a long time collecting was the height of the Commons and the meanness of the Lords and the King who had by this time sold and given away all his revenues and this too will appear to have been the original of these civil wars for although the last action which drove us into it will ever be acknowledged to have been the Kings misgovernment yet as we are apt to say in Malignant fevers that the last excesse we made drove us into it though the bodie had been gathering that pestilential Mass many years before so in this case the essentiall and natural cause of this State disease was much longer in collecting then the Ship-money or the Loan and this is clear for that the people did support much more then those from their Prince and Landlords too whilst they were poor and never did stomack to be governed even arbitrarilie by those upon whom they were necessarilie to depend in point of estate and subsistance it being then my Lord so clear and evident That the riches of the people in general is the natural cause of destruction to all Regal States I desire to bring this to our present discourse and will beg leave to ask your Highness leave whether the Commonaltie of England be grown poorer then they were when this was began or rather whether they are not become so much more rich as the Lands and Mannours of King Bishops Dean and Chapters and of all the great Delinquent Lords together with Free-farm Rents could make them if this be granted it must be then concluded that we are farther off from a capacitie of being governed by Monarchy again then when we first began this quarrell so that you see that it is so far from being true that the Nation of England is not fit at all to be a Commonwealth that indeed it is wholly impossible to make it any other without an excessive force and violence so that my Lord if your Highness shall yet resolve to detain from us our liberties with which you were intrusted you will not onlie offend against your owne Oaths and Principles against common right and justice but even against God and nature too for that it will be impossible for you to mend this frame where it first brake except you can take from the people their estates and confer them upon old or new Lords which will be hardlie safe for you to attempt it hath been my unhappiness to make this discourse somewhat too long for a letter but I have been forc'd to rove too far into the nature of Government in generall before I could shew the principles of a Free-State and how neer we are to it if you please so neer that the Cavaliers themselves in their hatred to the Parliament and now to your self do fully manifest that they abhor all Superiours and are impatient to be governed by others and this verie humor in them is a secret impulse towards a Commonwealth which although they do not now understand to be so yet they would soon do it if they had what they immediatelie desire for I am fullie perswaded if their Darling Charles Stewart could be brought in by them and all his opposers whollie rooted out he would not be able without a standing Armie to maintain the old Government even amongst his own partie so much is the case altered now and so strong and natural the motives which draw towards Liberty I must confess these speculations were no part of the cause which induced me first to take up armes first for the Parliament but did come into my thoughts since by discourse what I did originallie look at was the justness and honestie of the cause the excellencie of libertie the glorie of advancing and promoting the interest of mankind the making my Nation more wise valiant happie and honest then before as well as more free which I cannot yet dispair of whilst I see you alive whose noble and unwearied endeavours to that end can never be forgotten when the King the Scots and half the Parliament combin'd against us you could not be daunted when your own Grandees would have perswaded you out of those principles you would not be circumvented but did often say that towards the attaining of a just and upright Government an ounce of honesty and resolution was worth a pound of sneaking policie Oh let not those men who have suffered for your enemies get that upon you by soothing your ambition which they could never doe by opposing your reason let not those instruments who have deserted the cause of libertie be now made use of to destroy it and by advising you to purge the Armic make those Janizaries whose glorie it was once they would not acknowledg themselves to be Mercenaries put not your self upon the discretion of those whose love is not to you but to Monarchy and when they shall have made you a while the instrument of their ambition and avarice will in the least adversitie look back to the old line again which they scarce ever yet offended and when that shall be understood by Charles Stewart and his Hectors and that there shall be nothing standing in their way hither but your life the antient asserters of libertie being laid by with shame and those who were once outed for opposing it stept into their places in how hazardous and desperate a condition is that life of yours like to be which hath been hitherto so precious to all the honest partie in these Nations Consider therefore that those Grandees are like fire and water good servants but verie dangerous masters let them do your drudgery but let them not steer your counsels trust this Nation with their freedome posterity with your fame and God for a reward we know we cannot be free without your help till we have undergone a thousand confusions in the way our factions will not suffer us to agree in any thing except you lead us into that frame which will fit us and to make which you may find persons enough to assist you if you please to seek them and who knows but that the wise providence of God seeing the failings of the Parliament hath permitted you to assume this great power to that end do not offend that God whom you have so often called to witness of the integrity of your heart Consider that if you will not build us up that fabrique of a Free State you must be the first to lose your own libertie do but weigh the feares and the uncertainties you will be in whilst you live and the almost inevitable necessitie that your posterity must be destroyed when you are gone as well as ours or let this prevaile with you at least to make us a Commonwealth because you can make us nothing else if you believe your selfe not safe without this power pray consider how many plots and designs there were against you when you were our General and how many nights sleep you brake then in examinations nay remember if during
A Copy of a Letter from an Officer of the Army in Jreland to his Highness the Lord Protector concerning his changing of the Government My Lord I Do not at all doubt but that your Highness will wonder to receive a letter and of this length from so mean a person but when you shall be pleased to weigh that no man who is not too mean to be calumniated can be too inconsiderable to defend himself I make no question but you will think this boldness a necessitie and so pardon it It is now neer five years since I left England in your Companie and under your Command ever since which time I have constantlie resided with my charge here one bare moneth excepted for which space I had leave to dispatch some affairs in England Now for that my Superiours here do refuse at present to give me permission to wait upon your Highness in person as also that I have small hopes otherwise that your many weightie imployments can ever admit me to be heard by you at large I have presumed to write these few lines beseeching you to beleeve the contents of them as proceeding from an unfaigned heart and to take a measure of me and my principles from hence and not from such Clandestine reports as may possibly be Justill'd into your Eares by those that are my Enemies and will be yours when they shall have prevailed with you to disgrace those that have bin oldservants to the cause of libertie and to your person and to put your selfe wholly at their mercy and discretion whose deep policy hath made them desert their country for this last five years dureing which time they have been little lesse then Martyrs to Charles Steward and his interest My Lord I cannot answer to these objections against me for which I am traduced to your Highness because I yet never heard them in particular nor is there any charge against me that yet I can learn news of only a rumor speaks me disaffected to your present power and so not fit to be trusted any longer to give answer to this it would be necessary to understand the drift of this government we are now under which I protest I cannot I mean whether we are in the way to a glorious Commonwealth for which we have ingaged to which the great power which you are Possessed of may make us much neerer if you please or upon a transition thinking the case of our liberty desperate from a free state to a lasting setled Monarchy when it shall appear to be the latter I shall not at all conceale my disaffection nor desire to retaine my imployment that may give me a relation to that government to expose which my life hath been so often hazarded and my hand and my heart to so many solemn declarations against it which together with mine own light and reason would haunt and persecute mee like so many revenging furies if I should dare to harbour an apostate thought of being instrumentall to revert as if it was nothing in the eyes of God and Good men to imbrew two Nations in blood to execute a great Prince to destroy so many considerable persons and families who now all beg their bread in forrain Lands and to take the food out of the mouthes of the poore and their beds from under them for taxes and impositions and all this to the intent to support that liberty which nature hath bestowed upon mankind and then to make no more use of the most miraculous mercies of God and the precious blood and â—â—ars of so many worthy and religious Patriarks then to make them instrumentall to pull down a Legall Monarchy for being somwhat too tenatious of certaine power prejudiciall to common freedom and at the same time to set up and introduce without form of law justice or consent no not of the armie it selfe as is suggested an arbitaary boundlesse power solely subservant to the exorbitant wil and unsupportable ambition of one single person and that for ever who is to have thirty thousand men who are not to bee disbanded nor the money for their entertainment laid or altered by Parliament these are to be his Janizaries and their work to inslave the people in these nations to the lusts of their grand Senior For if hee have any forraine emergencies hee may raise more what hard-hearted men were those in Parliament who thought the Earle of Stratford worthy of death for telling the late King he had an Army in Ireland which hee might imploy to reduce his subjects here to their obedience and how severe were these grave and learned lawyers who judged that speech treason even at the Common Law and now thinke it none for themselves to act in seats of Judicatory execute laws and hang men and yet have no power to authorize them therein but what is derived from such another trick as that Earle would have then plaid to be short if I should examine that paper calâ—ed the Government I should hardly find a line in it which is not destructive to our cause and liberty soe that it appears plainly to be a Monarchy bottomed in the sword or to come neerer the right name a Common-Wealth established in a Lord Protector and thirty Thousand men these considerations my Lord do prevaile with me to believe that your Highness do not intend to continue this form of government upon us but have assumed the power for a time that you may be able to accomplish the worke of Libertie amongst us which the Parliment consisting of divers Persons of several and different capacities was not able to establish and this seems more probable to me not onely from your owne Oaths protestations and excellent principles against Monarchy but even from the consideration of the ticklish and slipperie Posture in which al Monarchies do stand who have no foundation of their right and Government but an armed force how often have the Pâ—etoâ—ian bands the Turkish Rushian Armies proved more fatal and tyrannical to their own princes then to their poor oppressed vassalls and it seemes to be agreeing both to divine justice and humane reason that an armed multitude which by the preswasions of one man hath broken all the bonds of Law and conscience to serve his interest and inslave their country should when the tide of their fancy or passion turnes thinke themselves as well absolv'd and disingaged from all reverence and obedience to their owne Captaine Since I have said thus much it will be needless to speake more in praise of a free state for that the best and most limited Monarchies are but perpetuall contests between the interest of Mankind and that of one person each striving industriously which shall ruine and undermine the other in that Government flattery and unworthy insinuations are turned up Trump without which noe man can win in such a game which gives a plaine reason why the most vertuous Princes as Marcus Aurelius Antonius Pius and others could
its owne pillars must have a new fabrick or mend the old one just in the place first breake if it be capable of it and whosoever shall looke backe into the turnes and revolutions of state will find that all changes in Government have been mending of old frames or making of new ones as Legislators or Senats have gone to the root of nature in this have not palliated or patched up the cure so Nations have been happie or unhappie free or slaves governed by force continually or by consent and states durable or short lived is true that our unhappiness is that great alterations seldom come without intestine wars it being hard especially in populous and flourishing Cities to bring the multitude to give so great a power to one man as is necessary to redress a disordered State and for that men are generally short sighted and cannot foresee great inconveniences till they are too late to remedy but by force this makes the cure oftentimes miscarry as in the case of the Gracchi at Rome and of Agis and Cleomenes at Sparta in both which examples there was an endeavour to reduce those two excellent States to their first principles but it was too late attempted when the corruption was growne to too great a height which if they had found and would have been contented to erect a new form more suitable to the inequalitie of mens estates at that time they might possiblie have succeeded if not to have introduced so good and excellent a model as they fell from yet one able to have prevented the ruine and slaverie which soon after befell both these people not to make the business longer I will instance in the example of our own Nation the first historie of which it is not esteemed fabolous is that we were invaded and conquered by William the Norman who either ruled by his own will or made the Law rule which he gave at his own pleasure his French Lords left posteritie behind them who in process of time grew so rich and powerful that they did not think it fit to be governed by the discretion of one man but believed they might deserve and share in rules themselves for there is nothing more fundamental by nature then that those who possess a land will desire and by all means attempt to govern it which is the true reason of what was alledged before viz. That it is against the interest of a Monarchy to let his subjects grow rich from this contest of the Lords with succeeding Kings began the Barons Wars and in the close of them our Government by Kings Lords and Commons wherein although the Commons were named it will be found if we look into Records that they had little share except to help bear up the Lords whose Blew-coats they wore against the King and it will likewise appear that they were never discontented at their small proportion and the reason is the same with the former viz. that either they possessed no lands at all or else he held them as servants to their loving Lords and Clergie so that this State was founded with great wisdome upon the verie condition of the People which had it continued the same it then was could never have been shaken but by a forraign war but all great bodies are well politique as natural receive great alteration and corruption and though in good mixtures they commonlie tend to decay and ruine yet where the Crasis is bad there may be accedents which may incline to amend it and that without the knowledg of the parties who are the subject matter of the change and as Wine changes it self by working so many times the natural humor of a Nation tends from the corruption of a Monarely to the erecting of a Popular State though whilst they are in motion they may not possiblie understand whether their own impulse doth incline and lead them this will prove to be the case of England for when Henry the Seventh had established himself King and saw plainlie that he did owe his accâ—ssed to the Crown more to the favour of those Lords who assisted him then either to his own Sword or Title he began to consider in how ticklish a posture he stood whilst it was in the power of any small number of Lords to set up or pull down a Soveraign at their will and upon this contemplation he made it his whole aim and work to lessen and debase the nobilitie that he might have the less to apprehend in his new-gotten royaltie by which he laid the foundation of destroying his Posterity not considering at all that the Lords could not be diminished but by advancing and inriching the Commons whose desire of power must necessarilie increase accordinglie which if they could obtain it was then obvious that they must strike not at this or that Prince but at the verie Root of Monarchy it self as being a thing uselesse whollie to them and indeed inconsistent with their Government and interest Henry the Eight continued in the same policie and amongst many other accidents of increasing the power of the Common-wealth to the setling the Militia in Deputie Lievtenant it happened in his daies that religious houses being taken away most of the Lands and Mannours belonging to them some for moneys others for Donations fell into the hands of the Commons this was the first time they began to bear up with the Lords who since have been abased and impoverished by manie accidents as by finding a means to cut off Intailes whereby it came to be in the power of those who were in present possession to sell their posteritie and revenues and so to ruine the Lords who succeeded them which estates too being most what spent in Court vices and luxurie lost the interest of the Peers in their Countries and made them contemptible to the whole Nation and slaves to the Citizens who by their prodigalities grew into great wealth and possest their lands about this time trade beyond Sea increased and abuses in the Law growing up made that a wealthie profession so that incensiblie foundations of great families amongst the Commons were laid whilst the Lords grew dailie to decay and that which brought them to nothing at last was doubtless the Scotch race of Kings who whether by design or for want of prudence is not known made so many worthless persons Peers here as well Scotch as English and those too for the most part so inconsiderable in point of estate that the people did universally detest the Government as we may observe by the constant unquietness of their Representors in Parliament there scarce having been one in the two last Kings raigns which were not dissolved abruptlie by them so little complying were they to his Government Now though I am no waies ignorant that the dissentions which happened between those Kings and their Parliaments had verie good ground on the peoples side as the taking away grievances and the like yet the natural cause and which was