cleomenes seeing him pensiue and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries perswaded him not to care promising him that the Souldiers should not trouble him and that moreouer they should giue him great assistance to bring his enterprize to an end And when as the other stood in admiration doest thou not see sayd Cleomenes that there are about three thousand men of Morea and a thousand Candyots all which will bring vs where we please Hauing these whom else doest thou feare What The Companions of the Warre of Syrria and Caria And when as Sosibius liked of his words hee entred more boldly into the Action And afterwards considering of the Kings soolery and negligence hee often called to minde this Speech and had alwayes before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes and the affection the Souldiers bare him Wherefore considering this at the same time hee gaue the King and his other familiars to vnderstand that hee must seaze vpon him and keepe him close and priuate For the working and effecting whereof hee vsed this meanes There was one Nicagorus a Messenien a friend to the father of Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians betwixt whom there had formerly beene some friendship But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for feare of Cleomenes and fled to Messena hee not onely gaue him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first comming but hee alwayes liued with him afterwards during his flight so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them When as after these things Cleomenes made shewe of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus Nicagorus beganne to treate of the Conditions of peace VVhen the accord had beene made and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes Archidamus returned to Sparta assuring himselfe of the conuentions of Nicagorus whom Cleomenes meeting vpon the way slew suffering Nicagorus and his company to passe away In regard of Nicagorus he carried the countenance of a very thankfull man for that he had saued his life But hee was vexed in his Soule and incensed for the deede for that hee seemed to haue giuen the occasion This Nicagorus had failed vnto Alexandria some little time before with Horses whereas going out of the ship hee met with Cleomenes Panthee and Hippite walking vpon the strande whom Cleomenes perceiuing saluted curteously demaunding what businesse had brought him thither To whom he answered that he had brought Horses I had rather sayd Cleomenes thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chiefe delight Then Nicagores held his peace smiling VVhen as within few dayes after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses he related vnto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King And seeing Sosibius to heare him willingly he acquainted him with the cause of the â—pleene he bare him VVhen as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes hee did him great curtesies for the present and promised him great fauours hereafter Finally hee wrought so that imbarquing he left Letters concerning Cleomenes which a seruant of his brought after his departure as sent from him The which Nicagorus performing the seruant vsed speed to go vnto the King assuring him that Nicagorus had giuen him the Letters to carry to Sosibius The Tenour whereof was That if Cleomenes were not soone dispatcht
Romans were vanquished and defeated neere vnto Cannes by the Carthaginians For there wee haue left the actions of Italy and haue written in this Booke and the precedent the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia The Warre being ended when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Gouernour resuming their ancient kind of liuing they gaue order by little and little for their Common-wealth The like did the other Cities of Morea So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continuall warre It is certaine that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a milde and curteous kind of life the which in precedent times they did not enioy Being as Euripides saith alwaies tormented by their neighbours and without rest Yet it seemeth reasonable for for all they which tend to a Principallity and haue their liberty in recommendation haue continuall quarrels amongst them they tending to a superintendency The Athenians freed from the feare of the Macedonians seemed to liue in great Liberty but following the besenesse of their Commaunders Euriclides and Micion they payed Tribute in a manner to all Kings and namely to Ptolomy who soone after that time made Warre against the Egyptians For as hee had beene assisted in the Warre against Antiochus they presently abandoned him For that growne proud with the Battaile giuen neere vnto Raphia they would no more obey the King seeking only a Commaunder as if they had beene able of themselues to mannage the Warre the which was soone after done Antiochus during Winter had leuied a great Army and the Summer following past Mount Tauris where making a League with King Attalus he renewed the Warre against Acheus And although the Etoliens found the peace good in the beginning for that the Warre had taken a better end then they expected Hauing chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chiefe Commaunded by whose meanes the peace had ensued yet after some time they blamed him much complayning that by his meanes they had lost the great profits they had drawne from Forreine parts For that he had made a peace not onely with some Prouinces but generally with all Greece But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacifie their Choler Scerdilaide vnder colour of money due vnto him had spoild all those he met and as we haue sayd had taken shippes of Leucade and had rifled a Towne in Pelagonia which they call Pissea with diuers other Citties of Dassarete as Antipatria Chrissndion and Gertonte Hauing moreouer gained a good part of Macedony aswell by perswasions as by force Philip after the peace concluded hauing imbarqued himselfe and his Army to saile thither and to encounter Scerdilaide he tooke land being wholy bent to recouer the sayd Townes Finally when he had fully resolued to make Warre against Scerdilaide holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanouia as well for other Enterprizes as chiefly for his passage into Italy The which is an aduice whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible saying that he had seene Philip do so in a Dreame He did not presse this for any loue he bare him but for the hatred he had to the Romans Thinking by this meanes to recouer the Country about Pharos from whence he had beene expell'd Philip recouered all the sayd Townes approaching neere them with his Army For in Dassarate hee tooke Creone and Geronte and neere vnto the Fennes of Lychnide Enchelane Cerece Sation and Boies and Bantia in the Prouince of the Calicenins and towards the Pissantins and Orgysse This done he sent his Army to Winter It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy and past his Winter in Daâ—nia and the Romans making their Election created Gaius Terrentius and Lucius Emilius Consuls Whilest that Philip spent the Winter he drew together a hundred Vessels which neuer King of Macedony had done before him thinking it necessary to make prouision Not so much for the Combate at Sea for that he did not hold himselfe equall in forces to answere the Romans as to passe his Army into Italy Summer being come and the Macedonians in-vred to the Oare hee parts with his Army At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea came vnto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade Where planting his Campe he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes for hee feared much the Sea Army of the Romans But when he was aduertised by his Spies that it was neere vnto Lylibeum his Courage increased and hee proceeded in his Enterprize taking his course directly to Apolonia When as hee was neere those Countries which are about the Riuer of Loia which passeth neere to Apolonia he fell into the same feare which doth many times befall Armies at Land For some of his Vessels which followed in the Reare and had sailed towards an Iland called Sason lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulfe came by night to Philip telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea who aduertised them that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide Philip immagining that the Army was not farre off was amazed And weighing Anchor retired with great feare and disorder hee came the next day to Cephalenia sailing continually by night Where assuring himselfe he stayed some time making shew that his returne was for some pressing affaires in Morea It hapned that this was a false Allarum For you must vnderstand that Scerdilaide aduertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawne together in Winter and fearing his comming by Sea had obtained succours from the Romans by his Embassadours So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleete which was at Lilybeum the which passing neere vnto Rhegium were discouered If the King had not beene amazed without reason he might well haue vanquisht them and performed his Enterprize against Sclauonia And the rather for that the Romans had receiued a wonderfull losse neere vnto Cannes against Hannibal where they were in a manner quite ruined But being then terrified without cause he made a safe flight into Macedony and remained infamous At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory For when as the Gaules whom Attalus had drawne out of Europe into Asia for the Warre of Acheus had abandoned him for the causes aboue mentioned they spoil'd all the Townes of Hellespont with too much auarice and cruelty And when in the end they had besieged the Townes of the Elienses then they of Alexandria neere vnto Troade performed an Act worthy of memory for sending Themiste against them with foure thousand men they not onely rais'd the siege of the Elienses but chast all the
day the same Legion wings make the point Then againe they follow behind to the end that all may be partakers of Forrage and water changing their order daily to the end euery one may be first in his turne They obserue another kind of march in dangerous times and in a plaine Champaigne They make three Battalions in equall distance consisting of forked Iauelings Principals and Triarij's putting before the Baggage of those Ensignes which march first After the first those that are second and then doth march the Baggage of the third and they order their Baggage and Ensignes by this proportion alternatiuely Marching in this order if there happens any great affaires they cause the Ensignes to march thorough the Baggage sometimes presenting their Targets sometimes their Iauelings to the Enemy And in one instant and the same march the Souldiers put themselues in order of Battaile vnlesse it be when as your forked Iauelings fetch a compasse For then the Baggage with their attendants stealing behinde the Souldiers recouers some place of safety But when in marching they are neare to plant their Campe the Tribunes and they which are vsually appointed to that charge goe before who after they haue viewed the place fit for the Campe they first marke out the place for the Consuls Tent as hath beene said and vpon what aspect and flanke of the square thus markt out the Legions should bee lodgd Then they measure out a plot for the Pretorium after which a streight line whereupon are ioyned the Tribunes Pauillions Then a line equally distant after which are lodgd the Legions In like manner they measure on the other side of the Pretorium the places whereof we haue lately spoken in particular This is soone done for that the measures are easie the spaces being certaine and ordinary they set downe a marke and first of all that where the Consuls Pauillion must stand Then the second on the side which is chosen The third to the line in the midst to the which the Tribunes set their Tents The fourth where the Legions are lodgd Of which these last are red and the Consuls white As for the other side there they sometimes fasten forked Darts or other markes of diuers colours This done they consequently make the streets At euery one they fasten a forked Dart to the end that all things might be knowne more commodiously to them that approach to the Army and to the view of the Campe by a coniecture and consideration of the Praetors marke Wherefore euery man knowing plainely in what streete and in what part his Tent is for that they alwaies hold one place in the Campe. It falls out in like manner as when an Army enters into its owne Citty which is well knowne Euery man from the Gate turning marcheth presently and comes to his owne lodging without wandring for that all in generall and particular know in what quarter of the City their dwellings are It happens likewise in the Romans Campe wherein they seeme following this custome to take a contrary course to the Grecians in regard thereof The Grecians make great accompt of the strength of a Campe and seeke it principally flying partly the labour of ditching imagining that fortifications made by hand are not so effectuall and good as those of nature wherefore they are forced in Camping wholly to change their formes according to the scituation on of places so as all mens lodgings are vncertaine In regard of the Romans they desire rather to endure the labour of rampring and to doe all other things necessary for their ease and to haue the knowledge of euery one in the Campe. These are the generall parts of the contemplation of an Army and the scituation of a Campe. A Parcell of the Sixt Booke of Potentates and which is the most excellent ALL Historiographers in a manner haue in their writings made great esteeme of the Excellency of these kinde of Common-weales as the Lacedemonians Candiots Mantiniens and Carthaginians Some likewise haue mentioned the Athenians and Thebeins For my part I differ from the rest in regard of the Athenians and Thebeins I doe not hold it needfull to vse many words of them for that they haue had no great increase nor any firme forces neither are they fallen into any moderate alteration But as they seemed to be in vigour and force by a certaine new temporall Fortune so they haue felt a contrary change The Thebeins haue purchased an esteeme of virtue among the Grecians by the fault of the Lacedemonians and the hatred of those which were of their League adding thereunto the excellency of one or two in regard of the afore-sayd things That the virtue of Gouernours and not the estate of the Common weale hath beene the cause of the Thebeins felicity the suddaine following Fortune hath made manifest Their power hath beene augmented and confirmed and againe ruined during the liues of Epaminundas and Pelopidas Wherefore we must conceiue that these Men and not the Common-weale haue beene the cause that the Citty of Thebes hath purchased so much honour whilest it was in esteeme We must likewise for the same reason iudge the like of the Athenians the which hath many times especially by the virtue of Themistocles made it selfe glorious but hath presently tryed a contrary change by the disorder of its nature It hath alwaies happened to the Athenians like vnto ships vnfurnished of Pilots For when the Company resolue to agree and to obey the Gouernour of the ship either for feare of Enemies or for the danger of a storme they performe their duties cheerefully But when through arrogancy they begin to disdaine their Gouernours and to mutine for that the same things doe not please all men so as some haue a will to faile others to force the Pilot to goe to harbour and that some lay hold of the Oares and call vpon him to set saile this causeth an infamous spectacle to those which behold it by reason of the mutuall discord and mutiny The humour of those which are Companions in the Nauigation hath no stay wherefore flying many times the great depth of the Sea and great stormes which doe vsually arise they saile along the shore The like hath often happened to the Athenians For as they haue some times repell'd by the virtue of their people and Commanders great and greiuous calamities yet they haue err'd wonderfully by their great rashnesse and indiscretion hauing a prosperous gale and all things successefull Wherefore it is not needfull to hold any longer discourse neither of it nor of the Thebeins where the Commons attempt all things according to their owne humours the first being brutish and rude and this other accustomed to violence and fury Comming then to that of the Candyotts it is fit to know two things why the most learned among the ancient writers as Ephorus Xenophon Callisthenes and Plato say first that it is like and the same with that of the Lacedemonians and
secondly that it is commendable For neither of them seemes true in my opinion The which may bee conceiued by that which followeth shewing first that it differs they say that the Lacedemonians haue this proper that it is not lawfull for one man to haue more land then another being necessary for euery Burgesse to haue an equall portion of lands in the Cittie Secondly that hee is to bee amerced as a wicked man that hath greater possessions then the rest By this meanes ambition is wholly or in part rooted out of this Common-weale Thirdly their Kings enioy the Crowne for euer and they only for life whom they call ancients By whom and with whom all the affaires of the Common-weale are mannaged In regard of the Candiots all the things are gouerned by contrary meanes For the Lawes allow them to possesse what Lands they can get by this meanes Excellency is in esteeme amongst them so as the possession of Lands is not onely held necessary but also most honest Finally the desire of infamous and auaritious gaine is so powerfull amongst them that among all mortall men onely the Candiots find no kind of gaine worthy of blame Although that in that which concernes their principality they haue an Annall and Democraticall gouernment so as we are in doubt and wonder often how Writers haue deliuered them vnto vs to be familiar and as it were Germaines seeing they haue so contrary a Nature Neither haue they without doting ordained so many differences not lightly but with a great shew of words saying that onely Licurgus among the Ancients had aim'd at firme and solid things And that as there are two meanes for the preseruation of euery Common-weale which are force against the Enemy and mutuall concord and agreement among themselues that in chasing auatice hee had withall taken away all ciuill discord and mutinie and that by this meanes the Lacedemonians being freed from these mischiefes haue better then any other Grecians gouerned their Common-weale and with greater vnion And although the Candyotts bee of this aduice parralelling themselues Yet they thinke it concernes them nothing liuing in many publique mutinies murthers and ciuill warre by their naturall auarice presuming to say that these two Gouernments are alike Ephorus speaking of these two Common-weales vseth the like speech except their names If any one doth not obserue the propper names who can discerne whereof hee speakes These are the causes for the which in my opinion they differ Wee will now shew the reasons for the which the Candyotts Common-wealth doth not seeme commendable nor worthy to be immitated I conceiue that of euery Common-wealth their are two Principles for the which their estate and power is desired or detested Which are their manner of liuing and their Lawes That is to bee desired and the best by the which the life of men in priuate is made religious and honest and the common course of liuing in the City gracious and iust Finally that is to be detested and auoyded where they doe the contrary And as we iudge confidently that the men of a Common-wealth apply themselues to virtue when we see their course of life and the lawes to sauour of honesty in some of them So we may with reason say that a Common-weale is altogether depraued aswell by the lawes as by their course of liuing when we see any giuen to couetousnesse and the publike Arts vniust Moreouer you shall not finde any liues in priuate more cunning and crafty nor enterprizes more vniust then among the Candiotts except some few Whereof we approue it by this comparison the reason why we hold their Common-wealth not to be like the Lacedemonians nor to be chosen or worthy to be followed I say moreouer that Platoes Common-weale is not to be preferr'd Although that some of our Philosophers make great esteeme As we doe not receiue among handicraftsmen nor wrestlers those which haue not excercised their bodies nor beene accustomed to wrestling So we may not receiue this So as compared with the former we may not bring it in compedition before wee see some effects I will for the present onely propound this If wee must esteeme and parralell it to the Common-weales of Lacedemon Rome and Carthage it were euen as if a man should propound an Image to be compared with men that are liuing and animated For although he deserues commendation of his Art yet the comparison of things which be dead with the liuing seeme to the eye poore and obscure Leauing them therefore let vs returne to the Lacedemonian Common-weale Licurgus without doubt seemes to haue made the law and well prouided that the Burgesses might agree together for the preseruation of Lacedemon and the maintenance of their liberty So as his consideration seemes more diuine then humane An equality of possessions with a simple and common course of liuing should cause a modest life in priuate and make a City quiet and peaceable Finally exercise in labour and to indure all toyle was to make men strong and valiant Being certaine that these two which are magnanimity and temperance concurring together in a priuate person or a City malice can hardly creepe in amongst them or be drawne from their neighbours By these meanes the Common-wealth being setled it hath procured safety to all the Country of Lacedemon and a very durable liberty But as for that which concernes the conquest and principallity ouer their neighbours and finally the enterprize of a warre it seemes he neuer thought of it but onely that they should bring in a certaine friendship or resolution by the which the common course of liuing of the City should rest contented with their moderate estate euen as their liues in priuate were modest and contented with their choise And although hee had instituted in such sort as they were freed from ambition and were very wise aswell in priuate as in the common course of their liuing in the City yet he hath left them towards the other Grecians more then ambitious and of an insatiable desire to raigne with an extreame auarice So as it is partly notorious that first in a manner among the Grecians greedily desiring the countries of their neighbours they made warre against the Messeniens to draw them into subiection It is also partly manifest that they had obstinately sworne amongst themselues not to raise the siege before they had forc't the City of the Messeniens It is also notorious that for the great desire they had to rule ouer the Grecians they had againe submitted themselues to the yoake of those whom they had vanquished in battaile So as they had patiently obeyed their commandements They had vanquished the Persians making a discent in fighting for the preseruation of the Grecian liberty to whom notwithstanding being returned and fled they haue deliuered the Greeke Townes which were restored according to the peace made by Antalcides to the end that hauing money they might fortifie themselues against the Grecians
and could not vnderstand the practise Yet he sent men to the Gate which succours came somewhat late for that they descended by straights and hollow places Aribaze who was Captaine of the City went simply to the Gates which he had seene Antiochus assaile appoynting some to goe vnto the wall others to make sallies by the Gate to keepe the Enemy from approaching and to fight with them In the meane time Lagoras Theodote and Denis with their troupe hauing recouered the walls came to the Gate vnderneath whereof some maintayned the charge which the Inhabitants gaue them others brake the barres and bolt of the Gates The like did they without which were appoynted to that Quarter When as the gate was opened the other two thousand entred the City and seize vpon the place of the Theater This done all they which had runne to the walls and to the Gate which they call Perside who had beene sent by Aribaze to defend it against the Enemies assault came running thither After which retreate the Gate was opened so as some of the Kings troupe pursuing those which abandoned it entred pell mell When they had taken the Gate by force some entred the City others forced the next Gates They that were of Aribazes band with all the Citizens recouered the Fort by flight after they had made some little resistance After this route Legoras and Thodotes band stood firme in the place of the Theater seruing as a Fort to all the rest Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides tooke the City By this meanes the City was wholly sackt and ruined some killing those they encountred others setting fire of the houses and some gaping after spoyle for their priuate profit And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins A PARCELL OF the Eighth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS concerning the Difference of a Perticular and Generall History NO man can iustly say if they to whom these kindes of Calamities and disasters haue befalne ought to be blamed or censured or helde worthy of pardon and pitty in regard thereof For that it falls and happens to many to whom all things haue beene done conformable and agreeable vnto reason to bee subiect to those which transgresse with great desire the things which are iust and reasonable before men Yet wee may not be silent here being necessary hauing regard to the time and circumstance of accidents to blame some Captaines and to pardon others The which will appeare plainly by this When Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crowne he fled from Lacedemon Who soone after being againe perswaded put himselfe into his hands Being therefore by this meanes stript of Crowne and Life hee hath left no excuse to posterity of those things which he hath suffred For what colour is there the cause being still the same and Cleomenes power increasing but he should suffer the things which we haue spoken hauing put himselfe into their hands from whom he formerly had fled giuing order for his safety contrary to all hope Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had beene the cause of King Alexanders iniquity and that hee knew well that all Tyrants are capitall Enemies to those which defend liberty yet he perswaded Epaminundas to be Gouernour not only of the popular Common-weale of the Thebeins but also of the Grecians And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly to the end he might ruine the Monarchy of Alexander yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassie vnto him Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies hee was the cause of great preiudice to the Thebeins and the ruine of their glory which vntill that time they had preserued for the confidence he had in those whom he should not haue trusted The like hapned to Cheius Chiefe of the Romans during the Warre of Sycily for that he had indiscreetly thrust himselfe into the Enemies power Diuers others haue suffered the like Wherefore they are worthy of blame who without great consideration submit themselues vnto their Enemies and not they who asmuch as in them lies mannaged their Affaires discreetly for in truth no man can gouerne them well relying vpon another If thou dost them by certaine occasions which are conformable to reason thou shalt be blamelesse The most likely causes of this kind are an Oath Children Wife and for the most certaine the fore-passed life And if it happens that vnder colour of these things thou falst into an inconuenience the faulte shall not bee thine in suffering but theirs who commit the wrong Wherefore we must seeke such Arguments and assurances as in regard thereof he in whom you trust may not breake the faith which hee hath giuen But for that there are few such the best will bee to haue a care of those which are conformable to reason so as if wee be decelued therein wee may not loose our excuse with strangers the which hath hapned to many of our Predecessors It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof wee haue made mention and of a later date in that which hath befaene Acheus who fell into his Enemies hands although hee omitted nothing that might be done for his safety prouiding for all things as much as Humane sense could effect Wherefore the euent hath caused commisseration and pardon in him which hath suffered with strangers and blame and hatred to those which haue done the outrage Moreouer I do not find it strange to my Enterprize and first intention to aduertise the Readers of the greatnesse of these things and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales Who will not hold it fit to be considered how the Gouernours of such great Cities not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spaine hauing moreouer of either side an equall hope of the future and a present danger of the Warre haue not beene contented with this apparent discommodity but contended for Sardinia and Sycily imbracing the whole not onely in hope but with Expences and Preparations of Warre which will mooue any man to wonder that shall obserue it all in perticular The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preseruations And two others in Spaine where Gneius had the leading of that by Land and Publius of the other by Sea These are things which happened to the Carthaginians Moreouer they sent an Army by Sea to crosse the attempts of Philip in Greece In the which Marcus Valerius commaunded first then Publius Sulpicius with whom Appius likewise ioyned with a hundred Quinqueremes Moreouer Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land had assailed Sycily The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians By the which things I am confident the which I haue often spoken in the beginning of this Worke to find a certaine assurance by the accidents which consist in this that it is not possible for those which Write perticular Histories to be able
to obserue the generall disposition of things For how is it possible that he which doth barely read the Exploits of Sycily and Spaine can know or conceiue the greatnesse and continuance of Actions nor in what sort or forme of a Common-weale Fortune hath brought it to an end The which is very admirable to vs for that all the Countries of the World which are come to the knowledge of men are subiect to one Empire and Power the which hath not formerly beene It is true that it is not impossible to vnderstand in some sort by perticular Histories how the Romans haue Conquered Sycily and Spaine But it is a difficult thing to know in what sort they haue attained to this Vniuersall power and Commaund Nor to what vse perticular Actions haue serued to their generall Enterprize nor with what succours nor at what time they haue attempted it without a full and generall History of the proceedings neither will it be easie for the same causes to consider the greatnesse of Actions nor the power of this Common-weale For in that the Romans haue Conquered Sycily and Spaine and haue made Warre there both by Sea and Land it is no wonder if one man deliuer it in perticular But if we consider that when these things hapned this powerfull Common-wealth had ended many others and at the same time and how it was effected and with what calamities and Warre they were afflicted in their owne Region which performed these Exploits at that time finally their deedes wil be held glorious and admirable and then the knowledge of these things will square well This Discourse shal bee directed vnto those who by perticular Commentaries thinke they are able to attaine vnto the knowledge of a generall History Marcus furnished with an Army of threescore Quinqueremes sailed to Achrandine either of which were armed with men carrying Bowes Slings and Darts to repulse those which should defend the Forts Hee had also eight Quinqueremes furnished with Pallisadoes aswell on the right as left side with the which being ioyned together with two thin inclosures they approacht vnto the Wall by meanes of the Pallisado set without the inclosure and they call them Sambuques The manner of ordring the same Engines was in this sort They had within the Ship a Ladder of foure foote broad to the end that at the Descent it might come to the top of the Wall Vppon the sides thereof they made stayes and armed them with a couering for defence setting them crosse the inclosures which kept the Shippes vnited together so as they did passe much beyond the Prow or fore-part of the Shippe There were pullies fastned with Cords to the top of the Masts and when as necessity required they drew those which were at the poope or hinder part by the pulleys with Cords tyed to the top of the ladder The others which were at the Prowe assured the Engine with stayes and finally they approacht it to the wall drawing neare to Land by the nauigation of the ships which was done by the meanes of two Pallisadoes which are placed without On the top of the ladder there was a planke which couered three superficies with Persian Targets to the which foure Souldiers mounted and fought against those which from the Forts sought to hinder the approach of the Sambuques When by the ioyning of the ladder they haue gained the wall in disarming the sides of their Targets they mount to the Forts or Towers The rest follow them by the Sambuques by meanes of the transport of the ladder from Vessell to Vessell by ropes Finally this Engine was not vnfitly so called For being finished and set vp the figure of the ship and ladder reduced into one make it like vnto a Sambuque They imagined to come close vnto the Wall with this Engine But Archimides hauing made prouision of Engines fit for all distances troubled them at Sea much and thrust them into despaire annoying them a farre off with casting Engines which were strong and great But if they went beyond them he vsed lesser Engines according to the distance which disappointed and hindred their Enterprize and nauigation vntill that Marcus being much perplexed was forced to make his approaches couertly in the Night When they had recouered Land and were out of the Battery he made another kind of Engine against those which were to fight by Sea For hee made many holes in the Wall without the height of a man and of the bignesse of a mans hand where hee appointed within casters of Darts and of Engines to repulse making by the meanes thereof the Enemies attempts in their mounting vnprofitable By this meanes he not onely repuls'd them farre off and preuented their attempts neare but also slew many of them And whereas they made vse of their Sambuques he likewise set vp Engines to pull them ouer the Wall and kept them alwaies hidden vntill necessity required setting them vpon the Walles within to passe forth and fall vpon the sayle-yards some of them cast Stones or Lead of twelue hundred waight And when as the Sambuques approach sometimes in turning they cast from the top of the Engines with a Tower Stones against them as necessity required So as not onely the Sambuque hath beene broken but also the Vessel and all they that were within it in great danger Againe some Engines cast lesser Stones vpon the Enemy comming to the assault couered with Targets to the end they might not bee annoyed with the Darts and other Weapons which they cast from the Wall that they which fought in the Prowe might bee repuls'd They likewise let downe a hand of Iron tyed to a Chayne the which laying hold of him which gouerned the toppe drew the Prowe within the Walles with the tayle of the Engine And if at any time in raysing the Prowe hee set the Shippe vppon its Poope hee held it firme and vnmoueable by his instrument then by a kind of fauour he let slip the hand and the chaine by the Engine By this meanes some fell vpon their sides others were ouerthrowne a great part of them the Prow falling from the top to the bottome were drowned with great confusion Marcus discontented with Archimides repulses seeing likewise his men preuented in their attempts to his preiudice and disgrace sayd although hee were grieued with his misfortune in scoffing at the deeds of Archimides that he vsed his ships as they doe pots to draw water out of the Sea and that being battred and beaten they were as disloyall fallen infamously This was the eud of the Siege at Sea In regard of those which were with Appius they ceased from their attempts hauing endured the like affronts and losses For although they were a good distance from the Wall yet they were hurt and slaine with their casting of Stones and Darts In truth the Art the number and the effect of all manner of Engines whereof King Hieron had made good prouision was admirable the which Archimides had
when as all the World slept hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey For this cause as he could not stay fearing to be discouered by the Citizens nor yet steale away he gaue an assault to the City the Inhabitants being yet awake So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders for that they were not of a iust length neither could hee enter by the Gate for that the Confederates which hee had in the City could not succour him being excluded by the time And as hee had incensed the Citizens and made a great losse of his men hee returned with shame and disgrace it being a warning and caueate vnto all others not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy hee retired into a safe place Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through superstition for that the Moone was Eclipsed as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune But it happened vnto all as â—ell to the Army as Captaines to fall into the hands of the Saragossins when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe being discouered by the Enemies Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience that the coÌ„modity of time ought not to be neglected for such things making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience to bring their affaires to a good end Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology in regard of the measure of ladders the manner is as followeth If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places the ladders must be twelue foote long Finally they must giue vnto the ladder good footing according to the proportion of the staues left burthening it too much it breake not easily by reason of the multitude and againe set vp straight it will be very dangerous vnto them If there be no meanes to take the measure nor to approach the Wall let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine by the space of all the height which is a kinde of measure not onely possible but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their resolutions of the course of Warre to know the vse of Geometry If not perfectly yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of proportions and consideration of Similitudes It is not onely necessary for this but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe to the end that when as wee sometimes change its generall disposition we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended And if sometimes we retaine the same Designes of Camps we may extend the place comprehended by them or straighten it according to the reason of things before decreed or set apart the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordring of Battailes I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study for that wee charge the profession of Warre with many things commanding those that loue it not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry For my part I striue especially and with great desire to command things necessary as I doe reproue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science So doe we those which are out of necessary vse It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing or playing of the Flute take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke And likewise Wrestling for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies So as they which practise Mecanique Arts are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory the which no man of Sence will deny But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circuiâ—e to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible that although the City of Megalopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs and that of Lacedemon within forty eight yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis And if any one meaning to make this doubt greater sayth it is possible that a City or the Pallisadoe of a Campe hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs may bee more ample and compleate then that of a hundred this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech the cause is for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geometry This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse For that not onely many people but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale and likewise Commanders and Captaines are amazed and wonder how it can be possible that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis seeing the circuite is lesse and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the circuite of the Campe. There is another such like errour which they commit in the description of Townes For many conceiue that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly then those which are in a flat Countrey But this is not true for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete but in a plaine Countrey for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine If thou doest consider the houses which are built high and set vpon the declining of a Hill so as they are all of an equall hight it is apparent that their tops being leuell the distance is equall as well of those which are built vnder the Hils as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which desiring the preheminence ouer others and to gouerne Common-weales are ignorant of these things being amazed and wonder at this relation The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities but also for the force of its Rampire and for the grace and building It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man The Wall is seated vpon a hard and
of making the round how they might draw the Enemies vnto them For the effecting whereof their Armes was of great seruice Finally they come to the Gate where as some going downe cut the barres others entered from without In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders after they had defeated them which defended the VValls they lept ouer and by this meanes the VVall was gotten As for the Hill scituated towards the East they which entred by the Gate recouered it chasing away the Guards VVhen as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entred into the City hee sent many of them according to the Custome against the Citizens giuing them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy and not to busie themselues with spoile vntill they had a signe giuen them The Romans doe this to terrifie them And therefore wee often see that when they take Cities by force they doe not onely kill the men but they cut their Dogges in pieces and dismember their other Cattle Many such things happened in that Citie by reason of the multitude of Prisoners Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assailes the Fort whereunto making his approaches Mago at the first striues to defend it But when hee vnderstood the Truth of the taking of the City hee sends men to parley for his safety and by this meanes hee deliuers the Fort. This done a signe being giuen the massacre ceased and they fell to spoile And when as night approached some remained in the Campe ordained for that end And the Generall spent the night in the Fort accompanied with a Thousand men Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses by the Captaines of Thousands to carry the booty to the Ensignes in the market place In regard of them that were lightly armed called from the Campe on the Hill hee sent them to the Easterne parts The Romans tooke Carthage in Spaine after this manner The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Souldiers and the substance of the Burgesses and Artizans to the place the Captaines of Thousands according to Custome diuided it among their Bands Among the Romans this order is obserued touching Cities taken Sometimes to euery day they number the men and distributing them according to the greatnesse of the City sometimes they diuide them by Ensignes They neuer appoint aboue halfe the Army for this businesse The rest remaine in Battaile for the Guard sometimes they are without and sometimes within the City vnto the end they may be alwayes ready The Army being diuided for the most part in two of Romans and two of Allies they which are deputed for the diuision do euery man bring his booty vnto the Campe. This done the Millaneers or Captaines of Thousands diuide it equally to them all Not onely to those which remaine in Battaile but also to the Guards of the Tents to the sicke and vnto all those which are ordained for any publicke seruice When they are together in Campe to go vnto the War they sweare not to commit any fraud in the pillage and that they keepe their faith according vnto the oath which they haue taken But wee haue spoken sufficiently heere of in Discoursing of their pollicy Finally when an Army is thus diuided one part attending the Booty and the rest standing in Battaile for their Guards yet the Romans had neuer any difference through Couetousnesse For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gaine and that in the meane time some follow the spoile and the others remaining in Battaile guard them no man abandons his Ensigne The which many times is the cause of great losse and danger to others Many suffer losse and are in danger in regard of gaine For it is apparent that they which remaine in Campe or are in Battaile containe themselues vnwillingly for that most commonly all the spoile vnder his Commaund and power which rules if he be an absolute Monarch And if he be a Commaunder euery man holds that his owne which may be hidden and purloin'd although that all things be carefully brought together And for that most part of men desire booty and for this cause are in danger hauing no meanes to obtaine an absolute Victory it fals out that they are in danger to lose all The which happens to many who although they haue preuailed in their Enterprize whether they haue cast themselues into the Enemies Campe or haue taken a City yet they haue not onely beene repuls'd but moreouer had lost all and for no other cause but that aboue mentioned Whereefor CoÌ„manders ought to haue nothing in greater recommendation and care then that where of wee speake which is that as much as may be possible this hope may remaine to the greatest part that if such an accident happens the diuision may be equall to them all Then the Captaines of Thousands gaue order â—o the Booty and the Roman Commander hauing drawne together theâ— Prisoners which were little lesse then a thousand hee commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wiues and Children and then the handy-crafts-men This done hee aduiseth the Citizens to imbrace the Friendship of the Romans and to remember the fauour which they receiued and then hee sent them backe to their houses Whereof some weeping and others ioyfull for their vnexpected safety they retire hauing done their duties to the Generall In regard of the Worke-men and Artizans hee told them that for the present they were publique Seruants to the City of Rome But if euery one did his duty cheerefully and willingly he promised them liberty if the Warre vndertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end Then he gaue charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand He also made choise of the strongest and the most flourishing in age and forme to furnish the Troupes and fill'd the captiue ships with all the Marriners exceeding the former one halfe so as euery ship had in a manner twice as many men There were eighteene captiue ships and in the beginning they had beene fiue and thirty To whom he promised liberty if they shewed themselues friends and valiant and that if in this Warre he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians When he had declared himselfe in this manner he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyall as well to himselfe as to the Roman Common-weale The Worke-men and Artizans are in like manner ioyfull vpon the hope of liberty But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troupes in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians For he had two Senators and fifteene Councellors whom hee gaue in charge to Caius Lelyus commanding him to haue a speciall care Moreouer hee calls all the hostages vnto him which were aboue three hundred Then he makes much of
and ioyfull hearts Andobale had before sent vnto Publius but when he approached neere vnto this Country he came vnto him accompanied with his friends Where after he had spoken vnto him hee concluded the League of friendship which he formerly had with the Carthaginians giuing him to vnderstand what seruice and loyalty hee had obserued towards him and finally he exposeth the outrages and iniuries which hee and his had suffered intreating him to be the Iudge of that which he sayd And if he seemed to accuse the Carthaginians vniustly hee might certainly know that he would neuer keepe his faith to the Romans If being forced for the necessary respect of many iuiuries hee had desisted from his affection yet he had good hope that ioyning to the Romans to keep his faith firme with them After he had vsed many such Speeches he made an end To whom Publius answering sayd that he beliued it and had vnderstood the outrages of the Carthaginians which they had vsed to other Spaniards and their lasciuiousnesse towards their Wiues and daughters Of whom notwithstanding he hauing taken many reduced rather into the estate of Captives and slaues then Hostages hee hath kept them with such honesty as the Parents themselues could not haue done And when as Andobale and his Company confest it and making an obeisance vnto him they saluted him as King the assistants obserued those words Publius blushing commands them to be of good hope promising them they should finde curtesie and fauour with the Romans and presently deliuers them their Daughters and the day following makes an accord with them The principall Articles of their Accord was that they should follow the Roman Princes and obey them willingly These things thus concluded they returne vnto their Campe and come with their Army to that of Publius and making Warre with the Romans they march with them against Asdrubal The Commaunder of the Carthaginians staying neere to Catolâ—gne fast by the City of Babylis and neere vnto the Mines of Gold and Siluer he changed his Campe when he was aduertised of the comming of the Romans so as he had the riuer at his backe in manner of a Rampire and in front and on the sides a Pallisadoe with a sufficient depth for the Fortification there was finally a length in the Vallies sufficient to put them in battaile And as for the side of the Hill there were vsually men When as Publius approacht he was ready to hazard the Combate although hee were in doubt seeing the aduantage and force of the places where the Enemy lay in Campe. But when he had contained himselfe two daies and was in feare that Mago and Asdrubal the sonne of Gescon comming he might be inuironed round he resolued to fight and to hazard a battaile Making therefore another Army he labours to gaine the Pallisado In regard of those that were lightly armed and the choise footmen he sends them to the side of a Hill giuing them charge to assaile and to view the Enemies forces And when that this was done with great Courage the Commander of the Carthaginians attends the euent from the beginning But when he saw his men prest and in danger by the courage of the Romans he drawes his Army into the field and plants in neere the side of the Hill relying vpon the opportunitie of the place At the same time Publius sends his brauest men to succour those that were in danger and stayed the rest ready He takes the one halfe and assailes the Hill vpon the left side of the Enemy fighting against the Carthaginians And deliuers the rest to Lelyus giuing him charge to assaile the Enemy on the right hand When this was done Asdrubal drawes his Army out of the Fort. He had hitherto kept it relying vpon the fortified places hauing an opinion that the Enemies durst not assaile him But for that this charge of the Romans came vnexpected hee puts his Army into Battaile later then was needfull The Romans vndergoing the danger of the fight whilest that the Enemies were not yet vpon the Wings they not only assailed the Hill without danger but in approaching slew those which crost them whilest that the Enemies made ready their battaile forcing those to turne which prepared themselues and made head against them When as Asdrubal according to his first resolution saw his Army giue backe and shamefully repuls'd hee had no will to fight vnto the last gaspe Taking therefore the Treasure and the Elephants and all those hee could draw together in the flight he retires to the Riuer of Tagus and to the Hills of the Perinee Mountaines and to the Gaules inhabiting there Scipio held it not fit to pursue the Victorie suddainly doubting the comming of the other Commaunders Finally he gaue the bootie of the Fort to the Souldiers The day following he drawes together all the Prisoners whereof there were ten Thousand foote and two Thousand horse to dispose of them All the Spaniards of that Countrey which were allied vnto the Carthaginians come and submit themselues to the fauour of the Romans And when he had giuen them audience they saluted Scipio as King The which Edecon beganne when he did his obeisance and after him Andobale with his friends Scipio at that time regarded not their words but was silent But when after the Battaile all saluted him as King he was mooued therewith so as hee forbad it Drawing all the Spaniards together he told them that he would be truely Royall and so held but hee would not be called a King by no man liuing This done hee ordained they should call him Chiefe or Commaunder It is not without cause that we may iustly commend the magnanimity of this man By the which being yet young hauing the fauour of Fortune such as all the Subiects had him in so great esteeme as they saluted him by so excellent a name yet hee was alwaies so continent as hee would not accept of this will and humour of the Subiects But he will wonder much more at the excellency of his magnanimitie if hee lookes to the last daies of his life when besides the valiant exploits which hee hath done in Spaine hee hath ruined the Carthaginians and made subiect vnto the Romans many good Countries in Lybia from the Philenin Altars to the pillars of Hercules Hee hath also ruined Asia and the Assirian Kings Finally hee hath reduced to the obedience of the Romans the best and greatest part of the World And therefore if hee had pleased hee might well haue imbraced the opportunity to vsurpe a royall power in these Countries which hee hath inuaded and taken The disdaine of such things as Scipio hath wisely done surpasseth not onely humane nature but a diuine This magnanimity doth so much excell other men as no man would demaund of the Gods a greater fauour I meane then a Crowne the which hee hath so often refused being deliuered vnto him by fortune and hath had
intreated them againe not to do any thing slowly nor by Discourse And that consenting all with one voice to the Articles of the peace they should Sacrifice vnto the Gods and pray that the people of Rome might confirme them When it seemed that hee had giuen wise aduice and fit for the time it was concluded to accept the Accord prescribed and to passe it with the Romans Wherefore they suddainly sent away the same men in Embassie which had contradicted the Articles A Parcell of the Deedes and Posterity of Ptolomy FInally who will not wonder that Ptolomy had not prouided to giue aide to these men during his life seeing there were some which were ready to succour them But when Death surpriz'd him hee left a young Infant to whom by right of nature he had indeauoured as they say with both hands to preserue him the Crowne Then encouraging one another they make hast to practise a Villany and to murther this Infant and to diuide his principallity among them The which they do not after the manner of Tyrants who pretend some colour for their infamy But carry themselues afterwards so impudently and brutishly as that which they speake of the life of Fishes is due vnto them Of whom they say that although they be of one kind yet the defeate of the smaller feeds and entertaines the life of the greater Wherefore who will not thinke to see a great execration against the Gods and a cruelty towards men and likewise a great auarice of the said Kings seeing this paction and agreement as in a glasse What is hee who for these causes hauing accused Fortune in humane affaires doth not likewise consider that shee hath since made them to suffer worthy punishments and left to posterity a good example for the amendment of their course of liuing as hauing propounded vnto these Kings such an ignominious punishment For when they had transgrest the agreements among themselues and diuided the Infants Principality all things did iustly proue hurtfull and opposite vnto them which they had wickedly resolued against their Kinsfolkes and Neighbours by the bringing in of the Romans for that the one and the other being suddainly vanquished they were not onely forced to abate their couetousnesse of another mans goods but being made subiect to tributes they were constrained to obey the Commandments of the Romans Finally Fortune hath in a short time disposed of the Reigne of Ptolomy making the Potentates of the others and their successours some of them to bee banished and miserable involuing some in a manner in the like Disasters Of Philip of Macedony THe Cianeins fell in these miseries not so much through Fortune and the iniustice of their Neighbours as by their owne rashnesse and the bad gouernment of their Common-weale where most commonly the worst were in esteeme and good men put to death for the spoiles of their Wealth and by this meanes they are in a manner willingly fallen into these misfortunes whereunto all men incline I know not how apparently yet they cannot resolue vpon any aduice nor suddainly distrust which some bruite Beasts doe For if sometimes they enter into Iealousie of Baites and Nets if they haue seene any other perish you shall hardly draw them to doe the like holding the place for suspect with a distrust of all things which haue any resemblance In regard of men when they heare some speake and see others perish in like manner Yet suddainly when any one vsing gracious words hath propounding a mutuall hope of correction they run without any regard into the toiles knowing certainly that neuer any man which had swallowed this kind of baite had escaped such policies being an assured defeate to all men When as Philip had reduced the City vnder his obedience he reioyced as if he had brought some braue and honourable action to an end And when hee had speedily giuen Succours to his Allies and had terrified all those which estranged themselues from him and had claymed abundance of goods and bodies vnder the colour of Iustice hee neuer thought of those things that were contrary although they were manifest giuing at the first Succours to the Allie who had not beene wrong'd and yet had broken the confederations with his Neighbours And as finally he had confirmed the bruite of his cruelty towards his Friends afflicting the Cities of Greece with great miseries he had iustly purchased the generall esteeme of a cruell man withall the Grecians Thirdly he wronged reuiled the Embassadors of the said Cities who were come to free the Cianeins from that eminent danger And being called by him and conferring daily with him they were present at things which he desired not Moreouer he incensed the Rhodiens against him so as they could not endure to heare any mention of him Finally Fortune therein fauours him openly His Embassadour made an Oration vpon the Theater against the Rhodiens commending the magnificence of Philip who when he had by some meanes got possession of the City he had done that grace vnto the people This he did to reprehend the suspicion and detraction of those which resisted him and to manifest his resolution to the City There came also some one from the Port vnto the Magistrate aduertising him of the ruine of the Cianeins and of the cruelty which Philip practised against them So as when the Gouernour entring in the midst of the Embassadours Oration speaking the said things and declared the newes the Rhodiens could not beleeue for the excesse of the fact Philip hauing then preuaricated and dissembled not so much against the Cianeins as against himselfe began to be so transported and to stray from his duty as hee gloried and brag'd in his actions as good for the which hee should haue beene ashamed The Rhodiens from that day held Philip for an enemy and prepared to that end The Etoliens also conceiued a hatred against him for the same fact When as lately being reconciled he had giuen forces to that Nation there being then no cause of hatred nor spleene when as a little before the Etoliens the Lysimacheins Calsidoniens and Cianeins were made Friends hee hath in assailing first the Lysimacheins distracted their City from the Alliance of the Etoliens spoiling those of the Calsidoniens and thirdly the Cianeins whilest that the Chiefe of the Etoliens was resident in their City hauing the superintendency of the publicke affaires Finally Prucias reioyced for that which had hapned beyond his desires But he was discontented that another should reape the reward for the taking of the Citie and that there was fallen vnto him a desolate place naked of buildings so as hee could not effect any thing After he had assembled the greatest men of the Macedonians he came to them with the King and Agathoclia faining in the beginning that hee was not able to speake for teares And when he had wiped them often with his cloake and caused them to cease take saith he carrying an infant
sends those which were vnder the charge of Archidamus and of the Eupolemus and two Tribunes with fiue hundred Horse and two thousand Foote At whose comming they which in the beginning did but skirmish resuming courage presently put on another kind of Combate The Romans relying vpon their Succours double their forces for the fight And although the Macedonians defended themselues brauely yet they sent vnto the King being prest and annoyed by their Armes and for their refuge recouered the tops of the Mountaines And when as Philip had no hope but that they should be able that day to giue Battaile with all their Forces for the fore-sayd Causes hee had sent many of his men to forrage But when he was aduertised of that which happened by those which hee had sent and that the mist was past hee sent Heraclides the Gyrtonien Chiefe of the Thessalian Horse and Leon Commander of the Macedonian Cauallery Hee likewise sent Athenagórus with all the Mercenaries exept the Thracians Who being come to the Ambush and the Macedonians much re-inforced they made head against the Enemy and repuls'd the Romans from the Hills The Dexterity of the Etolien Horse did much hinder the Enemies from turning head They fought in truth with great courage and confidence The Etoliens in regard of the Foote-men are faint both in their Armes and Ordonance for a Combat in Field But their Horse-men are excellent aboue all the other Grecians in particular and separated Combats Wherefore it happened that for that they had stayed the violence and fury of the Enemy they could not so soone recouer the Plaine but stayed for a time in Battaile But when as Titus saw not onely the most valiant and his Horse-men retire but also his whole Troupes to bee dismayed hee drawes his whole Army to Field and puts them in order vpon the Hills At the same instant they which were in Guard ran hastily one after another to Philip crying out vnto him Sir the Enemies flye lose not this occasion The Barbarians seeke vs not This day is yours imbrace the time and by this meanes they â—nâ—ire and stirre vp Philip to Battaile although the scituation of the place did not content and please him For the sayd Hills which they call Dogs-head are rough difficult of all sides and high Wherefore when as Philip had formerly fore-seene the vnequalnesse of the places hee had not in the beginning made any preparation vnto Battaile But beeing then prouoked by the great confidence of the aduertisements hee drawes his Army with all speede out of the Fort. In regard of Titus hee orders his Troupes and Bands for the Battaile and followes them close which began the Skirmish making remonstrances vnto the Battalions as hee turned His Speech was short plaine and intelligible to the Hearers Propounding then the cause hee sayd vnto his Souldiers Are not these O Companions the same Macedonians who formerly holding in Macedony the top of the Mountaines towards Heordia you haue forced with Sulpicius and chased from thence with the defeate of the greatest part of them Are not these the same Macedonians who being seazed vpon the difficult places of Epirus and leauing no hope of approach you haue chased by your prowesse and forced to flye into Macedony abandoning their Armes What reason is there then that you should feare the same men with whom you are to enter into an equall Combate To what end doe we propound vnto you precedent actions to consider on but that in regard of them you should fight more confidently Wherefore Companions attend the Battaile with resolution giuing courage one to another I hold for certaine that with the good pleasure of the Gods the end of this Battaile will soone bee the conclusion of the precedent When Titus had vsed these Speeches hee commands the right Wing of his Army not to budge setting the Elephants before them And assailes the Enemy with great courage with the left Wing being accompanied by the most valiant They which among the Romans had began the Fight shewing their courage prest the Enemies hauing beene relieued by some Troupes of Foot-men And when as at the same time Philip saw that the greatest part of his Army was in order of Battaile before the Pallisadoe hee marcheth taking the Targetteers and the Battalion of the right Wing and ascends the Hills with speede giuing charge to Nicanor whom hee called Elephant to command the rest of the Army to follow close As soone as the first had recouered the top hee defends the Battalion setting the Targets before and seazed vpon the higher Countrey And when as the Macedonians prest the Romans much vpon the two flankes of the Hills he discouered the tops to bee abandoned As he fortified the right Wing of his Army it happened that the Souldiers were much annoyed by the Enemy For when they they which were best armed were ioyned vnto the most valiant of the Romans and succoured them in this fight they prest the Enemies much and flew many As the King was there in the beginning and saw the Combat of the valiant men not to be farre from the Campe hee reioyced againe when hee saw them decline and to haue neede of Succours hee was forced to send them and at that instant to hazard a Battaile although that many of the Troupes of his Army were yet vpon the way and approached to the Hills And in taking the Souldiers hee rankes them all as well on foote as Horsebacke on the right Wing commanding the beares of Burtheâ—s and the Battalions to double the Front of their Rankes and to stand close vpon the right hand This being done when as the Enemies ioyned with them hee commanded the Battalion that bending downe their Iauelings they should match in order and mingle with the strongest At the same instant when as Titus had retired those which had bagunne the Fight to the spaces which were betwixt the Ensignes he chargeth the Enemy The Combat beginning on eyther side with great fury and clamour all crying together yet those which were without the fight crying vnto the rest the Battaile was made very horrible and cruell and it shewed the force of the Combat Philips right Wing carryed it selfe valiantly in this Battaile charging the Enemy from aboue hauing an aduantage in their order which finally for the present fight was much more commodions in regard of the diuersity and seuerall sorts of Armes In regard of the rest of the Army some were ioyned vnto the Enemy fighting a farre off others shewed themselues vpon the left hand hauing gotten the toppes of the Hils When as Tytus saw and did well perceiue that his men could not indure the force of the Enemies battallion and those of the right wing to be repuls'd and some seaine and others to retire by degrees and that all his hope of safety consisted in the right Wing hee goes speedily vnto them and considers the Enemies order When hee saw some succeed in their places
Macedony beeing accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battaile Hee presently sent vnto Laressa the second Night after the Battaile one of the Archers of his Guard giuing him charge to teare and burne the Royall Letters doing therein an Act worthy of a King who in his aduerse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to bee done He knew and did well perceiue that if the Romans were once seazed on his Commentaries there might be many occasions offered vnto his Enemies against him and his Friends It may bee it happened and fell out to him as to others who not able to containe their power moderately in prosperous things yet haue borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience The which happened vnto Philip as wil be apparent by the following Discourse So as ayming at that which was conuenient wee haue plainly shewed and declared his Attempts tending to reason and againe his change to worse and when how and wherefore these things were done hauing plainely set foorth and exprest his Actions Wee must by the same meanes declare his Repentance and dilligence whereby beeing changed thorough his aduerse Fortune hee carried and behaued himselfe at that time like a wise and discreete man Finally Tytus hauing giuen good order after the Battaile for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoile he went to Larissa A Parcell of an imperfect sence TO define folly we cannot for that they are desirous of the same meanes This kind of remisnesse and dulnesse is often 〈◊〉 in many Neither is it to be wondred at if it hath place among others But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found there is another cause for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree Watch and remember that thou must distrust This is the bond of hearts Of a certaine Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans AT the same time came from the Vargyles Publius Lentuluâ— with ten Legats and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius When their comming was suddainly declared vnto the King they assembled all within few daies at Lysimachia After whom followed Hegissiâ—nactes and Lisias sent at that time to Titus Finally the conference in priuate betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous But when the assembly met for affaires they imbraced another disposition Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leaue all the Cities the which being subiect to Ptolomy hee had taken in Asia In regard of those which were subiect to Philip hee contested much to haue him leaue them For it was a mockery that Antiochus comming he should reape the fruites of the Warre which the Romans had made against Philip He likewise aduised him not to meddle with the free Cities He also sayd that it seemed strange that without reason he had past into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land That no man could conceiue it to be to any other end then to make Warre against the Romans These things being propounded by the Romans they held their peace The King in answere said that he wondred for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans Finally hee intreated them not to vsurpe nor to deale with the affaires of Asia And that for his part hee would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy In regard of Europe he had entred with his Armies to recouer the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace For that the command of all those places belonged to him this gouernment in the beginning being due to Lysimachus But when as Seleucus made Warre against him and had ouerthrowne him in Battaile all the Kingdome of Lysimachus became subiect to Seleucus by force After the time of his predecessors Ptolomy was the first who violently the sayd places vsurped them The like did Philip. And that for his part he recouered them accommodating himselfe to his owne times and not to those of Philip. And as for the Lysimachians ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himselfe no way wronging the Romans and restored them to their Countrey The which he did to shew this mercy to the affaires of Seleucus and not to make Warre against the Romans In regard of the Cities of Asia they ought not to enioy liberty by the commandment of the Romans but of grace And for that which concerned Ptolomy that with all his heart hee gaue him thankes and that he vnderstood that hee had not onely concluded Friendship with him but made a League When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins and Smyâ—niens should be called and audience giuen them it was done accordingly There Parmenio and â—ythodorus presented themselues for the Lampsaceneins and Cerane for the Smyrnien When as these men debated freely the King being incensed to yeeld an accompt of their debate before the Romans interrupting the Speech of Parmeâ—io cease sayth hee to plead so much I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans but rather before the Rhodiens and then by this meanes they brake off the Assembly without any mutuall affection Another Parcell MAny men desire actions of courage and prowesse but the experience is rare Scope in truth and Câ—comenes haue had great occasions for Combats and hardy Enterprizes For as Scope was formerly taken hee had resolued in the same hope with his Seruants and Friends but hee could not saue himselfe Finally his iust death hauing led a wretched life hath giuen testimony of his great weaknesse And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces hauing the gouernment of the King in his nonage and was of his Councell yet he was soone ruined For when as Aristomenes knew that hee had assembled his Friends in his house holding a Councell with them he sent vnto him by his Guards to come vnto the assembly But hee was so transported in his iudgement as hee did not that which hee ought to haue done neyther could hee being called be obedient vnto the King which was the greatest folly in the World vntill that Aristomenes knowing his basenesse lodg'd Souldiers and Elephants neare his House and sent Ptolomy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men to bring him with faire words if he would come willingly if not to vse force When as Ptolomy was entred into his house and signifying vnto him that the King demanded Scope he did not at the first obserue his woâ—ds But casting his lookes vpon Ptolomy he was long in that estate as it were threatning him and wondring at his presumption But when as Ptolomy approacht with assurance and layd hold of his Cloake then he required helpe of the Assistants Being in this estate and a great company of the young men comming about him being also aduertised that his house was enuironed with Souldiers hee followed him obeying the times being accompanied by his Friends When as hee was come to the Assembly
Philip. Alexander the great Philips wise and â—wâ—reâ— Complaints of diuers people against the Etoliens Warre concluded against the Etoliens The Amphictions Scope chosen Head of the Etoliens Phebidius Enuy the cause of great mischiefe The difference betwixt a priuate and publique iniury The commendation of the Acarnanians Answeres toâ— Embassadours The blame of the Epirotes The Messeniens alwayes friends to the Arcadiâ—ns and Enemies to the Lacedemonians Aristocrates Machate sent Embassadour from the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians Carixeneâ— Timee The murther of the Lacedemonian Gouernours by the young men A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens The power of clemoncie in Princes Licurgus chosen King Marchate preuailes in his enterprize Townes taken in Argos by Licurgus Philips Army The scituation of Constantinople The circuit of the Pontique Sea Bosphorus Cimeriques Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontique run continually The Danowe The shelfes in the Sea King Darius The refuge of Europe The Country of the Oxe Chrysopolis The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes The continuall Warre of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians Brennus Chiefe of the Gaules The Thracians vanquished by the Gaules An absolute defeate of the â—aules Empire A Tole imposed vpon those that failed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople Mecatondore Olympiodore Prusias Attalus and Achens The meanes of Acheus raigne Acheus causeth himselfe to be called King Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains An Embassie sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolomy The Death of Thibete Canare King of the Gaules An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens An accord made with Prusias Candy in a manner reduced all vnder the obedience of the Gnosiens and Gortiniens The Lyciens Towne razed and burnt Plator chiefe of the Sclauonians Mithridates The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses The Scituation of Synope Alexander Dorimache Egyrus Oeanthy The scituation of Egire Egire surprized by the Etoâ—â—ens An assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire The Etoliens defeated by the Egirates Alexander slaine Dorimache smothered Micchus defeated The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides Athence taken by Licurgus The scituation â—f Ambracia Scope makes an incursion into Macâ—dony Ambracia taken by Philip. The Gulfe of Ambracia Poetia taken by Composition Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated byâ— Philip. Metropolis taken and burnt An assembly of the â—rolient to keepe the passage of a Riuer Ithoria very strong Peania taken by assault Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eniâ—des The retreate of the Dardâ—â—iant without doing any thing Dorimache chosen Generall of the Etoliens The retreate of Euripides from Sâ—ymphallâ— The Mountaine of Apeâ—ure Thy flight of Euripides A defeate of the Etoliens Arate ioynes with Philip. The scituation of Psophis The Riuer of Erimanthe A sally of the Elienses vpon the Macedonians Psophâ— taken by assault A composition made betweene the Citizens of Psophis and Philip. Philip giues forces to the Acheins Lâ—ssion taken Straton Thalame Thalame yeelds Appelles Tutor to Philip. The malicious policy of Appelles The Nature of Philip. Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache The scituation of Triphalia and iâ—â— Townes The scituation of Alphira The Image of Minerua Philip assailes Alphira The Typaneatâ—s yee le vnto Philip. The Phialences yâ—eld to Philip. The 〈◊〉 of the Lâ—preates against the Etoiens 〈◊〉 yeelded to Philip. Townes which yeeld to Philip. Chylon The Lacedemonian Magistratâ— slaine by Câ—ylon The Lacedemonians were vnfortunate after they had left the Lawes of Licurgus Appelles persists in his enterprize Eperate chosen chiefe of the Acheins The Castle of Mur yeilded to Philip. The slander of Appelles The accusation of Appelles against Arate the Acheins The Answere of Arate Taurion dispossest of the gouernment of Morea The conditions of Courtiers Alexandeâ— Chamberlaine to King Antigâ—nus Eperate Chiefe of the Acheins and Dorimachâ— of the Etoliens Mony Corne deliuered to Philip by the Acheins The naâ—ure of the Macedonians The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉 The forces which Philip left at Dyme The scituation of Cephalenâ—â—a Leonce Trayâ—our to Philip. Embassadours sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens The Riuer of Acheloe Methape taken by Philip. The order which Philip held to passe the streights of Therme Therme spoyled by the Macedonians The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedemonians The â—urtesie of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians Alexander the Great The blame of Philip. The Lawes of Warre The practise of a Tyrant The Duty of a King To vanquish an enemy by mildnesse The Etoliens charge Philips Rearward Paphia burriâ— Methape razed by Philip. The Etoliens made a sally out of Strate Megalee and Leonce doe outrage to Arate Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crownes The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon Licurgus takes the Towne of Elea. Philip comes to Corinthe Menelaie Amycle The great diligence of Philip. The scituation of Amycle The Temple of Apollo The Port of Gythia The Castle of Olympes The Messeniens surprized by Licurgus Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as hee passeth The Riuer of Erota The â—light of the Lacedemonians Embassadours from Rhodes to Chios A mutiny against philip and his men Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles The misery of Courtiers The flight of Megalee The taking of Leonce Appelles taken Prisoner Megalee kills himselfe The death of Appelles and his Sonne Philip sailes to Corinthe The flight of Licurgus into Etolia The Mountain Panachaique Old Arate made Chiefe of the Acheins The Auâ—houâ—s good intention An order required in all things Ptolomy King of Egypt The enterprize of Cleomenes vpon Ptolomy An Army neere vnto Ephesus Mega Beronice Archidamusâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes Cleomenes taken Prisoner and put in Guard The bold enterprize of Cleomenes Ptolomyâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes TheÌ„odote Antiochus Soâ— to Seleucus The Speech of Hermes against Epigene Antiochus marries Lâ—â—dicea Molâ—n goes to field with an Army The Scituation of Media Liban Antiliâ—ban The Towne of Brâ—chesâ— The Retreate of Molon Xenoete his Army defeated and spoyled A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. The practise of Molon against â—pigene Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile The order of Molons battaile The death of Molon Molon Crusâ—câ—fled Antiochus goes against Artabazanes Antiochus hath a Soâ—ne Artabazaâ—es makes an accord with Antiochâ—â— Apolâ—phanes aduice to Antiochus Apolophanes aduiâ—â— to â—nâ—iochus Ptolomy the Bâ—nefactor The scituation of Seâ—euciâ— Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleuoia Seleucia assaulted The Towne of Brocâ—es besieged Tyrus and ptâ—lâ—mais taken The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius An Army raised by Ptoâ—omy The distribution of Ptolomes Army to his Captaines An Embassie sent from Antiochus to Ptolomy Reasons of the warre propounded by Antiochus Thâ— answer of Ptolomes Embassadours to Antiochus A leuie of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy Embassâ—dours from the Arcadiâ—ns to Antiochus Antiochus his Army diuided into three A Combat at Sea and Land Diuers Townes taken by Antiocâ—us