affirm by the Causes and Arguments before-alledged against him no reason say they but that this Lady should enter into his place as next in Bloud unto him Secondly it is alledged in her behalf That she is an English woman born in England and of Parents who at the time of her Birth were of English Allegiance wherein she goeth before the King of Scots as hath been seen as also in this other principal point that by her admission no such inconvenience can be feared of bringing in strangers or causing Troubles or Sedition within the Realm as in the pretence of the Scottish King hath been considered And this in effect is all that I have heard alledged for her But against her by other Competitors and their Friends I have heard divers Arguments of no small Importance and Consideration produced whereof the first is that which before hath been alledged against the King of Scotland to wit that neither of them is properly of the House of Lancaster as in the Genealogy set down in the third Chapter hath appeared And secondly That the title of Lancaster is before the pretence of York as hath been proved in the fourth Chapter whereof is inferred that neither the King of Scots nor Arabella is next in Succession And for that of these two propositions there hath been much treated before I remit me thereunto only promising That of the first of the two which is how King Henry VII was of the House of Lancaster touching Right of Succession I shall handle more particularly afterward when I come to speak of the House of Portugal whereby also shall appear plainly what pretence of Succession to the Crown or â—utchy of Lancaster the Descendents of the said King Henry can justly make The second Impediment against the Lady Arabella is the aforesaid Testament of King Henry VIII and the two Acts of Parliament for authorising of the same by all which is pretended that the House of Suffolk is preferred before this other of Scotland A third Argument is For that there is yet living one of the House of Suffolk that is nearer by a degree to the Stem to wit Henry VII to whom after the decease of Her Majesty that now is we must return than is the Lady Arabella or the King of Scots and that is the Lady Margaret Countess of Darby Mother to the present Earl of Darby who was Daughter to Lady Eleanor Daughter of Queen Mary of France that was second Daughter of King Henry VII so as this Lady Margaret Countess of Darby is but in the third degree from the said Henry whereas both the King of Scotland and Arabella in the fourth and consequently she is next in propinquity of Bloud and how greatly this propinquiâ—y hath been favoured in such cases though they were of the younger Line the Examples before-alledged in the fourth Chapter do make manifest Fourthly and lastly and most strongly of all they do argue against the title of this Lady Arabella affirming that the descent is not free from bastardy which they prove first for that Queen Margaret soon after the death of her first Husband and King James the IV. married secretly one Stuart Lord of Annerdale which Stuart was alive long after her marriage with Douglas and consequently this second marriage with Douglas Stuart being alive could not be lawful which they do prove also by another name for that they say it is most certain and to be made evident that the said Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis had another Wife also alive when he married the said Queen which points they say were so publick as they came to King Henry's ears whereupon he sent into Scotland the Lord William Howard Brother to the old Duke of Norfolk and Father to the present Lord Admiral of England to enquire of these points and the said Lord Howard found them to be true and so he reported not only to the King but also afterwards many times to others and namely to Queen Mary to whom he was Lord Chamberlain and to divers others of whom many be yet living which can and will testifie the same upon the relation they heard from the said Lord William's own mouth whereupon King Henry was greatly offended and would have hindred the Marriage between his said Sister and Douglas but that they were married in secrret and had consumated their Marriage before this was known or that the thing could be prevented which is thought was one especial cause and motive also to the King afterward to put back the Issue of his said Sister of Scotland as by his forenamed Testament is pretended and this touching Arabella's title by propinquity of Birth But besides this the same men do alledge divers reasons also of inconvenience in respect of the Commonwealth for which in their opinions it should be hurtful to the Realm to admit this Lady Arabella for Queen As first of all for that she is a Woman who ought not to be preferred before so many men as at this time stand for the Crown And that it were much to have three Women to Reign in England one after the other whereas in the space of above a thousand years before them there hath not reigned so many of that Sex neither together nor asunder for that from Cordick first King of the West Saxons unto Egbert the first Monarch of the English Name and Nation containing the space of more then 300 years no one Woman at all is found to have Reigned and from Egbert to the Conquest which is almost other 300 years the like is to be observed and from the Conquest downwards which is above 500 years one only Woman was admitted for Inheritrix which was Maud the Empress Daughter of King Henry I. who yet after her â—athers death was put back and King Stephen was admitted in her place and she never received by the Realm until her Son Henry II. was of age to govern himself and then he was received with express condition That he should be Crowned and govern by himself and not his Mother which very condition was put also by the Spaniards not long after at their admitting of the Lady Berenguela younger Sister of Lady Blanch Neece to King Henry II. whereof before often mention hath been made to wit the Condition was That her Son Ferdinando should govern and not she though his title came by her so as this Circumstance of being a Woman hath ever been of much consideration especially where men do pretend also as in our Case they do Another Consideration of these men is that if this Lady should be advanced unto the Crown though she be of Noble Bloud by her Fathers side yet in respect of Alliance with the Nobility of England she is a meer stranger for that her Kindred is only in Scotland and in England she hath only the Candishes by her Mothers side who being but a mean Family might cause much grudging among the
John that was King after his Father by the Name of John the third Secondly the Lady Isabel Married to the Emperor Charles the fifth and Mother to King Philip of Spain that now liveth Thirdly Lady Beatrix Married to Charles Duke of Savoy and Mother to Duke Philibert the last Duke that Died and Grand-mother to this that now Liveth Fourthly Lord Lewis Father to Don Antonio that now is in England Fifthly Lord Henry that was Cardinal and Archbishop of Ebora and in the end King of Portugal And sixthly Lord Edward that was Father of the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa to wit of the Lady Mary and Lady Catharine both which left goodly Issue for that Lady Mary hath left by the last Duke of Parma Lord Ranutius that is now Duke of Parma and Lord Edward that is Cardinal And the Lady Catharine Dutchess of Bragansa that yet liveth hath Issue divers goodly Princes as the Lord Theodosius that is now Duke of Bragansa and three younger Brothers to wit Edward Alexander and Philip young Princes of great expectation and these are the Children of King Emmanuel whose particular Successions and Issues I shall declare somewhat more in particular Prince John of Portugal afterward King by name of King John the Third had Issue another John that was Prince of Portugal but died before his Father and left a Son Named Sebastian who was King and slain afterward by the Moors in Barbary and so ended this first Line The second Son and fourth Child of King Emmanuel was Named Lord Lewis and died also without Issue Legitimate as is supposed for that Don Antonio his Son that afterward was proclaimed King by the People of Lisbone and now liveth in England was taken by all men to be unlawful as presently more at large shall be shewed so as after the Death of King Sebastian there entred the Cardinal Lord Henry which was third Son of King Emmanuel and Great-Uncle to Sabastian lately Desceased for that he was Brother to King John the third that was Grand Father to King Sebastian And albeit there wanted not some according as the Authors Write which afterward I shall Name who affirmed and held that King Philip of Spain should have succeeded King Sebastian before the Cardinal for that he was nearer in Consanguinity to him than was the Cardinal for that besides that King Philip was Son of King Emmanuâ—ls Eldest Daughter he was Brother also to King Sebastians Mother yet the said Cardinal entred peaceably and by consent of all parties but for that he was Old and Unmarried and not like to leave any Child of his own there began presently the Contention in his days who should be his Successor To which Succession did pretend five Princes of the Blood-Royal of Portugal besides the Lady Catharine Queen-Mothers of France who pretended by her Mothers side to be Descended of one Lord Ralph Earl of Bullain in Piccardy which Ralph was Eldest Son of Alfonsus the third King of Portugal which Alfonsus before he was King to wit in the time of his Eldest Brother King Sanches of Portugal was Married to the Countess and Heir of Bullain Named Mathildis and had by her this Ralph But afterwards this Alfonsus coming to be King of Portugal he Married again with the King of Castile's Daughter and had by her a Son called Denyse who reigned after him and his Successors unto this day all which Succession of King Denyse and his Posterity the said Queen Mother would have improved and shewed that it appertained unto her by the said Raphe and for this cause sent she to Portugal one Lord Vrban Bishop of Comince in Gascony to plead her Cause which Cause of hers was quickly rejected and only the aforesaid five Princes Descended of King Emmanuel's Children were admitted to the Tryal for the same which were Don Antonio Son of Lord Lewis the King Cardinals Elder Brother and King Philip of Spain Son of Lady Elizabeth the Eldest Sister of the said Cardinal and Philibert Duke of Savoy Son of the Lady Beatrix the same Cardinals Younger Sister and the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa named Mary and Catharine Daughters of Lord Edward Younger Brother of the said Cardinal and Youngest Child of the said King Emmanuel And for that the Lady Mary Dutchess of Parma which was the Elder of the two Daughters was Dead before this Controversy fell out her Eldest Son Lord Ranutio now Duke of Parma pretended by her Right to the said Crown And for that this matter was of so great Importance every party procured to lay down their Reasons and declared their Rights in the best manner they could and such as could not be present themselves in Portugal sent thither their Agents Embassadors and Attorneys to plead their Cause for them Don Antonio and the Dutchess of Bragansa as Inhabitants of that Kingdom were present and declared their pretences Namely Don Antonio by himself and for himself and the Lady Mary of Bragansa by her Husband the Duke and his Learned Councel The Prince of Parma sent thither for his part one Ferdinando Farneso Bishop of Parma The Duke of â—avoy seâ—t Charles of Rovere afterward made Cardinal The King of Spain as the greatest pretender sent the Lord Peter Gyron Duke of Osuna afterward Viceroy of Naples and Sir Christopher de Mora Knight of his Chamber at that time but since of his Privy-Council and lately made Earl of Castil Rodrigo in Portugal of which Country he is a Native and besides these two a great Lawyer Named Roderigo Vasques made since as I hear say Lord President of Castil which is as much almost as Lord Chancellor with us All these did lay forth before the King Cardinal their several Reasons and Pretensions to the Succession of the Crown of Portugal for the five persons before-mentioned whereof two were quickly excluded to wit the Duke of Savoy for that his Mother was Younger Sister to King Philip's Mother and himself also of less Age then the said King And secondly Don Antonio was also excluded by publick and Judicial Sentence of the King Cardinal his Uncle as Illegitimate and Born out of lawful Wedlock And Albeit Don Antonio denyed the same and went about to prove himself Legitimate affirming that his Father the Lord Lewis before his Death had Married with his Mother in secret and for this brought forth some Witnesses as Namely his Mothers Sister with her Husband and two others Yet the King Cardinal affirmed that upon Examination he had found them Suborned which he said was evident to him partly for that they agreed not in their Speeches and partly for that some of them had Confessed the same to wit that they were Suborned whom he cast into Prison and caused them to be punished And so sitting in Judgment accompanied with four Bishops and four Lawyers whom he had called to assist him in this Cause he pronounced the same Don Antonio to be a Bastard for
which the Authors that I have read about this matter which are principally two the first Named Hierom Frank a Gentleman of Genoâ—a who Wrote ten Books in Italian of the Union of the Crown of Portugal to Castilia and the second is Named Joannes Antonius Viperanus a Sicilian as I take him who Wrote one Book only in Latine De obtenta Portugallia à Rege Catholico Phillippo of Portugal got by King Philip the Catholick both these Books I say out of whom principally I have taken the Points which here I will touch do severally set down the causes following why the King Cardinal did reject the pretence of Don Antonio before all other pretenders and pronounced him a Bastard First For that he had been ever so taken all the time of his Fathers Life and no man ever doubted thereof or called the matter in question until now that himself denyed the same Secondly for that in the time of Julius Tertius the Pope when certain Decrees came out from Rome against the promotion of Bastards the same Don Antonio Sued to the said Pope to be Dispensed withal in that Case which argueth that then he knew himself not Legitimate Thirdly that his Father the Lord Lewis had often times both by Word and Writing testified the same that this Antonio was his Bastard and had signified also so much in his last Will and Testament Fourthly The said Cardinal as of himself also affirmed that if his Brother the Lord Lewis had ever done any such thing as to Marry this Woman who was but Base in Birth and of Jewish Race as these Stories do affirm That it is like that he would have made some of his own Friends acquainted therewith as a matter so much Important Important for them to know but he never did though the said Cardinal avowed that himself was present with him at his death Fifthly he said that if Don Antonio had been Legitimate how happened that he did not pretend the Succession before the Cardinal himself next after the death of Sabastin seeing that he was to have gone before the said Cardinal by as good Right as his other Nephew Sabastian did if he had been Legitimate for that he was Son also to the Cardinals Elder Brother as hath been said Sixthly and lastly the said King Cardinal avowched against Don Antonio partly the disagreeing and partly the open confessing of the Witnesses that they were to be Suborned by him upon all which Causes and Considerations he proceeded to the Judicial Sentence before alledged Thus passed the matter in the Case of Don Antonio who if he had been Legitimate no doubt but by all Right he should have been preferred before all the other pretenders to the Crown of Portugal and must be at this day towards the Crown of England before all those that pretend of the house of Portugal if we grant him to be Legitimate and much more clearly may he pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster as before hath been declared for that it must descend to the lawful Heir of Lady Phillipa Queen of Portugal whereof ensueth also one consideration not impertinent to us of England that seeing we hold him there for true King of Portugal I see not how we can deny him his Right to the said Dukedom at least of Lancaster whereof if we would give him but the possession with all the Appurtenances as they lye it were no evil entertainment for him in our Country until he could get the possession of the Crown in his own After the exclusions of these two pretenders to wit of the Duke of Savoy and of Don Antonio the whole controversy for Portugal remained between the other three which were the King of Spain Son of Lady Isabel eldest Daughter of King Emmanuel and the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa Daughters of the younger Son of the said King Emmanuel to wit of the Lord Edward Infant of Portugal And First of all for that the eldest of these two Ladies to wit Mary Dutchess of Parma was now dead her Eldest Son Lord Ranutio now Duke of Parma entred in her place and alledged that he represented his Mother and she her Father Lord Edward which Lord if he had been alive he should no doubt have been preferred before his Elder Sister Lady Elizabeth Mother of King Philip and consequently that the said Lord Edward's Issue ought to be preferred before her Issue and this he alledged against King Philip. And against the Dutchess of Bragansa he alledged that his said Mother was the Elder Sister and for that cause he which now possessed her Right and represented her Person was to be preferred before the said Lady Katharine Dutchess of Bragansa so that the Foundation of this pretence of the Duke of Parma was that he was Nephew to the Lord Edward by his eldest Daughter and that to King Emmanuel he was Nephew once removed by his Son whereas King Philip was Nephew but by his Daughter only and that the Lady Katharine of Bragansa was only second Daughter to the said Lord Edward But to this was answered for the same Lady Katharine First that she was born and bred in Portugal and therefore more to be favoured in this Action than either King Philip or the Duke of Parma which were foreign born And secondly against King Philip In particular she used the same argument that before the Duke of Parma had done which is that she was Daughter of Lord Edward son of King Emmanuel whose Right was better than his Sisters and consequently that his Children were to be preferred before the Child of his Sister in this pretence to wit before King Philip. And thirdly against the Duke of Parma she alledged that she was one degree nearer in propinquity oâ— Blood unto King Emmanuel and unto King Henry the Cardinal than the Duke of Parma was which was but Nephew and she Daughter to the said Lord Edward that was Brother to the said Lord Cardinal and Son of King Emmanuel And when for the Duke of Parma it was affirmed that he represented his Mothers place that was the elder Sister answer was made that no Representation was admitted in this case of the Succession to the Crown of Portugal but that every pretender was to be considered and taken in his own person only and to be preferred according to degree in propinquity of Blood to the former Princes and if it happened that they should be in equal degree then each party to be preferred according to the Prerogatives only of his person to wit the Man before the Woman and the Elder before the Younger And for that the Lady Catharine of Bragansa was nearer by one degree 〈◊〉 her Father Lord Edward than was the Duke of Parma who was but Nephew therefore she was to be preferred and many great Books were written by Lawyers in this Ladies behalf and her Right was generally held in Portugal to be preferred before the other of Paâ—ma
affirmeth the state of Kingly Government to be most excellent it may seem he meant it absolutely signifying thereby that this is the best kind of Government among all others though to confess the truth between the Title of King and Emperor there is little or no difference in substance but only in name for that the Authority is equal every King is an Emperor in his own Kingdom And finally the excellency of this Government above all other is not only proved by the perfection thereof in it self as for that it is most Ancient Simple and conform unto Nature and most resembling the Government of God himself as hath been said but by the effects also and utility that it bringeth unto the Subjects with far less Inconveniences then any other Form of Government whatsoever if we compare them together For in the Monarchy of one King there is more Unity Agreement and Conformity and thereby also celerity in dispatching of business and is defending the Common-wealth then where many heads be less Passions also in one man then in many as for example in Democratia where the Common people do bear the chief sway which is Bellua multorum capitum as Cicero wisely said that is a beast of many Heads there is nothing but sedition trouble tumults outrages and injustices committed upon every little occasion especially where Crafty and Cunning men may be admitted to insense or asswage them with Sugred words such as were the Orators in Athens and other Cities of Greece that had this Government and the Tribunes of the people of Rome and other such popular and plausible men who could move the waves raise up the winds and inkindle the fire of the vulgar peoples affections passions or furies at their pleasure by which we see that of all other Common-wealths these of Popular Government have have soonest come to ruine which might be shewed not only by old examples of Greece Asia and Africa but also of many Cities in Italy as Florence Bolonia Siena Pisa Arezzo Spoleto Perugia Padua and others which upon the fall or diminution of the Roman Empire under which they were before took unto themselves Popular Governments wherein they were so tossed with continual Sedition Mutinies and banding of Factions as they could never have end thereof until after Infinite Murthers Massacres and Innundation of Blood they came in the end to be under the Monarchy of some one Prince or other as at this day they remain so that of all other Governments this is the worst The second Form which is called Oligarchia or Aristocratia for that a few and those presumed to be the best are joyned together in Authority as it doth participate some thing of both the other Governments to wit of Monarchia and Democratia or rather tempereth them both so hath it both good and evil in it but yet it inclineth more to the evil for the disunion that commonly by mans infirmity and malice is among those heads for which cause the States before-named of Venice and Genua which were wont to have simply this Government of Aristocratia in that their Regiment was by certain chuse Senators were inforced in the end to chuse Dukes also as Heads of their Senates for avoiding of dissention and so they have them at this day though their authority be but small as hath been said We see also by the examples of Carthage and Rome where Government of Aristocratia took place that the Division and Factions among the Senators of Carthage was the cause why Aid and Succour was not sent to Hannibal their Captain in Italy after his so great and Important Victory at Cannas which was the very cause of the saving of the Roman Empire and the loss of their own As also afterwards the Emulations Discord and Disunion of the Roman Senators among themselves in the Affairs and Contentions of Marius and Silla and of Pompey and Caesar was the occasion of all their destruction and of the Common-wealth with them Evident then it is that of all other Governments the Monarchy is the best and least subject to the Inconveniences that other Governments have and if the Prince that governeth alone and hath Supream Authority to himself as he resembleth God in this point of sole Government so could he resemble him also in Wise Discreet and Just Government and in ruling without Passion no doubt but that nothing more excellent in the world could be desired for the perfect felicity of his Subjects but for that a King or Prince is a man as others be and thereby not only subject to errors in Judgment but also to passionate affections in his will for this cause it was necessary that the Commonwealth as it gave him this great power over them so it should assign him also the best helps that might be for directing and rectifying both his will and judgment and make him therein as like in Government to God whom he representeth as mans frailty can reach unto For this consideration they assigned to him first of all the assistance and direction of Law whereby to govern which Law Aristotle saith Est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu it is a certain mind disquited with no disordinate affection as mens minds commonly be for that when a Law is made for the most part it is made upon due consideration and deliberation and without perturbation of evil affections as anger envy hatred rashness or the like passions and it is referred to some good end and commodity of the Common-wealth which Law being once made remaineth so still without alteration or partial affection being indifferent to all and partial to none but telleth one tale to every man and in this it resembleth the perfection as it were of God himself for the which cause the said Philosopher in the same place addeth a notable wise saying viz. That he which joyneth a Law to govern with the Prince joyneth God to the Prince but he that joyneth to the Prince his affection to govern joyneth a Beast for that mens affections and concupisenses are common also to Beasts so that a Prince ruling by Law is more than a man or a man deified and a Prince ruling by affections is less than a man or a man bruitified In another place also the same Philosopher saith That a Prince that leaveth Law and ruleth himself and others by his own appetite and affections of all Creatures is the worst and of all Beasts is the most furious and dangerous for that nothing is so outragious as Injustice armed and no Armour is so strong as Wit and Authority whereof the first he hath in that he is a Man and the other in that he is a Prince For this cause then all Commonwealths have prescribed Laws unto their Princes to govern thereby as by a most excellent certain and immutable rule to which sense Cicero said Leges sunt inventae ut omnibus semper una eadem
voce loquerentur Laws were invented to the end they should speak in one and the self-same sense to all men For which very reason in like manner these Laws have been called by Phylosophers a Rule or Square inflexible and by Aristotle in particular a mind without passion as hath been said but the Prophet David who was also a Prince and a King seemeth to call it by the name of Discipline for that as Discipline doth keep all the parts of a Man or of a particular House in order so Law well ministred keepeth all the parts of a Commonwealth in good order and to shew how severely God exacteth this at all Princes hands he saith these words And now learn ye Kings and be instructed you that judge the World Serve God in fear and rejoyce in him with trembling embrace ye Discipline lest he enter into wrath and so ye perish from the way of Righteousness Which words being uttered by a Prophet and a King do contain divers points of much consideration for this purpose As first that Kings and Princes are bound to learn Law and Discipline and secondly to observe the same with great humility and fear of God's wrath and thirdly that if they do not they shall perish from the way of Righteousness as though the greatest plague of all to a Prince were to lose the way of Righteousness Law and Reason in his Government and to give himself over to passion and his own will whereby they are sure to come to Shipwrack And thus much for the first help The second help that Commonwealths have given to their Kings and Princes especially in latter Ages hath been certain Counsels and Counsellors with whom to consult in matters of importance as we see the Parliaments of England and France the Courts in Spain and Dyets in Germany without which no matters of moment can be concluded And besides this commonly every King hath his Privy-Councel whom he is bound to hear and this was done to temper somewhat the absolute form of a Monarchy whose danger is by reason of his sole Authority to fall into Tyranny as Aristotle wisely noteth in his fourth Book of Politicks shewing the inconvenience or dangers of Government which is the cause that we have few or no simple Monarchies now in the world especially among Christians but all are mixt lightly with divers points of the other two forms of Government also and namely in England all three do enter more or less for in that there is one King or Queen it is a Monarchy in that it hath certain Counsels that must be heard it participateth of Aristocratia and in that the Commonalty have their Voices and Burgesses in Parliament it taketh part also of Democratia or popular Government All which limitations of the Princes absolute Authority as you see do come from the Common-wealth as having Authority above their Princes for their restraint to the good of the Realm as more at large shall be proved hereafter From like Authority and for like Considerations have come the limitations of other Kings and Kingly power in all times and Countries from the beginning both touching themselves and their Posterity and Successors as briefly in this place I shall declare And first of all if we will consider the two most renowned and allowed States of all the World I mean that of the Romans and Grecians we shall find that both of them began with Kings but yet with far different Laws and Restraints about their Authorities For in Rome the Kings that succeeded Romulus their first Founder had as great and absolute Authority as ours have now adays but yet their Children or next in Bloud succeeded them not of necessity but new Kings were chosen partly by the Senate and partly by the People as Titus Livius testifieth so as of three most excellent Kings that ensued immediately after Romulus viz. Numa Pompilius Tullius Hostilius and Tarquinus Priscus none of them were of the Bloud-Royal nor of Kin the one to the other no nor yet Romans born but chosen rather from among strangers for their Vertue and Valour and that by election of the Senate and consent of the People In Greece and namely among the Lacedemonians which was the most eminent Kingdom among others at that time the succession of Children after their Fathers was more certain but yet as Aristotle noteth their Authority and Power was so restrained by certain Officers of the people named Ephori which commonly were five in number as they were not only checked and chastned by them if occasion served but also deprived and sometimes put to death For which cause the said Phylosopher did justly mislike this eminent Jurisdiction of the Ephori over their Kings But yet we see hereby what Authority the Commonwealth had in this case and what their meaning was in making Laws and restraining their Kings Power to wit thereby the more to bind them to do Justice which Cicero in his Offices uttereth in these words Justitiae fruendae causa apud majores nostros in Asia in Europa bene moraâ—i reges olim sunt constituti c. at cum jus aequabile ab uno viro homines non consequerentur inventae sunt leges Good Kings were appointed in old time among our ancestors in Asia and Europe to the end thereby to obtain Justice but when men could not obtain equal Justice at one mans hands they invented Laws The same reason yieldeth the same Phylosopher in another place not only of the first Institution of Kingdoms but also of the change thereof again into other Governments when these were abused Omnes antiquae gentes regibus quondam paruerunt c. That is All old Nations did live under Kingdoms at the beginning which kind of Government first they gave unto the most just and wisest men which they could find and also after for love of them they gave the same to their Postesity or next in Kin as now also it remaineth where Kingly Government is in use But other Countries which liked not that form of Government and have shaken it off have done it not that they will not be under any but for that they will not be ever under one only Thus far Cicero and he speaketh this principally in defence of his own Commonwealth I mean the Roman which had cast off that kind of Government as before hath been said for the Offence they had taken against certain Kings of theirs and first of all against Romulus himself their first Founder for reigning at his pleasure without Law as Titus Livius testifieth for which cause the Senators at length slew him and cut him in small pieces And afterwards they were greatly grieved at the entring of Servius Tullius their sixth King for that he got the Crown by fraud and not by election of the Senate and special approbation of the People as he should have done But most of all they
also in that of Polidor it may be noted that King Henry the Fifth was not called King until after his Coronation but only Prince though his Father King Henry the Fourth had been dead now almost a month before and secondly that the Parliament consulted de Rege creando more majorum as Polidor his words are that is of making a new King according to the antient custom of their Ancestors which argueth that he was not yet King though his Father were dead not that the manner of our old English Ancestors was to account him so before his Admission Thirdly That this demonstration of good-will of the Nobility to acknowledge him for King before his Coronation and Oath solemnized well and justly to Govern the Realm was very extraordinary and of meer good-will And Last of all That this was never done to any Prince before King Henry the Fifth All which Points do demonstrate that it is the Coronation and Admission that maketh a Perfect and True King whatsoever the Title by Succession be otherwise and that except the Admission of the Common-wealth be joyned to Succession it is not sufficient to make a lawful King and of the two the second is of far more importance to wit the Consent and Admission of the Realm than nearness of Bloud by Succession alone This I might prove by many Examples in England it self where Admission hath prevailed against Right of Succession as in William Rufus that succeeded the Conquerour and in King Henry the First his Brother in King Stephen King John and others who by only Admission of the Realm were Kings against the Order of Succession as after more at large I shall shew you in a particular speech of this point I shall make unto you and very specially it may be seen in the two Examples before-mentioned of the Admission of the two Kings Henry and Edward both sirnamed the Fourth whose entrances to the Crown if a man do well consider he shall find that both of them founded the best part and the surest of their Titles upon the Election Consent and Good-Will of the People yea both of them at their dying-days having some remorse of Conscience as it seemed for that they had caused so many men to die for maintainance of their several Rights and Titles had no better way to appease their own minds but by thinking that they were placed in that Room by the Voice of the Realm and consequently might lawfully defend the same and punish such as went about to deprive them Moreover you shall find if you look into the Doings of Princes in all Ages that such Kings as were most Politick and had any least doubt or suspicion of Troubles about the Title after their Deaths have caused their sons to be Crowned in their own days trusting more to this than to their Title by Succession though they were never so lawfully and lineally descended And of this I could alledge you many Examples out of divers Countreys but especially in France since the last line of Capetus came unto that Crown for this did Hugh Capetus himself to procure to be done to Robert his eldest Son in his own days and the like did King Robert procure for his younger son Henry the First as Gerard holdeth and excluded his Elder only by Crowning Henry in his own days Henry also did intreat the States of France as before you have heard to admit and Crown Philip the First his Eldest Son whilst himself reigned and this man's Son Luys le Cros did the same also unto two Sons of his First to Philip and after his death to Luys the younger which is the seventh of that name for more assuring of his Son named Philip the Second intreated the Realm to Admit and Crown him also in his own days with that great solemnity which in the former Chapter hath been declared And for this very same cause of Security it is not to be doubted but that always the Prince of Spain is sworn and admitted by the Realm during his Father's Reign as before hath been said The same consideration also moved King David to Crown his son Solomon in his own days as afterwards more in particular shall be declared and finally our King Henry also the second of England considering the alteration that the Realm had made in admitting King Stephen before him against the Order of Lineal Succession by propinquity of Bloud and fearing the like might happen also after him caused his eldest son named likewise Henry to be Crowned in his life time so as England had two King Henrys living at one time with equal Authority and this was done in the 16 year of his Reign and in the year of our Lord 1170. But his Device had no good success for that King Henry the Younger made War soon after upon King Henry the Elder and had both the Kings of France and Scotland and many Nobles of England and Normandy to take his part for which cause it is thought that this thing hath never been put in practice again since that time in England but yet hereby it is evident what the opinion of the world was in those days of the force of Coronation and Admission of the Commonwealth and how little Propinquity of Bloud prevaileth without that And for more ample proof hereof and fuller conclusion of all the whole matter I had thought to have laid down also in this place some number of the most notorious Examples that I have read for I have read many wherein the Common-wealth upon just Occasions hath extended her Authority to alter the natural course of Succession by Birth but for that the thing requireth some little study and looking over some Notes that I have taken out of Stories for help of Memory I shall deferr it until our next Meeting at what time I shall by God's Grace make this point very clear and so end my whole Discourse for I see that I have been much longer than at the beginning I purposed and now I desire much to give place unto our Temporal Lawyer here present who I doubt not hath matter to say of more delectation and pleasure than this though you of your courtesies have done me so much favour as to hear me hitherto with patience and attention Whereunto the whole company answered that not with patience but with great pleasure delight and contentation they had heard him and so they would do the Temporal Lawyer also in his turn But yet they desired him that nothing of this discourse might be omitted but wholly finished for that it gave very great satisfaction to all and opened many important Points unto them which they had never thought of before and with this they parted for that night every man unto his Lodging and Habitation CHAP. VII How the next in Succession by Propinquity of Bloud hath often-times been put back by the Cemmonwealth and other further off admitted in their
what Historiographers do say according to their affections or Interests as what reasons and proofs be alledged of every side for that by this we shall more easily come to judge where the right or wrong doth lie First therefore the defenders of the House of York do alledge that their title is plain and evident for that as in the former chapter hath been declared Richard Duke of York first pretender of this House whose Father was Son to Edmond Langley Duke of York fourth Son of King Edward the third and his Mother Anne Mortimer that was Neece once removed and sole Heir to Leonel Duke of Clarence second Son of the said King Edward this Richard I say Duke of York pretended that for so much as he had two titles joyned together in himself and was lawful Heir as well to Duke Leonel the second Brother as to Duke Edmond the fourth that he was to be preferred in Succession of the Crown after the death of King Richard the second Heir of the first Son of King Edward before the Issue of John of Gaunt that was but third Son to the said King Edward and consequently that Henry Bolenbrok John of Gaunts Son Duke of Lancaster called afterwards King Henry the fourth entred the Crown by tyranny and violonce first for deposing the true and Lawful King Richard and secondly for taking the Kingdom upon himself which Kingdom after the death of the foresaid King Richard which happened in the year 1399. belonging to Edmond Mortimer Earl of March then living and after his death to Anne Mortimer his Sister married to Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard pretendent Duke of York as hath been said for that this Edmond and Anne Mortimer were Children to Roger Mortimer Son of Philip that was daughter to Duke Leonel which Leonel was elder Uncle to King Richard and before John of Gaunt the younger Brother whose Son took the Crown upon him For the better understanding of which pretence and allegation of the House of York against Lancaster we must note the story following to wit That King Edward the III. seeing in his old age that Prince Edward his eldest Son whom of all his Children he loved most dearly was dead though there wanted not much doubt in some mens heads as after shall be shewed who ought to succeed yet the old man for the exceeding great affection he bare to the dead Prince would hear nothing in that behalf but appointed Richard the said Prince Edwards only Son and Heir to succeed him in the Kingdom and made the same to be confirmed by Act of Parliament and inforced all his Children then alive to swear to the same which were John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his third and eldest Son that then lived for Leonel his second Son Duke of Clarence was dead before and Edmond Langley and Thomas Woodstock Earls at that time but after Dukes of York and Glocester and so King Richard Reigned with good obedience of his Uncles and their Children for 20 years together but in the end when he grew insolent and had put to death his Uncle the Duke of Glocester together with the Earl of Arundel and banished many others of the Nobility and among them the Archbishop of Canterbury as also his own Cousin-German Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt and had made many wickedd Statutes as well against the Church and State Ecclesiastical as also to intangle the Realm and Nobility with fained crimes of Treason against his Regality as then he termed them the principal men of the Realm seeing a sit occasion offered by the Kings absence in Ireland called home out of France the foresaid Henry Duke of Lancaster with the Archbishop of Canterbury Earls of Arundel and Warwick and others which were in banishment and by common consent gathered upon the suddain such an Army to assist them in England as they took the King brought him to London and there in a Parliament laying together the intolerable faults of his Government they deprived him of all Regal Dignity as before they had done to his great Grandfather K. Edward the second and then by universal consent of the Parliament and people there present they chose and admitted the said Henry Duke of Lancaster to be their King who continued so all the days of his life and left the Crown unto his Son and Sons Son after him by the space of threescore years until this Richard before named Duke of York made challenge of the same in manner and form as before hath been shewed Now then the story being thus the question is first whether Richard the second were justly deposed or no and secondly whether after his deposition the House of York or House of Lancaster should have entred and thirdly if the House of Lancaster did commit any wrong or injustice at their first entrance to the Crown yet whether the continuance of so many years in possession with so many approbations and confirmations thereof by the Commonwealth were not sufficient to legitimate their right Concerning which points many things are alledged by the favourers of both Families and in the first point touching the lawfulness or unlawfulness of King Richards deposition three Articles especially do seem most considerable to wit about the thing in it self whether a lawful King may be deposed upon just causes and secondly about these causes in King Richards deposition to wit whether they were just or sufficient for deposition of the said King and lastly about the manner of doing iâ— whether the same were good and orderly or not And touching the first of these three points which is that a King upon just causes may be deposed I think both parties though never so contrary between themselves will easily agree and the Civil Lawyer seems to me to have proved it so evidently before throughout his whole dicourse as I think very little may be said against the same For he hath declared if you remember both by reason authority and examples of all Nations Christian that this may and hath and ought to be done when urgent occasions are offered And first by reason he sheweth it for that all Kingly authority is given them only by the Commonwealth and that with this express condition that they shall Govern according to Law and equity that this is the cause of their exaltation above other men that this is the end of their Government the butt of their authority the star and pole by which they ought to direct their stern to wit the good of the people by the weal of their Subjects by the benefit of the Realm which end being taken away or perverted the King becometh a Tyrant a Tyger a fierce Lion a ravening Wolf a publick enemy and a bloudy murtherer which were against all reason both natural and moral that a Common-wealth could not deliver it self from so eminent a destruction By authority also
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
Succession or Right of Women which the Kingdom of France in it self doth not as is known and consequently a Woman may be Heir to the one without the other that is to say she may be Heir to some particular states of France inheritable by Women though not to the Crown it self and so do pretend to be the two Daughters of France that were Sisters to the late King Henry III. which Daughters were married the one to the King of Spain that now is who had Issue by her the Infanta of Spain yet unmarried and her younger Sister married to the Duke of Savoy and the other to wit the younger Daughter of the King of France was married to the Duke of Lorrain yet living by whom she had the Prince of Lorrain and other Children that live at this day This then being so clear as it is first that according to the common course of Succession in England and other Countries and according to the course of all Common Law the Infanâ—a of Spain should inherit the whole Kingdom of France and all other States thereunto belonging she being the Daughter and Heir of King Henry II. of France whose Issue-male of the direct line is wholly extinct but yet for that the French do pretend their Law Salique to exclude Women which we English have ever denied to be good until now hereby cometh it to pass that the King of Navarr pretendeth to enter and to be preferred before the said Infanta or her Sisters Children though Male by a Collateral Line But yet her favourers say I mean those of the Infanta that from the Dukedoms of Britany Aquitain and the like that came to the Crown of France by Women and are Inheritable by Women she cannot be in right debarred as neither from any Succession or Pretence to England if either by the Bloud-Royal of France Britany Aquitain or of England it self it may be proved that she hath any Interest thereunto as her favourers do affirm that she hath by these reasons following First for that she is of the ancient Bloud-Royal of England even from the Conquest by the elder Daughter of William the Conquerour married to Allain Fergant Duke of Britany as hath been shewed before in the second Chapter and other places of this Conference And of this they infer three Consequences First when the Sons of the Conquerour died without Issue or were made uncapable of the Crown as it was presumed at least-wise of King Henry I. last Son of the Conquerour that he lost his Right for the violence used to his elder Brother Robert and unto William the said Robert's Son and Heir they say these men ought the said Dutchess of Britany to have entred as eldest Sister Secondly they say That when Duke Robert that both by right of Birth and by express Agreement with William Rufus and with the Realm of England should have succeeded next after the said Rufus came to die in Prison the said Lady Constance should have succeeded him for that his Brother Henry being culpable of his Death could not in right be his Heir And thirdly they say That at least wise after the death of the said King Henry I. she and her Son I mean Lady Constance and Conan Duke of Britany should have entred before King Stephen who was born of Adela the younger Daughter of William the Conquerour Secondly they do alledge That the Infanta of Spain descendeth also lineally from Lady Eleanor eldest Daughter of King Henry II. married to King Alonso the ninth of that name King of Castile whose eldest Daughter and Heir named Blanch for that their only Son Henry died without Issue married with the Prince Lewis VIII of France who was Father by her to King St. Lewis of France and so hath continued the Line of France unto this day and joyned the same afterwards to the House of Britany as hath been declared So as the Infanta cometh to be Heir general of both those Houses that is as well of Britany as France as hath been shewed And now by this her descent from Queen Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. her favourers do found divers Pretences and Titles not only to the States of Aquitain that came to her Father by a Woman but also to England in manner following First for Aquitain they say it came to King Henry II. by his Wife Eleanor Daughter of William Duke of Aquitain as before in the second Chapter at large hath been declared and for that the most part thereof was lost afterwards to the French in King John's time that was fourth Son to the aforesaid King Henry it was agreed between the said King John and the French-King Philip that all the States of Aquitain already lost to the French should be given in Dowry with the said Blanch to be married to Lewis VIII then Prince of France and so they were And moreover they do alledge That not long after this the same States with the residue that remained in King John's hands were all adjudged to be forfeited by the Parliament of Paris for the Death of Duke Arthur and consequently did fall also upon this Lady Blanch as next Heir capable of such Succession unto King John for that yet the said King John had no Son at all and for this cause and for that the said States are Inheritable by Women and came by Women as hath been often said these men affirm That at this day they do by Succession appertain unto the said Lady Infanta of Spain and not unto the Crown of France To the Succession of England also they make pretence by way of the said Lady Blanch married into France and that in divers manners First for that King John of England by the Murther of Duke Arthur of Britany his Nephew which divers Authors do affirm as Stow also witnesseth was done by King John's own hands he forfeited all his States though his right to them had been never so good and for that this Murther happened in the fifth year of his Reign and four years before his Son Henry was born none was so near to succeed at that time as was this Lady Blanch married into France for that she was Daughter and Heir unto King John's elder Sister Eleanor or the said Lady Eleanor her self Queen of Spain should have succeeded for that she yet lived and died not as appeareth by Stephen Garribay Chronicler of Spain until the year of Christ 1214. which was not until the fifteenth year of the Reign of King John and one year only before he died so as he having yet no Issue when this Murther was committed and losing by this forfeit all the right he had in the Kingdom of England it followeth that the same should have gone then to his said Sister and by her to this Lady Blanch her Heir and eldest Daughter married into France as hath been said which forfeit also of King John these men do confirm by his
Foreigners all those that are not of the same Dominion and Government though otherwise they be of the same Nation and Language according as those other men that are Enemies to Strangers said a little before if you remember that the Princes of the House of Guise and their Kindred are taken for Strangers in France by them that by that means would make them odious to the people for that their Ancestors in times past came out of Lorain which is a Province joyning hard upon France of the same Nation Language and Manners but only under another Prince And so I my self noted in my Traveling through Italy that the Florentines are hated and called Strangers in Siena where they govern albeit the one state be not 30 Miles from the other and both of one Nation Language Manners and Education And on the contrary side we shall see that some of different Language and Nation do hold themselves for Country-men as for Example the Biscayns in Spain do not hold the Castilians for Strangers but are contended to be ruled by them as by their own Country-men albeit they be a different Nation and have different Language and Manners and the same I do note in the Brittains and Normans towards the French in the Welsh also towards the English who are a different People and of different language and yet are they Governed peaceably by the English and the English again do account them for their Countreymen as may appear by that when King Henry the VII came to be King of England I do not find any resistance made against him by the English for that respect that he was of that Nâ—tion as evidently he was by his Fathers side that was of the Tidders of Wales so as this point also who be strangers and who be not seemeth to be a thing that dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each People and Nation the one towards the other And this being so these men come to treat more particularly of the Purpose in hand and do say that in two or three manners a Nation may come to be under the Government of Strangers or Foreigners first as a Province that is to say as a piece or member of another Dominion as England was in times past under the Romans and as Ireland is under England at this day as the Brittons are under France as many States of Italy be under the Crowns of Aragon and Castile And this may come to pass either by Conquest and Force of Arms as the Welsh came to be under the English and the English to be under the Normans and Danes and as Sicilia and Naples came to be under the Spaniards and as Normandy and Aquitain came to be under the French and as almost all the World in old time was brought to be under the Romans or otherwise the same may come to pass by Inheritance as Aquitaine and Normandy in times past came to England and as Flanders with the States thereof came to the House of Austria and as Britany to the Crown of France or else thirdly it may happen by mixt means that is to say partly by Force and partly by other means of Composition as Millain came to Spain and Ireland to England according as the Irish do hold and so Portugal hath inour dayes come to the King of Spain for that besides his Hreâ—ence and Right of Inheritance he used also Force of Arms for getting the same Of all these three ways then evinent it is that Conquest is the hardest and most prejudicial to the Subjects for that there all standeth at the will and clemency of the Conquerour whom either Anger or Fear or Jealousy of his assurance may often drive to hold an hard hand over the Conquered at least wise for a time until his Estate be beetter settled so that I marvel not though no People or Countrey commonly would willingly be Conquered but yet Policy also teacheth such a Conquerour whatsoever he be that as on the one side it behoveth him to be watchful and so to fortifie himself as the unquiet can do him no hure so on the other side it is necessary by the same Rule of Policy to use all Favour and sweet means to content and gain those that be or may be made quiet for better establishing of his State even as a Physician after a vehement purgation doth minister lenitives and soft Medicines to calm and appease the good humours left and to strengthen the whole body that it may hold out This we see to be true not only by reason of State and Policy as hath been said but also by experience of all Countries that have been conquered in Europe or other where if the continual resisting and revolting of those that are conquered do not cause a contrary course in the Conqueror as it did in the Conquest of the Danes and Normands upon the English and in the Conquest of the English upon the British or Welsh where the often rifing of them that were overcome enforced the Nanquishers to be much more cruel and rigorous than otherwise they would have been for all our Histories do testifie that King Sweno the Dane and much more his Son King Canutus as also William the Conquerour had a great desire after their victories to have appeased and made much of the English Nation but that they were never quiet under them and so in like manner the English Kings oftentimes gave their Daughters in marriage to the Princes of Wales and many priviledges to that People thereby to gain them but that their continual Revolting caused much severity and blood-shed to be used and the like severity did they use always most favours and gave them most cause oftentimes in the very Romans towards the said Britains conquered But where the People vanquished were content to be quiet and submit themselves there the said Romans used all Favour and Moderation so as it is written of them in the first book of Macchabees Et audivit Judas nomen Romanorum quia sunt potentes viribus acquiescunt ad omnia quae postulantur ab eis That is And Judas Macchabeus heard the name and fame of the Romans how they were potent in strength and yet so gentle as they yielded to all that was demanded at their hands And finally their Government was so just considerate sweet and modest upon all Foreign Nations which they had conquered as it allured divers Nations to desire to be under them and to be rid of their own natural Kings as of the Subjects of Antiochus and Methridates Kings of Asia and Pontus we do read of some otherâ— Princes also thereby to gratifie their Subjects did nominate the Roman Empire for their Successor as did King Attalus King of Pergamus and Ptolomy of Egypt and others and it is the common opinion of Learned men that the World was never more happily governed than under the Romans and yet were they Strangers to
in their places even in those Kingdoms where succession prevaileth with many examples of the Kingdoms of Israel and Spain Chap. 7. f 113. Of divers other examples out of the States of France and England for proof that the next in bloud are sometimes put back from succession and how God hath approved the same with good success Chap. 8. f. 132. What are the principal points which a Commonwealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any Prince wherein is handled largely also of the diversity of Religions and other such Causes Chap. 9. f. 158. The CONTENTS of the second Book Tâ—â— Preface with the intention and protestation of the Lawyer to treat this matter without the hurt or prejudice of any 〈◊〉 divers 〈◊〉 and treatises that have been written heretofore 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of such as pretend to the Crown of England and 〈◊〉 they do contain in favour or disfavour of divers pretenders Chaâ— 1. â—ol 1. Of the Succession of the Crown of England from the conquest 〈◊〉 other 〈…〉 the III. with the begnning of three principal lineages of the English bloud Royal dispersed into the House of Britany Lancaster and York Chap. 2. f. 10. Of the Succession of English Kings from King Edward the III. unto our days with the particular causes of dissention between the Families of York and Lancaster more largely declared Chap. 3. f 3â—0 Of the great and general controversie and contention between the said two Houses Royal of Lancaster and York and which of tâ—â—m may sâ—â—m to have had the better right to the Crown by way of 〈◊〉 Chap. 4 f. 44. Of 〈◊〉 principal and particular houses of lineages that do or â—ay pretend to the Crown of England at this day which are the House of Scotland of 〈◊〉 of Clarence of Britanny and of Portâ—â—â—l and first of all the causes of Scotland which containeth the pretentions of the King of Scots and of the Lady Arabella Chaâ— 5. f. â—â— Of the 〈◊〉 of â—uffâ—lk containing the claims as well of the Counteâ—â— of Dariâ— â—nd of her Children as also of the Children of the Earl of 〈…〉 6 f. 101. Of the House of 〈…〉 and Britany which containeth the claims of the Earl of Hâ—â—â—â—â—gton and of the Lady Infanta of Spain and others of these two Families Chap. 7. f. 110. Of the House of Portugal which containeth the â—laimâ— as well of the King and Prince of Spain to the Succession of England as also of the Duâ—â— of Parma and Brâ—gaâ—sâ— by the House of Lancaster Chap. 8. f. 1â—4 Whether it be better to be 〈◊〉 a forrain or home-born Prince and whether under great an â—â—â—ghty Monarch or under a little 〈…〉 Chap. 9. f. 150 Of â—ertâ—â—n other secondary or collateral lines and how extreme dâ—ubâ—fâ—ll all the pretences â—e and which of all these pâ—enders are must like by probability to prevail in the end and to get the Crown of England Chap. 10. f. 113. The Preface containing the occasion of this Treatise with the subject purpose and parts thereof THere chanced not long ago I mean in the months of April and May of this last year 93. to meet in Amsterdam in Holland certain Gentlemen of divers Nations qualities and affections as well in Religion as otherwise yet the most part English and Irish and they had been in divers Countries studied different Arts and followed unlike professions some of Soulders some of Lawyers both Temporal and Civil others of meer travellers to learn experience and policy And for that the advice which daily came from England at that time the Parliament being then in hand gave occasion to discourse of English affairs they fell into divers points concerning the same but yet none was treated so largely or so seriously as was the matter of succession and competitors to the Crown for that it was presumed a great while that some thing would be determined thereof in that Parliament though one or two of the wisest of that company held ever the contrary opinion But when at length news was brought that nothing at all had been done therein but rather that one or two as was reported had been checked or committed for speaking in the same then came it in question among the Gentlemen what should be the cause of such proceeding in a matter so weighty and so necessary for all English men to know But two Gentlemen Lawyers of the company one of the common Law and the other a Civilian alledged so many reasons for justifying the Queens Majesties doings in this behalf as all did seem satisfied for that it was made plain that it could not stand with the safety either of Her Majesty or of the Realm or of the party himself who should be preferred that any declaration of Heir apparent should be made during the life of Her Majesty that now is how dangerous soever the delay thereof may be esteemed for the time to come And so the end of this Speech brought in presently the beginning of another to wit what were like to be these dangers and who might be likest of the pretenders to prevail after Her Majesty about which matter there was much discoursed by divers Parties but the conclusion of all was that both these points remained very doubtful but much more the second who should prevail of the competitors which they said did make the former point less doubtful of the multitude of dangers that thereby did hang over the Commonwealth of England though it wanted not doubt also in particular what and where they should fall for said they wheresoever many pretenders of the bloud Royal are known to be competitors to a Crown there cannot chuse but many perils also must be imminent to the Realm To this one of the company said that he did not see how there could be either so many pretenders to the Crown as the day before had been spoken of in that place for the Common Lawyer before named newly come out of England had told them that he had heard of some 9. or 10. or more Plots that were debated within the Realm for so many pretenders or if there were any such great number descended of the Bloud Royal yet their titles could not be so doubtful seeing it was an easie matter to discern who was next in discent of bloud and who not Not so easie quoth this Gentleman Lawyer for that although it cannot be denied but that there is among all such as may pretend at this day a certain known order and degree of nearness in bloud to some King or Queen that hath possessed the Crown before them and in this discent it is known also commonly who descendeth of the elder house and who of the younger and other such like vulgar circumstances yet notwithstanding for that there be many other points considerable in this affair as the right of the first stock whereof each part doth spring the disableing of the same stock afterwards by attainders or otherwise the
naturae the voice of nature her self for there was never yet Nation found either of ancient time or now in our days by discovery of the Indies or else where among whom men living together had not some kind of Magistrate or Superior to govern them which evidently declareth that this point of Magistrates is also of Nature and from God that created Nature which point our Civil Law doth prove in like manner in the very beginning of our digests where the second Title of the first Book is de origine juris civilis omnium magistratuum of the beginning of the Civil Law and of all Magistrates which beginning is referred to this first principle of Natural Instinct and Gods Institution And last of all that God did concur also expresly with this Instinct of Nature our Divines do prove by clear testimony of Holy Scripture as when God saith to Solomon By me Kings do Reign and St. Paul to the Romans avoucheth That Authority is not but of God and therefore he which resisteth Authority resisteth God Which is to be understood of Authority Power or Jurisdiction in it self according to the first Institution as also when it is lawfully laid upon any person for otherwise when it is either wrongfully taken or unjustly used it may be resisted in divers cases as afterwards more particular shall be declared for then it is not lawful Authority These two points then are of Nature to wit the Common-wealth and Government of the same by Magistrates but what kind of Government each Common-wealth will have whether Democretia which is Popular Government by the People it self as Athens Thebes and many other Cities of Greece had in old time and as the Cantons or Switzers at this day have Or else Aristocretia which is the Government of some certain chosen number of the Best as the Romans many years were governed by Councels and Senators and at this day the States of this Countrey of Holland do imitate the same or else Monarchia which is the Regiment of one and this again either of an Emperor King Duke Earl or the like These particular Forms of Government I say are not determined by God or Nature as the other two points before for then they should be all one in all Nations as the other are seeing God and Nature are one to all as often hath been said but these particular Forms are left unto every Nation or Countrey to chuse that Form of Government which they shall like best and think most fit for the Natures and conditions of their people which Aristotle proveth throughout all the second and fourth Books of his Politiques very largely laying down divers kinds of Government in his days as namely in Greece that of the Milesians Lacedemonians Candians and others and shewing the causes of their differences which he attributeth to the diversity of mens Natures Customs Educations and other such causes that made them make choice of such or such Forms of Government And this might be proved also by infinite other examples both of times past and present and in all Nations and Countries both Christian and otherwise which have not had only different Fashions of Governments the one from the other but even among themselves at one time one form of Government and another at other times For the Romans first had Kings and after rejecting them for their Evil Government they chose Councils which were two Governours for every year whose Authority yet they limited by a multitude of Senators which were of their Council and these mens power was restrained also by adding Tribunes of the people and some time Dictators and finally they came to be governed last of all by Emperors The like might be said of Carthage in Africa and many Cities and Common-wealths of Greece which in divers Seasons and upon divers Causes have taken different Forms of Government to themselves The like we see in Europe at this day for in only Italy what different Forms of Government have you Naples have a King for their Soveraign Rome the Pope and under him one Senator in place of so many as were wont to be in that Common-wealth Venice and Genua have Senators and Dukes but little Authority have their Dukes Florence Farara Mantua Parma Vrbin and Savoy have their Dukes only without Senators and their power is absolute Milan was once a Kingdom but now a Dukedom the like is of Burgundy Lorain Bavire Gascony and Britain the lesser all which once had their distinct Kings and now have Dukes for their Supream Governours The like may be said of Germany that many years together had one King over all which now is divided into so many Dukedoms Earldoms and other like Titles of Supream Princes But the contrary is of Castile Aragon Portugal Barcelona and other Kingdoms this day in Spain which were first Earldoms only and after Dukedoms and then Kingdoms and now again are all under one Monarchy The like is of Bohemia and Polonia which were but Dukedoms in old time and now are Kingdoms The like may be said of France also after the expulsion of the Romans which was first a Monarchy under Pharamond their first King and so continued for many years under Clodion Merovys Childrik and Clodovaeus there first Christened Kings but after they divided it into four Kingdoms to wit one of Paris another of Soissons the third of Orleans and the fourth of Metts and so it continued for divers years but yet afterwards they made it one Monarchy again England also was first a Monarchy under the Brittains and then a Province under the Romans and after that divided into seven Kingdoms at once under the Saxons and now a Monarchy again under the English and all this by Gods permission and approbation who in token thereof suffered his own peculiar people also of Israel to be under divers manners of Governments in divers times as first under Patriarchs Abraham Isaac and Jacob then under Captains as Moses Joshua and the like then under Judges as Otheniel Aiod and Gideon then under High Priests as Hely and Samuel then under Kings as Saul David and the rest and then under Captains and High Priests again as Zorobabel Judas Machabeus and his Brethren until the Government was lastly taken from them and they brought under the power of the Romans and Forraign Kings appointed by them So as of all this there can be no doubt but that the Common-wealth hath power to chuse their own Fashion of Government as also to change the same upon reasonable causes as we see they have done in all times and Countries and God no doubt approveth what the Realm determineth in this point for otherwise nothing could be certain for that of these changes doth depend all that hath succeeded sithence In like manner is it evident that as the Common-wealth hath this authority to chuse and change her Government
were exasperated by the proceedings of their seventh King named Lucius Tarquinus surnamed the proud who for that as Livius saith he neglected the Laws of Government prescribed to him by the Commonwealth as namely in that he consulted not with the Senate in matters of great importance and for that he made War and Peace of his own head and for that he appointed to himself a Guard as though he had mistrusted the People and for that he did use Injustice to divers particular men and suffered his Children to be insolent he was Expelled with all his Posterity and the Government of Rome changed from a Kingdom unto the Regiment of Consuls after that the other had endured two hundred years And thus much for those Kingdoms of Italy and Greece And if likewise we will look upon other Kingdoms of Europe we shall see the very same to wit that every Kingdom and Country hath its Laws prescribed â—o their Kings by the Common-wealth both for their Government Authority and Succession in the same For if we behold the Roman Empire it self as it is at this day annexed to the German Electors though it be the first in dignity among Christian Princes yet shall we see it so restrained by particular Laws as the Emperor can do much less than other Kings in theirs for he can neither make War nor exact any contribution of Men or Money thereunto but by the free leave and consent of the German Dyet or Parliament and for his Children or next in Kin they have no Action Interest or Pretence at all to succeed in their Fathers Dignity but only by free Election if they shall be thought worthy Nay one of the chiefest points that the Emperor must swear at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this That he shall never go about to make the Dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his Family but leave it unto the seven Electors free in their power to chuse his Successor according to the Law made by Pope Gregory the fifth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalf The Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia do go much after the same fashion both for their restraint of Power and Succession to their Kings For first touching their Authority they have great limitation neither can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certain principal men called Palatines or Castellans neither may their Children or next of Bloud succed except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spain France and England the priviledges of Kings are far more eminent in both these points for that both their Authority is much more absolute and their next in Bloud do ordinarily succeed but yet in different manner For as touching Authority it seemeth that the Kings of Spain and France have greater than the King of England for that every Ordination of these two Kings is Law in it self without further approbation of the Commonwealth where no general Law can be made without consent of Parliament But in the other point of Succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in those other two Countries than in England for that in Spain the next in Bloud cannot succeed be he never so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the Nobility and Bishops and States of the Realm as it is expresly set down in the two ancient Counsels of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation whereof we see at this day that the King of Spain's own Son cannot succeed nor be called Prince except he be first sworn by the said Nobility and States in token of their new consent and so we have seen it practiced in our days towards three or four of King Philip's Children which have succeeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spain and at every change a new Oath required at the Subjects hands for their admission to the said Dignity which is not used in the Kings Children of France or England In France the World knoweth how Women are not admitted to succeed in the Crown be they never so near in Bloud neither any of their Issue though it be Male. For which cause I doubt not but you remember how King Edward the third of England though he were Son and Heir unto a Daughter of France whose three Brethren were Kings and left her sole Heir to her Father King Philip the fourth surnamed the Fair yet was he put by the Crown as also was the King of Navar at the same time who was Son and Heir unto this Womans eldest Brothers Daughter named Lewis Huttin King of France which King of Navar thereby seemed to be before King Edward of England but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a Brothers Son of Philip the Fair was preferred to it by general Decree of the States of France and by Verdict of the whole Parliament of Paris gathered about the same Affair Neither did it avail that the two Kings aforesaid alledged That it was against Reason and Conscience and Custom of all Nations to exclude Women from the Succession of the Crown which appertained to them by propinquity of Bloud seeing both Nature and God hath made them capable of such Succession every where as appeareth by Example of all other Nations and in the Old Testament among the People of God it self where we see Women have been admitted unto Kingdoms by Succession But all this I say prevailed not with the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara Infanta of Spain unto the said Crown of France though by descent of Bloud there be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest Child of the last Kings eldest Sister The like Exclusion is made against the Prince of Lorrain that now liveth though he be a Man and Nephew to the last King for that his Title is by a Woman to wit his Mother that was younger Sister unto the last King Henry of France And albeit the Law called Salica by the French-men by virtue whereof they pretend to Exclude the Succession of Women be no very ancient Law as the French themselves do confess and much less made by Pharamond their first King or in those ancient times as others without ground do afirm yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all Princes and Subjects of that Realm to observe the same and to alter the course of natural descent and nearness of Bloud as we have seen and that the King of Navar and some other of his Race by vertue of this only Law do pretend at this day to be next in Succession to this goodly Crown though in nearness of Bloud they be farther off by many degrees from the last King Henry the third than either the foresaid Infanta of Spain or the Prince of Lorrain that now is who are Children of his
two Nephews of his as the Spanish Chronicler Garavay writeth was deposed of his Kingdom by a publick Act of Parliament in the Town of Valliodolid after he had Reigned thirty years and his own son Don Sancho the fourth was Crowned in his place who for his valiant Acts was sur-named el bravo and it turned to great commodity of the Common-Wealth The same Common-Wealth of Spain some years after to wit about the year of Christ 1368. having to their King one Don Pedro sur-named the Cruel for his injurious proceeding with his Subjects though otherwise he were lawfully seased of the Crown as Son and Heir to King Don Alonso the twelfth and had Reigned among them eighteen years yet for his evil Government they resolved to depose him and so sent for a Bastard Brother of his named Henry that lived in France requesting him that he would come with some force of French-men to assist them in that Act and take the Crown upon himself which he did and by the help of the Spaniards and French Souldiers he drove the said Peter out of Spain and himself was Crowned And albeit Edward sur-named the black Prince of England by order of his Father King Edward the third restored once again the said Peter yet was it not durable for that Henry having the favour of the Spaniards returned again and deprived Peter the second time and slew him in Fight hand to hand which made shew of more particular favour of God in this behalf to Henry and so he remained King of Spain as doth also his progenie enjoy the same unto this day though by nature he was a Bastard as had been said and notwithstanding that King Peter left two Daughters which were led away into England and there Married to great Princes And this King Henry so put up in his place was called King Henry the second of this name and proved a most excellent King and for his great Nobility in conversation and prowess in Chivalry was called by excellency El cavallero the Knightly King and for his exceeding benignity and liberality was sur-named also El delas mercedes which is to say the King that gave many gifts or the liberal franck and bountiful King which was a great change from the other sur-named Cruel that King Peter had before and so you see that always I give you a good King in place of the bad deposed In Portugal also before I go out of Spain I will alledge you one example more which is of Don Sancho the second sur-named Capello fourth King of Portugal lawful Son and Heir unto Don Alonso sur-named el Gardo who was third King of Portugal This Don Sancho after he had Reigned 34. years was deprived for his defects in Government by the universal consent of all Portugal and this his first deprivation from all Kingly rule and Authority leaving him only the bare name of King was approved by a General Councel in Lions Pope Innocent the fourth being there present who at the Petition and Instance of the whole Realm of Portugal by their Embassadors the Arch-Bishop of Braga Bishop of Comibra and divers of the Nobility sent to Lyons for that purpose did Authorise the said State of Portugal to put in Supream Government one Don Alonso Brother to the said King Don Sancho who was at that time Earl of Bullen in Picardy by right of his Wife and so the Portugals did And further also a little after they deprived their said King and did drive him out of his Realm into Castilla where he liv'd all the rest of his Life in Banishment and Dyed in Toledo without ever returning and this decree of the Councel and Pope at Lyons for Authorising of this fact is yet extent in our Cannon Law in the sixt Book of Decretals now in Print And this King Don Alonso the third which in this sort was put up against his Brother was peaceably and prosperously King of Portugal all the days of his life and he was a notable King and among other great Exploits he was the first that set Portugal free from all Subjection Dependance and Homage to the Kingdom of Castile which unto his time it had acknowledged and he left for his Successor his Son and Heir Don Dionysio el Fabricador to wit the great Builder for that he Builded and Founded above forty and four great Towns in Portugal and was a most rare Prince and his off-spring ruleth in Portugal unto this day Infinite other Examples could I alledge if I would examine the Lives and Descents of these and other Kingdoms with their Princes and namely if I would speak of the Greek Emperors deprived for their evil Government not so much by popular Mutiny which often happened among them as by consent and grave deliberation of the whole State and weal-publick as Michael Calaphatos for that he had trodden the Cross of Christ under his Feet and was otherwise also a Wicked Man As also the Emperour Nicephorus Botoniates for his Dissolute Life and preferring Wicked Men to Authority and the like whereof I might name many but it would be too long What should I name here the deposition made of Princes in our days by other Common-Wealths as in Polonia of Henry the third that was last King of France and before that had been Sworn King of Polonia of which Crown of Polonia he was deprived by publick Act of Parliament for his departing thence without License and not returning at his day by the said State appointed and denounced by publick Letters of Peremptory Commandment which are yet extant What should I name the Deprivations of Hen. late King of Suetia who being lawful Successor and lawfully in possession after his Father Gustanus was yet put down by that Common-Wealth and deprived and his Brother made King in his place who if you remember was in Ireland in the beginning of this Queens Reign and whose Son Reigneth at this day and is King also of Polonia and this Fact was not only allowed of at home by all the States of that Countrey but also abroad as namely of Maximilian the Emperor and approved also by the King of Denmark and all the Princes of Germany near about that Realm who saw the reasonable cause which that Common-Wealth had to proceed as it did And a little before that the like was practised also in Denmark against Cisternus their lawful King if we respect his descent in Bloud for he was Son to King John that Reigned afore him and Crowned in his Fathers life but yet afterwards for his Intolerable cruelty he was deprived and driven into Banishment together with his Wife and three Children all which were Disinherited and his Unkle Frederick Prince of Alsatia was chosen King whose Progeny yet remaineth in the Crown and the other though he were married to the Sister of Charles the fifth and last Emperour of that Name and were
of Kin also to King Henry the eighth of England yet could he never get to be restored but passed his time miserably partly in Banishment and partly in Prison until he died But it shall be best perhaps to end this short Narration with an Example or two out of England it self for that no where else have I read more remarkable accidents touching this point than in England but for brevity sake I shall only touch two or three that have happened since the Conquest for that I will go no higher though I might as appeareth by the Example of King Edwin and others neither will I begin to stand much upon the Example of King John though well also I might for that by his evil Government he made himself both so odious at home and contemptible abroad having lost Normandy Gascoin Guyen and all the rest in effect which the Crown of England had in France as first of all he was both Excommunicated and Deposed by the Sentence of the Pope at the Suit of his own people and was forced to make his peace by resigning his Crown into the hands of Pandulf the Pope's Legaâ—e as Polidor recounteth and afterwards falling back again to his old defects and naughty Government albeit by his promise to the Pope to go and make War against the Turks if he might be quiet at home and that his Kingdom should be perpetually tributary to the See of Rome he procured him to be of his side for a time and against the Barons yet that stayed not them to proceed to his Deprivation which they did effectuate first at Canterbury and after at London in the 18 th and last year of King John's Reign and meant also to have disinherited his Son Henry which was afterwards named King Henry the 3 d. and at that time a Child of Eight years old only and all this in punishment of the Father if he had lived and for that cause they called into England Lodowick Prince of France Son to King Philip the second and Father to St. Lewis the ninth and chose him for their King and did swear him Fealty with general consent in London in the year of our Lord 1216. And but that the Death of King John that presently ensued alter'd the whole course of that defignment and moved them to turn their purposes and accept of his Son Henry before matters were fully established for King Lodowick it was most likely that France and England would have been joyned by these means under a Crown But in the end as he said King Henry the third was admitted and he proved a very worthy King after so evil as had gone before him and had been Deposed which is a circumstance that you must always note in this Narration and he reigned more years than ever King in England did before him for he reigned full Fifty three years and left his Son and Heir Edward the first not inferiour to himself in Manhood and Virtue who reigned 34 years and left a Son named Edward the second who falling into the same or worse defects of Government than King John his Great-Grand-father had done was after 19 years reign Deposed also by Act of Parliament holden at London in the year 1326. and his Body adjudg'd to perpetual Imprisonment he being Prisoner at that present in the Castle of Wallingford whither divers both Bishops Lords and Knights of the Parliament were sent unto him to denounce the Sentence of the Realm against him viz. How they had deprived him and chosen Edward his Son in his stead For which act of choosing his Son he thanked them heartily and with many tears acknowledged his own unworthiness whereupon he was degraded his Name of King first taken from him and he appointed to be called Edward of Carnarvan from that hour forward and then his Crown and Ring were taken away and the Steward of his House brake the Staff of his Office in his presence and discharged his Servants of their Service and all other people of their Obedience or Allegiance towards him And towards his maintenance he had only a hundred Marks a year allowed for his Expences and then was he delivered also into the hands of certain particular Keepers who led him Prisoner from thence by divers other places using him with extreme indignity in the way until at last they took his Life from him in the Castle of Barklay and his Son Edward the third reigned in his place who if we respect either Valour Prowess length of Reign Acts of Chivalry or the multitude of famous Princes his Children left behind him was one of the noblest Kings that ever England had though he were chosen in the place of a very evil one as you have seen But what shall we say Is this worthiness which God giveth commonly to the Successors at these changes perpetual or certain by Descent No truly noâ— the example of one Prince's punishment maketh another to bewares for the next Successor after this noble Edwardâ— which was King Richard the second though he were not his Son but his Sons Son to wit Son and Heir to the renowned Black Prince of Walâ—s This Richard I say forgetting the miserable end of his Great-Grand-father for evil Government and the felicity and virtue of his Father and Grand-father for the contrary suffered himself to be abused and misled by evil Counsellors to the great hurt and disquiet of the Realm For which cause after he had reigned 22 years he was also Deposed by Act of Parliament holden in London in the year of our Lord 1399. and condemned to perpetual Imprisonment in the Castle of Pontefract where he was soon after put to death also and used as the other before had been And in this man's place by free Election was chosen for King the noble Knight Henry Duke of Lancaster who proved afterwards so notable a King as the World knoweth and was Father to King Henry the fifth commonly called the Alexander of England for that as Alexander the Great conquered the most part of Asia in the space of 9 or 10 years so did this Henry conquer France in less than the like time I might reckon also in this number of Princes Deposed for defect in Government though otherwise he were no evil man in life this King Henry the fourths Nephew I mean King Henry the sixth who after almost forty years Reign was Deposed and Imprisoned and put to death also together with his Son the Prince of Wales by Edward the fourth of the House of York and the sameâ— was confirmed by the Commons and especially by the people of London and afterwards also by publick Act of Parliament in respect not only of the Title which King Edward pretended but also and especially for that King Henry did suffer himself to be over-ruled by the Queen his Wife and had broken the Articles of Agreement made by the Parliament between
him and the Duke of York and solemnly sworn on both sides the 8 th of October in the year 1459 In punishment whereof and of his other negligent and evil Government though for his own particular Life he was a good man as hath been said Sentence was given against him partly by Force and partly by Law and King Edward the fourth was put in his place who was no evil King as all English-men well know but one of the renownedst for martial Acts and Justice that hath worn the English Crown But after this man again there fell another accident much more notorious which was That Richard Duke of Glocester this King Edward's younger Brother did put to death his two Nephews this man's Children viz. King Edward the 5 th and his little Brother and made himself King And albeit he sinned grieveously by taking the Crown in this wicked manner yet when his Nephews were once dead he might in reason seem to be lawful King both in respect that he was next Male in Bloud after his Brother as also for that by divers Acts of Parliament both before and after the death of those Infants his Title was authorized and made good and yet no man will say I think but that he was lawfully deposed again afterwards by the Commonwealth which called out of France Henry Earl of Richmond to chastize him and to put him down and so he did and took from him both Life and Kingdom in the Field and was King himself after him by the Name of King Henry the seventh And no man I suppose will say but that he was lawful King also which yet cannot be except the other might be lawfully deposed And moreover as I said at the beginning I would have you consider in all these mutations what men commonly have succeeded in the places of such as have been deposed as namely in England in the place of those five Kings before-named that were deprived viz. John Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth and Richard the third there have succeeded the three Henries to wit the third fourth and seventh and two Edwards the third and fourth all most rare and valiant Princes who have done infinite important Acts in their Commonwealths and among other have raised many Houses to the Nobility put down others changed States both abroad and at home distributed Ecclesiastical Dignities altered the course of Descent in the Bloud-Royal and the like all which was unjust and is void at this day if the changes and deprivations of the former Princes could not be made and consequently none of these that do pretend to the Crown of England at this day can have any Title at all because they descend from those men who were put up in place of the Deprived And this may be sufficient for proof of the two principal points which you required to be discussed in the beginning of this Speech viz. That lawful Princes have oftentimes by their Commonwealths been lawfully deposed for misgovernment and that God hath allowed of and assisted the same with good success unto the Weal-publick And if this be so or might be so in Kings lawfully set in possession then much more hath the said Commonwealth Power and Authority to alter the Succession of such as do but yet pretend to that Dignity if there be due reason and causes for the same which is the head point that first we began to treat of said the Civilian and with this ended he his Spech without saying any more CHAP. IV. Wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of Proceeding against Princes which in the former Chapter is mentioned What Interest Princes have in their Subjects Goods or Lives How Oaths doth bind or may be broken by Subjects towards Princes And finally the difference between a good King and a Tyrant WHen the Civilian had ended his Speech the Temporal Lawyer looked upon the standers by to see whether any would reply or no and perceiving all to hold their peace he began to say in this manner Truly Sir I cannot deny but the examples are many that you have alledged and they seem to prove sufficiently that which you affirmed at the beginning to wit that the Princes by you named were deprived and put down by their Common-Wealths for their evil Government And good Successors commonly raised up in their places and that the Common-Wealth had Authority also to do it I do not greatly doubt at least wise they did it de facto and now to call those facts in question were to imbroyl and turn up-side-down all the states of Christendom as you have well signified but yet for that you have added this word Lawfuly so many times in the course of your narration I would you took the pains to tell us also by what Law they did the the same seeing that Belloy whom you have named before and some other of his opinion do afirm that albeit by nature the Commonwealth have authority over the Prince to choose and appoint him at the beginning as you have well proved out of Aristotle and other ways Yet having once made him and given up all their Authority unto him he is now no more Subject to their Correction or Restraint but remaineth Absolute of himself without respect to any but only to God alone which they prove by the example of every particular Man that hath Authority to make his Master or Prince of his Inferior but not afterwards to put him down again or to Deprive him of the Authority which he gave him though he should not bear himself well and gratefully but Discourteous rather and Injuriously towards him that gave him first this Authority To which also they do alledge the Speech of the Prophet Samuel in the first Book of the Kings where the People of Israel demanded to have a King to Govern over them as other Nations round about them had and to leave the Government of the High Priests under whom at that day they were At which demand both God himself and Samuel were grievously offended and Samuel by Gods express order protested unto them in this manner Well quoth he you will have a King hearken then to this that I will say Hoc erit jus regis qui imperaturus est vobis This shall be the Right and Power of the King that shall rule over you to wit He shall take from you your Children both Sons and Daughters your Fields and Vineyards your Harvest also and Rents your Servants Hand-maids and Herds of Cattel and shall give them to his Servants and you shall Cry unto God in that day from the face of this your King whom you have chosen and God shall not hear you for that you have demanded a King to Govern you Thus far the Prophet Out of all which discourse and Speech of the Prophet these Men do gather that a King is nothing so restrained in his Power or Limited to Law as you have affirmed but
most ancient among other for that after the Empire once translated from Rome to Constantinople by our Constantine the Great the first Christian Emperour that ever did publickly shew himself for such These Greek Emperours were the most eminent Princes in all Christianity among whom I do find that albeit their coming to the Crown were nothing so orderly for the most part as at this day it is used but many times the means thereof were turbulent and seditious yet find I as I say that above a Thousand years ago they were wont to have an Oath exacted at their hands by the Patriarch of Constantinople who was their chief Prelate For thus writeth Zonaras of the Coronation of Anastatius the first that succeeded Zeno about the year of Christ 524. Antequaem coronaretur Fidei confessionem scriptam qua polliceretur se in dogmâ—tibus Ecclesiasticis nihil esse novaturum ab eo exegit Patriarcha Euphemius vir sanctus orthodoxus The Patriarch Euphemius being a Holy and Catholick man required of Anastatius elected Emperour before he was Crowned a Confession in Writing wherein he should promise to change or innovate nothing in matters pertaining to the Doctrine of the Church Thus much Zonaras and the same have Nicephorus Evagrias and others And not only this but divers other conditions also doth the same Author insinuate that this Anastatius promised at his Coronation before he could be Crowned as among other things the taking away of certain Tributes and Impositions the giving of Offices without Money and other such like points appertaining to Reformation and good Government which he performed for a time in the beginning of his Government but afterwards fell into the Heresies of the Eutichians and banished this good Patriarch Euphemius that had Crowned him and he thrived thereafter for that he was slain by a Thunder-bolt from Heaven after he had reigned 27 years and was accounted for a very wicked man by all Writers for that he had broken as they said the Conditions quas gravi juramento scriptis relato confirmasset That is to say The conditions which he had confirmed and avowed with a grave Oath as saith Evagrius The like I read about 300 years after recorded by the same Author of the Emperour Michael the first in these words Michael ubi diluxit magnam ecclesiam ingressus à Patriarcha Nicephoro imperatorio diademate est ornatus postulato prius scripto quo promitteret se nulla ecclesiae institutae violaturum neque Christianorum Sanguine manus contaminaturum Which is Michael new chosen Emperour came early in the morning into the great Church of Constantinople and was Crowned there with the Imperial Crown by the hands of Nicephorus the Patriarch But yet so as he was first required to swear and promise by writing That he would not violate the Ordinances of the Church nor contaminate his hands with Christian Bloud Which in effect is as much as to say That he should reign godly and justly And many other such Examples might be alledged but by this it is â—asie to see what was the fashion of Admitting and Crowning those Grecian Emperours by their Patriarchâ— in the Name of all the Commonwealth which Commonwealth was not satisfied with an Oath except also it were set down in writing And if we pass to the Latine and West Empire which about this very time was restored by Zachary the Pope and by the whole Commonwealth of Rome as before hath been shewed and was given to Charles the Great and his Posterity we shall find that this point is more settled and more inviolably kept yet in this Empire than in the other for albeit this Empire of the West went by Succession for the most part at the beginning until afterwards it was appointed by Pope Gregory the fifth to pass by Election of certain Princes in Germany that now enjoy that priviledge to be Electors Yet shall we see always that they even before this constitution when this Dignity went by Succession were never admitted to the same without this circumstance of swearing to conditions of righteous Government The form and manner of which admission for I find it set down more perfectly and particularly in the Coronation of Otho the first than of any other Emperour and that by many Authors and that this Otho was Son and Heir unto the most famous Emperour Henry the first of that Name Duke of Saxony surnamed the Faulkner for the great delight he had in the flight of Faulcons For these causes I mean to begin with the Coronation of this man before any other This Otho then Son as I have said to Henry the first though being his eldest Son he was also his Heir and so named by Henry himself to the Inheritance of the said Crown of Germany yet was he not admitted thereunto until he made his Oath rand received his new approbation by the people for the story saith That the Archbishop of Moguntia who is the chief Primate of all Germany bringing him to the Altar where he must swear said these words unto the people Behold I bring you here Otho chosen by God and appointed out by his Father Henry our Lord and now made King by all the Princes of this Empire If this Election please you do you signifie the same by holding up your hands to Heaven Thus far are the words of the Historiographer And then he addeth That all held up their hands and that thereupon the said Archbishop turned about to the Altar where lay all the Ornaments and Ensigns of the Empire as the Sword with the Girdle the Cloke with the Bracelets the Staff with the Scepter and Diadem every one whereof the Archbishop put upon the Emperour telling him the signification of each thing and what it did bind him unto As for example when he put the Sword about him he said Accipe hunc Gladium quo licias omnes Christi adversarios malos Christianos authoritate Divina per Episcopos tibi tradita which is Take unto thee this Sword whereby thou maist drive away all the Enemies of Christ whether they be barbarous Infidels or evil Christians and this by the Authority of God delivered unto thee by us that are Bishops And thus he did with all other Ornaments and Ensigns telling the signification and obligation of every one and taking the Emperour's promise to perform all And after all the Historiographer concludeth thus Rex perfusus Oleo sancto coronatur Diademate aureo ab Episcopis ab eisdem ad solium regale ducitur in eo coclatur that is The King being anointed with holy Oyl was crowned by the Bishops and by the same was brought to the Royal Seat and therein placed This happened about the year of Christ 940. And the Ceremony is recounted more ample in this Mans Coronation then in any other both for that he was a very Noble Prince and the very first of the Germain
have shewed of the particular Government of a Monarchy in respect of other forms of Regiment to wit that it wanted not all but had fewer inconveniences than other forms of Regiment have so say I also of this that albeit some inconveniences want not in Succession yet are they commonly far less and fewer than would follow by meer Election which is subject to great and continual dangers of ambition emulation division sedition and contention which do bring with them evident peril of universal destruction and desolation of the whole Body and this at every change of the Prince which change on the other side is much assured by Succession for that great occasions of strife and contention are thereby cut off And besides this the Prince who is in present possession knowing that his son or next of kin is to be his Heir hath more care to leave the Realm in good order as we see that the Husband-man hath to till and manure that ground which is his own and to remain to his posterity A third commodity also there is for that less mutations and alterations are seen in the Common-wealth where Succession prevaileth for that the Son following his Father doth commonly retain the same Friends Counsellours Officers and servants which his Father had before him pursueth the same Actions and Intentions with the same manner of Proceeding for the most part whereas he that entreth by Election being an alien to him that went before him and never lightly his friend doth change alter and turn upside down all things Furthermore which may be also a fourth reason he that entreth by Succession for that he is either born a Prince or hath been much respected still for his Title to the Crown bringeth with him less passions of hatred emulation anger envy or revenge against particular men for that no man durst offend him than doth he which entreth by only Election for that he having been a Subject and equal to others before his advancement and thereby holden contention with many especially of this Election must needs have matter of quarrel with many which he will seek easily to revenge when he is in authority as on the other side also such as were his equals before will bear him less respect and more unwillingly be under him than if by birth he had been their Soveraign These and divers other are the commodities of Succession whereunto we may also add the preheminence and priviledg of Primogeniture ancestry of Birth so much respected and commended by Holy Writ not only in men but in all other creatures also whose first-born were dedicated to God himself and one notable example among others occurreth to my mind of the two Sons of Isaak of the which two albeit God had ordained to chuse the younger before he was born as S. Paul testifieth and to reject the elder that is to say that Jacob should inherit the benediction and not Esau Yet would God have this younger to procure the said priviledge of Eldership from Esau by divers means as first by bargain and after by guile according to the Story we read in Genes Out of which Story two points may be pondered much to our purpose First that primogeniture or eldership of birth as I have said was greatly respected by God and according to that all the descents and Successions of Kings were commonly among that people for that ordinarily the eldest son ever succeeded his father in the Crown of Jury And the second point is that God would shew even in this beginning that yet this priviledge was not so inviolable but that upon just causes it might be broken as it was by this his choice of Jacob the younger and rejecting Esau the Elder and many times after in matter of Government the same was practised by God himself as when Judah the fourth Tribe and not Reuben the first and eldest was appointed by God to enjoy the Scepter and Crown of the Jewes as also when King David dyed not his first second or third son but his tenth in order to wit Solomon who was also the fourth that he had by Bersabee was appointed for his Successor So that in very deed we have here both our two Cases that were propounded in the beginning over-ruled and determined by Authority and Example of Holy Writ it self namely and first of all that priority and propinquity of Bloud in Succession is greatly to be honoured regarded and preferred in all affairs of Dignity and Principality and yet which is the second point are we not so absolutely and peremptorily bound thereunto always but that upon just and urgent occasions that course may be altered and broken Which Licence or Liberty is indeed the only or at least wise the most principal Remedy for such Inconveniences as do or may ensue in the course of Succession which inconveniences as before I shewed to be far less and fewer than are wont to follow of bare Election alone yet did I confess also that some did or might fall out as namely that the person who by succession of Bloud is next may be unable or unfit or pernicious to Govern In which Cases the remedy is as before hath been declared either to help and assist him by Laws and Directions and wise Councels if he be capable thereunto or else to remove him and take in another of the same Bloud-Royal though further off in degree or propinquity in his place And this is and hath been the custom and practice of all Nations and Commonwealths from the beginning since Succession hath been established among them as afterwards I shall demonstrate unto you by great store of evident Examples and Presidents and by this means we come to remedy the difficulties and inconveniences of both kinds of making our Kings and Princes which are Election and Succession as hath been said for by Succession we do remedy the inconveniences and dangers before-mentioned of bare Election to wit of strife banding ambition and the like and by this other mean of adding also Election Consent and Approbation of the Realm to Succession alone which inconveniences are principally that some unapt impotent or evil Prince may be offered sometimes to enter by priority of Bloud whereof the Realm may deliver it self by this other means of not admitting him so as Election by Succession and Succession again by Election is salved and the one made a Preservative and Triacle to the other and this is the Wisdom and high policy left by God and Nature to every Commonwealth for their own conservation and maintainance and every man that is of Reason and Judgment and void of passion will not only allow but also highly commend the same Now then to answer in particular to the two Questions made at the beginning of this speech to wit what is to be attributed to Succession alone and Secondly What Interest a Prince hath thereby to
places even in those Kingdoms where Succession prevaileth with many Examples of the Kingdoms of Israel and Spain AT the next Meeting the Civilian came in very pensive as though his head had been full of study where being asked the reason he answered that he had revolved many Stories since his departure about the point which he promised to treat of and that he had found such store and great variety of matter as he knew not well where to end For quoth he if I should begin with the Grecian Kings before-mentioned it were infinite that might be alledged and perhaps some man would say they were too too old and far-fetched Examples and cannot be Presidents to us in these ages and if I lay before you the Examples of Roman Kings and Emperours put in and out against the Law and Right of Succession the same men perhaps will answer that it was by force and injury of mutinous Souldiers whereunto that Common-wealth was greatly subject And if I should bring forth any Presidents and Examples of Holy Scriptures some others might chance to reply that this was by particular priviledge wherein God Almighty would deal and dispose of things against the ordinary course of mans saw as best liked himself whose will is more than saw and whose Actions are right it self for that he is Lord of all and to be limited by no Rule or Law of man but yet that this is not properly the Act of a Commonwealth as our Question demandeth Thus I say it may be that some man would reply and therefore having store enough of plain and evident matter which hath no exception for that it hath happened in settled Commonwealths and those nearer home where the Law of Succession is received and established to wit in Spain France and England but yet putting you in mind before I pass any further that it is a matter much to be marked how God dealt is this point with the people of Israel at the beginning after he had granted to them that they should have the same Government of Kings that other Nations round about them had whose Kings did ordinarily reign by Succession as ours do at this day and as all the Kings of the Jews did afterwards and yet this notwithstanding God at the beginning to wit at the very entrance of their first Kings would shew plainly that this Law of Succeeding of the one the other by Birth and propinquity of Bloud though for the most part it should prevail yet that it was not so precisely necessary but that upon just causes it might be altered For proof whereof we are to consider that albeit he made Saul a true and lawful King over the Jewes and consequently also gave him all Kingly Priviledges Benefits and Prerogatives belonging to that Degree and State whereof one Principal as you know is to have his children succeed after him in the Crown Yet after his death God suffered not any one of his generation to succeed him though he left behind him many children and among others Ishbosheth a Prince of 40 years of age whom Abner the General Captain of that Nation with eleven Tribes followed for a time as their Lawful Lord and Master by Succession until God checked them for it and induced them to reject him though Heir apparent by descent and to cleave to David newly elected King who was a stranger by Birth and no Kin at all to the King deceased And if you say here that this was for the sin of Saul whom God hath rejected I do confess it but yet this is nothing against our purpose for that we pretend not that a Prince that is next in Bloud can justly be put back except it be for his own defects or those of his Ancestors And moreover I would have you consider that by this it is evident that the fault of the Father may prejudicate the Sons Right to the Crown albeit the Son have no part in the fault as we may see in this example not only of Ishbosheth that was punished and deprived for the offence of Saul his Father notwithstanding he had been proclaimed King as hath been said but also of Jonathan's Saul's son who was so good a man and so much praised in Holy Scripture and yet he being slain in War and leaving a son named Mephibosheth he was put back also though by nearness of Bloud he had great Interest in the Succession as you see and much before David But David being placed in the Crown by Election free Consent and Admission of the People of Israel as the scripture plainly testifies though by motion and direction of God himself we must confess and no man I think will deny but that he had given unto him therewith all Kingly Priviledges Preheminâ—nces and Regalities even in the highest degree as was convenient to such a state and among others the Scripture expressly nameth that in particular it was assured him by God that his Seed should Reign after â—im yea and that for ever but yet we do not find this to be performed to any of 〈◊〉 persons as by Order of Succession it should seem to appertain 〈◊〉 nor to any of their off-spring or descents but only to Solomon which was his younger and tenth son and the fourth only by 〈◊〉 as before hath been touched True it is that the Scripture recounteth how Adonias David's elder son that was of rare beauty and a very Godly young Prince seeing his Father now very old and impotent and to lye on his Death bed and himself Heir apparent by antiquity of Bloud after the death of Absalom his elder brother that was slain before he had determined to have proclaimed himself Heir apparent in Jerusalem before his Father dyed and for that purpose had ordained a great Assembly and Banquet had called unto it both the High-Priest Abiathar and divers of the Clergy as also the General Captain of all the Army of Israel named Joab with others of the Nobility and with them all the rest of his Brethren that were sons to King David saving only Solomon together with many other Princes and great Men both Spiritual and Temporal of that Estate and had prepared for them a great Feast as I have said meaning that very day to proclaim himself Heir apparent to the Crown and to be Crowned as indeed by Succession of bloud it appertained unto him and this he attempted so much the rather by counsil of his Friends for that he saw the King his Father very old and impotent and ready to dye and had taken no order at all for his Successor and moreover Adonias had understood how that Barsabee Solomon's Mother had some hope to have her son reign after David upon a certain promise that David in his youth had made unto her thereof as also she had in the special favour and friendship which Nathan the Prophet and Zadok the Priest who could do much with
the first Race for that it is evident by the Councils of Toledo before-alledged which were holden in that very time that in those days express Election was joined with Succession as by the deposition of King Suintilla and putting back of all his Children as also by the Election and Approbation of King Sisinando that was further off by Succession hath been insinuated before and in the Fifth Council of that age in Toledo it is decreed expressly in these words Si quis taliâ— meditatus fuerit talking of pretending to be King quem nec electio omnium perfecit nec Gothicae gentis nobilitas ad hunc honoris apicem trahit sit consortio Catholicorum privatus Divino anathemate condemnatus If any man shall imagin said these Fathers or go about to aspire to the Kingdom whom the Election and Choice of all the Realm doth not make perfect nor the Nobility of the Gothish Nation doth draw to the height of this Dignity let him be deprived of all Catholick Society and damned by the Curse of Almighty God By which words is insinuated that not only the Nobility of Gothish Bloud or nearness by Succession was required for the making of their King but much more the Choice or Admission of all the Realm wherein this Council putteth the Perfection of his Title The like determination was made in another Council at the same place before this that I have alledged and the words are these Nullus apud nos presumptione regnum arripiat sed defuncto in pace Principe optimates Gentis cum sacerdotibus successorem regni communi concilio constituant Which in English is thus Let no man with us snatch the Kingdom by presumption but the former Prince being dead in peace let the Nobility of the Nation together with the Priests and Clergy appoint the Successor of the Kingdom by Common Council Which is as much as to say as if he had said Let no man enter upon the Kingdom by presumption of Succession alone but let the Lords Temporal and Spiritual by common voice see what is best for the Weal-Publick Now then according to these antient Decrees albeit in the second race of Don Pelayo the Law of Succession by propinquity of Bloud was renewed and much more established than before as the antient Bishop of Tuys and Molina and other Spanish Writers do testify yet that the next in Bloud was oftentimes put back by the Commonwealth upon just causes these Examples following shall testify as briefly recounted as I can possibly Don Pelayo dyed in the Year of our Lord 737 left a son named Don Favilla who was King after his Father and Reigned two Years only After whose death none of his Children were admitted for King though he left divers as all Writers do testify But as Don Lucas the Bishop of Tuy a very antient Author writeth Aldefonsus Catholicus ab universo populo Gothorum eligitur that is as the Chronicler Moralis doth translate in Spanish Don Alonso sirnamed the Catholick was chosen to be King by all voices of the Gothish Nation This Don Alonso was son in Law to the former King Favilla as Morales saith for that he had his daughter Ermenesenda in Marriage and he was preferred before the King 's own Sons only for that they were young and unable to Govern as the said Historiographer testifyeth And how well this fell out for the Commonwealth and how excellent a King this Don Alonso proved Morales sheweth at large from the tenth chapter of his thirteenth Book unto the seventeenth and Sebastianus Bishop of Salamanca that lived in the same time writeth that for his Valiant Acts he was sirnam'd the Great To this Famous Don Alonso succeeded his son Don Fruela the first of that name who was a Noble King for ten Years space and had divers excellent Victories against the Moores but afterwards declining to Tyranny he became hateful to his Subjects and for that he put to death wrongfully his own Brother Don Vimerano a Prince of excellent parts and rarely beloved of the Spaniards he was himself put down and put to death by them in the Year of Christ 768 And albeit this King left two goodly children behind him which were lawfully begotten upon his Queen Dona Munia the one of them a son called Don Alonso and the other a daughter called Dona Ximea yet for the hatred conceived against their Father neither of them was admitted by the Realm to succeed him but rather his Cousin German named Don Aurelio brothers son to Don Alonso the Catholick was preferred and reigned peaceably six years and then dying without issue for that the hatred of the Spaniards was not yet ended against the memory of King Fruela they would not yet admit any of his Generation but rather excluded them again the second time and admitted a Brother in Law of his named Don Silo that was married to his sister Dona Adosinda daughter to the foresaid Noble King Catholick Alonso So that here we see twice the right Heirs of King Don Fruela for his evil Government were put back But Don Silo being dead without issue aâ— also Don Aurelio was before him and the Spaniards anger against King Fruela being now well asswaged they admitted to the Kingdom his foresaid son Don Alonso the younger sirnamed afterwards the Chast whom now twice before they had put back as you have seen but now they admitted him though his Reign at the first endured very little for that a certain bastard uncle of his named Don Mauregato by help of the Moores put him out and reigned by force six years and in the end dying without issue the matter came in deliberation again whether the King Don Alonso the chast that yet lived and had been hidden in a Monastery of Galatia during the time of the Tyrant should return again to Govern or rather that his Cousin-german Don Vermudo son to his Uncle the Prince Vimerano whom we shewed before to have been slain by this mans Father King Fruela should be elected in his place And the Realm of Spain determined the second to wit that Don Vermudo though he were much further off by propinquity of Bloud and within Ecclesiastical Order also for that he had been made Deaconâ— should be admitted partly for that he was judged for the more Valiant and Able Prince than the other who seemed to be made more acquainted now with the Life of Monks and Religious men than of a King having first been brought up among them for ten or twelve Years space whilst Don Aurelio and Don Silo reigned after the death of his Father King Fruela and secondly again other six Years during the Reign of the Tyrant Mauregato for which cause they esteemed the other to be fitter as also for the different memories of their two Fathers King Fruela and Prince Vimerano whereof the first was hateful and the
by the name of King Vermudo the Second who left after him Don Alonso the Fifth and he again his son Don Vermudo the Third who marrying his sister Dona Sancha that was Heir unto Don Ferdinando the first Earl and then King of Castile who was second son to Don Sancho Mayor King of Navar as before hath been said he join'd by these means the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile together which were separate before and so ended the line of Don Pelayo first Christian King of Spain after the entrance of the Moors which had endured now three hundred years and the Bloud of Navar entred as you see and so continued therein until the entrance of those of Austria as before hath been said which was almost five hundred years together And thus much I thought good to note out of the Histories of Spain for this first descent of the Spanish Kings after the entrance of the Moors neither mean I to pass much further both for that it would be too long as also for that mine Author Morales who is the most diligent that hath written the Chronicles of that Nation endeth here his History with King Vermudo the Third and last of the Gothish Bloud Notwithstanding if I would go on further there would not want divers evident Examples also to the same purpose which Stephen Garabay another Chronicler of Spain doth touch in the continuation of this History whereof for Examples sake only I will name two or three among the rest And first about the year of Christ 1201. there was a Marriage made by King John of England for Dona Blancha his Neece that is to say the daughter of his Sister Dame Eleanor and of Don Alonso the Ninth of that name King and Queen of Spain which Blancha was to marry the Prince of France named â—uys Son and Heir to King Philip sirnamed Augustus which Luys was afterwards King of France by the name of Luys the VIII and was Father to Luys the IX sirnamed the Saint This Lady Blancha was Neece as I have said unto King John and to King Richard the First of England for that her Mother Lady Eleanor was their sister and daughter to King Henry the Second and King John made this Marriage thereby to make peace with the French and was content to give for her Dowry for that he could not tell how to recover them again all those Towns and Countreys which the said King Philip had taken from the English by this King 's evil Government in Normandy and Gascony and moreover promise was made that if the Prince Henry of Spain that was the only brother to the Lady Blanch should die without issue as after he did then this Lady should succeed in the Crown of Spain also But yet afterwards the State of Spain would not perform this but rather admitted her younger sister Dona Berenguela married to the Prince of Leon and excluded both Blanch and her son the King S. Luys of France against the evident Right of Succession and propinquity of Bloud and the only Reason they yielded hereof was not to admit Strangers to the Crown as Garabay testifieth This happened then and I do note by the way that this Dona Berenguela second Daughter of Queen Eleanor the English Woman was married as hath been said to the Prince of Leon and had by him Don Fernando the Third of that name King of Castilia sirnamed also the Saint So as the two Daughters of an English Queen had two Kings Saints for their sons at one time the elder of France and the younger of Spain After this again about threescore years the Prince of Spain named Don Alonso sirnamed de la cerda for that he was born with a great gristle-hair on his breast called Cerda in Spanish which Don Alonso was Nephew to the King Fernando the Saint and married with the Daughter of Saint Luys King of France named also Blancha as her Grand-mother was and had by her two Sons called Alonso and Hornando de la cerda as the Prince their Father was named which Father of theirs dying before the King the Grand-father left them commended to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown yet for that a certain Uncle of theirs named Don Sancho younger Brother to their Father which Don Sancho was sirnamed afterwards el bravo for his valour and was a great Warriour and more like to manage well the matters of War than they he was made Heir apparent of Spain and they put back in their Grand-fathers time and by his and the Realms consent their father as I have said being dead and this was done in a General Parliament holden at Segovia in the year 1276. And after this Don Sancho was made King in the year 1284 and the two Princes put into prison but afterwards at the suit of their Uncle King Philip the Third of France they were let out again and endued with certain Lands and so they remain unto this day and of these do come the Dukes of Medina Celi and all the rest of the House of Cerda which are of much Nobility in Spain at this time and King Philip that reigneth cometh of Don Sancho the younger Brother Not long after this again when Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel King of Castile was driven out and his bastard brother Henry the Second set up in his place as before hath been mentioned the Duke of Lancaster John of Gant having married Dona Constantia the said King Peter's daughter and Heir pretended by Succession the said Crown of Castile as indeed it appertained unto him but yet the State of Spain denied it flatly and defended it by Arms and they prevailed against John of Gant as did also the race of Henry the Bastard against his lawful Brother and the race of Don Sancho the Uncle against his lawful Nephews as hath been shewed and that of Dona Berenguela against her elder Sister all which Races do reign unto this day and these three Changes of the True Line happened within two Ages and in the Third and principal descent of the Spanish Kings when this matter of Succession was most assuredly and perfectly established and yet who will deny but that the Kings of Spain who hold by the latter Titles at this day are true and lawful Kings Well one Example will I give you more out of the Kingdom of Portugal and so will I make an end with these Countreys This King Henry the Bastard last named King of Spain had a son that succeeded him in the Crown of Spain named John the First who married the Daughter and Heir named Dona Beatrix of King Fernando the First of Portugal but yet after the death of the said King Fernando the States of Portugal would never agree to admit him for their King for not subjecting themselves by that means to the Castilians and for that cause they rather took for their King a Bastard
But this Hardicanutus being dead also upon the sudden at a certain Banquet in Lambeth by London without issue within two years after his Coronation the States of the Realm had determined to chuse Aludred for their King who was younger Brother to Edward and for that cause sent for him out of Normandy as Polidor recounteth and had made him King without all doubt for that he was esteemed more Stirring and Valiant than his elder Brother Edward had not Earl Goodwin of Kent fearing the young man's stomach raised a strong Faction against him and thereupon also caused him to be traiterously murthered as he passed through Kent towards London nor had the State herein any respect to Antiquity of Bloud for that before Alfred were both his own elder Brother Prince Edward who after him was chosen King and before them both were Edmond and Edward the Children of their elder Brother Edmond Ironside as hath been said and this is the third Breach of Lineal Descent But this notwithstanding Alured being slain Prince Edward was made King tanta publica laetitta saith Polidor ut certatim pro ejus saelici Principatu cuncti vot a facerent That is He was made King with such universal joy and contentment of all men as every man contended who should pray and make most Vows to God for his happy Reign And according to this was the Success for he was a most Excellent Prince and almost miraculously he Reigned with great Peace and void of all War at home and abroad for the space of almost twenty years after so infinit Broils as had been before him and ensued after him and yet his Title by Succession cannot be justified as you see for that his eldest Brothers Son was then alive to wit Prince Edward sirnamed the Outlaw who in this Kings Reign came into England and brought his Wife and three lawful Children with him to wit Edgar Margaret and Christian but yet was not this good King Edward so scrupulous as to give over his Kingdom to any of them or to doubt of the Right of his own Title which he had by Election of the Commonwealth against the Order of Succession This King Edward being dead without issue Polidor saith that the States made a great Consultation whom they should make King and first of all it seemeth they excluded him that was only Next by Propinquity in Bloud which was Edgar Adelin Son to the said Prince Edward the Outlaw now departed and Nephew to King Edmond Ironside and the reason of this exclusion is alledged by Polidor in these words is puer id aetatis nondum regno gubernando maturus erat That is he being a Child of so small-years was not ripe enough to Govern the Kingdom And then he saith that Harald Son of Earl Goodwin by the Daughter of Canutus the First proclaimed himself King and moreover he addeth Non displicuit omnino id factum populo qui plurimum sâ—ei in Haraldi virtute habebat itaque more majorum sacratus est which is This fact of Harald displeased not at all the People of England for that they had great hope in the vertue of this Harald and so was he Anointed and Crowned according to the Fashion of the antient Kings of England By which words we may see that Harald had also the approbation of the Realm to be King notwithstanding that little Edgar was present as hath been said so as this was the fourth Breach of Succession at this time But in the mean space William Duke of Normandy pretended that he was chosen before by King Edward the Confessor and that the Realm had given their consent thereunto and that King Edward left the same testified in his last Will and Testament and albeit none of our English Authors do avow the same clearly yet do many other foreign Writers hold it and it seemeth very probable that some such thing had past both for that Duke William had many in England that did favour his Pretence at his entrance as also as Gerard in his French Story saith that at his first Coming to London he punished divers by name for that they had broken their Oaths and Promises in that behalf And moreover it appeareth that by alledging this Title of Election he moved divers Princes abroad to favour him in that Action as in a just Quarrel which is not like they should have done if he had pretended only a Conquest or his Title of Consanguinity which could be of no importance in the World for that effect seeing it was no other but that his Grandfather and King Edward's Mother were Brother and Sister which could give him no pretence at all to the Succession of the Crown by Bloud and yet wee see that divers Princes did assist him and among others the French Chronicler Gerard so often named before writeth that Alexander the second Pope of Rome whose Holiness was so much esteemed in those days as one Constantinus Afer wrot a Book of his Miracles being informed by Duke William of the Justness of his pretence did send him his Benediction and a precious Ring of Gold with an Hallowed Banner by which he got the Victory thus writeth Gerard in his French Chronicles and Antoninus Archbishop of Florence sirnamed Sainct writing of this matter in his Chronicles speaketh great good of William Conquerour and commendeth his Enterprize But howsoever this was the Victory we see he got and God prospered his Pretence and hath confirmed his Off-spring in the Crown of England more than 500. Years together So as now accounting from the the death of King Edmond Ironside unto this man we shall find as before I have said in less than 50 Years that 5. or 6. Kings were made in England one after another by only Authority and Approbation of the Commonwealth contrary to the ordinary Course of Lineal Succession by Propinquity of Blood And all this is before the Conquest but if we should pass any further down we should find more Examples than before For First the two Sons of the Conquerour himself that succeeded after him to wit William Rufus and Henry the I. were they not both younger Brothers to Robert Duke of Normandy to whom the most part of the Realm was inclined as Polydor saith to have given the Kingdom presently after the Conquerours death as due to him by Succession notwithstanding that William for particular displeasure against his elder Son had ordained the contrary in his Testament But that Robert being absent in the War of Hierusalem the Holy and Learned man Laufranke as he was accounted then Archbishop of Canterbury being deceived with vain hope of William Rufus's good nature perswaded them the contrary who was at that day of high Estimation and Authority in England and so might induce the Realm to do what he liked By like means got Henry his younger Brother the same Crown afterwards to wit by fair Promises to the
body which is ever to be respected more then any one Person whatsoever Belloy or other of his opinion do say to the contrary Thus said the Civilian and being called upon and drawn to a new matter by the question that ensueth he made his last discourse and conclusion of the whole matter in manner following CHAP. IX What are the principal points which a Common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding of any Prince that pretendeth to succeed wherein it is handled largely also of the diversity of Religion and other such Cases AFter the Civilian had alledged all these examples of Succession altered or rejected by publick Authority of Commonwealths and of the allowance and approbation and good success which for the most part God seems to have given unto the same one of the Company brake forth and said That this point appeared so evident unto him as no doubt in the World could be made thereof I mean Whether this thing in it self be lawful or no To alter sometimes the course of Succession seeing that all Commonwealths of Christendom had done it so often only he said that it remained somewhat doubtful unto him whether the causes alledged in these mutations and changes before-mentioned were always sufficient or no For that sometimes they seemed to him but weak and slender as when for example the Vncle was preferred before the Nephews for that he was a Man and the other Children which cause and reason hath oftentimes been alledged in the former examples both of Spain France and England As also when the younger or Bastard Brother is admitted and the elder and Legitimate Excluded for that the one is a Warrier and the other not and other such like causes are yielded said he in the Exclusions before-rehearsed which yet seems not sometimes weighty enough for so great an Affair To this answered the Civilian That according to their Law both Civil and Canon which thing also he affirmed to be founded on great reason it is a matter most certain that he who is Judge and ought to give the sentence in the thing it self is also to judge of the cause for thereof is he called Judge And if he have authority in the one good reason he should also have power to discern the other so as if we grant according to the form and proofs That the Realm or Commonwealth hath power to admit or put back the Prince or pretender to the Crown Then must we also confess that the same Commonwealth hath Authority to judge of the lawfulness of the cause and considering further that it is in their own affair and in a matter that hath his whole beginning continuance and substance from them alone I mean from the Commonwealth for that no Man is King or Prince by institution of nature as before hath been declared but every King and Kings Son hath his dignity and preheminence above other men but authority only of the Commonwealth Who can affirm the contrary said the Civilian But that God doth allow for a just and sufficient cause in this behalf the only will and judgment of the weal publick it self supposing always as in reason we may that a whole Realm will never agree by orderly way of judgment for of this only I mean and not of any particular Faction of private men against their Heir Apparent to Exclude or put back the next Heir in Bloud and Succession without a reasonable cause in their sight and consure And seeing that they only are to be Judges of this case as now I have said we are to presume that what they determine is just and lawful for the time and if at one time they should determine one thing and the contrary at another as they did often in England during the contention between York and Lancaster and on other like occasions what can a private Man judge otherwise but that they had different reasons and motions to lead them at different times and they being properly Lords and Owners of the whole business committed unto them It is enough for every particular man to subject himself to that which his Common-wealth doth in this behalf and to obey simply without any further inquisition except he should see that open injustice were done therein or God manifestly offended and the Realm indangered Open injustice I call said he when not the true Commonwealth but some Faction of wicked Man should offer to determin this matter without lawful authority of the Realm committed to them and I call manifest offence of God and danger of the Realm when such a Man is preferred to the Crown as is evident that he will do what lyeth in him to the prejudice of them both I mean both of Gods glory and the publick Wealth as for example if a Turk or Moor as before I have said or some other notorious wicked Man or Tyrant should be offered by Succession or otherwise to govern among Christians in which cases every man no doubt is bound to resist what he can for that the very end and intent for which all Government was first ordained is herein manifestly impugned Thus the Civilian discoursed and the whole Company seemed to like very well thereof for that they said his opinion appeared both prudent and pious and by this occasion it came also presently in question What were the true causes and principal points which ought to be chiefly regarded as well by the Commonwealth as by every particular Man in this great action of furthering or hindering any Prince towards a Crown And they said unto the Civilian that if he would discuss in like manner this point unto them it would be a very apt and good conclusion to all his former Speeches and Discourses which having been of the authority that well publicks have over Princes Titles this other of the causes and considerations that ought to lead them for use and exercise of the same authority would fall very fit and necessary for the up-shot of all Hereunto the Civilian answered that he well saw the fitness and importance of the matter and therefore that he was content to speak a word or two more thereof Notwithstanding that much had been said already therein to wit in all those points which had been disputed about the end of Government and why it was appointed which end said he seing it is as largely hath been proved before to defend preserve and benefit the Commonwealth here hence that is from this consideration of the Wel-publick are to be deduced all other considerations of most importance for discerning a good or evil Prince For that whosoever is most likely to defend preserve and benefit most his Realm and subjects he is most to be allowed and desired as most conform to the end for which Government was ordained And on the contrary side he that is least like to do this deserveth least to be preferred and here quoth he you see doth enter also that consideration mentioned
shall now begin to make more particular declaration taking my beginning from the Children of King Edward the third who were the causers of this fatal dissention CHAP. III. Of the succession of English Kings from King Edward the third unto our days with the particular causes of dissention between the Families of York and Lancaster more largely declared KIng Edward the third surnamed by the English the Victorious though he had many Children whereof some died without Issue which appertain not to us to treat of yet had he five Sons that left Issue behind them to wit Edward the eldest that was Prince of Wales surnamed the Black Prince Leonel Duke of Clarence which was the second Son John of Gaunt so called for that he was born in that City that was the third Son and by his Wife was Duke of Lancaster and fourthly Edmond surnamed of Langley for that he was also born there and was Duke of York and last of all Thomas the fifth Son surnamed of Woodstock for the same reason of his birth and was Duke of Gloucester All these five Dukes being great Princes and Sons of one King left Issue behind them as shall be declared and for that the descendents of the third and fourth of these Sons to wit of the Dukes of Lancaster and York came afterward to strive who had best Title to Reign thereof it came that the controversie had his name of these two Families which for more distinction sake and the better to be known took upon them for their Ensigns a Rose of two different colours to wit the White Rose and the Red as all the World knoweth whereof the White served for York and the Red for Lancaster To begin then to shew the Issue of all these five Princes it is to be noted that the two elder of them to wit Prince Edward and his second Brother Leonel Duke of Clarence dyed both of them before King Edward their Father and left each of them an Heir for that Prince Edward left a Son named Richard who Succeeded in the Crown immediately after his Grand-father by the name of King Richard the second but afterward for his evil Government was deposed and dyed in prison without Issue and so was ended in him the Succession of the first Son of King Edward The second Son Leonel dying also before his Father left behind him one only Daughter and Heir named Philippa who was married to one Edmond Mortimer â—arl of March and he had by her a Son and Heir named Roger Mortimer which Roger had Issue two Sons named Edmond and Roger which dyed both without Children and one daughter named Anne Mortimer who was married unto Richard Plantagenet Earl of Cambridge second Son unto Edmond Langly Duke of York which Duke Edmond was fourth Son as hath been said unto King Edward the third and for that this Richard Plantagenet married the said Anne as hath been said hereby it came to pass that the House of York joyned two titles in one to wit that of Leonel Duke of Clarence which was the second Son of King Edward the third and that of Edmond Langly Duke of York which was the fourth Son and albeit this Richard Plantagenet himself never came to be Duke of York for that he was put to death while his elder Brother lived by King Henry the fifth for a conspiracy discovered in Southampton against the said King when he was going over into France with his Army yet he left a Son behind him named also Richard who afterward came to be Duke of York by the death of his Uncle which Uncle was slain soon after in the Batteâ— of Ageâ—couâ—t in France and this Richard began first of all to prosecute openly his quarrel for the Title of the Crown against the House of Lancaster as a little afterward more in particuler shall be declared as also shall be shewed how that this 2 Richard Duke of York being slain also in the same quarrel left a Son named Edward Earl of March who after much trouble got to be King by the name of King Edward the 4 by the oppression and putting down of King Henry the 6 of the House of Lancaster and was the first King of the House of York whose Genealogy we shall lay down more largely afterwards in place convenient And now it followeth in order that we should speak of John of Gaunt the third Son but for that his descent is great I shall first shew the descent of the fifth and last Son of King Edward who was Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester and Earl of Buckingham that was put to death afterward or rather murthered wrongfully by order of his Nephew King Richard the second and he left only one daughter and Heir named Anne who was married to the Lord Stafford whose Family afterward in regard of this marriage came to be Dukes of Buckingham and were put down by King Richard the third and King Henry the eighth albeit some of the bloud and name do remain yet still in England And thus having brought to an end the Issue of three Sons of King Edward to wit of the first second and fifth and touched also somewhat of the fourth there resteth to prosecute more fully the Issues and descents of the third and fourth Sons to wit of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster and of Edmond Langly Duke of York which are the Heads of these two Noble Families which thing I shall do in this place with all brevity and perspicuity possible beginning first with the House of Lancaster John of Gaunt third Son of King Edward being Duke of Lancaster by his Wife as hath been said had three Wives in all and by every one of them had issue though the Bishop of Ross in his great Latine Arbour of the Genealogies of the Kings of England Printed in Paris in the year 1580. assigneth but one Wife only to this John of Gaunt and consequently that all his Children were born of her which is a great and manifest errour and causeth great confusion in all the rest which in his Book of the Queen of Scots Title he buildeth hereon for that it being evident that only the first Wife was Daughter and Heir of the House of Lancaster and John of Gaunt Duke thereof by her it followeth that the Children only that were born of her can pretend properly to the inheritance of that house and not others born of John of Gaunt by other wives as all the World will confess First then as I have said this John of Gaunt married Blanch Daughter and Heir of Henry Duke of Lancaster and had by her one Son only and two Daughters The Son was called Henry Earl first of Darby and after made Duke of Hereford by King Richard the second and after that came to be Duke also of Lancaster by the death of his Father and lastly was made King by the deposition of his Cousen German the said King
you have heard it proved of all Law-makers Philosophers Lawyers Divines and Governours of Commonwealhs who have set down in their Statutes and Ordinances that Kings shall swear and protest at their entrance to Government that they will observe and perform the conditions there promised and otherwise to have no Interest in that Dignity and Soveraignty By examples in like manner of all Realms Christian he declared how that often-times they have deposed their Princes for just causes and that God hath concurred and assisted wonderfully the same sending them commonly very good Kings after those that were deprived and in no Country more then in England it self yea in the very Line and Family of this King Richard whose Noble Grandfather King Edward the third was exalted to the Crown by a most solemn deposition of his predecessor King Edward the second wherefore in this point there can be little controversie and therefore we shall pass unto the second which is whether the causes were good and just for which this King Richard was esteemed worthy to be deposed And in this second point much more difference there is betwixt York and Lancaster and between the white Rose and the Red for that the House of York seeking to make the other odious as though they had entred by tyranny and cruelty doth not stick to avouch that King Richard was unjustly deposed but against this the House of Lancaster alledgeth first that the House of York cannot justly say this for that the chief Prince assistant to the deposing of King Richard was Lord Edmond himself Duke of York and head of that family together with Edward Earl of Rutland and Duke of Aumarl his eldest Son and Heir yea and his younger Son also Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard that now pretendeth for so do write both Stow Hollingshead and other Chroniclers of England that those Princes of the Hâ—â—â—e of York did principally assist Henry Duke of Lancaster in getting the Crown and deposing King Richard and Polidâ—r speaking of the wicked Government of King Richard and of the first Cogitation about deposing him when King Henry of Lancaster was yet in France banished and seemed not to think of any such matter he hath these words Sed Edmundo Eboâ—acensium duci ea res cum primis bilem commovit quod Rex omnia jam jura perverteret quod antea parricidio postea râ—pints se obstrinxâ—sset c. That is this matter of the wicked Government of King Richard did principally offend his Uncle Edmond Duke of York for that he saw the King now to peâ—srvert all Law and Equity and that as before he had defiled himself with Parricide that is with the murther of his own Uncle the Duke of Glocester Brother to this Edmond so now he intangled himself also with Rapine in that he took by violence the Goods and Inheritance of John of Gaunt late deceased which did belong to Henry Duke of Lancaster his Cousin-German By which words of Polidor as also for that the Duke of Lancaster coming out of Britany accompaned only with threescore persons as some stories say chose first to go into York shire and to enter at Ravenspur at the mouth of Humber as all the World knoweth which he would never have done if the Princes of York had not principally favoured him in that action all this I say is an evident argument that these Princes of the House of York were then the chief doers in this deposition and consequently cannot alledge now with reason that the said Richard was deposed uniustly Secondly the House of Lancaster alledgeth for the justifying of this deposition the opinions of all Historiographers that ever have written of this matter whether they be English French Dutch Latine or of any other Nation or Language who all with one accord do affirm that King Richards Government was intolerable and he worthy of deposition whereof he that will see more let him read Thomas of Walsingham and John Frosard in the life of King Richard Thirdly they of Lancaster do alledge the particular outrages and insolencies of King Richards Government and first the suffering himself to be carried away with evil counsel of his favorites and then the perverting of all Laws generally under his Government as before you have heard out of Polidor the joyning with his Minions for oppressing the Nobility of which Stow hath these words The King being at Bristow with Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland and Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk devised how to take away the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel Warwick Darby and Nottingham and others whose deaths they conspired Thus saith Stow. And after they executed the most part of their devices for that Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester was made away without Law or Process the Earl of Arundel also was put to death and Warwick was banished and so was also Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury by like Injustice and the like was done to Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster and among other insolencies he suffered Robert Vere to dishonour and put from him his Wife a Noble and goodly young Lady as Stow saith and born of Lady Isabella King Richards Aunt that was daughter to King Edward the third and suffered Vere to marry another openly to her disgrace and dishonour of her Kindred And finally in the last Parliament that ever he held which was in the 21. year of his Reign commonly called the Evil Parliament he would needs have all authority absolute granted to certain favourites of his which Thomas Walsingham saith were not above 6 or 7. to determine of all matters with all full authority as if they only had been the whole Realm which was nothing indeed but to take all authority to himself only and Stow in his Chronicle hath these words following This Parliament began about the 15. of Sept. in the year 1397. at the beginning whereof Edward Stafford Bishop of Exeter Lord Chancellor of England made a proposition or Sermon in which he affirmed that the power of the King was alone and perfect of it self and those that do impeach it were worthy to suffer pain of the Law c. thus saith Stow by all which is evident how exorbitant and contrary to all Law and Equity this Kings Government was Fourthly and lastly those of Lancaster do alledge for justifying of this deprivation that Duke Henry was called home by express Letters of the more and better part of all the Realm and that he came wholly in a manner uâ—â—rmed considering his person for that Frosard saith he had but three Ships only out of Britany and Walsingham saith he had but 15. Lances and 4â—0 foot-men and the additions to Polâ—â—hronicon as before I noted do avouch that when he landed at Ravenspur in the County of York he had but threescore men in all to begin the Reformation of
his Realm against so potent a Tyrant as King Richard was then accounted and yet was the concourse of all people so great and general unto him that within few days he atchieved the matter and that without any battel or bloud-shed at all and thus much for the justness of the cause But now if we will consider the manner and form of this act they of Lancaster do affirm also that it could not be executed in better nor more convenient order First for that it was done by the choice and invitation of all the Realm or greater and better part thereof as hath been said Secondly for that it was done without slaughter and thirdly for that the King was deposed by Act of Parliament and himself convinced of his unworthy Government and brought to confess that he was worthily deprived and that he willingly and freely resigned the same neither can there be any more circumstances required say these men for any lawful deposition of a Prince And if any man will yet object and say that notwithstanding all this there was violence for that Duke Henry was Armed and by force of Arms brought this to pass they of Lancaster do answer that this is true that he brought the matter to an end by Forces for that an evil King cannot be removed but by force of Arms if we expect the ordinary way of remedy left by God unto the Commonwealth for seeing that a Tyrannical or obstinate evil Prince is an Armed enemy with his feet set on the Realms head certain it is that he cannot be driven nor plucked from thence nor brought in order but by force of Arms. And if you say that God may remedy the matter otherwise and take him away by sickness and other such means it is answered that God will not always bind himself to work Miracles or to use extraordinary means in bringing those things to pass which he hath left in the hands of men and of Commonwealths to effectuate by ordinary way of Wisdom and Justice As for example it were an easie thing say these men for God Almighty also when any wicked man breaketh his Law by theft murther or the like to punish him immediately by death or otherwise himself and yet he will not so do but will have the Realm to punish him and that by force of Arms also it otherwise it cannot be done and this as well for example and terror of 〈…〉 that God hath 〈…〉 in his name 〈…〉 〈…〉 particular president of punishing of evil 〈◊〉 in like manner by force and violence when other means will not serve these men say that besides all the great multitude of examples alledged before by the Lawyer in his fourth Chapter about evil Kings deposed there is great variety of several manners how the same hath been done by God's own Ordinance recounted in Holy Writ as first when the Scripture saith in the Books of Judges that Aod was stirred up by God to kill Eglon King of the Moabites that prosecuted the people of Israel and the manner was to feign a secret Embassage or message unto him and so to slay him in his Chamber as he did and God delivered his people by that means and chose this particular way whereas none will deny but that he might have done it by many other means less odious to the World then this was that seemed so cruel and full of Treason Again they shew that when God had rejected King Saul for his wickedness and determined to depose him he chose to do it by raising of David against him and by defending and assisting David both in Arms and otherwise divers years against Saul and in the end raised the Philistians also against him who after divers battels cut off his head and carried it up and down the Country upon a pole and presented it in all the Temples of their Idols and in the end left it pitched up in the Temple of Dagon all which God might have spared and have taken him away quietly without bloudshed if he would but he chose this second way In like manner when he would punish King Rehoboam for the sins of Solomon his Father and yet spare him also in part for the sake of his Grandfather David he caused a Rebellion to be raised against him by Jeroboam his Servant and more then three parts of four of his people to rebel against him and this by God's own instinct and motion and by his express allowance thereof after it was done as the Scripture avoucheth and if Rehoboam had fought against them for this fault as once he had thought to do and was prepared with a main Army no doubt but they might have lawfully slain him for that now these ten Tribes that forsook him had just authority to depose him for his evil Government and for not yielding to their just request made unto him for easing them of those grievous Tributes laid upon them as the Scripture reporteth For albeit God had a meaning to punish him for the sins of his Father Solomon yet suffered he that Rehoboam also should give just occasion himself for the people to leave him as appeareth by the story and this is God's high Wisdom Justice Providence and sweet disposition in humane affairs Another example of punishing and deposing evil Princes by force they do alledge out of the first Book of Kings where God appointed Elizeus the Prophet to send the Son of another Prophet to anoint Jehu Captain of Joram King of Israel which Joram was Son to the Queen Jezabel and to perswade Jehu to take Arms against his said King and against his mother the Queen and to deprive them both not only of their Kingdoms but also of their lives and so he did for the Scripture saith Conjuravit ergo Jehu contra Joram Jehu did conjure and conspire at the perswasion of this Prophet with the rest of his fellow Captains against his King Joram and Queen Jezabel the Kings Mother to put them down and to put them to death with all the ignominy he could devise and God allowed thereof and perswaded the same by so holy a Prophet as Elizeus was whereby we may assure our selves that the fact was not only lawful but also most Godly albeit in it self it might seem abominable And in the same book of Kings within two chapters after there is another example how God moved Jehoiadah High-priest of Jerusalem to perswade the Captains and Colonels of that City to conspire against Athalia the Queen that had Reigned 6. years and to Arm themselves with the Armor of the Temple for that purpose and to besiege the Palace where she lay and to kill all them that should offer or go about to defend her and so they did and having taken her alive she was put to death also by sentence of the said High-priest and the fact was allowed by God and highly commended in the Scripture and Joas
daughter and Heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence and was Grandfather to the last Edmond by me named should be Heir apparent to the Crown if the King should chance to die without Issue To which objection those of Lancaster do answer first that Polydor doth erre in the person when he saith that Edmond Husband of Lady Philippa was declared for Heir apparent for that this Edmond Mortimer that married Lady Philippa died peaceably in Ireland three years before this Parliament was holden to wit in the year of Christ 1382. as both Hollingshed Stow and other Chroniclers do testifie and therefore Polydor doth erre not only in this place about this man but also in that in another place he saith that this Edmond so declared Heir apparent by King Richard was slain by the Irish in Ireland 12 years after this declaration made of the succession to wit in the year 1394. which was indeed not this man but his Son Roger Mortimer Heir to him and to the Lady Philippa his Wife who was declared Heir apparent in the Parliament aforesaid at the instance of King Richard and that for especial hatred and malice as these men say which he did bear against his said Uncle the Duke of Lancaster and his Son Henry whom he desired to exclude from the succession The cause of this hatred is said to be for that presently upon the death of Prince Edward Father to this Richard which Prince died in the year of Christ 1376. and but 10. months before his Father King Edward the third there wanted not divers learned and wise men in England that were of opinion that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster eldest Son then living of the said King Edward should have succeeded his Father jure propinquitatis before Richard that was but Nephew and one degree further off then he but the old King was so extremely affectionate unto his eldest Son the black Prince Edward newly dead that he would not hear of any to succeed him as Frosard saith but only Richard the said Prince's Son Wherefore he called presently a Parliament which was the last that ever he held and therein caused his said Nephew Richard to be declared Heir apparent and made his three Sons then living that were Uncles to the Youth to wit John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmond Langley Duke afterwards of York and Thomas Woodstock Duke of Gloucester to swear Fealty unto Richard as they did And albeit John of Gaunt all his life after for keeping of his Oath that he had made unto his Father never pretended any Right to the Crown yet King Richard knowing well the pretence that he and his might have was still afraid of him and sought infinite means to be rid of him first by perswading him to go and make War in Spain where he thought he might miscarry in so dangerous an attempt and then offering to give him all Aquitain if he would leave England to go and live there as he did for three years with extreme peril for that the people of Aquitain would not receive him but rose against him and refused his Government and would not admit him for their Lord but appealed to the King who also allowed thereof and so when John of Gaunt came home into England again King Richard thought no better way to weaken him then to banish his Son Henry Duke of Hertford and so he did And besides this the said King Richard practised also by divers secret drifts the death of his said Uncle the Duke of Lancaster as Walsingham witnesseth and when the said Duke came at length to die which was in the 22. year of King Richard's reign he wrote such joyous Letters thereof as Frosard saith to his Father-in-law Charles the sixth King of France as though he had been delivered of his chiefest Enemy not imagining that his own destruction was so near at hand and much accelerated by the death of the said Duke as it was And these were the causes say the favourers of the House of Lancaster why King Richard caused this Act of Parliament to pass in favour of Roger Mortimer and in prejudice of the House of Lancaster and not for that the right of Earl Mortimer was better then that of the Duke of Lancaster And this they say is no new thing for Princes oftentimes to procure partial Laws to pass in Parliament for matter of Succession according to their own affections for the like say they did Edward the third procure in the favour of this Richard as before I have shewed in the last Parliament before his death and afterward again King Richard the third with much more open Injustice caused an Act of Parliament to pass in his days whereby his Nephew John de la Pole Earl of Lincoln Son to his Sister Elizabeth Dutchess of Suffolk was declared Heir apparent to the Crown excluding thereby the Children of his two elder Brothers to wit the daughters of King Edward the fourth and the Son and daughter of George Duke of Clarenoe which yet by all order should have gone before their Sisters Children And like facility found King Henry the 8th to get the consent of two Parliaments to give him Authority to appoint what Successor he would of his own Kindred by which Authority afterward he appointed by his Testament as in another place shall be shewed that the Issue of his younger Sister Mary should be preferred before the Issue of his eldest Sister Margaret of Scotland A like declaration was that also of King Edward the sixth of late memory who appointed the Lady Jane Gray his Cousen-german removed to be his Heir and Successor in the Crown of England and excluded his own two Sisters the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth from the same but these declarations make little to the purpose when right and equity do repugn as these men say that it did in the foresaid declaration of Roger Mortimer to be Heir apparent for that they hold and avouch the House of Lancaster to have had the true right to enter not only after the death of King Richard the second as it did but also before him that is to say immediately upon the death of King Edward the third for that John of Gaunt was then the eldest Son which King Edward had living and nearer to his Father by a degree then was Richard the Nephew About which point to wit whether the Uncle or Nephew should be preferred in Succession of Kingdoms it seemeth that in this age of King Edward the third there was great trouble and controversie in the World abroad for so testifieth Girard du Haillan Councellor and Secretary of France in his History of the year of Christ 1346. which was about the midst of King Edwards Reign and therefore no marvel though King Edward took such care of the sure establishing of his Nephew Richard in Succession as is before related And much less marvel is it if K.
that seeing rigour of Law runneth only with the Uncle for that indeed he is properly nearest in bloud by one degree and that only indulgence and custom serveth for the Nephew permitting him to represent the place of his Father who is dead they resolve I say that whensoever the Uncle is born before the Nephew and the said Uncle's elder Brother died before his Father as it happened in the case of John of Gaunt and of King Richard there the Uncle by right may be preferred for that the said elder Brother could not give or transmit that thing to his Son which was not in himself before his Father died and consequently his Son could not represent that which his Father never had and this for the Civil Law Touching our Common Laws the favourers of Lancaster do say two or three things first that the right of the Crown and interest thereunto is not decided expresly in our law nor is it a plea subject to the common rules thereof but is superiour and more eminent and therefore that men may not judge of this as of other pleas of particular persons nor is the Tryal alike nor the common maxims or rules always of force in this thing as in others which they prove by divers particular cases as for example the Widow of a private man shall have her thirds of all his Lands for her Dowry but not the Queen of the Crown Again if a private man have many daughters and die seized of Lands in Fee-simple without Heir Male his said daughters by law shall have the said Lands as co-partners equally divided between them but not the daughters of a King for that the eldest must carry away all as though she were Heir male The like also is seen if a Baron match with a Feme that is an Inheritrix and have Issue by her though she die yet shall he enjoy her Lands during his life as Tenant by courtesie but it is not so in the Crown if a man marry with a Queen as King Philip did with Queen Mary and so finally they say also that albeit in private mens possessions the common course of our law is that if the Father die seized of Land in Fee-simple leaving a younger Son and a Nephew that is to say a Child of his Elder Son the Nephew shall succeed his Grandfather as also he shall do his Uncle if of three Brethren the elder die without Issue and the second leave a Son yet in the inheritance and succession of the Crown it goeth otherwise as by all the fotmer eight examples have been shewed and this is the first they say about the common law The second point which they affirm is that the ground of our Common Laws consisteth principally and almost only about this point of the Crown in custom for so say they we see by experience that nothing in effect is written thereof in the common law and all old Lawyers do affirm this point as were Ranulfus de Granvilla in his books of the laws and customs of England which he wrote in the time of King Henry the second and Judge Fortescue in his book of the praise of English laws which he compiled in the time of King Henry the sixth and others Whereof these men do infer that seeing there are so many presidents and examples alledged before of the Uncles case preferred before the Nephew not only in foreign Countries but also in England for this cause I say they do affirm that our common laws cannot but favour also this title and consequently must needs like well of the interest of Lancaster as they avouch that all the best old Lawyers did in those times and for example they do Record two by name of the most famous learned men which those ages had who not only defended the said title of Lancaster in those days but also suffered much for the same The one was the forenamed Judge Fortescue Chancellor of England and named Father of the common laws in that age who fled out of England with the Queen Wife of King Henry the sixth and with the Prince her Son and lived in banishment in France where it seemeth also that he wrote his learned book intituled de laudibus legum Angliae And the other was Sir Thomas Thorpe chief Baron of the Exchequer in the same Reign of the same King Henry the sixth who being afterward put into the Tower by the Princes of the House of York for his eager defence of the title of Lancaster remained there a long time and after being delivered was beheaded at High-gate in a tumult in the days of King Edward the fourth These then are the allegations which the favourers of the House of Lancaster do lay down for the justifying of the title affirming first that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster ought to have succeeded his Father King Edward the third immediately before King Richard and that injury was done unto him in that King Richard was preferred And secondly that King Richard were his right never so good was justly and orderly deposed for his evil Government by lawful authority of the Commonwealth And thirdly that after his deposition Henry Duke of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt was next in succession every way both in respect of the right of his Father as also for that he was two degrees nearer to the King deposed then was Edmond Mortimer descended of Leonel Duke of Clarence and these are the principal and substantial proofs of their right and title But yet besides these they do add all these other arguments and considerations following first that whatsoever right or pretence the House of York had the Princes thereof did forfeit and lose the same many times by their conspiracies rebellions and attainders as namely Richard Earl of Cambridge that married the Lady Anne Mortimer and by her took his pretence to the Crown was convicted of a conspiracy against King Henry the fifth in Southampton as before I have said and there was put to death for the same by Judgment of the King and of all his Peers in the year 1415. the Duke of York his elder Brother being one of the Jury that condemned him This Earl Richards Son also named Richard coming afterward by the death of his Uncle to be Duke of York first of all made open claim to the Crown by the title of York But yet after many oaths sworn and broken to King Henry the sixth he was attainted of Treason I mean both he and Edward his Son then Earl of March which afterward was King with the rest of his off-spring even to the ninth degree as Stow affirmeth in a Parliament holden at Coventry in the year 1459. and in the 38. year of the Reign of the said King Henry and the very next year after the said Richard was slain in the same quarrel but the House of Lancaster say these men was never attainted of any such
crime Secondly they say that the House of York did enter only by violence and by infinite bloudshed and by wilful murthering not only of divers of the Nobility both Spiritual and Temporal but also of both King Henry the sixth himself and of Prince Edward his Son and by a certain popular and mutinous election of a certain few Souldiers in Smithfield at London and this was the entrance of the House of York to the Crown whereas King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster entred without bloudshed as hath been shewed being called home by the requests and letters of the people and Noblity and his election and admission to the Crown was orderly and authorized by general consent of Parliament in the doing thereof Thirdly they alledge that King Henry the sixth put down by the House of York was a good and holy King and had Reigned peaceably 40. years and never committed any act worthy deposition whereas King Richard the second had many ways deserved the same as himself came to acknowledge and thereupon made a personal solemn and publick resignation of the said Crown unto his Cousen Henry of Lancaster the which justified much the said Henry's entrance Fourthly they alledge that the House of Lancaster had been in possession of the Crown upon the point of 60â— years before the House of York did raise trouble unto them for the same in which time their Title was confirmed by many Parliaments Oaths approbations and publick Acts of the Commonwealth and by the Nobles Peers and people thereof and by the States both Spiritual and Temporal and with the consent of all foreign Nations so that if there had been any fault in their first entrance yet was this sufficient to authorize the same as we see it was in the title of King William the Conqueror and of his two Sons King William Rufus and King Henry the first that entred before their elder Brether and of King John that entred before his Nephew and of his Son King Henry the third that entred after his Fathers deprivation and after the election of Prince Lewis of France as also of Edward the third that entred by deposition of his own Father of all which Titles yet might there have been doubt made at the beginning but by time and durance of possession and by confirmation of the Commonwealth they were made lawful and without controversie Fifthly they say that if we consider the four King Henrys that have been of the House of Lancaster to wit the 4 5 6 and 7 and do compare them with the other four that have been of the House of York to wit Edward the fourth Richard the third Henry the eighth and Edward the sixth and all their acts both at home and abroad what quietness or troubles have passed and what the Commonwealth of England hath gotten or lost under each of them we shall find that God hath seemed to prosper and allow much more of those of Lancaster then of those of York for that under those of Lancaster the Realm hath enjoyed much more peace and gaining far greater honour and enlarged more the dominions of the Crown then under those of York and that it had done also much more if the seditions rebellions and troubles raised and brought in by the Princes of the House of York had not hindered the same as say these men it was evidently seen in the time of King Henry the sixth when their contention against the Princes of the House of Lancaster was the principal cause why all the English States in France were lost and what garboils and troubles at home have ensued afterwards and how infinite murthers and men slaughters with change of Nobility have been caused hereby and increased afterward under the Government and rule of the Princes of York needeth not say these men to be declared One thing only they note in particular which I will not omit and let it be the sixth note and that is that the Princes of York have not only been rigorous and very bloudy unto their adversaires but also among themselves and to their kindred which these men take to be a just punishment of God upon them And for proof hereof they alledge first the Testimony of Polydor who albeit he were a great advocate of the House of York as before hath been noted for that he lived and wrote his story under King Henry the eighth yet in one place he breaketh forth into these words of the Princes of this House Cum non haberent jam inimicos in quos saevitiam explerent saturarent in semetipsos crudelitatem exercuerunt proprioque sanguine sâ—as pollure manus When these Princes now had brought to destruction all those of the House of Lancaster so as they had no more enemies upon whom to fill and satiate their cruelty then began they to exercise their fierceness upon themselves and to imbrew their hands with their own bloud Thus far Polydor. Secondly they do shew the same by the deeds of both sides for that the love union trust confidence faithfulness kindness and Loyalty of the Princes of Lancaster the one towards the other is singular and notorious as may appear by the acts and studious endeavours of the Lord Henry Bishop of Winchester and Cardinal and of the Lord Thomas Duke of Exceter and Marquis of Dorset Brothers of King Henry the fourth to whom and to his Children they were most faithful friendly and loyal as also by the noble proceedings of the Lords Thomas Duke of Clarence John Duke of Bedford and Humphry Duke of Glocester Sons of the forâ—said Henry the fourth and brothers of King Henry the fifth the first of which three gave his bloud in his service and the other two spent their whole lives in defence of the dignity of the English Crown the one as Regent of France the other as Protector of England by the worthy acts also and renowned faithfulness of the Dukes of Somerset Cousen-jeâ—â—ans to the said King Henry the fourth and to his Children and the proper Ancestors of King Henry the VII all which Dukes of Somerset of the House of Lancaster being five or six in number did not only as Polydor saith assist and help their Soveraign and the whole Realm Vigiliis curis periculis that is to say with watchfulness carâ—s and offering themselves to dangers but also four of them one after another to wit Edmond with his three Sons Henry Edmond and John whereof two successively after him were Dukes of Somerset and the Marquess of Dorset were all four I say as so many Maccabees slain in the defence of their Country and Family by the other faction of the House of York which thing say these men shewed evidently both a marvelous confidence that these men had in their quarrel as also a great blessing of God towards that Family that they had such love and union among themselves But now
in the House of York these men endeavour to shew all the contrary to wit that there was nothing else but suspition hatred and emulations among themselves and extreme cruelty of one against the other and so we see that as soon almost as Edward Duke of York came to be King George Duke of Clarence his younger Brother conspired against him and did help to drive him out again both from the Realm and Crown In recompence whereof his said elder Brother afterward notwithstanding all the reconciliation and many others that passed between them of new love and union caused him upon new grudges to be taken and murthered privily at Calis as all the World knoweth And after both their deaths Richard their third Brother murthered the two Sons of his said elder Brother and kept in prison whiles he lived the Son and Hâ—ir of his second Brother I mean the young Earl of Warwick though he were but a very Child whom King Henry the seventh afterward put to death But King Henry the eighth that succeeded them passed all the rest in cruelty toward his own kindred for he weeded out almost all that ever he could find of the Bloud Royal of York and this either for emulation or causes of meer suspicion only For first of all he beheaded Edmond de la Pole Duke of Suffolk Son of his own Aunt Lady Elizabeth that was Sister to King Edward the fourth which Edward was Grandfather to King Henry as is evident The like destruction King Henry went about to bring to Richard de la Pole Brother to the said Edmond if he had not escaped his hands by flying the Realm whom yet he never ceased to pursue until he was slain in the battel of Pavia in service of the King of France by whose death was extinguished the noble house of the de la Poles Again the said King Henry put to death Edward Duke of Buckingham high Constable of England the Son of his great Aunt Sister to the Queen Elizabeth his Grandmother and thereby overthrew also that worthy House of Buckingham and after again he put to death his Cousen-jerman Henry Câ—urtâ—â—y Marquess of Excester Son of the Lady Catherine his Aunt that was Daughter of King Edward the fourth and attained joyntly with him his Wife the Lady Gertrude taking from her all her goods lands and inheritance and committed to perpetual prison their only Son and Heir Lord Edward Courtney being then but a Child of seven years old which remained so there until many years after he was set at liberty and restored to his living by Queen Mary Moreover he put to death the Lady Margaret Plantagenet Countess of Salisbury Daughter of George Duke of Clarence that was Brother of his Grandfather King Edward the fourth and with her he put to death also her eldest Son and Heir Thomas Poole Lord Montague and committed to perpetual prison where soon after also he ended his life a little Infant named Henry Poole his Son and Heir and condemned to death by act of Parliament although absent Renald Poole Brother to the said Lord Montague Cardinal in Rome whereby he overthrew also the Noble House of Salisbury and Warwick neither need I to go further in this relation though these men do note also how Edward the sixth put to death two of his own Uncles the Seymers or at least it was done by his authority and how that under her Majesty that now is the Queen of Scotland that was next in kin of any other living and the chief titler of the House of York hath been put to death Lastly they do note and I may not omit it that there is no noble house standing at this day in England in the antient state of calling that it had and in that dignity and degree that it was in when the House of York entered to the Crown if it be above the State of a Barony but only such as defended the right and interest of the Houses of Lancaster and that all other great Houses that took part with the House of York and did help to ruine the House of Lancaster are either ceased since or extiâ—pated and overthrown by the same House of York it self which they assisted to get the Crown and so at this present they are either united to the Crown by confiscation or transferred to other lineages that are strangers to them who possessed them before As for example the ancient Houses of England that remain at this day and were standing when the House of York began their title are the House of Arundel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland and Shrewsbury for all others that are in England at this day above the dignity of Barons have been advanced since that time and all these five houses were these that principally did stick unto the House of Lancaster as is evident by all English Chronicles For that the Earl of Arundel brought in King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster and did help to place him in the Dignity-Royal coming out of France with him The Earl of Oxford and his Son the Lord Vere were so earnest in the defence of King Henry the sixth as they were both slain by King Edward the fourth and John Earl of Oxford was one of the principal assistants of Henry the seventh to take the Crown from Richard the third The House of Northumberland also was a principal aider to Henry the fourth in getting the Crown and two Earls of that name to wit Henry the second and third were slain in the quarrel of King Henry the sixth one in the battel of St. Albans and the other of Saxton and a third Earl named Henry the fourth fled into Scotland with the said King Henry the sixth The House of Westmerland also was chief advancer of Henry the fourth to the Crown and the second Earl of that House was slain in the party of Henry the sixth in the said battel of Saxton and John Earl of Shrewsbury was likewise slain in defence of the title of Lancaster in the battel of Nâ—rthampton And I omit many other great services and faithful endeavoure which many Princes of these five noble ancient houses did in the defence of the Lancastrian Kings which these men say that God hath rewarded wiâ—â— continuance of their houses unto this day But on the contrary side these men do note that all the old houses that principally assisted The title of York are now extinguished and that chiefly by the Kings themselves of that house as for example the principal Peers that assisted the family of York were Mâ—â—â—ray Duke of Norfolk de la Poole Duke of Suffolk the Earl of Saâ—isâ—uâ—y and the Earl of Warwiâ—k of all which the event was this John Moubray Duke of Nâ—rfolk the first considerate of the House of York died soon after the exaltation of Edward the fourth without Issue and so that name
of Mâ—ubray ceased and the title of the Dâ—kedâ—m of Norfolk was transferred afterward by King Richard the third unto the House of the Howardâ— Johâ— de lâ— Poole Duke of Suffolk that married the 〈◊〉 of King Edward the fourth and was his great asisstant though he left three Sons yet all were extinguished without Issue by help of the House of York for that Edmond the eldest Son Duke of Suffâ—â—k was beheaded by King Henry the eighth and his Brother Richard driven out of the Realm to his destruction as before hath been shewed and John their Brother Earl of Lincolne was slain at Stock-field in service of King Richard the third and so ended the Line of de la Pooles Richard â—ovel Earl of Salisbury a chief enemy to the House of Lancaster and exalter of York was taken at the battel of Wakefield and there beheaded leaving three Sons Richard John and George Richard was Earl both of Salisbury and Warwick surnamed the great Earl of Warwick and was he that placed King Edward the fourth in the Royal Seat by whom yet he was slain afterward at Barnet and the Lands of these two great Earldoms of Salisbury and Warwick were united to the Crown by his attâ—â—inder John his younger Brother was Marquess of Montague and after all assistance given to the said King Edward the fourth of the House of York was slain also by him at Barnet and his Lands in like manner confiscated to the Crown which yet were never restored again George Nevel their younger Brother was Archbishop of York and was taken and sent prisoner by the said King Edward unto Guyens who shortly pined away and died and this was the end of all the principal friends helpers and advancers of the House of York as these men do alledge Wherefore they do conclude that for all these reasons and many more that might be alledged the title of Lancaster must needs seem the beter title which they do confirm by the general consent of all the Realm at King Henry the seventh his coming in to recover the Crown from the House of York as from usurpersâ— for having had the victory against King Richard they Crowned him presently in the Field in the right of Lancaster before he married with the House of York which is a token that they esteemed his title of Lancaster sufficient of it self to bear away the Crown albeit for better ending of strife he took to Wife also the Lady Elizabeth Heir of the House of York as hath been said and this may be sufficient for the present in this controversy CHAP. V. Of five Principal Houses or Lineages that do or may pretend to the Crown of England which are the Houses of Scotland Suffolk Clarence Britany and Portugal and first of all of the House of Scotland which containeth the pretentions of the King of Scots and the Lady Arabella HAving declared in the former Chapter so much as appartaineth unto the general controversie between the two principal Hâ—â—ses and Royal families of Lancaster and York it remaineth now that I lay before you the particular challenges claims and pretentions which divers houses and families descended for the most part of these two have among themselves for their titles to the same All which families may be reduced to three or four general heads For that some do pretend by the House of Lancaster alone as those families principally that do descend of the Line Royal of Portugal some other do pretend by the House of York only as those that are descended of George Duke of Clarence second Brother to King Edward the fourth Some again will seem to pretend from both Houses joyned together as all those that descend from King Henry the seventh which are the Houses of Scotland and Suffolk albeit as before hath appeared others do deny that these families have any true part in the House of Lancaster which point shall afterward be discussed more at large And fourthly others do pretend before the two Houses of York and Lancaster were divided as the Infanta of Spain Dutchess of Savoy the Prince of Loraign and such others as have descended of the House of Britany and France of all which pretences and pretenders we shall speak in order and consider with indifferency what is said or alledged of every side to and fro beginning first with the House of Scotland as with that which in common opinion of vulgar men is taken to be first and nearest though others deny it for that they are descended of the first and eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh as before in the third chapter hath been declared First then two persons are known to be of this house at this day that may have action and claim to the Crown of England The first is Lord James the sixth of that name presently King of Scotland who descended of Margaret eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh that was married by her first marriage to James the fourth King of Scots and by him had Issue James the fifth and he again the Lady Mary Mother to this King now pretendant The second person that may pretend in this house is the Lady Arabella descended of the self same Queen Margaret by her second marriage unto Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis by whom she had Margaret that was married to Matthew Steward Earl of Lenox and by him had Charles her second Son Earl of Lenox who by Elizabeth daughter of Sir William Candish Knight in England had Issue this Arabella now alive First then for the King of Scots those that do favour his cause whereof I confess that I have not found very many in England do alledge that he is the first and chiefest pretender of all others and next in succession for that he is the first person that is descended as you see of the eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh and that in this descent there cannot bastardy or other lawful impediment be avowed why he should not succeed according to the priority of his pretention and birth And moreover secondly they do alledge that it would be greatly for the honour and profit of England for that hereby the two Realms of England and Scotland should come to be joyned a point long sought for and much to be wished and finally such as are affected to his Religion do add that hereby true religion will come to be more settled also and establishes in England which they take to be a matter of no small consequence and consideration and this in effect is that which the favours of this Prince do alledge in his behalf But on the other side there want not many that do accompt this pretence of the King of Scots neither good nor just nor any way expedient for the State of England and they do answer largely to all the allegations before mentioned in his behalf And first of all as concerning his title by nearness of succession they make little
made reply by their President and Chancellor and other of their own Councellors residing for the Flemish Nation in the Court of Spain for this Nation hath always a particular Councel there about the King as all other Foreign Nations also have that are under him and by this means they obtained lightly what they would and brought the Governour to what they pleased so as in effect they were absolute Kings in themselves and wrought their Wills in every thing and this is in that time while the Country was quiet But now since this Revolt which hath indured almost these four or five and twenty years what hath succeeded surely there hath not a quarter so many been punished or put to Death in all these years by order of Justice of their King absent as before I have shewed that there were in one day by ther own Earls and Dukes when they were present and that upon far less occasion and cause given then are these for if we take away the two Noblemen Egmond and Horne put to Death at the beginning of these Flemâ—sh Troubles by the Duke of Alva for which some men say also that he had no thanks afterward by the King no man of importance hath been since Executed and the chiefest Towns that have been and are against the King in Holland and Zeeland are suffered until this day to Traffique freely into Spain it self to wit in the Kingdom of Aragon many Heads have been strucken off and much injustice done whereof then riseth this difference no doubt for that the Flemmings are Strangers and far off and the other near at Home and Natural-Born so as this circumstance of being a Stranger and dwelling far off doth them great pleasure and giveth them priviledge above the Home-born Subjects The like I might shew for this matter of punishment in the foresaid States of Italy where if a man do compare the number of them that were put to Death pulled Down or Afflicted by order of Justice or otherwise at the the commandment of the Prince in time of their own Home-born Kings with that which hath been since especially of the Nobility you shall find one for twenty and the reason of this is for that their own Kings were Absolute and had to give an account to no man of their doings and for that they were men and had their Passions and Emulations with the Nobility and might put the same in Execution without Account or Controlment they pulled down and set up at their pleasure and made oftentimes but a Jest of Noblemens Lives and Deaths but now these that are Governours and Vice-roys for a Foreign Prince first they have not so great Authority or Commission as to touch any such Principal persons Lives without giving Relation thereof of first unto their King and Councel and receive again particular order for the same and then they knowing that after their three years Government is ended they must be private men again and stay their fourty days as Subjects under the next new Governour to give Reckoning of their doings against all that shall Accuse them which in these Countries they call to make their residence they take heed what they do and whom they offend so as the condition of Nobility is far different under such a strange Government as this is termed then under a Natural Prince of their own Country which oppresseth them at his pleasure But now to draw near homeward if we will examine and consider what hath passed in England in this point of Massacring our Nobility by our Domestical Princes it is a matter lamentable for it may seem that they have served oftentimes for our Princes to make disport and play with their Heads And to let pass all those which in time of Wars Rebellions and Commotions have been cut off which occasions may seem more justifyable I do read also in our Chronicles that a Sangue freddo as the Italian saith that is to say in time of Peace and by Execution of Justice at the Princes appointment these Noblemen following and Knights by Name were put to Death within the space of one five years in King Henry the fourth his days The Duke of Exeter the Duke of Surry the Archbishop of York the Earls Salisbury of Glocester of Worcester and of Huntington the Earl Mowbray Earl Marshal the Barron of Kinderton Sir Roger Clarington Bastard Son of Edward the Black Prince Sir Thomas Blunt Sir Bernard Rocas Sir Richard Vernon And again soon after under King Edward the fourth in almost within as little space the Dukes of Somorset and of Exeter the Earls of Devonshire of Oxford and of Keyns the Lord Ross the Lord Molyns Sir Thomas Tudingham Sir Philip Wentworth Sir Thomas Fyndam and many others afterwards for this was but at the beginning of his Reign which number of Nobility if a man should have seen them alive together with their Trains before they had been put down he would have said they had been a very goodly company and pityful that so many of our own Nobility should be brought by our own Princes to such Confusion But yet this matter may seem perhaps the less marvellous and more excusable under those two Kings for that Troubles and Contentions had passed a little before in the Realm about the Succession and herupon so many of the Nobility might be cut off But let us see then what ensued afterwards when things were established and all doubt of contention about the Succession taken away as in King Henry VIII the his days it was and yet do I find Registred in our Chronicles these persons following either made away cut off or put down by the said King to wit two Queens Ann and Catharine three Cardinals put down and disgraced Woolsey Pool and Fisher whereof the last was Beheaded soon after his Dignity given him in Rome and the first was Arrested the second Attainted of imagined Treasons three Dukes put down to wit the Noble Dukes of Buckingham Suffolk and Norfolk whereof the last lost his Lands Dignities and Liberty only the former two both Lands and Lives A Marquess with two Earls Beheaded Devonshire Kyldare and Surrey two Countesses Condemned to die Devonshire and Salisbury and the latter Executed Lords many as the Lord Darcy the Lord Hussey the Lord Montague the Lord Leonard Gray the Lord Dacers of the South the Lord Cromwel and six or seven Abbots Knights also in great number as five in one day with the Lords Hussey and Darcy and five in another day with the Earl of Kildare whose Uncles they were and besides them Sir Thomas Moor Sir Rice Griffith Sir Edward Nevel Sir John Nevel Sir Nicholas Carew Sir Adrian Fortescue and divers other Knights of great Account and then Gentlemen almost without end And all these within the space of 20 years of his Reign and in the time of peace and if we look upon but four or five years together of the Reign of this mans
Polit. Diversity of Government in divers Countries and Times Rome Africa and Greece Italy Dukes for Kings and Kings for Dukes Spain Bohemia Polonia England The Jews lib. Genes Lib. Exo. Lib. Job Lib. Jud. Lib. 1. Reg. Lib. Machab The Realm chuseth her Form of Government The Commonwealth limiteth the Governours Authority A Natural Prince A Monarchy the best Government Arist. lib. 4. pol. a. c. 9. Seneca Plutarch The Antiquity of Monarchy 1 Reg. 8. Dionys. Haly l. 5. Cornel. Tacit. l. 3. Cicero l. 1. Offic. Hierom. l. 2. epist. 12. Chrisost. ho. 23. 1 Pet. 2. Two Points to be noted How St. Peter calleth a King most excellent Utilites of a Kingdom and conveniences of other Governments Cicero l. 1. offic Democratia Miseries of Popular Government in Italy Tit. liv l. 30. Eutrop. l. 3. Oros. l. 5. 6. The cause why Laws be added to Kings Arist. l. 3 pol. c. vitâ— A notable Saying Arist. l. 3â— pol. c. 12. Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 2. Divers â—â—â—nes and properties of Laws Cic. lib. 2. Offic. Law is the Discipline of a weal publick Psal. 2. The Counsels of Princes a great help Arist. l. 4. Pol. c. 10. The Monarchy of England temper'd The restraints of Kingly power in all Estates Roman Kings Liv. lib. 1. dâ—c 1. Greâ—ian Kings Arist. lib. 2. c. 8. polit Plutarch in Lycurg Cic. l. â— Offic. Why Kiâ—â— were restrained Laws Cic. l. 3. de legibuâ— Why Kinâ—â—ly Goverâ—â—ment we left in Rome Titus Livâ—â—â—us l. 1. dec 8. Livius ibidem Restrain's of Kingdoms in Europe Sleydon lib. 8. Aâ— 1532. Blond Dâ—â—cad 2. l. Crant li. cap. 25. Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia Her l. 9. Hist. Polonia Cromerus l. 3. Hist. Polon Kings of Spain France and England Concil blet 4. c. 74. concil s. c. 3. Peculiar manner of Succession An. 1340. Paul Anil Hist. Franc. l. 2. Gerard du Hailan l. 4. Hist. Franc. Fran. Belfor l. 5. c. 1 An. 1327. Reason for Succession of Women The Infanta of Spain and Prince of Lorrain Gerard dâ— Hailain lib. 13. Hiâ—â— Franc. c An. 1317 lib. 14 An. 132â— lib. 3. dâ— l'Estat de frunce Kings lawfully possessed may be deprived A markable circumstance Against Rebillions People and contemnorâ— of Princes 2 Pet. 2.10 Jude 8. Titles of Princes once settled not to be examined by private men Against flatterers that yield too much power to Princes Absurd flateries uttered by Belloy and others Belloy in apolog Cath. apolog pro Rege The purpose of the next Chapter Two points to be proved Nothing hear spoken against due respect to Princes ☜ Deprivations of Kings recounted in Scripture ☜ 1 Reg. 31. 4 Reg. 21.44 King Josias 2 Paralip 34. 2 Paralip 35. King David Xenophon in Cyropaed Ni. Machâ— l. 2. c 2. â— Tit. Liviâ— August l. de Gran. The wisdome and piety of King David 1 Paralipâ— 15. 1 Psal. 22â— 25. The Arms King David His Valour in Chivalry King David ' s Victories 2 Reg. 8. 1 Paral. 18 2 Reg. 23. Joseph l. 7. antiq c. 10 2 Reg. 7. His Humiliâ—y Charity and Devotion Kings put down among the Romans and what Successors they had Halicar l. 1 Tertul. l. de praescrip contra haeres Justin. martyr apolog T it liv l. 1 dec 1. Eutrop. l. 1 Caesar Augustus Dion in Caesa. Sueton in Câ—esa Nero Vespatian Cornel. Tacit. lib. 10 81. Egesip l. 5 Entrop in vita Caesa. Heliogabalus An. Domâ— 124. Alius lamp in vita Heliog Alexander Severus Herod in vit Sever Maxentius Constantin The bhange of the East Empire Charles the Great An. 800. Two chanâ—gs in France Belfori l. â— Girard l. â— Aemil. l. 2 Clem. Caudin en la Chroâ—nique des Roys de France Reasons Deprivation Hugo Capet Anno 988. Examples of Spain Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 4. Ambros. moral l. 11 cap. 17. Isidor in Hist. Hispan Estevan â— Garibay 13. de la â— Hist. de â—spa c. 1 Tabulae Astron. Alfonsinae King Don Alonso deposed Don Pedrâ— Crâ—el deposed Garibay l. 14. c. 40.41 In Portugal King Don Sancho 2. deposed Garibay lib. 4. de Hist. Portug c. 19. Lib. 6. dâ—â—â—cret tit de suppleâ— da cap. Grand 1. Garibay in Hist. dâ— Portug 〈◊〉 34. cap. 2. The Emperrors of Greece Galicas in Annal. part 4. Zon. Annal co 3. in vita Michael Calapha In Polonia In literis reip Polon ad Henr. Valesium pag. 182.184 Vide Gagneum part 1. de rebus Polon In Suetia Poilin 1.32 Histor de Franc. An. 1568. In Denmark Sleydanâ— l. 4. Hisâ— An. 133â— Munst. 〈◊〉 Cosmogâ— descript Davide Paulus â— vius in ris illust Example of England King Joâ—â— Deposed Polid. hiâ—â— Ang. l. 1â— An. 121. An. 1216. An. 1216. King Henry the third King Edward the second deposed Polyd. l. 18 Hist Ang. An. 1386. Stow in the Life of K. Edward the second The manner of Deprivation of a King See Stow and Hollings in this man's Life King Edward the third King Richard the second Deposed Polyd. l. 20. Hist. Aug. 1399. King Henry the 6th Deposed Polyd. lib. 23. Hist. Anglic. K. Richâ— the thiâ—â— deposedpunc An. 1â— A poâ—â— much noted The reply of the Temporal Lawer Belloy apolog Cathol c. part 2. Paragraph 9. Apol. pro. Regâ—â— cap. 9. An objection out of the Prophet Samuel 1. Reg. 8. The Power of a King or rather of a Tyrant Belloy polog pâ— 2. Paraâ— Apolâ— rege câ— 2.4 c Great aâ—surditieâ— flateriesâ— Cic. lib. 2. offic Another absurdity Institut imperial l. 2. Tit. 1. Division of goods by Civil Law Slaves and Freemen Arist. l. â— pol. c. 4 â— Arist. l. â— c. 3. Mark the Reason Divers evident reasons against Belloy 3 Reg. 21. Cap. inovamus 10. de cauebus c. super quibusdam 26. §. de verborum signif An Answer to the Objection out of the Prophet Samuel Arist. l. pol. c. 1â— Joseph l. â— antiq c. â— Deut. 1â— 3 Reg. 10. Psal. 2. By what Law Princes are punished The difference beween a private man and a Common-wealth The Prince Authority but subdelegat In reguliâ— utrinque juris vide in sine sexti Decret reg 75.69 When an Oath bindeth not Cicero li. 1. Offic. A clear Example Math. 24. Regul 68. in sine 6. Decret Decret Greg. l. Tit. 24. Decret part 2. caâ— sa 22. quâ— 4. c. 5. â— quâ— 5. perâ—â—totuâ— Two principle cases when Oath hold not â—â—wards a Prince Aemil. l. 2. Hist. Franc. Belfor in vita Childer Girad lib. 3. The Speech of the Fren. Embassador for deprivation of their King The conclusion how when Oaths do not bind Subjects The difference between a King and a Tyrant Plat. dial 1. de repub Arist. li. 2. Pol. c. 5. Bart. li. de Tyrannide Cicero li. 3. de legibus God l. 1. Tit. 14 §. digna Suet. c. 23. in Calig Zoo tom 2 in Trainâ— See in the Chapter following The Speech of a Souldier The occasion of the next Chapter The
Queen of Spain Garib l. 13. cap. 10. An. 12â—7 An English Queen Grand-mother to two King Saints at once Another breach of Succession The Cord is put back from the Crown 1276. Garabay l. 15. c. 1. an 1363. Many alterations of Lineal descent Don John the first bastard King of Portugal Garib l. 15. c. 22 l. 34. c. 39. Of the State of France An 419. An. 751. An. 988. Examples of the two Ranks of French Kings King Pepin by Election An. 751. King 〈…〉 〈…〉 â—â—â—â—lan 〈◊〉 an â—8 Eginard Belfor li. 2 cap. 5. The Uncle preferred before the Nephew Paul Mili hist. Franc. King Luys de bonnaire An. 814. Gerard. l. 5. An. 834 An. 840. An. 878. Baudin en la Chronique pag. 119. Gerard l. 1 An. 879. Two Bastards preferred An. 881. Luys Faineant King of Foance An. 886. Charles 4. le Gros King of France Gerard. li. 5. An. 888 Odo a King and after Duke of whom came Hugo Capetus Ralph I. King of France An. 927. An. 929. Luys IV. d' Outremer The true Heir of France excluded Hugh Capet otherwise Snatchcape 988. Belfor li. 3. cap. 1. An. 988. Defence of Hugh Kapetus Title The Embassage of the States of France unto Charles of Loraine Gerard l. 6. an 988. Note this comparison Example out of the third time of France Gerard. li. 6. an 1032. King Henry preferred before his elder Brother William Conquerour how he came to be Duke of Normandy Gerard l. 6. anno 1032. 1037. Sons excluded for the Fathers offences Gerard l. 7. ann 1110 Belfor l. 4. c. 1. l. 5. Commaeus in commentar l 1. in vita Ludovic 11. Examples of the Realm of England Divers Races of English Kings The name of England and English King Egbert the first Monarch of England Polidor hist. Aug. li 4. in fine An. 802. King Pepin of France King Adelwolfe An. 829. King Alfred 872. King Edward Elder An. 900 King Aleston the Bastard preferred An 〈◊〉 〈…〉 hist. Angl. Stow pag. 130. An. 924. King Edmond I. An. 940. The 〈◊〉 preferred before the Nephews 946. Polid. l. 6. Stâ—w in 〈…〉 〈…〉 King Edward martyrized King Etheldred 978. Polid. l. 7. hist. Aug. King Edmond Ironside Queen Emma Mother to King Edward the Confessor Many breaches of Lineal Succession Sons of King Edmond Ironside King Canutus the First 1018 King Harald the Bastard 1038. Polyd. l 8. hist. Angl. King Hardiâ—anutus Anno 1041. Alfred the younger Brother preferred King Edward the Confessor made King against Right of Succession Prince Edward the Outlaw and his Children put back Polyd. l. 8. Harald second King by Election 1066. Polid. ubi sâ—p 〈…〉 of England An. 1066. by Election Gerard. li. 6. An. 1065 Chron. 〈◊〉 l. 3. cap. â—4 Antoninus part 2. Chron. tit 16. cap. 5. §. 1. Examples after the conquest Polyd. in vita Gul. Conq. William Rufus King An. 1087. Henry I. An. 1100. Mathild the Empress King Stephen entred against Succession An Act of Parliament about Succession 1153. King Richard and King John 1190. Prince Arthur put back Two Sisters of Prince Arthur Duke of Britain King John and his Son rejected 1216. The Titles of York and Lancaster The conclusion of this Chapter Causes of Excluding Princes Who must be Judge of the lawful cause of Exclusion Open injustice to be resisted What are the chief points to be regarded in â— Princes admission Whence the Reasons of admitting or rejecting a Prince are to be taken Gerard. li. 3. de l' Estat pag. 242. Three principal Points to be considered Why â—e resolveth to treat of Religion principally The chief end of a common-wealth supernatural Philosophers and Law-makers what end they had of their Doings The commonwealth of Beasts The natural end of Mans commonwealth Sacrifices and Oblations by Nature Gen. 8. Job 1. The chief end of a common-wealth and Magistrates is Religion Genebrard l. 1. Chronol de l. aetate Genes 25. 29. Deut. 21. 2 Parali 21. Regard of Religion among Gentiles Cicero li. 1 quaest Tus. de natuâ—a Deorum lib. 1. Plâ—tâ—rch adverses 〈◊〉 Aristo l. 7. Polâ—ti c. 8. The aâ—sâ—rd 〈…〉 Politicks See before the Oaths made by Princes at their Coronations in the IV. Chapter The Oath to Governours for defence of Religion Collat. 2. Novella constit Justin. 8. tit 3. Note the form of this Oath written An. Dom. 560. How great a defect is want of Religion in a Magistrate Lack of Religion the chiefest cause to exclude a Pretender Vide Digest li. 2â— tit 1. leg 8. 10. Matth. 1â— Marc. 10. 1 Cor. 7. Lib. 4. deceret Greg. tit 19. c. 7. Whether difference in Religion be infidelity Act. 23. 1 Cor. 8. 2 Cor. 5. 1 Pet. 3. Matth. 18 How he that doth against his own conscience Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 14. 10. See upon this place of S. Paul S. Chrysost. hom 36. in hanc epistolam Orig. l. 10. Theodor. in hunc locum How dangerous to favour a Pretender of a contrary reli Against Wisdom and Policy to prefer a Prince of a contrary Religion The conclusion of the whole Speech A protestation of the Lawyer Why they will not determin of any one Title The Book of Hales and Sir Nicholas Bacon The but of â—â—lâ—s his â—â—â—k 〈◊〉 Râ—â—son 〈…〉 The Book of M. Morgan and Judge Brown Answer to the I. Reason To the II. Reason Highinton's book George Lilly in fine Epit. chronic Anglic Sundry important Points Divers other Nots and Pamphlets Sir Richard Shelly Francis Peto A Treatise in the behalf of 〈◊〉 Infanta of Spain Discent of William the Conqueror The Children of the Conqueror Polid. l. 9. in fine Stow in vita Guliel The miseries of Duke Robert and his Son Stow in vit Gul. Conquest William Son of Duke Robert Belfor l 3. cap. 42. An. 1128. King William Rufus Tareagnotta l. 2. del Hist. del mondo K. Henry Polydor. in vita Henrici 1. The House of Britain by the elder Daughter of the Conqueror Belfor l. 3. Pag. 423. Conan Duke of Britain Poysoned by William the Conqueror Belâ—or l. 3. Cap. 12. Aâ— 1095. ex chronic dionis The Daugh of Spain â—re of the â—loud Royal of England The Houses of Bloys Why Stephen was admitted King of England Girard l. 6. Belfor l. 3. The Issue of K. Stephen K. Henry the II. Belfor l. 3. cap. 50. An. 1151. Geraâ—d l. 8 pag 549 King Henry II. his Issue Stow in vita Hen. King Richard Duke Geffrey Paradyn apud Belforest Belfor l. 3. cap. 71. An. 1203. Belfor l. 4. cap. 4. King John and his Issue Miseries that fell upon King John Poâ—i l. Hollâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Stow â—n vita Johannis The issue of King Henry II his Daâ—â—â—ters 〈◊〉 l. 3. c. â—9 〈◊〉 115â— The Issue of Lady Eleanor Queen of Spain Polyd. l. 15. in vit Johan Steph. Garib l. 12. cap. 31. Queen Berenguela Garibay l. 12. c. 52. Pretences of the Infanta of Spain to English French States K. Henry â—he 3. and his
Issue The meeting of three Houses Prince Edward Duke Edmond Lady Beatrix daughter of K. Henry 3. The Pedegree of the Dukes of Britany The great Contention between the Houses of Monford and Bloâ—s in Britany Burgundy and Orleans The controversie between the House of Monford and Blois A question about succession between the Uncle and the Niece The House of Blois overcome The succession of the Monfords in Britany Francis last Duke of Britany How the Dukedom of Britany was united to France The Issue Male of K. Henr. 3. The Bishop of Ross in his Book of the Queen of Scots Title George Lilly in fine Epitomes Chron. Anglic. That Edward was the elder Mat. West in vit H. 3. Hollingshed ibid. p. 654. Hollingsh in vit H. 3. p. 740. 777. Edmonds Line never pretended to the Crown Note this consequent The eldership of Edmond a fiction Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. The Issue of K. Edward the â— The Issue of Edmond Crouch-back Collateral Lines of Lancaster 〈…〉 of K Edward 3. The Red Rose and the White Issue of the Black Prince The Issue of Leonel the 2d Son The Issue of Edmond the 4. Son The Issue of Thomas the 5. Son The Issue of of the 3d. â—n Duke of Lancast. The Issue of L. Blanch. Lady Philippa married into Portugal and her Issue Lady Elizabeth second Daughter The Issue of K. Henr. 4. The Issue of John of Gaunt by his second Wife The controversie in Spain between King Peter the Cruel and his Bastard broohâ—r Garibay l. 15. â— 26. Of Lady Catharine Swinford Hollinshed in vita Rich. 2. p. 1088. The Duke of Lancaster 's bastards made legitimate Hollingh in vita Kich 2. pag. 1090. The issue of Katharine Swinfords children King Henry VII The Dukes of Somerset Polidor hist. Ang. lib. 23. Hollings in vita Edwardi IV. pa. 1314. 1340. What heirs of Lancaster now remain in England The Issue of the House of York Richard Earl of Cambridge executed Richard Duke of York slain Edward Duke of York and King his Issue The Line of the Pooles The Line of the Hastings The Barringtons King Richard 3. Issue of K. Henry the 7. Issue of the Lady Mary of Scotland Issue of Mary 2d Sister to K. Henry Lady Frances Stow An. 7 Edw. 6. Of Lady Eleanor of Suffolk Variety of Authors opinions about this controversie Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. initio vit Henr. 4. in vit Ric. An. 1386. The Allegations of the House of York The story of the controversie between Lancaster and York Polyd. in â—â—a Riâ—h 2. l. b. 20. King Richards deposition Chief points of the controversie between Lancaster and York Three pâ—â—â—t King Richards deposition That a 〈…〉 1. Reason 2. Authority 3. Examples Whether the causes were sufficient of King Richards deposition The Hâ—â—se of York chief 〈◊〉 in deposing K. Rich. Polyd. Hist. Angl. l. 20. Addit ad Polycronicon Testimony of Stories The evil government of K. Rich. Stow in vit Rich. 2. pag. 502. regni 11. A great insolency The evil Parliament Stow an 21 regni Rich. The Duke of Lancaster called by common request Frosard Walsingham Whether the manner of deposing K. Richard were good Arms necessary for removing an evil Prince 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 by 〈◊〉 Forces King Eglon slain in his Chamber Judg. 3. Saul put down by violence 1 Chr. 10. vers 9. Rehoboam deposed by his Subjects of ten Tribes 2 Reg. 11. 12. 2 Paralip cap. 10. Joram and his Mother Jezabel deposed by force 4 Reg. 9. Athalia deprived by force 4 Reg. 11. Whether Lancaster or York should have entred after K. Rich. Polydor l. 20. in vit Rich. Stow in vita Richardi 2. Whether 〈◊〉 Earl of 〈…〉 or 〈…〉 K. Râ—â—h The Title of York is by a Woman Stow in vit Hen. 5. an 3. regn The Earl of Cambridge executed for Conspiracy An objection for York that Edmond Mortimer was declared Heir appaâ—â—n Polyd. l. 20 Stow in vit Rich. 2. an 1385. Hollingsh in vit Rich 2. p. 1038. Stow an 1382. Polyd. l. 20 an 1394. The cause of hatred between K. Richard and the House of Lancaster John Frosard in Histor. Polydor. Hollingsh Stow in vit Rich. 2 Wâ—lâ—â—â—gh 〈…〉 2. p. 341. 3â—â— John Frosard in vit Henriet 〈◊〉 Roger Moâ—tiâ—â—â— was deâ—lâ—red Hâ—â—r 〈◊〉 Hollingsh in vit Richar. 3. p. 1406. in vit Edwar. 6. p. 1715. The declaration of K. Edw. 6. in favour of the Lady Jane Gray Girard du Haillan l. 15. his Franc. initio 〈…〉 〈◊〉 in â—â—tent Poâ—â—â—nem Câ—â—e suis leg haered The second â—â—â—mâ—le of the Uncle An examâ—plâ— of the Uncle before 〈◊〉 Nephew in Spain Garâ—bay l. 13. c. 1â— an 1276. Another example in France and Flanders Polydor. l. 15. in vit Edw. 3. Anoâ—â—eâ— example of Britany Supra c. 2. Another example â—n Scotland The contention of the Houses of â—alliol and Bruse in Scotl. Examples in England Hollingsh in vit Regis Johannis p. 142. How Arthur Duke of Britany was declared Heir apparent Polydor l. 14. Hollingsh in vit Ric. 1. p. 480. Hollingsh in vit Richardi Regis p. 496. 499. Hollingsh p. 540. Walsingh in Ypodig Neustriae Opinions of Lawyers for the Nephew and Uncle Benedict Cap. Ranutius verb. in eodem testam Baldus in lib. ut in test cap. de suis leg haered per. li. unicam pro 20. sui autem novissimo Touching the Common Law of England Different rules in succession of the Crown of other Inheritances The Common Law grounded in Custom Ancient Lawyers that defended the House of Lancaster Hollingsh in vit Henrici 6. p. 1300. The sum of this controversie repeated Other Arguments of Lancaster Stow in vit Hen. 5. p. 587. The Princes of York often attainted Stow in vit Hen. 6. York entred by violence Stow in fine vit Henrici 6. The House of York put down a Holy King Long possessions of the House of Lancaster 5. The difference of Kings of both Houses The Princes of York cruel one to the other Polydor Virg Hist. Angl. l. 24. Great union and faithfulness of the Princes of Lancaster Polydor lib. 23. Dissentioâ—s in the House of York K. Edw. 4. K. Riâ—h 3. K. Henry 8. how many he put to death of his own Kindred The de la Pools The House of Buckingham The House of Câ—urtâ—eys The House of Salisbury Seymers put to death Queen of Scots 7. Nâ— old noble House standing in England but such as took part with Lancaster Five ancient noble houses Arondel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury Houses that favoured York destroyed 〈…〉 〈…〉 Pooâ—â—◠〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 and Warwick King Henry the 7. Chowned in the field in respect of the house of Lancaster only though his title that way was not great A division of the families that do pretend Of the house of Scotland Arabella In favour of the King of Scots Argument against the King of Sâ—ots The King of Scots