hee should vnder-take the warre in person or commit it to coÌ„manders of lower degree Some perswaded him that wholly to subdue Ireland stoode neither with pollicie nor yet almost with possibilitie for if it were fully and quietly possessed some gouernour might hap to growe to that greatnesse as to make himselfe absolute Lord thereof and therfore it was better to hold it certaine by weake enemies then suspected by mightie friendes and yet by what meanes should those bogges those woods bee ouercome which are more impregnable then the walled Townes of other countries Then if the purpose were onely to represse the sauage people the war was of no such weight as should draw the King to stand in the fielde and therefore he might stay in the west partes of England and from thence make shew of the princely puissance and state neither venturing his person without cause and ready at hand if neede should require Others were of opinion that to subdue and replenish Ireland was a matter neither of difficultie nor daunger but both profitable and honourable to the King and to God very acceptable For if credite might bee giuen to auncient histories this realme of England was once as insuperable with bogs and woods as Ireland was then but the Romane conquerors kept not their presidiarie Souldiers in idle garrison whereby many times the minde grew mutinous and the body diseased and both vnable for the labour and hardnesse of the field but they held as well them as the subdued Britaines continually exercised either in building of townes in places of best aduantage or in making of high waies else in drayning and pauing of bogs by which meanes the countrie was made fruitfull and habitable and the people learned the good maners not rudely to repulse the flattering assaults of pleasure preferring subiection with plentie before beggerly and miserable libertie That the same Romaines also kept many larger countries in quiet obedience so long as they were quiet among themselues without either feare or danger of any gouernours first by deuiding them into smal prouinces Secondly by constituting in euery prouince diuers officers as Lieutenants and procurators whereof one was able to restraine the other the first hauing power ouer the bodies of the subiects the second ouer their goods thirdly by changing these officers euery yeare which was too short a time to establish a soueraigntie Lastly by retaining at Rome their wiues and children and whole priuate estate as pledges for their true demeanure That the daunger was rather to bee feared least a weake enemie whilest hee was cuntemned should gather strength and be able to stand vppon termes of withstandiâ—g example hereof happened wheÌ„ the Romaines ouercame this Iland for many Britanes who vpon no coÌ„ditious would abide boÌ„dage withdrew theÌ„selues into the Northparts of the land by maintaining their auncient custome of painting their bodies were called of the Romanes Picti these were neglected along time and held in scorne as neither of force nor of number to bee thought worthy the name of enimies but afterwardes they confederated themselues with other people and so sharply assaulted the subdued Britaines that being vnable to resist the Romanes shrincking from theÌ„ they were constrained to desire helpe of the Saxons and so betweene their enimies their aides being set as it were betwixt the beetle and the block they lost the possession of the best part of their land That it was a pittifull pollicy for assurance of peace to lay all waste as a wildernes and to haue dominion ouer trees and beasts and not ouer men That hereby the King did loose the reuenue of a fruitfull countrie the benefit of wealthy subiects which are the surest treasure that a Prince can haue That hereby also the maiesty of his estate was much impaired for as SalomoÌ„ saith The honour of a king coÌ„sisteth in the multitude of subiectes That the country being vnfurnished of people was open to al opportunity of forraine enimies That if none of these respectes would moue yet the King was bounde in duty to reduce those sauages to the true worshippe of God who did then either prophanely contemne him or superstitiâ—usly serue him These reasons so weighed with the King that he gathered a mighty armie determining to goe in person into Ireland to pacifie the country before his returne but al his prouision was at the charge of the subiâ—cts and wheras in time of sedition a wise Prince will least grieue his people As seeming to stand in some sort at their curtesie hauing to imploy their bodies beside the King in peace no stoarer for war was forced to offend when hee should haue bene most carefull to win fauour So about Whitsontide he set forth on his voyage with many men and fewe soldiours being a dissolute and vntrained company and out of all compasse of obedience hee caried with him his whole treasure and all the goods and auncient Iewels appertaining to the crowne In his company went the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Exceter and diuers other noble men and many Bishops and the Abbot of Westminster He also tooke with him the sonnes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Duke of Hereford whose fauourours he chiefly feared When hee came to Bristowe hee was put into suspicion whether vpon some liklyhood or meere mallice that Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland and certaine others entended some disloyall enterprise against him and for that cause did not folow him into Ireland but had fastned friendship with the king of Scots vpon purpose to retire theÌ„selues into his country if their attempts should faile Hereupon the king sent message that the earle should forthwith come vnto him with all the power that he could conueniently make The earle returned answere that it was vnnecessary in respect of that seruice to draw men from such distant places for the Irish rebels were neither so many nor so mighty but the King had strength at hand sufficient to suppresse them that it was also daungerous to disfurnish the North-parts of their forces and to offer opportunity to the Scottish borderers who were alwayes vncertaine friends in their extremities and assured enemies vpon aduantage The King seeing his commaundement in these termes both contemned and controulled would not stand to reason the matter with the Earle neither had he the reason to defer reuenge vntill hee had full power to worke it but presently in the violence of his fury caused the Earle and his confederates to be proclaimed traitors and all their lands and goods to be seized to his vse The Earle tooke grieuously this disgrace and determined to cure close vp his harme with the disturbance of the common state And thus the King hauing feathered these arrowes against his owne brest passed foorth in his iourney into Ireland This expedition at the first proceeded and succeeded exceedingly well and the king obtained many victories euen without battell as leading his men to a slaughter
the same your parts still remaineth to be performed your vertue valure must adde strength to the goodnesse of this action We haue already attempted so farre that all hope of pardon is extinct so that if wee shoulde shrincke back breake of the enterprise no mercy is to be expected but butchery and gibbets and all extremities if wee driue of delay the accomplishment thereof we shall loose the opportunity which now is offred and open to our enimies occasion of aduantage For the peoples bloud is vp now on our side and nothing is wanting but our owne diligence care let vs not therefore trifle out the time of doing in talking deliberating it is best striking whilst the yron is hoate let vs set forth roundly and possesse our selues with speed of al the parts of the realme and so we shall bee able either to keepe out our concurrent or els to entertaine him litle to his liking So troups of men were sent into euery quarter of the realme to secure them for making strength on the part of King Richard but the people in all places as men broken with many burthens did easily entertaine the first commer and were not curious to fide with the stroÌ„ger The Duke pursued those of the Kings priuy counsaile which fled away from the duke of Yorke bearing himselfe with great cheere and courage as confident in the cause and secure of the euent When he came at Bristow he found the castle fortified against him but in short time he forced it and tooke therein Sir Iohn Bushy Sir Henrie Greene W. Scroupe L. Treasurer a ioyfull pray to the commoÌ„ people who fearing that if execution should bee deferred petitions for pardon might happen to preuaile and so their cruelties and iniuries should bee canswered with the vaine title and commendation of elemency did violently require them vnto death no respite could be obteined no defence admitted no answere heard yea their humble and submisse intreaty was interpreted to argue a weake broken courage vpon a guilty conscience which more incensed the rage of the people crying out that they were traitours bloud-suckers theeues and what other heinous tearmes insulting fury did put into their mouthes at which clamorous and importunant instance the day following they were beheaded Sir William Bagot came not with them to Bristowe but turned to Chester and the pursuit being made after the most he alone escaped into Ireland This execution partly because it pleased the people and partly because it excluded all hope of the Kings pardon caused them to cleaue more closely to the Duke which greatly encreased both his glory his hope hauing officers of so long aide need of so litle In the meane time this newes of the Dukes arriuall and of other occurrences part true part false and part enlarged by circumstance as fame groweth in the going was blowen ouer to the King being then entangled with other broyles in Ireland at the receipt whereof hee caused thâ—â—nnes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Duke of Lancaster to be imprisoned in the strong Castle Trim which is in Ireland for dispatch to returne into England left many matters vnfinished and most of his prouision behind hasting and shufling vp as present necessitie did enforce So being both vnskilfull and vnfortunate himselfe deâ—oide of good direction with more haste then good hap he tooke shipping with the Duke of Aumerle Exceter Surrie the Bishops of London Lincolne and Caerliele and many other men of qualitie and crossing the seas landed at Milford hauen in Wales in which conntrimen he alwaies reposed his chiefest suretie trust but then he saw contrarie to his expectatioÌ„ that as wel there as in all other places the people by plumps flocked to the Duke fled from him yea they that came with him began for to wauer no man encouraging them to be constant but many to reuolt This suddaine chaunge not looked for not thought vpon disturbed all the Kings deuises made him irresolute what hee should doe on the one side hee saw his cause and quarell to bee right and his conscience he saide cleare from any bad demerite on the other side hee saw the great strength of his enemies and the whole power of the realme bent against him being more abashed of the one then emboldned by the other he stoode perplexed in vncertaine termes either where to stay or whether to stirre hauing neither skill nor resolution himselfe in cases of difficultie and noxious to hurtfull and vnfaithfull counsaile Some aduised him to march forward and pierce deeper into the land before his owne forces fell from him affirming that valure is seconded by fortune that this courage of his would confirme the constancie of his souldiours and his presence put the people in remembrance of their faith that in all places he should finde some who for fauour or for hire or else for duetie would adheare vnto him whereby hee should soone gather strength sufficient to ioyne issue with his enemie in the fâ—de Others perswaded him to retire againe into Ireland then if succour failed him in England to wage souldiours out of other countries But the King being no man of action in militarie affaires reiected both the counsailes as neyther venturous enough with the one nor warie enough with the other and taking a middle course which in cases of exremitie of all is the worst he determined to make staye in Wales and there to attende to what head this humour would rise The Duke vpon aduertisement that the King was landed in Wales remoued with a strong armie from Bristowe towardes Chester vsing the first oportunitie against him and which in deede was the fittest When L. Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester and steward of the Kings houshold heard of the Dukes approach he brake forth into shewe of that displeasure which before hee had conceiued against the King for proclayming his brother the Earle of Northumberlande traytour and thereupon openly in the hall in the presence of the Kings seruants he brake his white rodde the ensigne of his office and forthwith departed to the Duke willing euery man to shift for himselfe in time by which acte he lost reputation both with the haters fouourers of King Richard being accompted of the one a corrupter of the other a forsaker and betrayer of the King After this example almost all the rest more fearefull then faithfull scattered themselues euery one his way and they who in the Kings flourishing time would haue contended to bee foremost now in his declining estate equally draw backe and like swallowes forsooke that house in the winter of fortunes boysterous blasts where they did nothing but feede foyle in the summer of her sweete sunne-shine And thus betweene faint souldiers and false friends the King was abandoned and forsaken and left almost vnto himselfe looke on he might but let it hee could not as not of force to punish that which
Lordes concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure eyther safe quiet or daungerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolue vppon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things First whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henrie be with good iudgement or iustice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a king being lawfully and fully instituted by any iust title may vppon imputation eyther of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subiects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which he should deserue so heauie iudgement I will not speake what may be doone in a popular state or in a consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet he hath not supreme power of Maiestie but in the one the people haue the highest empire in the other the Nobilitie and chiefe men of estate in neyther the Prince Of the first sorte was the common wealth of the Lacedaemonians who after the forme of gouernement which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their Kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petit Kings of euery Citie in Fraunce who were many times arreigned vppon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power ouer the people then the people had ouer them Of the second condition were the Romaine Emperours at the first of whome some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were sodainlie surprised by iudgement and authoritye of the Senate and such are nowe the Emperours of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not onely restrayne but sometimes also remooue from theyr imperiall state such are also the Kinges of Denmarke and Sweueland who are many times by the nobilitye deiected eyther into pryson or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flanders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power neuer pertayned to his dignitie In these and such like gouernmentes the Prince hath not regall rightes but is himselfe subiect to that power which is greater then his whether it be in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soueraigne Maiesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdomes of Iudea and Israell and is now in the kingdomes of England Fraunce Spaine Scotland Muscouia Turky Tartaria Persia Aethiopia and almost all the Kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he bee vnprofitable to the subiectes yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neyther harme his person nor hazard his power whether by iudgement or els by force for neyther one nor all Magistrates haue any authority ouer the Prince from whome all authority is deriued and whose onely presence doeth silence and suspend all inferiour iurisdiction and power As for force what subiecte can attempt or assist or counsaile or violence against hys Prince and not incurre the high and heynous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeede from punishment of secular lawes except by worde or deed it breake foorth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred maiesty of a Prince without attempt without endeuour haue beene adiudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession haue discouered their treacherous deuises against the person of their Prince haue afterwardes beene executed for the same All lawes doe exempt a madde man from punishment because theyr actions are not gouerned by theyr will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neyther can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious minde yet if a mad man draw hys sword vpon his King it hath bin adiudged to deserue death And least any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of theyr owne safety and soueraignety are the onely authors of these iudgementes let vs a little consider the patternes and preceptes of holy Scripture Nabuchadnezzer King of Assiria wasted all Palestine with fire and swoord oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slue the King burnt the Temple tooke away the holy vesselles and treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his vnmercifull soldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citty after the glut of this bloudy butchery the people which remayned he led Captiue into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commaunded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fierye furnace What crueltye what iniustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nabuchadnezzer his seruant and promiseth him hyre and wages for his seruice and the Prophetes Ieremiah and Baruch dyd wryte vnto the Iewes to praye for the lyfe of him and of Baltasar hys Sonne that theyr dayes myght bee vppon earth as the dayes of Heauen and Ezechtel with bitter termes abhorreth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he reuolted from Nabuchadnezzer whose homager and tributary he was What snall we say of Saul did he not put all the Priestes to execution because one of them did relieue holy and harmelesse Dauid did he not violently persecute that his most faithfull seruant and dutiful Sonne in laws during which pursuite he fell twice into the power of Dauid who did not onely spare but also protect the King and reprooued the pretoâ—an souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lappe of his garment and afterwards caused the messenger to be slaine who vpon request and for pitty had lent his hand as he said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slue Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israell and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle reuelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other perticuler and priuiledged commaundement but in the generall precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also our very thoughtes are strictly charged with duety and obedience vnto Princes whether they be good or euill the law of God ordaineth that he which doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet Dauid forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord rayle vpon the iudges neither speake euill against the ruler of the people And the Apostles do demaund further that euen our thoughtes and soules bee obedient to higher powers And least
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
spoyling the goods and spilling the bloud of the vnhappy people besides the ruynes and deformities of many Citties and holdes vntill his lawful inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth me to remember how many florishing Empires and Kingdomes haue bin by meanes of such contentions eyther torne in peeces with detestiue diuision or subdued to forren Princes vnder pretence of assistaunce and ayde and I neede not repeate howe sore this realme hath heertofore beene shaken with these seuerall mischieues and yet neyther the examples of other countries nor the miseries of our own are sufficient to make vs to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our vnstayed mindes and restlesse resolutions doe nothing els but hunt after our owne harmes no people haue more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other countries the swoord of inuasion hath been shaken against vs in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath bin kindled amongs vs what are these innouasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blowe vp the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen vnto vs which Aesope fableth to haue been fallen vnto the Frogges who beeing desirous to haue a King a beame was giuen vnto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a king of quicker courage then was sent vnto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually deuoured them The mildenesse of king Richard hath bred in vs this scorne interpreting it to be cowardise and dulnes of nature the next heyre is likewise reiected I will not say that wyth greater courage we shall finde greater cruelty but if eyther of these shall heerafter be able to set vp theyr side and bring the matter to tryall by armes I do assuredly say that which part soeuer shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wracke And thus haue I declared my minde concerning this question in more wordes then your wisedome yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that wee haue neyther power nor policy eyther to depose king Richard or to elect Duke Henrie in his place that king Richard remaineth still our Soueraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for vs to giue iudgement vpon him that the Duke whom you call king hath more offended against the king and the relame then the king hath done eyther against him or vs for being banished the realme for ten yeeres by the king and his counsaile amongst whome his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall lycense he hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the land and dispossessed the Kyng from his royall estate and now demaundeth iudgement against his person without offence proued or defence heard if this iniury and this periury doth nothing moue vs yet let both our priuate and common dangers somwhat withdraw vs from these violent proceedings This speach was diuerslie taken as men were diuersly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most parte did make shew for king Henrie and therevpon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of S. Albones Whose counsaile and coniecture then contemned was afterwardes better thought vpon partly in the life time of king Henrie during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of xxxvi yeares twelue set battailes vpon this quarrell were fought within the realme by English men only and more then foure score Princes of the royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that king Richard should be kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliuerance that he should be the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Actes of the Parlament holden at Westminster in the xi yeare of King Richard were reuiued and the Parlament houlden the xxi yeare of king Richard was wholy repealed and they who were attainted by that Parlament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their landes without suing lyuerie and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene receiued out of their lands in the meane time Herevpon Richard Earle of Warwicke was deliuered out of prison and the Earle of Arundelles sonne recouered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fullye restored againe to their Countrie libertie and estate It was further prouided that none of those which came in ayde of King Henrie against King Richard should for that cause be impeached or troubled Also the King gaue to the Earle of Westmerland the Countie of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland he gaue the Ile of Man to be houlden of him by the seruice of bearing the sworde wherewith he entred into England Diuers other of his followers he aduaunced to offices of highest place and charge some vpon iudgement and for desert but most part to win fauour and perhappes proiecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to preuent reuenge then to leade an innocent and harmlesse life It was further agreed that the procurers of the death and murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should be searched out and seuerelie punished And iudgement was giuen against the appellants of the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundell that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their heyres that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannors Lordshippes c. then in their hands which sometimes apperteined to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should be surrendred into the ChaÌ„cerie and there be cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannors Lordships possessions and liberties they should be at the grace and mercie of the King that they should giue no liueries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such officers as were meerelie necessarie for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giuing him ayde or encouragement against the iudgement of his deposition then he should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the common people that many officers had committed greeuoâ—s extoruons and wrongs eyther by the open maintenance or secret conâ—itiuence of these Lords First those officers were remoâ—ued and that corruption taken away with integritie which briberie hâ—d wrought in placing for money men of bâ—d
he would any more ioyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so vnfortunately succeeded theÌ„ they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but heereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be deliuered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was neuer consummate by reason wherof she was not dowable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeeres before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of 30 yeeres was continued and confirmed for the time then vnexpyred Some authors affirme that a newe truce was taken but these also are at diffierence for some report that it was during the life of both the Kinges others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparaunce of truth by reason of the open hostilitye which the yeere following did breake foorth betweene the two realmes Shortly after King Henrie sent the Lady Isabell vnder the conducte of Lorde Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester in royall estate to Calice she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewelles and plate which shee brought into England with a great surple sage of rich giftes bestowed vpon her by the king at Calice she was receiued by the Earle of S. Paule Leiuetenant for the French king in Picardy and by him was conducted to king Charles her Father who afterwardes gaue her in marriage to Cbarles sonne to Lewes Duke of Orleance and so was eyther rest or respite of wars procured in Fraunce whilest neerer stirres might be brought to some stay For within the realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the common wealth should not cease to be torne by multiplying of diuisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen vpon aduantage of the doubtfull and vnsetled estate of king Henrie resolued to breake and make a defection before eyther the king could ground his authority or the people frame themselues to a new obedience and hauing learned that common causes must be maintained by concord they sought by assemblyes to establish an association and to set vp theyr owne principality againe To this purpose they created for theyr Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious person and apt to set vp diuision and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomacke of an aspiring spirit and in wit somewhat aboue the ordynarie of that vntrayned people boulde craftie actiue and as he listed to bend his minde mischieuous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashlye aduenturous in his young yeeres hee was brought vp to the studye of the Common Lawe of the Realme at London and when he came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name hee was particularlye incensed by a priuate suite for certayne landes in controuersie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his tytle was ouerthrowen and being a man by nature not of the myldest by this prouocation he was made sauadge and rough determining eyther to repayre or to reuenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberalitie had been too excessiue for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessitie doe and dare somewhat and more daunger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashlie Heerewith opportunitie was then likewise presented for troublesome times are most fit for great attempts and some likelyhood there was whilest the King and the Lordes were hard at variance that harme might easelie be wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and vppon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning he pretented to his countrymen the recouerie of theyr free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweete that euen wilde Birdes will rather liue hardlye at large in the ayre then bee daintily dyeted by others in a Cage and opportunitie was at that time fitlie offered or else neuer to be expected to rid them of theyr thraldome falselie and coulourablie intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fullye wexen and eyther of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was there any difference which of them should preuayle sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the ouerthrow would ruine the one and the victorie the other So hee exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for libertie and Lordes could not endure together then to resume their auncient customes and lawes whereby more then armes commonwealths are established and enlarged so should they bee a people vncorrupt without admiâ—tion of forreine manners or bloud and so should they forget seruitude and eyther liue at libertie or else perhaps bee Lordes ouer other Heerevppon many flocked vnto him the best for loue of libertie the basest of desire of bootie and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became commaunder of competent forces to stand openly in the fielde And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set vppon his ould aduersarie Reignold Lorde Grey of Ruthen whose possessions he wasted and spoyled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gaue him faire and friendlie enterteinment and promised him releasment if he would take his daughter to wife This hee desired not so much for neede of his abilitie or ayde as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lorde would giue reputation to the house that was then but in rising But the Lorde Greye at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that he was no warde to haue his marriage obtruded vppon him Well sayde Owen Glendore although you bee not my warde yet are you in my warde and the suing of your liuerie will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very riche to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliuerance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in lawe trifled out the time of his enlargement vntyll hee dyed The Welshmen being confident vppon this successe began to breake into the borders of Hereford shire and to make spoyle and pray of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche who for feare of King Henrie had withdrawne himselfe as hath been declared to Wiggmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrye and meeting with the Welshmen they ioyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme of a loose skirmish but standing still and maintaining their place they endeauoured with
THE FIRST PART OF THE LIFE AND raigne of King Henrie the IIII. Extending to the end of the first yeare of his raigne Written by I. H. Imprinted at London by Iohn Woolfe and are to be solde at his shop in Popes head Alley neere to the Exchange 1599. Illustrissimo honoratissimo Roberto Comiti Essexiae Ewe Comiti Marescallo Angliae Vicecomiti Herefordiae Bourchier Baroni Ferrariis de Chartley Domino Bourchier Louein Regiae Maiestati Hyppocomo Machinarum bellicarum praefecto Academiae Cantabrigiensis Cancellario ordinis Georgiani Equiti aurato Serenissimae Domino Reginae a sanctioribus consilijs Domino meo plurimum obseruando ΑΡίσῳ καὶ γενναιοτάτῳ optimo Nobilissimo inquit Euripides ex qua sententia tu primus ac solus fere occurrebas illustrissime comes cuius nomeÌ„ si Henrici nostri fronte radiaret ipse laetior tutior in vulgus prâ—diret Magnus si quidem es presenti iudicio futuri temporis expectatione in quo veluti recuperasse nunc oculos caeca prius fortuna videri potest Dum cumulare honoribus eum gestit qui omnibus virtutibus est insignitus Hunc igitur si laeta fronte excipere digneris sub nominis tui vmbra tanquam sub Aiacis clipio Teucer ille Homericus tutissime latebit Deus opt max. celsitudinem tuam nobis reique publicae diu seruet incolumem quo nos vz. tam fide quam armis potenti tua dextra defensi vltique diutina cum securitate tum gloria perfruamur Honori tuo deditissimus I. HAYVVARDE Faultes escaped in the Printing Page Line Fault Read 11 23 played plyed 15 13 pleaseth please 16 20 present presents 19 22 sport sort 19 24 tempored tempered 37 10 weedlesse needelesse 41 18 cause fame 43 13 too two 44 13 in reporting to reporting 53 08 moued enforced 55 04 this his 55 05 chalenged chalenging 57 27 else or else 65 20 carried carry 70 13 lenety leuity 71 35 Bush Bushie 75 05 officers of so long offers of so large 75 12 Castell Trim Castell of Trim 75 32 of the one by the one 77 32 at men to men 79 25 increased incensed 86 13 Thirminges Thirninges 86 15 Lophane Lopham 88 32 confessed confused 100 10 taking raking 102 30 or violence or conceale violence 107 35 is no more it is no more 127 06 resistance assistance 127 27 Redding Reading 130 24 he had that he had 131 05 hardly shortly 131 24 was not he was not 131 27 bloud bould 148 21 reteyned he reteyned A. P. to the Reader AMong all sortes of humane writers there is none that haue done more profit or deserued greater prayse then they who haue committed to faithfull records of Histories eyther the gouernment of mighty states or the liues and actes of famous men for by describing the order and passages of these two and what euents hath followed what counsailes they haue set foorth vnto vs not onely precepts but liuely patterns both for priuate directions and for affayres of state whereby in shorte time young men may be instructed and ould men more fullie furnished with experience then the longest age of man can affoorde And therefore Cicero reporteth that L. Lucullus when he went from Rome to make warre against Mithridates was altogether vnskilfull in Militarie seruices yet in the time of his Nauigation he so exercised himselfe what with conference and what with reading of histories that when hee came into Asia by the iudgement and confession of that great King hee was preferred before all the commaunders that were before him Heerevppon when Alexander Seuerus did deliberate of anye weightie matter hee would especiallye take aduise of men skilfull in histories and not without good cause for if as Afranius saith experience hath begot Wisedome and Memory as a mother hath brought it foorth who are to be better accompted then they whose memory is as it were a rich storehouse of the experiences not of one age or Country but of all times and of all nations And therefore it is no great maruaile that Zenobia who after the death of her husband Odonatus tooke vpon her the state not onely insulted vpon the Romaines but held the Arabians the Saricenes the Armenians and other fierce and intractible people in such obedience that although shee were both a woman and a Barbarian yet they neuer stirred against her for she had perfectly red the Romaine history in Greeke and also had herselfe abridged the Alexandrian and all the Orientall histories whereby she attained the highest pitch both of Wisedome and authority for examples are of greater force to stir vnto vertue then bare preceptes insomuch as Cicero said that nothing could be taught well without example Therfore the Lacaedemoians as Plutarch writeth did vse vpon feastiuall dayes to present vnto theyr Sons certayne drunken slaues whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by view of the vice they might learne to auoyde it and Hismenias the Thebane would shew to his Schollers musitians of all sortes good and bad instructing them to followe the one and not the other And this is that which the Apologily telleth of a certaine Country woman who being hard fauoured and fearing least shee should bring foorth children like her selfe got many faire and beautifull Pyctures which shee did dayly and steedfastly beholde the meaning whereof it that by setting before vs the actes and liues of excellent men it is the readiest way to fashion our qualities according to the same Heereupon Cicero doeth rightly call history the witnesse of times the light of truth the life of memory and the messenger of antiquity Heereby wee are armed against all the rage and rashnesse of Fortune and heereby wee may seeme in regarde of the knowledge of thinges to haue trauelled in all Countryes to haue liued in all ages and to haue been conuersant in all affayres Neyther is that the least benefit of history that it preserueth eternally both the glory of good men and shame of euill Some Philosophers doe deny that glory is to be desired for vertue say they is a reward vnto it selfe and must not be respected for the vaine and titulare blastes of glory yet in wryting these things they affect that especially which they especially depraue And indeed there is no man hath so horny hartstringes as Persius speaketh who is not tickled with some pleasure of praise againe there is no man of so flinty a forehead who is not touched with some feare of infamy and shame Doe we thinke that the valiant souldier thinketh no toyle too tough but boldly aduentureth the hazard of all happes because he is weary of his life death commeth by nature to all men alike onely with difference of memory with posterity And I would thinke that Citties at the first were builded lawes made and many thinges inuented for the vse of men chiefly for desire of glory which humour except the old gouernours of common wealths had thought necessary they would neuer
haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
c. 5 Item how are they to be punished who resisted or letted the King in exercising his royall power by remitting any penalties or debts whatsoeuâ—r 6 Item when a Parliament is assembled and the affaires of the Realme and the cause of assembling the Parliament by the Kings commaundement declared and commonâ— Articles limited by the King vpon which the Lordes and commons in the said Parliament should proceed if the Lords commons will proceed vpon other Articles and not vpon the Articles limitted by the King vntill the King hath first giuen answere to the Articles propounded by them notwithstanding that the contrarie were enioyned by the King whether in this case the King ought to haâ—e the rule of the Parliament and so to order the fact that the Lordes and commons should first proceede vpon the Articles limitted by the King or that they should first haue answere of the King vpon the Articles propounded by them â—efore they proceede any further 7 Item whether may the King when he pleaseth dissolue the Parliament and commaunde the Lordes and commons to depart or no 8 Item since the King may aâ— his pleasure remoue any of his Officers and Iustices and punish them for their offences Whether may the Lordes and commons without the Kings will accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences yea or no 9 Item what punishment haue they deserued who 〈◊〉 in Parliament that the Statute whereby King Edward Carnaruane was deposed should be brought forth by view whereof the new Statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed 10 Item whether the iudgement giuen in the last Parliament holden at Westminster against Michael Delapoole Duke of Suffolke was erronious and reuocable yea or no These questions or rather quarrelles were drawne by Iohn Blake a Counceller at the Law by direction of Iustice Trisilian whilest the King made his stay in Wales to the which the Iustices afore-named some in discharge of their owne malice and some to satisfie the mindes of other made answere as followeth To the first that they did derogate from the prerogatiue of the King because they were against his will To the second and third that they are to be punished by death except it pleaseth the king to pardon them To the fourth and fifth that they are worthy to be punished as traitours To the sixth that whosoeuer resisteth the kings rule in that point deserueth to be punished as a traitour To the seuenth that the king may at his pleasure dissolue the Parliament and whosoeuer shall afterwards proceed against the kings minde as in a Parliament he is worthy to be punished as a traitour To the eighth that they can not and whosoeuer doeth the contrary he deserueth to be punished as a traitour To the ninth that aswell the motioner as also the bringer of the sayd statute to the Parliament are worthy to be punished as traitours To the tenth they answered that the said iudgement seemed to them erronious and reuocable in euery part In witnesse whereof the iustices aforesayd with Iohn Locktone the kings sergeant at law haue subscribed and set their seales to these present c. When these bloody sentences of death and treason were vnder generall large termes thus fastened vpon the lords the king supposed his attempts against them whether by violence or by couler of law sufficiently warranted but his power both wayes as it was terrible against weake resistance so against such mighty defendants it was of small force to effect that which he so much affected Yet he did not omit his best indeuour and first accounting the lordes as condemned persons he made diuision of their lands and goods among those that he fauououred Then he waged souldiers to be in a treadinesse for his assistance and sent the earle of Northumberland to arrest the earle of Arundell at his castle in Reygate where he then lay But the earle of Arundell either vpon aduertisement or suspition of the kings minde bandâ—d himselfe so strong that when the earle of Northumberland came vnto him he dissembled his intent and left his purpose vnperformed Thus were these proceedings of the king as now in counsell so afterwards in euent not much vnlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter who first solde the skinne of the beare and then went about to take her but when he came within the forrest either by vnskilfulnesse or misaduenture he not onely missed his pray but fell himselfe into danger of the beast The duke of Gloucester hauing secret intelligence of the kings displeasure and of his drift sent the bishop of London to perswade the king to entertaine a more fauourable opinion of him making faith to the bishop with a solemne oath that he neuer entended any thing to the preiudice of the king either in person or state The Bishop not vnskilfull to ioyne profitable perswasion with honest declared to the king that his displeasure against the Lords was not grouÌ„ded vpon iust desert but either vpon false suggestions of their enemies or erronious mistaking aâ— some of their actions how desirous they were of his grace and fauour how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull seruice how honourable this agreement would be to the king how profitable to the realme and how daungerous to both these troubles might encrease The king seemed to giue good eare credit to the bishops speech but Michael Delapoole a turbulent man and against quiet counsell obstinately contentious standing then by the king soone stiffened his minde against all impression of friendship Heereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle and brake forth violently into heat of words The Earle applied to the Lordes those obiections wherewith great men are vsually charged sparing no spight of speech and vsing all arte to aggrauate matters against them The bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent not vpon his owne necessity nor loue to the king but onely to satisfie his bloody and ambitious humour wherein he was so immoderate that rather then the lords should not be destroyed he would ouerwhelme them with the ruines of the state for tumults might in deed be raised by men of little courage but must be maintained with the hazzard and ended with the losse of the most valiant that neither his counsell in this matter was to be followed being the principall firebrand of the disturbance not his complaints against any man to be any thing regarded being himselfe a condemned person and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the king At these words the king was exceedingly wroth and charged the bishop with menacing threats to auoid his presence When the duke of Glocester had knowledge heereof he signified the daunger to the earles of Arundell Warwicke and Derbie aduising them to take armes and vnite themselues for their common defence for in so doubtfull and suspected peace open warre was the onely hope of safety
These three Earles were the chiefest strength to the side but the Duke bare the most stroke because he was most bolde and his greatnesse almost obscured the names of the rest On the other side the king thinking separate dealing the onely way to weaken a confederacy endeuoured to preuent the lordes in ioyning of their forces and to that end he sent a strength of men with charge either to set vpon the earle of Arundell where he did lie or to intercept him in his passage towardes the Duke But the Earle had traueiled all the night before their comming and so happily escaped to Haringey parke where he found the Duke and the other Earles with a sufficient company as well to make attempt as to stand vpon resistance When the king heard hereof he was disturbed and distracted in minde being now in choise either to relent or to resist whereof he much disdained the one and distrusted the other His followers also were diuided in counsell some fretting at the disgrace and some fainting at the daunger The Archbishop of York perswaded the king that occasion was now offered to shew himselfe a King indeed if he would muster a royall armie and by maine might beat downe the boldnesse of this presumption NIHIL DICTV FACILIVS sayd another This is more readily deuised theÌ„ done the army against vs is mighty and the commanders are great men both for courage and skill and greatly fauoured of the common people whereby that which is accompted so ready pay may chaunce to prooue a desperate debt Therefore it were better with some yeelding to enter into conditions of quiet then by standing vpon high points of honour to hazard the issue of a battaile wherein the King cannot winne without his weakning not loose without daunger of his vndoing There was then in presence a certaine olde Knight called Sir Hugh Linne a good Souldier but a very mad-cap one that liued chiefely vpon the liberalitie of noble men by vaine iestes affecting the grace of a pleasant conceite of him the King demaunded in mirth what he thought best to be done Sir Hugh swore swownes and snayles let vs set vpon them and kill euery man and mothers childe and so we shall make riddaunce of the best friendes you haue in the Realme this giddie answere more weighed with the King then if it had beene spoken in graue and sober sport and thus it often happeneth that wisedome is the more sweetly swallowed when it is tempored with folly and earnest is the lesse offensiue if it bee deliuered in iest In the end the deuise of raysing armes was laide aside not as displeasing being so agreable to former proceedings but as despayring to preuaile thereby and the Archbishop of Canterburie with the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chaunceller were sent vnto the Lordes to vnderstand the cause of their assemblie answere was made that it was for the safetie of themselues the honour of the King and the ouerthrow of them which sought the ouerthrow of both At the last it was concluded by mediation of the Bishops that the Lordes should come before the King at Westminster vpon promise of his protection and there haue audience concerning their griefes the Bishop of Ely also making priuat faith that he would discouer any danger that he could discrie a little before the time they should come the Bishoppe of Ely sent word of an awaite that was purposed to be layed for them at a place called the Mewes neere London aduising theÌ„ either to make stay or to come prepared but rather to make stay least further prouocation might make reconcilement more hard hereupon they came not at the time appointed and the King maruailing at their failance enquired the cause of the Bishop of Ely who aunswered that the Lords found want of true meaning that they neither did nor durst repose assuraunce in the Kings word which they saw to bee vsed as a meanes to entrape them the King made the matter verie strange vnto him affirming with an oath that hee was free from deceite both in consent and knowledge and in a great rage he commaunded the Sherifes of London to goe to the place and slay all those whome they found there in a waite Whether this was but a countenance of his or whether he was not priuie to the practise it is not assuredly knowne and in deede the matter was not false but the place mistaken for Sir Thomas Triuet and Sir Nicholas Brambre had assembled many armed men at Westminster with direction to assault the Lordes at their best aduantage but perceiuing their deceite to be discouered they dissolued the companie and sent them secretely away to London Then the Lordes vpon new faith for their securitie came to the King at Westminster and yet in faith they brought securitie with them such troupes of men as in a place where they were so entirely fauoured was able to defend them in any suddaine tumult or daunger the King vpon their comming entred into Westminster Hall apparelled in his royall robes and when he was placed in his seate and had composed himselfe to maiestie and state the Bishop of Ely Lord Chaunceller made a long Oration to the Lordes in the Kings name Wherein he declared the heinousnesse of their offence the greatnesse of their perill how easie a matter it had beene for the King to haue leuied a power sufficient to distroy them and yet for the generall spare of his subiectes bloud and in particular fauour to the Duke and other Lords he made choyse to encounter and ouercome them rather by friendship then by force and therefore was willing not only to pardon their ryote but also to heare their griefes and in a peaceable and quiet manner to redresse them The Lordes alleaged for causes of their taking armes first the necessitie of their owne defence secondly the loue both of the King and of the Realme whose fame and fortune did dayly decline by meanes of certaine traytors who liued onely by the dishonours of the one and decayes of the other those whom they challenged for traytors were Robert Veere Duke of Ireland Alexander Neuill Archbishop of Yorke Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisiliane Lord chiefe Iustice Sir Nicholâ—s Brambre and certaine others somewhat secreter but nothing better and to iustifie this appeale they threw downe their gloues and offered themselues to the triall by combate The king replied that often times the causes of actions being good yet if the meanes want moderation and iudgement the euents proue pernicious and therefore though these complaints were true yet were these courses not tollerable which did beare an open face of rebellion and by licentiousnesse of the multitude might soone haue sorted to such an end for it is more easie to raise the people then to rule them whose furie once stirred will commonly be discharged some wayes But sayd he since we haue broken this broile we will not by combatting giue occasion of a new but at
the next parliament which he appointed should begin the third day of February then next ensuing as well you as they shall be present and iustice indifferently done vnto all In the meane time he tooke all parties into his protection that none should endanger or endammage another desiring the Lordes to beare in minde that as princes must not rule without limitation so subiectes must vse a meane in their libertie Then he caused the duke and the Earles which all this time kneeled before him to arise and went with them into his priuate Chamber where they talked a while and drunke familiarly together afterwards with a most friendly farwell he licenced them to depart They of the contrarie faction were not present at this meeting and if they had it was thought that the presence of the King should little haue protected them This act of the King was diuers waies taken some iudged him fearefull others moderate rather in sparing the bloud of his subiectes The Lordes were verie ioyfull of his good-will and fauour which as by base or bad meanes they would not seeke so being well gotten they did highly esteeme Yet they thought it the safest course not to seperate themselues suspecting the mutabilitie of the King and the malice of their enemies of whome they knewe neither where they were nor what they did entend and being men of great wealth and great power and greatly bent to hurtfull practises they were feared not without a cause for the Duke of Ireland either by setting on or sufferance of the King was all this time mustering of Souldiours out of Cheshire and Wales where hee gathered an armie both for number and goodnesse of men sufficient if another had beene generall to haue maintained the side When the Lordes were aduertised hereof they deuided themselues beset all the waies by which the Duke should passe to London determining to encounter him before he did increase his power and countenance his actions with the puissance or name of the King At the last he was met by the Earle of Derby at a place called Babbelake neere to Burforde and there the Earle put his men in array resoluing with great boldnesse to hazard the battaile his Souldiers also were ful of courage and hart disliking nothing more then delay as a loosing of time and a hinderance to the victorie but the Duke being a man not fit for action yet mutinous and more apt to stirre strife then able to stint it vpon newes of an enemie would presently haue fled There was then in the armie as a principall Commaunder one Sir Thomas Molineux Constable of Cheshire a man of great wealth and of good proofe in seruice vpon whose leading all that countrie did depend he perswaded the Duke that this was but a part of the forces that were against them and led onely by the Earle of Derby a man of no speciall name at that time among the Lordes and if they could not beare through that resistance it was but in vaine to attempt any great atchiuement by armes Hereupon the Duke stayed his steps but his faint spirits were mooued by this speech rather to desire victory then to hope it his souldiers also were dul silent sad and such as were readier to interpret then execute the captaines commandement So they ioyned battell but scarse ten ounces of bloud was lost on both sides before the duke of Ireland set spurres to his horse and forsooke the field His souldiers seeing this threw away their vnfortunate weapons more for indignation then for feare ruffling their rancks and yeelding to the Earle the honour of the field Sir Thomas Molineux in flying away was forced to take a Riuer which was neere and as he was comming foorth againe a certaine Knight whose name was Sir Thomas Mortimer pulled off his helmet and stabbed him into the braines with his dagger The rest submitted themselues to the discretion of the victorours making them lords ouer their life and death but their yeelding was no sooner offered then it was accepted the Earle presently commaunding that none should be harmed but those that did make resistance or beare armour the Souldiours also being willing to shew fauour towardes their countreymen as ledde into this action partly vpon simplicitie partly to accompany these which came vpon feare Then the Gentlemen were still reteined in the Earles company the common souldiers were dispoiled of their armour onely and so returned againe to their peaceable businesse at home And this was the first acte whereby reputation did rise to the side and the greatnes began whereunto the Earle afterwards attained The Duke of Ireland at the beginning of his flight was desirous to haue passed the riuer which ranne by and comming to a bridge he found the same broken from thence he posted to another bridge which he found guarded with Archers At the last his fearefulnesse being feared away as nothing maketh men more desperate vpon a doubtfull danger then feare of that which is certaine he aduentured to take the streame in the midst wherof he forsooke his horse and swam to the other side and so by benefit of the night escaped and fled into Scotland and shortly afterpassed the seas into Flanders and from thence traueiled into France where the continuall gall of his griefe soone brought his loathed life to an end His horse was taken with his brest-plate his helmet and his gauntlets whereupon it was generally supposed that he was drowned and as in great vncerteineties it often happeneth some affirmed that they sawe his death which men either glad to heare or not curious to search did easily beleeue whether this were thus contriued of purpose or fell so out by chance it was a great meanes of his escape by staying the pursute after him which otherwise had bene made His coach also was taken and certaine of the Kings letters found wherein he desired the Duke to come to London with all the power and speede hee could make and he would be ready to die in his defence so vnskilfull was he in matters of gouernment that to pleasure a few he regarded not the discontentment of all the rest The Earle of Suffolke vpon this accident shaued his beard and in base and disguised attire fled to Calice and either for feare or for shame neuer after returned into England he was a cruell spoiler and a carelesse spender in war contemptible in peace in supportable an enemie to all cousaile of others and in his owne conceite obstinatly contentious of a good wit and ready speach both which hee abused to the cunning commending of himselfe and crafty deprauing of others he was lesse loued but better heard of the King then the Duke of Ireland the more hurtful man the more hateful the Duke beeing charged with no great fault but onely the Kings excessiue fauour in their course of good and bad fortune both of them were famous alike Also the Archbishop of Yorke Iustice Trisiliane and
among those of the contrarie part hauing caused the death of no man but onely in the fielde Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the gouernment of the Lordes and also an oath was taken of all the Subiects within the Realme to be true and faithfull vnto the King The king in taking this oath of the Lordes bewrayed his inward conceite by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those he fauoured and angerly on those whome hee hated by which vntimely discouery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterwarde both to preuente the reuenge which he much desired and to procure the mischiefs which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was graunted and to the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the lordes hee to haue the name of a King and they the authority and maiesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the xj yeere of the kings reigne he being yet vnder age and in gouernement of others But the yeere following he beganne to take vpon him more liberty and rule and vpon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained he did euer after beare a hard minde against them And first he assembled them in the Councell chamber and there demanded of what yeeres they tooke him to be they answered that he was somewhat aboue one and twenty then sayd he I am of lawfull age to haue the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe me wrong to holde me still vnder gouernement as though the condition of a king were harder then of a subiect This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to denie and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well sayd the king since I am no longer an Infant I heere renounce your rule and take vpon me such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my predecessours heeretofore haue lawfully vsed Then presently he began his Phaetons flourish and commaunded the Bishop of Elie being L. Chancellour to resigne his seale which the king receiued and put vp and therewith departed out of the chamber but soone after he returned againe and deliuered the same to William Wickham bishop of Winchester constituting him L. Chancellour thereby Many other officers he likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also he remooued the Duke of Gloucester the Earle of Warwicke and many others from his Priuy councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Gloucester was gathering of forces against him but vpon examination there was found not onely no trueth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly haue disgested the raysing of these reportes but the King whether vpon a generall delight to be tickled in the eares with such tales or vpon particular desire to haue some quarell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the Raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genua desired his ayde against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoyled all the Sea coasts Ilands of Italy and Fraunce which fronted vppon theÌ„ The King sent a choyse companie of Souldiers ynder the coÌ„duct of Henrie Earle of Derby who behaued himselfe in this charge with great integritie courage inciting his men the good by prayse the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to vpbraide the vices of the other And first hee passed into Fraunce and there ioyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this seruice then with might and minds vnited they sayled together into Afrike At their arriuall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commaunded his Archers to breake through and make passage dispising the enemie whome he knew to be weake and vnskilfull in seruice and not to haue that aduantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to be accompted a helpe the other to seeme to neede no help the enemies were forced to flie and leaue the shoare vnto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and aboue three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight fower Dukes were taken and a great yet vncertaine number of common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head Cittie of that Countrie this they besieged in short time tooke chiefely by the prowes of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wals and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeuour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight waies turned to their lasciuious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitiful and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another ryoting with women here streames of bloud heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken aboue fower thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laide siege to this Castle the space of fiue weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sickenesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall hauing but litle prouision and many vnprofitable mouthes to consume it herevpon they sent vnto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their countrie this the Christians accepted vpon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thenceforth surcease from making spoyle vpon any of the coastes of Italy or Fraunce Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedie end the onely seruice as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without iotte of iarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vaunting or brauing in words but moderately imâ—arted to the rest the honour of the exployt so by valyanâ—y performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glorie encreased without bit of enuie In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeres of the reigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the fauour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would haue borrowed of them a thousand poundes which they feeling much
and fearing more the Kings daily exactions did not onely deny but euill intreated a certaine Lumbard who offered to lay out the money Another griefe was thus occasioned One of the Bishop of Salisburies seruants named Romane meeting in Fleetstreet with a Bakers man bearing horse-bread tooke a loafe out of his basket and by rude demaund of the one and rough denial of the other chollar so kindled betwixt theÌ„ that Romane brake the Bakers head Heereupon the neighbors came forth and would haue arrested this Bishops lusty yeoman but he escaped and fled to the Bishops house The Constable followed peaceably and demaunded a quiet deliuery of the offendour but the Bishops men shut the gates against him that no man could come neere Then much people flocked together threatening to breake open the gates and fire the house vnlesse Romane were brought forth vnto them What sayd they are the Bishops men priuiledged or is his house a sanctuary or will he protect those whom he ought to punish if we may be shuffled off in this sort not onely our streets but our shoppes and our houses shall neuer be free from violence and wrong This we will not endure we can not it standeth not vs in hand Heerewith they approched the gates and began to vse violence but the Maior and Shiriffes of the Citty vpon aduertiâ—ement of this tumult came amongst them crying out that it was not courage but out-rage which they shewed wherby they would procure both daunger to themselues and displeasure against the whole Citty that although wrong had beene receiued yet they were not the men nor this the meanes to redresse the same So partly by their perswasions partly by their presence and authoritie they repressed the riote and sent euery man away with streight charge to keep the peace Here was yet no great harme done and the quarrell might haue bene quieted without more adoe had not the Bishop stirred therein and kindled the coales of vnkindnesse a fresh For the Londoners at that time were not onely suspected secretly but openly noted to bee fauourers and followers of wickliffes opinions for which cause they were much maliced of the Bishoppes and many of their actions interpreted to proceed from another minde and tend to a worse ende then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew and some matters of chaunce were taken as done of purpose Therefore the Bishop of Salisburie called Iohn Waltham who was also treasurour of England made a grieuous complaint of this attempt to Thomas Arundle Archbishop of Yorke and Lord Chauncellour affirming that if vpon euery light pretence the citezens might be suffered in this sorte to insult vpon the bishoppes without punishment without reproofe and blame they woulde bring into hazzard not onely the dignity and state but the libertie also of the whole Church did they not lately take vppon them the punishment of adulteries and other crimes appertaining to ecleâ—iasticall iurisdiction maliciously alleaging that the bishops and their officers either beeing infamous for those vices themselues did wincke at the same in others or else by couetous commâ—tation did rather set them to sale then care fully represse them Did they not rudely and â—nâ—euerently breake open the doores vpon the Archbishop of Canterburie and interrupte his proceedings against Iohn Astone an open follower of wickliffe and doe we think that this is the last indignity that they will offer no surely nor yet the least and if this boldnesse be not beaten downe our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne and bee made a common foote-ball for euery base citizen to spurne at Herevpon they went together to the King and so incensed his displeasure against the Londoners beeing prepared thereto by former prouocations that hee was in the minde to make spoyle of the citty and vtterly to destroy it But beeing perswaded to some more moderation in reuenge first hee caused the 〈◊〉 and Shiriffes and many of the chiefe citizens to be apprehended and committed to diuers seuerall prisons then hee câ—zed all the liberties of the citty into his handes and ordained that no Mayor shoulde any more bee elected but that the King shoulde at his pleasure appointe a Warden and gouernonâ— ouer the citty This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington who for his gentlenesse towardes the citizens was shortly after remouoed and Sir Baldwine Radington placed in his roome Also the King was induced or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chauncellour to remooue the Tearmes and Courtes to witte the Chauncery the Exchequer the kings bench the hamper and the common pleas from London to bee kept at Yorke where the same continued from midsommer in the yeare 1393. vntill Christmasse next following to the great hinderance and decay of the citty of London At the last the King vpon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Gloucester called the Londoners before him at Windsore where hauing first terrified them with the presence and shewe of a greate number of armed men hee caused all the priuiledges of the citty both olde and newe to be brought forth whereof he restored some and restrained the rest yet the Londoners were not fully receiued to fauour neither recouered they at that time either the person or dignity of their Mayor Shortly after the King went to London at whose comming the citizens changed all their griefe into gladnesse as the common forte is without measure in both entertayning him with such ioyfull triumphes and rich presentes as if it had beene the day of his coronation They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to haue satissied his displeasure but they sound themselues farre deceiued for they were not fully restoaâ—ed to their liberties againe vntill they had made fine to pay vnto the King ten thousand poundes Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselues a strange diuersity of disposition both licenciously to committe offeâ—ee and paciently to endure punnishment hauing rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience that they were easily punnished who coulde not possibly bee ruled Yet fot this cause so soone as first occasion did serue against the King they shewed themselues either his earnest enimies or faint friends King Richard in the nineteene yeare of his reigne passed the seas to Calice the French king also came downe to Arde betweene which two Townes a place was appointed and tentes erected for both the kings to meete After large expenses on both fides and great honour done by the one king to the other a surcease of armes was concluded betweene them for thirtie yeares and king Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabell the French Kings daughter being not aboue seuen or eight yeeres olde The Duke of Gloucester was so offended both with this friendship and assinitie that he lost all manner of patience exclaiming that it was more meete to be in armes then in amitie with the French-men who beeing inferiour to the English in courage did alwayes ouer-reach them in craft and being
too weake for warre did many times preuaile by peace that now they had got into their handes many Townes and Holdes appertaining to the crowne of England they were willing to conclude a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoeuer occasion shoulde change for their aduantage they would be then as ready to start from the friendshippe as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings daughter being but a child was very vnmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparitie of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to haue any by this except perhappes in his olde and withered yeeres When the Duke saw that with these motiues he did nothing preuaile he suborned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seâ—â—g there was peace with France he would release them of the Subsidie which they had graunted to him in regard of those warâ—es This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King vntill the Duke of Lancaster declare to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispense of three hundred thousand poundes in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demaund The yeere following Guido Earle of S. Pauls was sent into England by Charles King of Fraunce to visit and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabell his wife the French Kings daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what feruencie the Duke of Gloucester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his minde was not therein followed hee mooued the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiâ—t rather in his owne countrey then not at all He further reported what stiffe strifes in formertâ—â—es the Duke had stirred which howsoeuer they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this he presently answered that the Duke was too daungerous a subiect to be permitted to liue that greatnesse was neuer safe if it grow excessâ—ue and bolde that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to reuenge the disgraces which he had receiued and in policy to preuent the daungers which he had cause to feare These words of sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thencefoorth he busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now he began to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to obserue actions adn alwayes to interpret them to the woorst framing himselfe to many vaine and weedlesse feareâ— Often times he would complaine of him to the Duke of Laâ—ster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent he was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answere that the Duke of Gloucester their brother was in deed more hoat and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was ioyned with faithfulnesse and his crosnesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to disslike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrewe themselues from the court to their priuate houses the duke of Gloucester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmessorde in Essex vpon aduantage of which seperation the King stoode distracted in minde betweene feare to differ and shame to auow the destruction of the Duke least he might happily bee disapointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon he entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Notingham howe the Duke of Gloucester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruclty which was but wauering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by euill aduise and being once inclined to bloud he did not faile either of example ofâ—ewd action to followe or direction of cruell counsaile what to doe so the plotte was contriued and according thereto the King and the Earle of Noâ—tingham rodâ— together into Essex as though it were to disporte themselues in hunting when they were in the middest of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a smal and vnsuspicious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there he stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne he desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire entreatie of a Prince is a most forceable commaunde therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee intended in deede which was pretended in shewe 〈◊〉 to horse-backe with the King taking such small attendance as vpon the sudden could be in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together vsing much familiar talke by the way vntill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forwarde and the Duke comming behinde was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his iourney as though he had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thames and there shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conueyed ouer to Calice When the King came to London he caused the Earle of Warwicke also to be arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had inuited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to be gracious Lord vnto him Vpon the like dissembled shewe the Earle of Arundell and his sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the Ile of Wight The common people vpon the apprehending of these three noble men whome they chiefely and almost onely fauoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to drawe them to sedition euery man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to leade them the way all being readie to followe that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong armie and came therewith to London where they were readily receiued by the citizens although the King had commaunded the contrarie but this seemed to be done rather for garde to themselues then regarde to any others The king all this time kept at a village called Helhame within foure miles of London hauing aboute him a great power of armed men which he had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to paciâ—â—â— the common people hee caused to be proclaimed that the Lordes were not apprehended vpon olde displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should be appealed by order of law and receiue open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying
at London to whome the King made faith for the safetie of their persons and indemnitie of their goods and that nothing should be attempted without their priuitie and aduise all this was as rashly belieued as it was craftely giuen out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolued their forces and remained in expectancie what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament began at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Heâ—rie Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credite and authoritie with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of crueltie and deceite they were proude arrogant and ambitious and vppon confidence of the Kings fauour professed enemies to men of auncient Nobilitie to the ende that being lately start vp they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importunate trauaile all the Charters of pardon graunted by the King were in this Perliament annulled and reuoked Then the prelates did constitute Sir Henrie Percie their procurator and departed the house because they might not be present in iudgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundell and the Earle of Warwicke were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had bene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselues royall power in iudging to death Simon Burlye Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to be hanged drawne and quarterâ—d but the King so moderated the seueritie of this sentence that the Earle of Arundell was onely he headed and the Earle of Warwicke committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the Ile of Man The Duke of Gloucester was so greatly fauoured that it was thought a point both of policie and peace notto bring him to his open answere but to put him to death secreately so he was strangled vnder a fether bedde at Calice by the Earle of Notingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoeuer he deserued yet dying as he did not called not heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterburie was also accused for executing the commision against Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in vse as in possession and himselfe was adiudged to exile charged to depart the realme within sixe weekes then next ensuing So hee went into Fraunce where afterwardes he became a principall meane of the reuolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the Ile of Gernsey and Sir Reinolde Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to be one of his gouernours and of his counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that he was free from all daungers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceiued more secreate contentment then he would openly bewraye as more able to dissemble his ioy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceiued not that the state of a Prince is neuer stablished by cruelty and crafce On the other side the common people were much dismayed hauing nowe lost those whome they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their priuate affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishapes hapned vnto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomacke was stirred thereby to much hate and hearte-burning against the King And to make their deathes the more odious the Earle of Arundell was reputed a martyr and pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or grounde that this his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knewe the King caused the corpes to bee taken vp and viewed ten daies after it was interred and finding the cause to be fabulous hee caused the ground to be paued where the Earle was layde and all mention of his buriall to be taken away forbidding publickly and such speaches of him afterwardes to bee vsed but this restrainte raysed the more and they who if it had beene lawefull woulde haue saide nothing beeing once forbidden coulde not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare vnto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe he would curse the time that euer he knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Herforde at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Notingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Noâ—mans whose chiefest rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subiect to beare the fourme of the common-wealth beeing framed by the victors farre from equallity of all and yet the King excepted without eminencie of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornewale and made this honour hereditary conferring it vnto many since which time diuerse princes of this lande haue bene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quallity and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Duchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lorde Spencer Earle of Gloucester the Lorde Neuill Earle of Westmerland the Lorde Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made diuision of a great parte of the landes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and warwicke supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to haue purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friendes for the most parte are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Rauens in Arabia so long as they are ful doe yeeld a pleasant voyce but being empty doe make a horrible crie Now the Duke of Hereford raysed his desires together with his dignities and either vpon disdaine at the vndeserued fauour and aduancement of some persons about the Kingâ— or vpon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps vppon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controwlement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbraye Duke of Norfolke he brake into complaint how the King regarded not the noble princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extreamities vsed to some discouraged the rest from entermedling in any publique affaires how in steade of these hee was
deuised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their mindes according to the princes disposition gaue ouer themselues to dilicacie and ease whereby cowardise crepte in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glorie The chiefest affaires of state had bene ordered for a long time according to priuate respects wherby the common-wealth lost both the fatte and the fauour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canuased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoile Likewise the south partes were often-times wasted by the Frenchmen and in Fraunce many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliuer vnto the King of Fraunce the possossion of Callice and of other townes which hee helde in those parts but the performance there of was resisted by the lords whether this were true or surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose gouernment I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in the time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and ciuility and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaymed countries whereby it yeelded to the kings coffers thirty thousand pounds euery yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the houlding thereof charged the King with the yearely dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had bene sent into these seuerall countries but scatteringly and dropping and neuer so many at once as to furnish the warres fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with greate preparation and charge but beeing once out of credite whatsoeuer fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were inputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieued by some of the nobility it was by the Kings base hearted parasites to whom millitary vertue was altogether vnpleasant so extinuated or depraued or enuied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kinde of enemies commenders that to be a discreet and valiant commander in the fielde was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to haue the name of a man of priuate estate famous for the same in euery mans mouth Hereupon fewe sought to rise by vertue and valâ—e the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed byâ—men of weakest sufficiency by whose counsell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best harted nobility was many times attempted at the last wrought The profits and reuenues of the crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe landlord of this realme and challenged no great priuiledge by his reigne but onely a dissolute and vncontrouled life Great summes of mony were yearly rather exacted from the subiects then by them voluntarily graunted whereof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings priuate delightes the aduancement of his hatefull fauorites To these he was somewhat aboue his power liberall for which cause he was faine to borrow begge and extort in other places but he purchased not so much loue by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenthes and fiftenthes which were mâ—â—ny times paid double in one yeare diuers newe impositionâ— were by him deuised put in vse sometimes exacting xii d. of euery person throughout the realme sometimes of euery religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of euery secular priest asmuch and of euerie lay person maried or sole xii d. Vnder the fauourable tearme of beneuolence hee wiped away from the people such heapes of money as were litle answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the realme great summes of money vpon his priuy seales so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certaine Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires corporations within the realme to declare vnto the people the Kings heauie displeasure against them for that they had bin abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade vppon them as common enemies excepte they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselues to his mercie and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in euery shire and Towne corporate made their acknowledgment submission in writing vnder their scales afterwardes were faine to graunt vnto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his fauour as the land being already greatly impouerished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of theÌ„ strange vnaccustomed oathes which were put likewise in writing vnder their seales They were also coÌ„pelled to set their hands and scales to blancke chartes wherein the King might afterwardes cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the realme was in a manner at his deuotion and pleasure These and such like violences were far wide from the moderate gouernement of K. Henrie the second whoe maintaining great warres and obteyning a larger dominion then perteyned at any other time to this realme of England neuer demaunded subsidie of his subiectes and yet his treasure after his death was founde to be nine hundred thousand poundes besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heauie hand vpon his subiects and they againe a heauie hart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valure sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolued to reuolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safetie ioyned with slauerie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King receiued letters of aduertisement out of Ireland which being priueledged from other venimous beasts hath alwaies beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh who had beene declared heire apparent to the Crowne exercising all the crueltie in wasting of the country which wrath and rage of victorie could incite a Barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augmeÌ„t by report wherupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that
rather then to a fight for the sauage Irish were not vnder one gouernement but were deuided into many partialities and factions and seldome did two or three parts ioyne their common strenth and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little reioyced the common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grieuances to lay them together aggrauate them by construction euery man more abounding in complaints then he did in miseries Also the noblemen the principall obiect of cruelty began to discourse both their priuate dangers the deformities of the state and vpon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not be confined to cast it vpon some other who was most like to repaire that which K. Richard had ruined or if sayde they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will we sell him both our liues lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace we can not enioy The onely man vpon whom all men resolued was Henry duke of Hereford whom since the death of his father they called duke of Lancaster not at his own motion or desire but because he was generally esteemed meet as being of the royall bloud and next by discent froÌ„ males to the succession of the crowne one that had made honorable proofe of his vertues and valure the onely man of note that remained aliue of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause he was deeply touched at that time both in honor and in state This attempt pleased as possible to proue and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England declaring that aswel for the benefit of the realm as for their owne particular safety they were forced to vse force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his vnfortunate gouernment and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not prouide him a base multitude only they themselues helpe in bare wishes aduise but would also adioyne their hands and theiâ— liues so that the peril should be common to all the glory only his if fortune fauored the enterprise These letters were conueyed by men crafty and bolde yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated vnto theÌ„ Thomas Arundell late Archbishop of Canterburie at that time whether deseruedly or without cause an exile in France then they trauailed by seuerall waies and in counterfeit attire to Parris where all met at the house of one Clugney where the Duke theÌ„ soiourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side thankes on the other and ioy of both the Archbishop of Canterburie hauing obtained of the Duke priuacie and silence made vnto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sence following We are sent vnto you right high and noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and states of our land not to seeke reuenge against our King vpon priuate iniury and displeasure nor vpon a desperate discontentment to set the state on fire nor to procure the ambitious aduancement of any perticular person but to open vnto you the deformities and decaies of our broken estate and to desire your aide in staying the ruinous downfall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our countrie hath borne and the noble actes which it hath atchiued doth nothing els but make the basenes more bitter vnto vs wherinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes haue heretofore bene famous and memorable not onely within the bownds of our Ocean sea and in the Ilands adioyning vnto vs but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Affricke against the infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes haue bene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to prouoke vs to hostility But nowe the rude Scots whose spirits we haue so many times broken and brought on their knees doe scornfully insult vppon vs the naked and fugitiue Irish haue shaken of our shackles and glutted themselues vppon vs with massachres spoiles with these we dayly fight not for glory but to liue insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a verie ieast to our most base and contemptible enemies In deed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these countries but in such sort that they haue much wasted the realme with their maintenance but neither reuenged nor relieued it with their armes and no meruaile for all our diligent and discreete leaders the verie sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or els lie buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile conduct of those who can best apply themselues to the Kings youthfull delightes Among these auncient nobility is accompted a vaine ieast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieues me to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which euery man seeth our auncestors liued in the highest pitch and perfection of libertie but we of seruilitie being in the nature not of subiectes but of abiectes and flat slaues not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proude disdainefull fauorites not alwaies the same but euer new no sooner haue we satisfied some but fresh hungrie masters are straight waies set vpon vs who haue more endamaged vs by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What vnusuall kindes of exactioâ—are dayly put in practise without either measure or end and oftentimes with out neede or if any be it proceedeth rather vpon ryotus expenses then any necessary or honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subiects to be throwne away amongst vnprofitable vnthriftes And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capital crimes or by smal matters aggrauated or else by open crueltie and force his life or libertie is forthwith hazarded I were too tedious too odious too friuolus to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate the lamentable losse of your vncle other noble friends could be forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of qualitie within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neere friends doeth not plainly perceiue that no man enioyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one great
Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make ware on the foresaid Lords and suffered them to robbe and spoile without correction or reproofe 6 Item that although the king flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions doone within the realme yet he laide to them in the Parlament rebellion and manifest treason 7 Item he hath compelled diuers of the said Lords seruants by menace to make great fines extreame paiments to their vtter vndooing and notwithstanding his pardon to to them graunted he made them fine a new 8 Item where diuers were appointed to common of the estate of the realme and the commonwealth of the same the king caused all the roules records to be kept froÌ„ them contrary to his promise made in parlament to his opeÌ„ dishonor 9 Item â—e vncharitably commaunded that no man vpon paine of losse of life and goods should once entreate him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after he had obteyned diuers acts of Parlament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then he procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streitly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and auncient priuiledges of this realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his deuoyre against Thomas Duke of Northfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said king without reason or ground banished him the realme for ten yeares contrarie to all equitie 12 Item before the Dukes departure he vnder his broad Scale licenced him to make atturneys to prosecute and defend his causes the said king after his departure would suffer none atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said king put out diuers Shiriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes diuers others of his owne minions subuerting the lawe contrarie to his oath and honour 14 Item he borowed great summes of money and bound himselfe vnder his letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one peny paide 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie counsaile and the same treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the realme were in his head and sometimes in his brest by reason of which phantasticall opinion he destroyed noble men and impouerished the poore commons 17 Item the parlament setting and enacting diuers notable statutes for the profit and aduancement of the commonwealth he by his priuie friends and solicitours caused to be enacted that no acte then enacted should be more preiudiciall to him then it was to his predecessours thorow which prouiso he did often as he list and not as the lawe ment 18 Item for to serue his purpose he would suffer the Shiriffes of the shires to remaine aboue one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of parlament when the Knights and Burgesses should be elect and the election had fully proceeded he put out diuers persons elected and put in others in their places to serue his will and appetite 20 Item he had priuie espials in euery shire to heare who had of him any communication and if he communed of his lafciuious liuing and outragious dooing he straightwayes was apprehended and made a grieuous fine 21 Item the spiritualtie alledged against him that he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without lawe ot custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when diuers Lordes and Iustices were sworne to say the trueth of diuers things to them committed in charge both for the honor of the realme and profit of the king the said king so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobilitie he caryed the Iewels and Place and treasure ouer the sea into Ireland to the great impouerishing of the realme and all the good recordes of the common wealth against his extortions he caused priuily to be embeaseled and caryed away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to be concluded and sent to the sea of Rome and other regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once beleeue him nor yet his owne subiects 25 Item he most tyranouslie and vnprincely said that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that he contrarie to the great Charter of England caused diuers lustie men to appeale diuers olde men vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Marciall because that in that court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the sayd aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselues to his mercie whom he fined and ransomed vnreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily deuised certaine priuie oathes contrarie to lawe and caused diuers of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great vndooing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellour according to lawe would in no wise graunt a prohibition to a certaine person the king graunted it vnto the same person vnder his priuie â—eale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterburie without cause or iudgement and kept him in the Parlament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the bishops goods he graunted to his successor vpon condition that he should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsburie Anno. 21. and the statutes made Anno 22. at Couentree 31 Item vppon the accusation of the Archbishop the king craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and aduised him not to come to the Parlament and so without answere he was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laide which particularlie did concerne the said Archhishop by whose dooing chiefly the king was vtterlie vndone Then was demaunded of the Nobilitie and commons of the realme what they iudged both of the trueth and desert of these articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that king Richard was worthie for the same to be deposed from his princely dignitie The noble men gaue their voyces part corrupted by fauour part awed by feare and the commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one dooth flye all will follow Herevpon Commissioners were appointed by both the houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against king Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen VVe Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbote of Glastenburie Thom. Earle of Gloucester Thom. Lord
Berkley Thom. Erpinghame Thom. Graye Knights Will. Thirninge Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the realme of England and the Commons of the said realme representing all the states of the saide Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of iudgement and considering the manifold periuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offerces by Richard late King of the saide realme committed and doone contrarie to good gouernement in the realmes and dominions aforesaide during the time of his reigne also considering the articles which were openly â—â—â—bibited and red before the said states which were so publicke notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no auoydance and shift be concealed also considering the confession of the saide King acknowledging and reputing and truly vpon his certaine knowledge iudging himselfe to haue been and to be altogether insufficient and vnskilfull for the rule and gouernment of the realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not vnworthy to be deposed for the notorious demerites by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said states published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and vs by the diligent place name and authority to vs in this part committed in aboundance and for a cautele we pronounce decree and declare the saide Richard to haue beene and to be vnprofitable and vnable and altogether insufficient and vnworthie for the rule and gouernement of the said realmes and of the dominions rights and parts of them and in regarde and respect of the premises worthily to be deposed from all kinglie dignitie and honour if any such dignitie and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitiue in this writing inhibiting from hencefoorth expressely all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoeuer of the saide realmes and dominions and other places to the said realmes and dominions appertaining the subiects and liege people of the same and euery of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the foresaid Richard as king or Lord of the realmes and dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted procurators ioyntlye and seuerally for all the states of the realme to resigne and surrender vnto King Richard for them and all other homagers of the realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and doone vnto him as King and Soueraigne and also to declare vnto him al the premises concerning his deposition Now Henrie Duke of Lancaster that he might be reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the kingdom by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime therevnto and being in power it was no sooner aduised what was to bee doone but it was presently deuised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henrie the third whom they surnamed Crowch backe affirming that he was the eldest sonne of King Henrie and that for his deformitie he was put from his right of succession in the kingdome which was for that cause giuen to his yonger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of bloud by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henrie the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the saide Edmund This cunning conceit was perceiued of all men but seeming not to perceiue it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therfore the kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henrie arose from his seate and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the forehead and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen 〈◊〉 Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England â—â—â—â—owne with all the appurtenances 〈…〉 of the bloud royall comming from that good Lord K. Henrie the third and through the right that God of this grace hath sent mee with the helpe of my kindred and of my friendes to recouer the same Which kingdome was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernment and due iustice After these wordes it was demaunded in both houses of the Nobility of the commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raigne Who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the throane of estate the Archbishoppe of Yorke assisting him and all the assemblie testifying their owne ioy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne ouer my people 1. Reg. 9. 17. After all this he was proclaimed King of England and of Fraunce and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is voide of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gaue their applause not all vpon iudgement or faithfull meaning but most onely vpon a receiued custome to flatter the Prince whatsoeuer he be Yet least the heate of this humour should allay by delay it was foorthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that vpon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the King proclaimed arose from his seate and went to White Hall where he spent the rest of the day in royall feasting and all other complementes of ioy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelynesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared vnto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the states of the realme did surrender the homage and fealty which had been due vnto him so that no man from thence foorth would beare to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing reguarded these titulare circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be gracious Lord and good friend vnto him So vpon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessour the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishoppe of Canterbury sacred annointed and Crowned King at Westminster by the name of king Henry the fourth vpon the very same day wherein the yeere before he had been banished the Realme
Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certaine religious man gaue vnto Henry the first Duke of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he serued in the warres of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kinges which should be annoynted therewith should bee the champions of the Church Duke Henry deliuered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked vp the same in a barred chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should bee crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remained there eyther not remembred or not regarded vntill this present yeere wherein the King being vpon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the iewels and monumentes of his progenitours found this Violl and Prophesie and vnderstanding the secret was desirous to be anoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was vnlawfull and the precedent vnseene that a King should bee anoynted twice whereupon he brake of that purpose and tooke the Violl with him into Ireland and when hee yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishoppe of Canterburye demaunded it of him agayne and dyd receaue and reserue the same vntill the coronation of King Henrie who was the first King of this realme that was anoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse eyther of the authoritye or of the certaintye of these prophesies but wee may easily obserue that the greatest part of them eyther altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sence then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henrie the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controuersies in poyntes of religion in any other extraordinarye mattter hee did as much make the Church champion as shew himselfe a champion of the Church but afterwardes his successours were entytuled Defenders of the fayth and howe in action they veryfied the same I referre to remembraunce and reporte of later times Now it had beene considered that the tytle which was deriued to King Henrie from Edmund whome they surnamed Crouchbacke would bee taken but for a blynde and idle iest for that it was notorious that the sayd Edmund was neyther eldest sonne to King Henry the thyrd as it was plainely declared by an acte of Parlament nor yet a misshapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant commaunder in the field and so fauoured of the King his Father that hee gaue him both the heritages and honours of Sâ—â—one Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Barron of Monmuthe who to theyr owne ruine and destruction had desplaied seditious ensignes against the King And further to aduaunce him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Nauerne he created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gaue vnto him the county Castle and towne of Lancaster with the Forrestes of Wiresdale Lounsdale Newcastle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priuiledges and high titles of homour Therefore King Henry vpon the day of his Coronation caused to be proclaimed that he claymed the Kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because he was of the bloud royall and next heyre male vnto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March vnto his secret friends and so is the Pirate to the Marchant when hee despoyleth him of all that hee hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had been openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therfore the sayd Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then he that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dynt of force But such was the condition of the tyme that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon he dessembled eyther that he saw his wrong or that hee regarde it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by vntimely opposing himselfe to haue it oppressed and depressed for euer to this ende hee withdrewe himselfe farre from London to his Lordshippe of Wigmore in the West partes of the realme and there setled himselfe to a priuate and close life Idlenes and vacancy from publike affaires he accompted a vertue and a deepe point of wisedome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeelde a reckoning In reuenues he was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessiue yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew eyther of wit and courage in his minde to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to be enuyed And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared he passed vnregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so daungerous as a good opinion and raking vp those coales in obscuritie for a time which shortly after set all the realme on fire King Henrie presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henrie being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the realme assembled together in the Parlament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of Fraunce aud of all the dominions to them apperteyning should be vnited and remaine in the person of King Henrie and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henrie his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successour in the premisses and if he should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successiuely in order and to the heyres of their bodyes lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sorte settled in King Henrie and in his line it was mooued in the Parlament what should be doone with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes vsed both libertie and constancie in a good cause in his secret iudgement did neuer giue allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike vntill he might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupred by none he rose vp and with a bould and present spirit vttered his minde as followeth This question right Honourable
bee sufficient to blotte out this blemish What other action could they haue doone more ioyfull to theyr enemyes more woefull to theyr friendes and more shamefull to themselues Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The Frenchmen were nothing discontented at this discontentment of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunitie was then offered to get into theyr possession the Duchie of Guian if eyther power or pollicie were thereto applyed Herevpon Lawe Duke of Burbea came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrarie side sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeuoured with all diligence to represse the 〈◊〉 to staye the doubtfull to confirme the good and to 〈◊〉 all in order and obedience but he profited very little whether by the weakenesse of his owne arme or stiffe necke of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much preuaile when it was considered 〈…〉 the yoake of Fraunce was aboue the English subiection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and 〈◊〉 the Frenchmen were charged hauing in euerye countrie Lieutenants and Treasurours assigned the one to drawe the bloud the other the substance of the slauish subiects whose crueltie and couetousnesse laide holde without exception vppon all the 〈…〉 other vndooing by lawe Thus stood the 〈…〉 which the winde driueth one way and the 〈◊〉 another desirous they were to displease the English but 〈◊〉 to endanger and vndoe themselues Vppon aduertisment whereof King 〈◊〉 sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester whom he knew to bee faithfull vnto him and expert in matters of charge hauing in his companie a strong and seruiceable band of Souldiers who not by vnseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason conuincing it 〈◊〉 with his wisdome and credite so perswaded and partlye with his authoritie and forces so terrified the wauering people that he wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the grauer sorte with respect of dutie and faith the rest with regarde and 〈◊〉 of daunger Them hee receiued oathes of obedience vnto King 〈◊〉 and planted 〈◊〉 strong garison in plaâ—es of chiefe import without molestation if they remained quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he returned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to haue found then to haue made the Aquitanes duetifull subiectes No sooner could this stir be stinted but another more daungerous and desperate did foorthwith arise for diuerse noble men who eyther had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they vsed to the aduauncement of King Henrie did conspire together to compasse his destruction the hystories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for fauour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to beholde sodaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for enuy to King Henrie as commonly wee can 〈◊〉 excessiue forrâ—â—e no where so little as in those that haue beene in equall degree with our 〈◊〉 or whether vpon dishonours receiued in the late 〈◊〉 or vpon 〈◊〉 to see others goe before them in the Princes fauour many sought to reuenge theyr vniust anger with lewde disloyaltye likewise it is not assuredly knowne by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret deuises of some 〈◊〉 to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same vnconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to King Richard was afterwardes vppon euery light discontentment lyttle respected to any but concerning these matters the most current report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and slouth vnder the glorious tytle of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publique affayres who for the generall opinion of his wisedome and integritie was in good fauour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speach which hee heard once fall from King Henrie when hee was but Earle of Derbie and not yet come to any great stayednesse eyther in yeares or iudgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the church were growne so great that many began to looke vpon them with an enuious eye but least couetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought daungerous both to the King and also to the 〈◊〉 as verie like to cause want to the one and 〈◊〉 in the other Heerevpon many billes had beene put vppe in the parlaments houlden in the reigne of King Richard that 〈◊〉 might be made to represse the increase of religious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as vnder the licence to purchase ten pounds yearlie did purchase foure score or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wiues free women inheritable whereby the landes came to those religious mens hands yea it was mooued in open Parlament that the king should seaze into his hands all the temporall liuings of religious houses as beeing rather a burthen then a benefite vnto religion Vppon these and the like petitions the Archbishop of Canterburie and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselues and the Cleargie of their Prouinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parlament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the libertie of the Church they would in no wise assent but vtterlie withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly vpon loue to King Richard and partly vpon feare least King Henry would bee as ready to inuade as hee was to enueigh against the richesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee obserued a farre off then hee searched more neerely and narrowly and yet warely too howe the myndes of certaine Noble men were affected or rather infected agaynst King Henrie tempering his speeches in such sorte that if matters sorted to his minde hee myght take them vpon him if his coâ—â—ses were crossed he might cleerely disclayme them at last hee inuited to his house vppon a daye in Michaelmas terme those whome hee had sounded to bee moste sound for his purpose the chiefe of whome were such as in the Parlament before had in some sorte beene touched in reputation although by pardon and reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed vp theyr names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exceter of whome mention hath beene made before Thomas
Holland his brothers Sonne Duke of Surrey Edward Duke of Aumerle Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisbury Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester Iohn Bishoppe of Caerliele Sir Thomas Biunt and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell who in all poyntes both of feature and fauour so neerely resembled King Richard that the Lordes dissembled afterwardes that hee was King Richard indeed These and some others were highly feasted by the Abbot and after dinner they withdrewe themselues into a secret Chamber to counsaile heere the Duke of Exceter who was moste hotly bent eyther to restore or to reuenge the cause of his deposed brother declared vnto the rest the alleageance that they had sworne vnto King Richard the honours and 〈◊〉 whereunto they were by him aduaunced that therefore they were bounde both in conscience by the one and in kindnesse by the other to take his part against all men that king Henry contrary to both had dispoyled him of his royall dignity and vniustly possessed himselfe thereof whilest they stood looking on and shewed neyther the obedience of subiectes nor loue of friendes as though they were men who knewe to doe any thing better then to defend and if neede were to dye for theyr lawfull Prince and louing patron that king Henrie by violent inuading or fraudulent insinuating himelse into the kingdome of his naturall and leige Prince was but a tyrant and vsurper and such a one as it was lawfull for any man by any meanes to throw downe without respect whether he were a good man or euill for it is lawfull for no man vpon pretence and shewe of goodnesse to draw soueraignty vnto himselfe that the lawes and examples of best gouerned common wealthes did not onely permit this action but highly honoured it with statues and garlandes and tytles of nobility and also rewarded it with all the wealth of the suppressed tyrant that this enterprize would be very profitable and almost necessarie to the common wealth by extinguishing those warres which the Scots menaced the Frenchmen prepared and the Welshmen had already begun vpon this occasion and quarrell that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes but he thought it more sure for them and for the common wealth more safe to put first in proofe some secret policie and to that purpose he deuised that a solemne Iustes should be challenged to be kept at Oxforde in Christmasse holydayes betweene him and twentie on his part and the Earle of Salisburie and twentie on his part to which king Henrie should be inuited and when he was most intentiue in regarding their militarie disport he should sodainlie be surprized by men which without suspition might at that time be assembled both for number and preparation sufficient for the exployt and thereby King Richard presently bee restored both to his liberty and to his state This deuise was no sooner vttered then allowed and applauded of the rest of the confederates and so resoluing vpon the enterprize they tooke an oath vpon the Euangelistes the one to be true and secret to the other euen to the houre and point of death the Lords also made an Indenture sextipartite wherein they bound themselues to doe their best assay for the death of the one king and deliuerance of the other this they sealed and subscribed and deliuered to euery Lord a counter pane of the same and further they concluded what forces should be gathered by whome howe they should be ordred and placed and to whose trust the execution should be committed When all thinges were thus contriued and theyr hungry ambitious mindes were well filled with the vaine winds of hope and desire the Duke of Exceter came to the king at Windsore and desired him for the loue that he bare to the noble feares of Cheualry that he would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise that was appointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury and to be the iudge of theyr performances if any controuersie should arise The king supposing that to be intended indeed which was pretended in shew easily yeelded to his request The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed departed to his house and so did the other confederates where they busily bestirred themselues in raysing men and preparing horse and armour for the accomplishment of thys acte When the Dutchesse of Exceter king Henries Sister perceiued the drift of the deuise and saw that the Duke was vppon his iourney alas good Lady howe was shee distracted in minde with a sharpe conflicte of her conceiptes one waye she was mooued with nature towardes her brother another waye shee was more strongly stirred with loue towards her Lord and husband and both wayes shee was deuided in dutie And what sayd shee is this loue then against nature or about it shall I bee vndutifull to my Prince or is no dutie comparable to the dutie of a wife heigh ho in what perplexities wretched woman am I plunged to see my two deerest friends in this case of extremitie that it is doubtfull which but certainlie one must be ruined by the other Heerewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes that it drowned her speech and stopped the passage of further complaint which when the Duke espyed hee stepped vnto her and seazing softlie vppon her hand vsed these wordes What Besse is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on floate Content your selfe woman for whatsoeuer the euent shall be it cannot bee euill to you nor worse to me then now it is For if my purpose preuaile and my brother bee restored againe to his crowne both of vs shall be sure neuer to decline if it bee preuented and your brother continue still in his estate no harme shall be doone vnto you and I shall be then sure of that distruction which I doe now continually dread the feare whereof in expecting is a greater torment then the paine in suffering When hee had thus saide hee kissed her and so leauing her to the torture of a thousand thornie thoughts he tooke his iorney towards Oxforde with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen There he sound all the rest of his complices well armed and banded except onely the Duke of Aumerle The King also hearing that both the Challengers and defendants were in a readinesse determined the daye following to ride to Oxforde according to his promise and appointment Now the confederates much maruailed at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle some onely blamed his slacknesse others began to suspect it euery man coniectured as he was diuersly affected betweene confidence and feare and in this confusion of opinions they sent vnto him in poste to knowe the certaine truth Before the messenger came to the Duke hee was departed from Westminster towards Oxford not the direct way but went first to see his Father the Duke of York and carried with him his counterpane of the Indenture of confederacy As they sate at dinner the
to relent they decreased euery daye more and more both in power and in hope King Henrie the next morning after hee was come to the Tower sent to the Maior of the Citie to put Souldiours in armes for his resistance who presentlye presented vnto him three thousand Archers and three thousand bill men besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie The King spent vpon him many good speeches and liberally loaded him with promises and thanks and soone after he issued out of London with twentie thousand tall men and came to Hounslowe Heath abiding there and as it were daâ—ing his enemyes to ioyne issue in the field contemning theyr disorderlye multitude as a vayne terrour of names without forces But the confederates eyther for feare of the Kings power or for distrust of theyr owne or else lingring perhappes after some succour out of Fraunce refused the encounter and doubtfull it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting vp the danger or cowardise in declining it when it was presented vnto them So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings a place neere Redding where Queene Isabell King Richardes wife did then abyde to whom vppon the plaine trueth before declared fame had falslye descanted that King Richard was escaped out of prison and did lye at Pomfret with a hundred thousand armed men and that King Henrie for feare of him was fledde with his children and friendes to the Tower of London All which was as lightlye beleeued as it was vainlye toulde wherevppon shee defaced King Henries armes and plucked away his cognisance from those his seruants that attended vppon her and hauing in some sorte satisfied her womannish anger with this harmelesse spight she and the Lordes departed together first to Wallingforde and from thence to Abington stirring the people by the waye to take armour and to rise in ayde of king Richard who was saide they and is and should be their Prince At the last they came to Chichester and there the Lordes tooke theyr lodgings the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie in one Inne the Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester in another and all the hoast encamped in the fields But the Bayliffe of the towne suspecting all this countenance to be but the vaine flashe of a false fire did in the night with about foure score Archers beset and set vpon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie laye who were men but of weake resistance by nature but being put vpon necessitie shewed great manhood and persistance in defending themselues against the townsmen The Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester being in another Inne were not able by force to rescue their associates wherevpon a certaine Priest of their companye set diuers houses in the towne on fire supposing thereby to diuert the townsmen from theyr assault to the sauing of their houses and of their goods but this fire greatly inflamed their furie and made them more obstinate in their attempt crying out that they would neuer labour to rescue their losses but to reuenge them and that with the bloud of the Lordes those flames should be quenched Then there arose confused clamours and noyses all the towne being in an vproare and in armes shooting fiercelie and running vpon the Lords with a rashe and desperate rage not caring to loose many wherof they had many to spare When the Earle of Exceter and they that were with him perceiued the force of the assaylants daungerouslie to encrease and that it was impossible for a few to susteine the furie of so many so obstinately bent they fledde out of the backe side towards the campe intending to bring the whole army to the rescue but the soldiers hauing heard a tumuâ—â— and seeing fire within the towne supposed that the King was entred with all his puisance whereupon being strooke with a sodaine and false feare and wanting a commaunder of courage to confirme them they ran away and dispearsed themselues without measure and so whilest euery man endeuoured to saue himselfe all were brought to theyr confusion Thus the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury the Lords Gentlemen which were in their company were left to defend themselues against the townsemen as they coulde who manfully maintained the fight with great bloudshed of theyr enemies from midnight vntill three of the clocke the next day in the after noone at the last being inferiour both in number and fortune the Duke and the Earle were wounded to death and taken and the same euening theyr heades were stricken off and sent to London there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley Sir Bâ—â—nard Brokas Sir Thomas Blunt and 28. other Lordes Knights and Gentlemen who were sent to Oxford where the King then lay and there were put to execution The Duke of Exceter when he found the army dispersed and fled fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex lamenting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe and to his friends but moste especially to King Richard if not as a party yet as a cause of this vnhappy tumult many times he did attempt to haue escaped by sea into Fraunce but he was alwayes driuen backe by distresse of weather and so wandring and lurking in secret places hee was at the last attached as hee sat at supper in a certaine friendes house and led to Plashy and there shortly after beheaded so that a man might probably conâ—ecture that the death of the Duke of Glocester was then brought in reckoning who by his counsell and contryuance chiefly in the same place had been apprehended An excellent example for all those which measure their actions eyther by their pleasure or by their power that reuenge of iniurious dealing although it be prolonged yet doth neuer faile but commeth surely although perhappes slowly This duke was a man of high parentage of a franke minde and wealth answerable thereunto openly praiseâ— worthy but his secret actions were hardly spoken of he was of consent to all his brothers vices and of counsaile to many yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man and not so much partaker of his prosperity as violently carried with the current of his misery The Earle of Gloucester fled towardes Wales but was forelayed and taken and beheaded at Bristow Magdalenâ— the counterfeite of King Richard flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower and afterward hanged and quartred with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chapleines Diuerse other Lordes and Knights and Gentlemen and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatible nature seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in reuenging his owne iniury or rather maintaining the iniury he had done the heads of the chiefe conspiratours were pitched vpon poles and set ouer London Bridge in all other partes of the realme a spectacle both lamentable and
vgly was presented to the view and terrour of others bodies hewen in peeces heads and quarter of vnfortunate dismeÌ„bred wretches putrifâ—ing aboue ground not al for desert but many to satisfy either the mallice or want of King Henrieâ— friends insomuch as many graue men openly gaue forth that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard again as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one then of many and to liue where nothing then where any thing might be permitted The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head this confederacy began hearing of these aduentures as he was going betweene his monastery and his mansion fell sodainly into a palsie and hardly after without speech ended his life and although in this enterprize fortune gaue policy the check and by a strange accedent which wisdome could not foresee ouerturned the deuise yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone which rowling a long was like to haue turned king Henry out of his seate The bishop of Caerliel was condemned vpon this treason but the extreamity of his feare and griefe closed vp his daies and preuented the violence and shame of publicke execution And now king Richard after he had abdicated his dignity did but short time enioy that sweet security which he did vainely expect and first all his goods which hee did giue in satisfaction of the iniuries that hee had done were brought to deuision and share amongst his enemies shortly after he was remooued from the Tower to the Castle of Leedes in Kent and from thence to Pomfret to the ende that by often changing hee might eyther more secretly bee dispatched or more vncertainly found heere being kept in streight prison both innocent ignorant of this offence was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment For King Henry perceiuing that the Lords so far preuailed with their late strategeme that if their stomacke had bin answerable to their strength their bloud beginning had not ended in faintnes and sloath they might haue driuen him to a hard hazard caused King Richard to be put to death intending to make sure that no man should cloake open rebellion vnder the colour of following sides nor countenance his coÌ„spiracy either with the person or name of K. Richard whether hee did expressely commaund his death or no it is a question out of question he shewed some liking and desire to the action and gaue allowance thereto when it was doone The most current report at that time went that hee was princely serued euery day at the Table with aboundance of costlie meates according to the order prescribed by Parlament but was not suffered to tast or touche any one of them and so perished of famine being tormented with the presence of that whereof hee dyed for want but such horrible and vnnaturall crueltie both against a King and a kinseman should not proceed from King Henrie me thinke a man of a moderate and milde disposition not yet from any other minde which is not altogether both sauage in humanitie and in religion prophane One wrighter who would seeme to haue the perfect intelligence of these affayres maketh report that King Henrie sitting at his table sad and pensiue with a deepe sigh brake foorth into these wordes Haue I no faithfull friend that will deliuer me of him whose life will breed destruction to me and disturbance to the realme and whose death will bee a safetie and quiet to both for how can I be free from feare so long as the cause of my daunger dooth continue and what securitie what hope shall we haue of peace vnlesse the seede of sedition be vtterly rooted out Vppon this speech a certaine Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone presently departed from the Court accompanyed with eyght tall men and came to Pomfrete and there commaunded that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe and take the assaye before King Richard should no more vse that manner of seruice and let him quoth he now eate wel for he shall not eate long King Richard sate downe to dinner and was serued without courtesie or assaye whereat he merueyled and demaunded of the Esquire why he did not his dutie the Esquire answered that he was otherwise commaunded by Sir Pierce of Extone who was latelye come from King Henry The King beeing somewhat mooued at this acte and answere tooke the caruing knife in his hand and strucke the Esquire therewith lightly on the head saying the deuill take Henry of Lancaster and thee together with that Sir Pierce entred the chamber with eight men in harneys euery one hauing a byll in his hand Wherevpon King Richard perceiuing their drift and his owne daunger put the table from him and stepping stoutlye to the formost man wrested the bill out of his hand wherewith although vnarmed and alone he manfully defended himselfe a good space and slew sowre of his assailants Sir Pierce lept to the chaire where king Richard was wonte to sit whilest the rest chased him about the chamber At the last being forced towards the place where Sir Pierce was he with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground and foorthwith he was miserably rid out of his miserable life It is saide that at the pointe of his death hee gathered some spirit and with a fainte and feeble voyce groaned foorth these wordes My great grandfather King Edward the second was in this manner deposed imprisoned and murthered by which meanes my grandfather king Edward the third obteyned possession of the crowne and now is the punishment of that inâ—â—trie powred vpon his next successour Well this is right for mee to suffer but not for you to doe your King for a time may ioye at my death and enioye his desire but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like iustice for God who measureth all our actions by the malice of our mindes will not suffer this violence vnreuenged Whether these words proceeded from a distempered desire or from the iudgement of his foresight they were not altogether idle and vaine For Sir Pierce expecting great fauour and rewards for his vngracious seruice was frustrated of both and not onely missed that countenance for which he hoped but lost that which before he had so odious are vices euen where they are profitable Heerevpon hee grew at the first discontented and afterwardes mightely turmoyled and tormented in conscience and raging against himselfe would often exclaime that to pleasure one vnthankefull person he had made both himselfe and his posteritie hatefull and infamous to all the world King Henrie with great discontentment and disquiet held the kingdome during his life and so did his sonne King Henrie the fifth in whose time by continuall warres against the Frenchmen the malice of the humour was otherwise exercised and spent But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put to death eyther
therefore sithe hee had graunted a safe conduct to the Earle of Marche and his companie it were an impeachment to his honour without iust cause to violate the same Vppon this answere the King of Scottes did presently proclaime open warre against the King of England with bloud fire and sworde King Henry thought it policie rather to begin the warre in his enemies countrie then to expect it in his owne because the land which is the 〈◊〉 of the warre dooth commonly furnish both sides with necessarie supply the friend by contribution and the enemie by spoyle Therefore sending certaine troopes of horsemen before him both to espie and to induce an vncertaine terrour vppon the enemie hee entred into Scotland with a puissant armie wherewith hee burnt many Villages and Townes cast downe diuerse Castles and ruined a great part of the Townes of Edenborough and Lith sparing nothing but Churches and religious houses so that in all places as he passed the spectacle was ouglie and grislie which hee left behind him bodyes torne in peeces mangled and putrified limmes the ayre infected with stincke the ground imbrued with corruption and bloud the countrie wasted the Grasse and Corne troden downe and spoyled insomuch as a man would haue sayde that warre is an exercise not of manhood but of inhumanitie They that fledde before the armie filled all places with feare and terrour extolling aboue truthe the English foreces to deminish thereby their shame in running from them In the end of September the King besieged the Castle of Maydens in Edenborough wherein were Dauid Duke of Rothsaye Prince of the realme and Archibaldâ— Earle Dowglasle the inconstancie of the one and ambition of the other were principall causes of all this warre During this siege Robert Duke of Albonye who was appointed gouernour of the Realme because the King was sicke and vnable to rule sent an Herauld vnto Henrie assuring him vppon his honour that if hee would abyde but sixe dayes at the most hee would giue him battaile and eyther remooue the siege or loose his life The King was well pleased with these tidings and rewarded the Herauld with a gowne of silke and a chaine of gould and promised him in the worde of a Prince to abide there and expect the gouernour during the tyme by him prefixed The sixe dayes passed almoste sixe tymes ouer and no more newes was heard of the Gouernour eyther by presence or by messenger Winter came on and victuaile fayled the Country was colde and fruitelesse and it rayned euery day in great aboundance so that partly by hunger partlye by distemperature of the weather the Soldiers began to dye of the Flixe it is verie like that these accidentes stayed the Gouernour from performing his promise for pollicy was against it to hazard his men in the fielde when winter and want two forceable foes had giuen the charge vpon his enemyes certaine it is that they mooued the King to remooue his fiege and to depart out of Scotland without any battaile or skirmish offred Both the Wardens of the Marches were all this time in Scotland with the King vpon which aduantage the Scots did breake into Northumberland and burnt certaine townes in Bamborough shire The English men were speedilie vp in armes but the Scottes more speedily made theyr returne or else no doubt they had been met with and encountered Agayne when King Henry had discharged his armie the Scottes beeing desirous not so much of lyfe as of reuenge made a sodayne roade into England vnder the conduct of Sir Thomas Halsbarton of Dirleton and Sir Patricke Hebburne of Hales but all the harme which they wrought dyd rather waken then weaken the Englishmen and they themselues were somewhat encouraged but nothing enryched by that whych they got Not long after Sir Patricke Hebburne beeing lifted vp in desire and hope resolued to vndertake a greater enterprise the people which are 〈…〉 by prosporous successe in great companies resorted to him but hee was loath to haue more fellowes in the spoyle then hee thought should neede in the daunger therefore with a competent armie of the men of Loughdeane he inuaded a Northumberland where hee made great spoile and loaded his Souldiours with prisoners and pray There was no question made what perill might bee in the returne Therefore they marched loosene and 〈…〉 as in a place of great securitie not keeping themselues to their ensignes and order but the Earle of Northumberlands Vice-warden and order Gentlemen of the borders in good arraye set vppon them at a towne in Northumberland called 〈◊〉 The scottes rallied as well as the soddainnesse did serue and valliantlie receiued the charge so that the battaile was sharpe and 〈◊〉 and continued a good time with great mortalitie In the ende the enemyes ranckes grew thinne as being rather confusedly shuffled together then orderly and firmlie compacted and when the Vice-warden 〈◊〉 them weake in the shock and yeelding vnder his hand with a companie which purposelâ—e reteyned about him for sodaine dispâ—teneâ— and chaunces of warre he flercely charged and disordered them Sir Patricke Hebburne being cleane destitute both of counsaile and courage ranne vp and downe from one place to another commaunding many things and presently forbidding them againe and the lesse of force his directions were the oftener did hee change them anone as it happeneth in lost and desperate cases euerye man became a commaunder and none a putter in execution so the ranket loosed and brake and could not bee reunited the victor hoatly pursuing the aduantage Then might you haue 〈◊〉 a grieuous spectacle pursuing killing wounding and taking and killing those that were taken when better were offered euery where weapons and dead bodyes and mangled limâ— laye scattered and sometimes in those that were slaine appeared at their death both anger and valure Sir Patricke Hebburne thought of nothing lesse then eyther fleeing or yeelding but thrusting among the thickest of his enemyes honourably ended his life Many other of his linage and the flower of all Loughdeane were likewise slaine There 〈…〉 side no great number was slaine and those of no great seruice and degree And with these troubles the first yeere of King Henrie the fourth ended ⸫ FINIS LONDON Printed by Iohn VVolfe and are to be sold at his shop in Popes head alley neere the Exchange 1599. Crastino purificationis 1388 1389 1390. 1392 1393 1397 1398 Tranquil in caligula Tacitus in proaemio Ierem. 25. 9. Ezech. 29. 18. Ierm 29. 7. Baruch 1. 11. So did Dâ—mitian put to death Epaphroditus Neroes libertine because he helped Neroe although in loue to kill himselfe So did Seuerus kill all the killers of Pertinax his prodecessour and likwise Vitellius did put to death all the murtherers of Galâ—a Theophilus Emperour of Grecia caused all those to be slaine who had made his Father Emperour by killing Leo Armenius And Alexander the great put to cruell execution those that had slaine Darius his mighty and mortall enemy Deut. 17. 12. Psal 105. Exod. 22. 28. Act. 23. 5. Rom. 13. 1. 13. Tit. 3. 1. 1 Pet 2. 13 14. 17. 1. Tim. 2 2. Rom. 1â— 2. Iohn 19. 〈◊〉 Cap. â—5 1. 2. Chro. 36. 22. 2. Chron. 19. 6. Psal. 28. Sap. 6. Quintil in declam Cic. offic lib. 1. Nehem. 9. 37. Alphons a cast in lib. de haeresi in verb. Tyrannus Dominie Soto lib. 5. de iust et iur q. 1. artic 3.