senescalli marescalli manifestum dampnum non modicum and manifest prejudice of the Office of the aforesaid Steward and Mareschall and no small damage ad quorum officium non ad alium Summonitiones attachiamenta infra Palatium domini Regis pertineat faciend When as it belongeth to their Office or Places and not unto any other to make or cause summons or attachments within the Kings House or Palace etiam ad dampnum predict Comitis quinque mille librarum and likewise to the damage of the said Earl 5000 l. Whereupon the said Prior and Bogo confessing the Citation but pleading that they were ignorant that the place aforesaid was exempt and that they did not understand that any contempt was Committed against the King or any prejudice done to his Officers by the Citation aforesaid and in all things submitting unto the Kings grace good will and pleasure were Committed Prisoners to the Tower of London there to remain during the Kings Pleasure and being afterwards Bailed the said Bogo paid to the King a fine of 2000 marks and gave security to the Earl for 1000 l. which by the intercession of the Bishop of Durham and others of the Kings Counsel was afterwards remitted unto 100 l and the Prior was left to the Judgement or Proces of the Exchequer And upon a Citation served in the Kings Palace at Westminster in the 21 th year of the Raign of King Edward the first upon Joane Countess of Warren then attending the Queen upon a Libel of Divorce at the Suite of Matilda de Nyctford it was upon full examination of the Cause in Parliament adjudged the King being present in these words Quod praedictum Palatium Domini Regis est locus exemptus ab omni Jurisdictione ordinaria tam Regiae dignitatis Coronae suae quà m libertatis Ecclesiae Westmonaster maximè in praesentia ipsius Domini Regis tempore Parliamenti sui ibidem Ita quod Nullus summonitiones seu Citationes ibidem faciat praecipuè illis qui sunt de sanguine Domini Regis quibus major reverentia quam aliis fieri debet Consideratum est quod Officiar ' Committatur Turri London ibidem custodiatur ad voluntatem Domini Regis that the said Palace of the King is a place freed from all ordinary Jurisdiction aswel by reason of the Kings Crown and Dignity Royal as the Liberty of the Church of Westminster but more especially of the Kings presence in the time of Parliament so as none may presume to make summons or Citations there and especially to or upon those which are of the blood Royal to whom a greater Reverence then to others is due The Kings Palace at Westminster having as Sir Edward Coke saith the Liberty and Priviledge that no Citations or Summons are to be made with in it and that Royal Priviledge is saith he not only appropriated to the Kings Palace at Westminster but to all his Palaces where his Royal Person resides and such a Priviledge as to be exempted from all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Regiae dignitatis Coronae suae ratione by reason of His Crown and Kingly Dignity The Circuit of our Brittish Ocean the Promontories with the adjacent Isles or parts encompassing our Britain from the North of England by the East and South to the West vindicated by our great and eminently Learned Selden being called the Kings Chambers do justly claim and are not to be denied Dimissionem velorum a striking or louring of Sail by the Ships of other Nations in their passage by any of our Admirals or Ships of War heretofore submitted unto and acknowledged by our late causelesly contending Neighbours the Dutch and French and was not only done by those Nations and all other strangers Ships in their passage by and through our Seas but by them and our own Ships in their sailing upon the River of Thames by the Kings Palace or House at Greenwich though he be not present by striking their Topsail and Discharge of a Cannon or Gun seldom also omitted in other Countries by Ships that pass by any Royal-forts or Castles of Kings in Amity with them as at Croninbergh and Elsenor in or near the Baltick Sea And no small Civility or Respect was even in a Forreign Countrey or Kingdom believed to be belonging and appropriate to the Residence in and Palace of a King of England and was not denyed to our King Edward the first in the 14 th year of His Raign when he was as Fleta tells us at Paris in France in alieno territorio in the King of France his Dominions where one Ingelram de Nogent being taken in the King of England's House or where he was lodged at Paris with some Plate or Silver-dishes which he had stollen about him Rege Franciae tunc presente the King of France being then in the House the Court of the Castellan of the King of France claiming the Cognizance or Trial of that Thief after a great debate thereof had before the King of France and his Council it was Resolved Quod Rex Angliae illa Regia Praerogativa hospitii sui privilegio uteretur gauderet that the King of England should enjoy his Kingly Prerogative and the Priviledge of his House and that Thief being accordingly tried before Sir Robert Fitz John Knight Steward of the King of England's House was for that offence afterwards hanged at St. German lez Prees The Bedel of the University of Cambridge was though he asked pardon for it committed to the Gaol for Citing one William de Wivelingham at Westminster Hall door and Henry de Harwood at whose Suit it was prosecuted committed to the Marshal and paid 40 s. Fine Which necessary and due Reverence to the Kings Courts or Palaces being never denied unless it were by Wat Tyler or Jack Cade and the pretended Holy-rout of the Oliver Piggs bred that laudable custome of the best Subjects of England and all other mens going or standing uncovered in the Kings Chamber of presence even in those houses where he is not Resident Privy-chamber Bed-chamber and Galleries the being uncovered or bare-headed when the Scepter and Globe Imperial have been amongst the Kings Jewels and Plate kept in the Tower of London being accompted one of the Kings Palaces shewed unto any which have desired to see them which the Prince of Denmark as also the Embassador of the King of Sweden have not lately denied and allows not the Ladies Wives or Daughters of Subjects the Daughters of the King and the Wife of the Prince or Heir apparent only excepted to have their trains carried up in the aforesaid separate rooms of State nor a Lord of a Mannor to Arrest or Sieze his Villaine in the Kings presence forbids the Coaches of any but the Kings or the Queens or Heir apparents Wife or their Children or of Embassadors introduced in the Kings Coach from Kings or a Republique such as Venice who in regard
Henry the Eight cap. 13. It was upon Complaint made in Parliament that it was usual in the County Palatine of Chester that upon the suggestion of any Person that was Indebted to any other Person or Persons coming to the Exchequer within the said County Palatine to pay the Kings Rents and Monies and there taking a Corporal Oath that he or they shall pay his or their Creditors at such time as he or they should be able thereunto the Officers of the said Exchequer have used without Warrant to grant out of the said Exchequer a Writ in Nature of a Protection whereby the Creditors were greatly delaid and in manner defrauded to their great Impoverishment It was Enacted that the said Writ of Course without the Warrant of the King His Heirs or Successors containing any such Protection be no more granted any Vsage or Priviledge to the Contrary notwithstanding which gives an Allowance to any that in such a Case shall be granted by the King Warrant By the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws intended to be made by King Edward the sixth by His Commission directed unto thirty two Commissioners as well Lay-men and Doctors of the Civil Law as Bishops and Divines Issued by Direction of an Act of Parliament made in the third year of His Raign Divine Offices may be celebrated in familiis Nobilium quibusque non licet occupatione publica distractis in Communibus Ecclesis versari in the Houses or Families of the Nobility who by Reason of the Kings and Publick Affairs could not so conveniently come unto their Parish Churches And it was not wont to be denied either to be Law or Reason in England that such as Rid post upon the Kings business might if his Horse were tired or for the greater speed in the Kings Affairs Exchange or take any mans Horse whom he met upon the way And therefore when the Houses of Kings and Princes as to their bare Walls and Rooms abstractly considered are so greatly to be honoured respected and distinguished in their Rights and Priviledges from those of the Nobility and Common People and every thing done within that Precinct or Virge being in the Placita Aulae Records or Rolls of the Marshal of the King in the Raigns of King Edward the first and King Edward the third In Trespass and other Actions depending betwixt the Kings Servants or such as might sue there alleaged to be in Presentia Regis in the Kings Presence And the affairs or business of the King whether domestick or Publick being of so great a Concernment to the People and so much to be preferred before any others or that of the Private the Servants certainly who do attend their Soveraign therein may challenge some more then ordinary Priveledges and Respects then others of His Subjects which are not His Servants in Ordinary SECT III. That the Kings Servants in Ordinary are not to be denied a more then Ordinary Priviledge or Respect nor are to be compelled to appear by Arrest or otherwise in any Courts of Justice out of the Kings House without Leave or License of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings Houshold to whom it appertaineth first had and obtained WHich Prudent Antiquity and more respectfull Ages could never tell how to deny for if we will look into the Records of time which by shewing us the Errors and Successes of former ages and experiments and teaching us how to Judge of the New by the Old are and will be found to be the best Instructors if we believe as we ought the Divine Inspiration and Counsel of the Prophet Jeremy and do but observe the old ways and paths of a better world there will be enough found to justifie it For the book of God will evidence the great Honour and preferments given in the morning of the world unto Joseph that great Pattern of Fidelity and preferment for it by Pharaoh King of Egypt when he set him over his house made him Steward thereof took his Ring off his hand and put upon his Arrayed him in vestures of fine Linnen put a Gold Chaâ—â— about his neck made him to Ride in the second Chariot with a cry before him Bow the Knee And by the Custom of the Nation or Children of Israel from whom the Egyptians are believed to have borrowed some of theirs where the Beams of the Divine Wisdom enlightened their Laws and Customs the Servants of the King or Prince were carefully chosen and merited a more then Ordinary regard which the well meaning Vriah well understood and had no mean opinion of when he ranked David's Servants amongst the no small concernments of that Nation in refusing to go down unto his own house and refresh himself because the Ark of God and Israel and Judah did abide in Tents his Lord Joab the Kings Lieutenant General and the Servants of the King were encamped in open field And we find David so careful of the honor of his Servants or Embassadors as he made the misusage of them by the King and Children of Ammon to be a cause of his War against them and their destruction and was so unwilling till necessity enforced it that his own Subjects should know of the scorns and reproach cast upon them by cutting their Vests or Garments so short as their naked Buttocks might be seen and the shaving off only the half of their beards as he gave them Order to tarry at Jericho until their Beards were grown out When the King of Syria sent his Letters of recommendation by Naaman the Captain of his host and a great man with his Master to recover him of his Leprosie the King despairing to get it effected and not believing that the Prophet Elisha could do it and fearing least the King of Syria might take the not recovering of his Servant as a disrespect unto himself rent his clothes and said unto his Council or those which were neer unto him Consider I pray you and see how he the King of Syria seeketh a quarrel against me All which with the Excellent Order of David's Servants the Magnificence of Solomon's house which was in building thirteen years by some thousands of workmen with his Servants various Offices and Honourable Imployments therein did not a little contribute to their respect The Princes or heads of the Tribes attending upon the King and the Honourable women upon the Queen mentioned in the 45 th Psalm of David And the Honourable opinion which Solomon the wisest of men had of the Service of a King when he said which is Registered amongst his wise sayings or Proverbs That a man diligent in his business should stand before Princes he shall not stand before mean men The Princes that were in the House of Jehoiakim king of Judah recorded in the 36 th Chapter of of the Prophet Jeremiah and of Zedekiah King of Judah in the 38 th and 41 th Chapter of that Prophet and Benaiah one of
expresly provided that the Testimony of Servants should not be allowed in Criminal Matters there was an exception for the better sort of the Kings Servants King Ina who Raigned here over the West Saxons about the year of our Redeemer 712 amongst his Laws Suasu Heddae et Erkinwaldi Episcoporum suorum omnium Senatorum et natu majorum Sapientum populi sui in magna servorum dei frequentia by the advice of Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops all his Senators Elders and wise men of his people and Commonalty attended by many of the Clergy did ordain several degrees of Mulct or punishment for breach of peace in Towns according to the qualities of the owners or Lords thereof videlicet in oppido Regis vel Episcopi pacis violatae paena 120 solidorum in oppido Senatoris seu Ealdormannes ruptae pacis 80 solidorum in oppido Cyninges Thegnes seu ministri Regis 60 solidorum et in oppido custodis pagant cujuscunque predia possidentis pacis tributae multa 35 solidorum censeatur that is to say In every Town of the King or a Bishop for breach of the peace 120 shillings in the Town of a Senator or Alderman 80 shillings in a Town of a Servant of the Kings 60 shillings and in the Town of the Bayliffe or Reeve of any other man having Lands 35 shillings Charles the great or Charlemain Emperor of the West and King of France who began his raign in the year 768 and after him the Emperor Lodovicus by his goodness and Piety sirnamed Pius or the Godly considering that in viros animosos plus honoris posse quam opum remunerationem that to men of Courage and Spirit Honor was more in esteem then Riches edicto mandaverunt ut ipsis in tota ditione sua honor haberetur did by their Edicts which in those more obedient times when Subjects were not so Critical as too many of us now are in their Princes Commands by a Torture of farre fetched or Irrational Interpretations put upon their just Authority in order to the Weal-Publick provide that in all their Dominions an Honour and respect should be given to their Domesticks or Servants And therefore Antiquity and the Learned Bignonius were not guilty of any Error when they adjudged that Dignitas Domestici the Dignity of the Kings Houshold Servants fuit non contemneâ—da was not to be contemned but was greatly honoured under the Raigns of the first and second Kings of France and about the Raign of Clodoveus or Lodovicus the 12th King of the first Race of the Kings of France who Raigned about the year of our Lord and Saviour 648. Inter praecipuos Regni ministros saepe enumerantur Comites Consiliarii Domestici et Majores Domûs c. Amongst the principal of whom were reckoned the Lord Steward Earls Counsellors of Estate Chancellor and Chamberlane the most Honourable and great men of the Kingdome who did sometimes in the Court attend the King in the hearing and determining of Causes and were with those great Officers of the Houshold accounted to be de Honestate palatii seu specialiter ornamento Regali a part of the Honor of the Kings Palace or Court and an Ornament to the Royal Dignity and the Domesticks and Servants of that great and vertuous Charlemain had that respect given unto them which a just consideration of the Honor of their Soveraign and concernment of the Weal-publique in his business or affairs had procured for them as Solebant subditi non modo reâ—ipere missos et legatos Principis Comites Duces et etiam ministros verum et viaticum eis pro unius cujusque dignitate praestare the people did use not only to receive the Kings or Princes Earls Dukes and their Attendants but to give them Entertainment according to their several degrees or qualities it having been ordained by him ut de missis suis vel de caeteris propter utilitatem suam Iter agentibus nullus mansionem eis contradicere praesumat that no man should presume to deny lodging and entertainment unto any imployed in his service King Alfred or Alured who began his Raign here about the year of our Lord 870 and had resident in his house the Sonns of many of his Nobility which did attend him did in that time of the more incult and fierce behaviour of the old English and Saxons and their Neighborhood with their Enemies the usurping Danes take care in the League or peace which he was constrained to make with King Guthrun the Dane to provide that in case of a Minister Regis incusatus as the Version or Translation renders it any Servant of the Kings accused for Homicide Et id Juris in omni lite and the same Law to be in every other Action or Suit there should be a Jury of 12 of the Kings Servants or if the party grieved should be the Servant of another King non nihil inferior not much inferior to the Kings probably intended of King Guthruns it should be tryed by undecim sui equales unumque Ministrum Regium by eleven of his Peers or Equals and one of the Kings Servants added unto them And it was then accompted such an honor to serve the King as our Learned Selden informs us he that that had a House with a Bell a Porters Lodge and was fit to be sent on his Princes Message or had a distinct Office in the Kings Court was accompted in those early daies as a Thainus or Nobilis a person or Honor. King Edward the Confessor whose Laws the vanquished English after the Conquest took to be so much a blessing as they hid them for preservation under the high Altar at Westminster and by the importunity of their prayers and tears procured King William the Conqueror to confirm and restore them did ordain that the Earls and Barons Et omnes qui habuerint sacham et socam Theam et Infangthiefe etiam milites suos et proprios servientes scilicet dapiferos pincernas Camerarios pistores et Cocos sub suo friburgo habeant et si cui foris facerent et Clamor vicinorum de eis assurgeret ipsi tenerent eos rectitudini in Curia sua And all those who had Courts Leete or Baron amongst their Tenants a priviledge granted by the King to have a Jurisdiction over their Tenants and to fine or Amerce such as failed to make good their Actions try and punish Theeves taken in their Mannors or Liberties to have Villains and Bond-men and a propriety in their Villains Lands or Goods and to have subject to their Mannors those that held of them by Knight-Service or were to attend them in the Warrs and their Domestique Servants as Sewers Butlers Chamberlains Bakers and Cooks should upon any wrong done to their Neighbors or Complaint made of them see right to be done unto them in their Courts and certainly he that gave them those Liberties to hear and determine
against the Legality of this Court in the Reigns of King Henry the seventh Henry the eighth Edward the sixth Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth or since although Sir Edward Coke being unwilling to allow it to be a Court legally constituted as not founded by any Prescription or Act of Parliament hath thrown it under some scruples or objections with which the former Ages and Wisemen of this Nation thought not fit to trouble their Times and Studies that Court being not only sometimes imployed in the determining of Cases and Controversies irremedial in the delegated Courts of Justice out of the Palace Royal or by the Privy Council but concerning the Kings Domesticks or Servants in Ordinary as may be seen in the 33 year of the Reign of K. Henry the eighth in the Case of David Sissel of Witham in the County of Lincoln Plaintiff against Richard Sissel his Brother Yeoman of the Kings Robes for certain Lands lying in Stamford in the said County of Lincoln formerly dismissed by the Kings most Honourable Privy Council wherein the said David Sissel was enjoyned upon pain of Imprisonment to forbear any clamour further to be made to the Kings Grace touching the Premises In the second and third years of King Philip and Queen Mary Sir John Browne Knight one of the two Principal Secretaries to the King and Queens Majesties was a Plaintiff in that Court and in the thirteenth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth Sir James Crofts Knight Comptroller of the Queens Majesties Houshold against Alexander Scoffeild for Writings and Evidences in the Defendants Custody And those great assistants Lords and Bishops Commissionated by the King as his Council or Commissioners did sometimes in that Court as in the thirtieth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth superintend some Causes appealed aswell from the Lord Privy Seal as the Common Law and Sir John Russel Knight Lord Russel the same man or his Father being in an Act of Parliament in the thirteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth wherein he with the Archbishop of Canterbury and others were made Feoffees of certain Lands to the use and for performance of the Kings last Will and Testament stiled Master John Russel his Majesties Keeper of the Privy Seal was in that Court made a Defendant in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth to a Suit Petition or Bill there depending against him although he was at that time also that Great and Ancient Officer of State called the Lord Privy Seal there having been a Custos Privati Sigilli a Keeper of the Privy Seal as early as the later end of King Edward the first or King Edward the second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the third about which time Fleta wrote nor was it then mentioned as any Novelty or new Office the Lord Privy Seal or Keepers of the Kings Privy Seal having ever since the eighteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the seventh if not long before until that fatal Rebellion in the later end of the Reign of that incomparable and pious Prince King Charles the Martyr successively presided and been Chief Judges in that Court which was not understood to be illegal in the twentieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when in a Case wherein George Ashby Esq was Complainant against William Rolfe Defendant an Injunction being awarded against the Defendant not to prosecute or proceed any further at the Common Law and disobeyed by the procurement of the said William Rolfe it was ordered That Francis Whitney Esq Serjeant at Arms should apprehend and arrest all and every person which should be found to prosecute the said Defendant contrary to the said Injunction and commit them to the safe custody of the Warden of the Fleet there to remain until order be taken for their delivery by her Majesties Council of that Court by Authority whereof the said William Rolfe was apprehended and committed to the Fleet for his Contempts but afterwards in further contempt the said William Rolfe's Attorney at the Common Law prosecuting a Nisi prius before Sir Christopher Wray then Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench against the Complainant in Guildhall London the said Attorney was then und there presently taken out of the said Court by the said Serjeant at Arms and committed to the Fleet. Nor by Sir Henry Mountà gue Knight Earl of Manchester who being the Son of a Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench was in Legibus Angliae enutritus in praxi legum versatissimus a great and well-experienced Lawyer and from his Labour and Care therein ascended to the Honour and Degree of Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench from thence to that of Lord Treasurer of England thence to be Lord President of the Kings most Honourable Privy Council and from thence to be Lord Privy Seal and for many years after sitting as Supreme Judge and Director of the Court of Requests in the Reign of King James and King Charles the Martyr together with the four Masters of Requests his Assessors and Assistants in that Honourable and necessary Court Which Office or Place à Libellis Principis of Master of Requests having been long ago in use in the Roman Empire and those that were honoured therewith with maximorum culmine dignitatum digni men accounted worthy of the most honourable nnd eminent Imployments and that Office or Place so highly esteemed as that great and ever famous Lawyer Papinian who was stiled Juris Asylum the Sanctuary or Refuge of the Law did under the Emperor Severus enjoy the said Office to whom his Scholar or Disciple Vlpian afterwards succeeded and with our Neighbours the French summo in honore sunt are very greatly honoured quibus ab Aulâ Principis abesse non licet and so necessary as not at any time to be absent from the Court or Palace of the Prince The Masters of Requests are and have been with us so much regarded and honoured as in all Assemblies and Places they precede the Kings Learned Council at Law and take place of them and amongst other Immunities and Priviledges due unto them and to the Kings Servants are not to be enforced to undergo or take upon them any other inferior Offices or Places in the Commonwealth There being certainly as much if not a greater Reason that the King should have a Court of Requests or Equity and Conscience where any of his Servants or Petitioners are concerned as the Lord Mayor of London who is but the Kings Subordinate Governour of that City for a year should have a Court of Conscience or Requests in the City of London for his Servants or the Freemen and Citizens thereof The Rights and Conveniences of our Kings of England doing Justice to their Domestick or Houshold Servants within their Royal Palaces or Houses or the virge thereof and not remitting them to other Judicatures together
Liberties did commit to Prison one that had Arrested one of Her Servants without leave and the Creditor being shortly after upon his Petition released by the said Earl who blaming him for his contempt and misdemeanor therein and being answered by the Creditor that if he had known so much before hand he would have prevented it for that he would never have trusted any of the Queens Servants was so just as to inforce that Servant of the Queens to pay him presently or in a short time after the said debt And told him that if he did not thereafter take a better care to pay his Debts he would undo all the other of the Queens Servants for that no man would trust them but they would be constrained to pay ready money for every thing which they should have occasion to buy In the six and twentieth year of Her Reign Henry Seâ—kford Esq one of the Grooms of Her Majesties Privy Chamber being Complainant against William Cowper Defendant the Defendant was in open Court upon his Allegiance enjoyned to attend the said Court from day to day until he be otherwise Licenced and to stay and Surcease and no further prosecute or proceed against the Complainant in any Action at and by the Order of the Common Law And about the Seven and twentieth year of Her Reign some controversies arising betwixt the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and Sir Owen Hopton Knight Lieutenant of the Tower of London concerning some Liberties and Priviledges claimed by the Lieutenant and his refusal of Writs of Habeas Corpora and that and other matters in difference betwixt them being by Sir Thomas Bromley Knight Lord Chancellor of England the Earl of Leicester and other the Lords of the Council referred unto the consideration of Sir Christopher Wray Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Knight Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and Sir Gilbert Gerrard Knight Master of the Rolls they did upon hearing of both parties and their allegations Certifie under their hands that as concerning such Liberties which the Lieutenant of the Tower claimeth to have been used for the Officers and Attendants in the Tower some of them being of the Queens Yeomen of the Guard and wearing Her Livery Coates and Badges as they do now the Kings as not to be Arrested by any Action in the City of London and Protections to be granted unto them by the Lieutenant and his not obeying of Writs of Habeas Corpus They were of opinion that such Persons as are dayly Attendant in the Tower of London Serving Her Majesty there are to be Priviledged and not to be Arrested upon any plaint in London But for Writs of Execution or Capias Vtlagatum's which the Law did not permit without leave first asked the latter of which by the Writ it self brings an Authority in the Tenor and purport of it to enter into any Liberties but not specifying whether they intended any more than Capias Vtlegátum when it was only after judgement or such like they did think they ought to have no priviledge which the Lords of the Council did by an Order under their hands as rules and determinations to be at all Times after observed Ratifie and Confirm And our Learned King James well understanding how much the Weal Publick did Consist in the good Rules of Policy and Government and the support not only of His own Honor and just Authority but of the respects due unto his great Officers of State and such as were by him imployed therein did for the quieting of certain controversies concerning Precedence betwixt the younger Sons of Viscounts and Barons and the Baronets and others by an Ordinance or Declaration under the Great Seal of England In the tenth year of His Reign Decree and Ordain That the Knights of the Most Noble Order of the Garter the Privy Councellors of His Majestie His Heires and Successors the Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries the Chancellor and under Treasurer of the Exchequer Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster the Chief Justice of the Court commonly called the Kings Bench the Master of the Rolls the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas the Chief Baron of the Exchequer and all other the Judges and Barons of the degree of the Coife of the said Courts Now and for the Time being shall by reason of such their Honourable Order and Imployment have Place and Precedence in all Places and upon all occasions before the younger Sons of Viscounts and Barons and before all Baronets any Custom Vse Ordinance or other thing to the Contrary Notwithstanding In the four and thirtieth year of Her Reign Sir Christopher Wray Knight Lord Chief Justice of Her Court of Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Knight Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and the rest of the Judges of the aforesaid Courts seeming to be greatly troubled that divers Persons having been at several Times committed without good cause shewed and that such Persons having been by the Courts of Queens Bench and Common Pleas discharged of their Imprisonments a Commandment was by certain great Men and Lords procured from the Queen to the Judges that they should not do the like thereafter all the said Judges together with the Barons of the Exchequer did under their hands Exhibit unto the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer of England their Complaint or Remonstrance in these words viz. We Her Majesties Justices of both Benches and Barons of the Exchequer desire your Lordships that by some good means some Order may be taken that her Highness Subjects may not be Committed or detained in Prison by Commandment of any Noble Man or Counsellor against the Laws of the Realm either else to help us to have access unto her Majesty to the end to become Suitors unto Her for the same For divers have been imprisoned for Suing Ordinary Actions and Suits at the Common Law until they have been constrained to leave the same against their Wills and put the same to Order albeit Judgement and Execution have been had therein to their great losses and griefs For the aid of which persons her Majesties Writs have sundry Times been directed to sundry Persons having the custody of such Persons unlawfully Imprisoned upon which Writs no good or Lawful cause of Imprisonment hath been returned or Certified Whereupon according to the Laws they have been discharged of their Imprisonment some of which Persons so delivered have been again Committed to Prison in secret places and not to any Common or Ordinary Prison or Lawful Officer or Sheriff or other Lawfully Authorised to have or keep a Goal So that upon Complaint made for their delivery The Queens Courts cannot tell to whom to Direct Her Majesties Writs And by this means Justice cannot be done And moreover divers Officers and Serjeants of London have been many Times Committed to Prison for Lawful Executing of Her Majesties Writs Sued forth
Galfridum filium Petri gladio Comitatus Essex qui licet antea vocati essent Comites administrationem suarum Comitatuum habuissent tamen non erant accincti gladio Comitatus ipsa illa die servierunt ad mensam Regis accincti gladiis did upon the day of his Coronation gird William Marshal with the Sword of the Earldome of Striguil or Pembroke and Jeffery Fitz-Peter with the Sword of the Earldome of Essex who although they were before called Earls and had the government of their Earldomes yet until then were not invested or girt with the Sword of their Earldomes and the same day they waited upon the King as he sate at meat with their Swords girt about them and the service of our Earls and Nobility were held to be so necessary about their Soveraign in the Reign of King Edward the second as John de Warrenna Earl of Surrey had in the 14th year of that King a dispensation not to appear before the Justices Itinerant before whom in certain of his affairs he had a concernment in these words viz. Edwardus dei gratia Rex Angliae c. Justitiariis notris Itineratur in Com. Norff. Quia dilectum fidelem nostrum Johannem de Warrenna Comitem Surrey quibusdam de causiis juxta latus nostrum retinemus hiis diebus per quod coram vobis in Itinere vestro in Com. praedicto personaliter comparere non potest ad loquelas ipsum in eodem Itinere tangentes prosequendi defendendi nos ex causa praedicta Indempnitati praefati Comitis provideri cupientes in hac parte vobis mandamus quod omnes praedictas loquelas de die in diem coram vobis continuetis usque ad Octabas Paschae prox futur Ita quod extunc citra finem Itineris vestri praedicti loquelae illae andiantur terminantur prout de jure secundum legem consuetudines regni nostri fuerit faciend Edward by the grace of God King of England c. to his Justices about to go the Circuit in our County of Norfolk sendeth greeting In regard that for certain causes we have commanded the attendance of John of Warren Earl of Surrey upon our person so as he cannoâ— personally appear before you in your Circuit to prosecute and defend certain actions or matters wherein he is concerned we desiring to indempnifie the said Earl therein for the cause aforesaid do command you that you do from day to day adjorn the said Pleas and Actions until eight dayes after Easter next so as you may according to the laws and custome of our Kingdome before the end of your said Circuit hear and determine the said matters or actions In which Writ the said Earl being descended from VVilliam de VVarrenna who marryed a daughter of King VVilliam Rufus was not stiled the Kings Cousin as all the Earls of England have for some ages past been honored either by the stile of Chancery or the Secretaries of State in a Curiality with which the more antient and less Frenchified times were unacquainted for notwithstanding an opinion fathered upon our learned Selden that in regard the antient Earls of England being the Cousins or of the consanguinity or affinity of William the Conqueror or many of the succeeding Kings those Earls that were afterwards created did enjoy that honourable Title of the Kings Cousin it will by our Records and such Memorials as time hath left us be evidenced and clearly proved that all the Earls which William the Conqueror and his Successors have created were not of their Kindred or Alliance and those that were of the consanguinity of our Kings and Princes as Awbrey de Vere the first Earl of Oxford whose Father Awbrey de Vere marryed the Sister by the half blood of William the Conquerour was neither in the grants of the Earldome of Oxford and office of Great Chamberlain of England by Maud the Empress or King Henry the second her Son stiled their Cousin nor William de Albiney formerly Earl of Sussex who marryed Adeliza Widdow of King Henry the first Daughter of Godfrey Duke of Lorrain in the grant of the Earldome Castle and Honour of Arundel by King Henry the second was termed that Kings Cousin neither in the recital in other grants wherein the great Earls of Leicester and Chester are mentioned is there any such intimation for in the first year of the Reign of King John William Marshall Earl of Pembroke William Earl of Salsbury and Ranulph Earl of Chester and Lincoln in the second year of King Henry the third had it not and in the Summons of Parliament Diem clausit extremum and other grants or writs of divers of the succeeding Kings in the former ages until about the Reign of King Edward the fourth where mention was made of some of those and other great Earls of this Kingdom there were none of those honorary Titles and it is not at this day in the ordinary Writs and Process where they are named either as Plaintiffs or Defendants and in France where those graces are in the Royal Letters and Missives frequently allowed to the greater sort of the Nobility howsoever the Queen Mother and Regent of France was about the year 1625. pleased in a Letter to the late George Duke of Buckingham to give him the honour to be called her Cousin very often omitted And those honours of attending their Kings and being near his person or being imployed in his Royal commands were so desirable by as many as could by their virtue antiently the Seminary and cause of all honour obtain it as they thought the service of their Prince not happiness enough unless their Heirs and after Generations as well as themselves might partake of the honour to do service unto him and therefore could be well content to have some of their Lands which some of our Kings of England gave them which they hoped to hold unaliened to them and their Heirs in Fee or in Tayl astrictae obliged and tyed also as their persons to those no inglorious services as the Earls of Oxford holding the Castle of Hedingham in the County of Essex and the Manor of Castle Campes in the Counties of Cambridge and Essex to them and their Heirs in Tayl by the Tenor and Service of being great Chamberlain of England and the Manors of Fingrith in the County of Essex and Hormead or Hornemead in the County of Hertford descended unto them by the Marriage of a Daughter and Heir of the Lord Sanford by the Service and Tenure of being Chamberlain to the Queens of England die Coronationis suae upon the dayes of their Coronation that of great Chamberlain of England being an Office distinct and separate from that of Chamberlain of the Kings House which was as appeareth by many Charters of our antient Kings and their Chamberlains Subscriptions thereunto as witnesses long before the grant of great Chamberlain of England and as then are now only
Prisoner in Newgate as he was leading by an Officer towards Guyhald by five persons and carrying him by force into the Sanctuary or Priviledge-place of St. Martins le Grand the Kings Free-Chappel being a Liberty of the Dean and Chapter and the Sheriffs of London having the same day taken out of the same Church of St. Martins the five men who rescued him and led them fettered to the Compter and thence chained by the Neck to Newgate complaint thereof being made to the King by the said Dean and Chapter for the violation of their Priviledges he sent his Writ to the Mayor and Sheriffs reciting that from a long time beyond the memory of man fugientes ad Capellam predictam pro immunitate ejusdem habend ' seu in eadem ex quocunque causa existentes residentes quieti fuerint Immunes sic esse debuerint debent ab omni Jurisdictione Arrestatione Impedimento sive Attachamento Majoris Vicecomitum Civitatis praedicta aut Officiariorum seu Ministrorum suorum quorumcunque pro tempore existentium those that fled to the Chappel aforesaid to enjoy the Priviledge thereof or being therein resident upon any cause or occasion whatsoever have used and ought to be quiet and free from the Jurisdiction Arrests Impediments or Attachments of the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City aforesaid or any their Officers or Ministers whatsoever for the time being and that notwithstanding the said Sheriffs had to the prejudice and detriment of the Churches Liberties and derogation of His Crown and Royal Dignity violently taken from thence John Knight John Reede Thomas Blackbourn William Janiver and Richard Moreys and committed them to Prison wherefore the King to preserve inviolably the said Rights Customs Immunities Liberties and Priviledges prout vinculo Juramenti in Coronatione astringitur as he is thereunto bound by his Coronation Oath enjoyned them that immediately after the Receipt of that Writ they should restore and deliver to the said Dean and Chapter or their Commissary the said Prisoners tam corpore quam bonis sicut eos prefati Vice-comites a Capella predicta abstraxerunt in their bodies and goods as the said Sheriffs took them from the said Chappel as aforesaid so as the said Dean and Chapter in eorum culpam seu defectum causam non habent sibi iterum conquerendi Et hoc sub Fide Ligeancia quibus teneantur nullatenus omittant by their default or neglect may have no more cause to complain again to the King And this under the Faith and Allegiance which they did owe unto him they were not to fail to perform Which Writ being by the Kings Command sent and delivered by John Earl of Huntington the said Sheriffs yet notwithstanding detained them in prison of which the King being informed ore tenus precepit he did by word of mouth command John Bishop of Bath his Chancellor and Ralph Lord Cromwel his Treasurer that they should go to the said St. Martins and upon Examination of the Parties hearing of Councel on both sides and due consideration of their several Charters Customs and Evidences certifie him what by Law was to be done therein who thereupon taking unto them John Hody and Richard Newton Chief Justices of both the Benches called before them the said Dean and Chapter Mayor and Sheriffs and heard both sides who gave to them in writing as well what could be alledged for the said Priviledges as against it which being duly understood by the said Chancellor Treasurer and Justices it was adjudged by the said Chancellor and Treasurer by the advice of the said Justices Quod personae predictae a Capella praedicta violenter abstractae restitui debeant ad â—andem tanquam ad locum plenaria libertate tam de Jure quam consuetudine gaudere debentem non de Civitate praedicta nec Majoris Vicecomitum Aldermannorum auâ— Officiariorum ejusdem Jurisdictioni seu districtioni Subject ' sed eisdem Immunitatibus Privilegiis Libertatibus quae Westmonasterium Beverly aut alius loâ—us privilegiatus in Anglia meliores â—abet tam de Jure quam consuetudine pro se precinctu ejusdem ad tuend ' quascunque personas pro quibuscunque causis Criminalibus sive Civilibus illuc confugientes gaudere debentem That the persons aforesaid violently drawn out of the Chappel aforesaid ought to be restored to the same place which of right and custom ought to enjoy their full Liberty and not to be subject to the Jurisdiction or Distrsss of the City aforesaid or the Mayor Sheriffs Aldermen or Officers of the same but to enjoy the said Immunities Priviledges and Liberties as Westminster Bevâ—rley or any other priviledged Place in England of right and custom ought to enjoy for them and their Precincts most largely had to protect and defend any persons flying thither for any causes Criminal or Civil And thereupon the King being informed of their Proceedings and what they found therein commanded his Chancellor that by his Writ directed to the Sheriffs of London that they should bring before him in his Chancery the Bodies of the said Prisoners taken out of the Chappel as aforesaid with the cause of their taking and detention who being brought by the Kings Command into his Chancery by the said Sheriffs they did there by the advice and consent of the Duke of Gloucester and of others of the Kings Council and by Order of the said Court discharge the said Prisoners who were there in the presence of the Sheriffs Recorder and Council of the said City ad hoc evocatorum Thome Collegge servienti Domini Regis ad arma personaliter liberati ibidem ad effectum quod idem serviens dictos Prisonarios eorum quemlibeâ—â—usque dictam Capellam Sanctuarium salvo secure adduceret eos ibidem de mandato Regio praefato Decano sive ejus Deputatis liberaret ibidem juxta libertates privilegiâ— immunitates predicta in Sanctuario predicto quam diu eis placeret moraturos thereunto especially called personally deliver'd unto Thomas Collegge the Kings Serjeant at Arms to the end that he might safely and securely bring the Prisoners to the said Chappel and Sanctuary and there by the Kings Command deliver them to the said Dean or their Deputies there to remain as long as they pleased according to the Liberties Priviledges and Immunities aforesaid which was done by the said Serjeant at Arms and a Certificate made by him to the said Chancellor Treasurer and Court of Chancery accordingly And he must be altogether composed of or addicted to Scruples and Doubts wherein he never desires to be satisfied and fit to sayl to Anticyra in pursuit of Hellebore who shall against so clear a Light and Evidence bestow his time and labours to vindicate and under-prop so manifest and notorious Errors or that shall deny the King a Judicial Power in His Courts of Justice and High Court of Chancery whence do almost daily issue his Writs remediall
under His Seal and Teste Me Ipso directed to all His Courts of Justice And are as Bracton saith Formata ad similitudinem Regulae Juris framed by and according to the Rules of Law whiâ—h warranting many of the Proceeding thereof are in the Assize betwixt Wimbish and the Lord Willoughby in Trinity Term in the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth said and not denyed to be Law and the Act of the King but not of the Chancellor So as they who shall endeavour to impose upon other men that the King is not by Law presumed to be present in his Court of Kings Bench where the Records do mention the Judgements given therein to be coram Rege before the King as if he were personally present with the Judges of that Court who are assigned to assist Him may as to the Kings Power in matters of Justice and over the Judges and Courts delegated by Him do well to seek a reason which is justly to be feared will never be found why it should be Law or Reason for King Alfred in the discords or ignorance of his Subordinate Judges in the distribution of Justice to hear and determine the Causes Himself or for King Canutus long after to judge the Causes of such as complained unto him when our Bracton doth not at all doubt of it when he saith that the Judges nullam habent Authoritatem sed ab alio i. e. Rege sibi Commissam cum ipse qui delegat non sufficiat per se omnes Causas sive Jurisdictiones terminare they have no Authority but what they are intrusted with by the King who granted it when as he who delegated them is not able or sufficient by himself to hear aad determine all Causes in every Jurisdiction unto which our Register of Writs that Pharmacopeia Director and Magazine of Medicines and Remedies for many a Disease in the Estates and Affairs of the People which Justice Fitz Herbert in his Preface to his Book De Natura Brevium of the Nature of Writs calleth The Principles of the Law and the Foundation whereupon it dependeth and in Plowdens Commentaries is as to many things truly said to be the Foundation of our Laws and so Authentique as Brown Justice in the Case betwixt Willon and the Lord Barkley in the third year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth declared that all Writs were to pursue the Forms in the Register and it was enough to alledge so is the Register will easily assent and all our Books of the Law all the Practice and Usage of our Courts of Justice all our Records Close and Patent Rolls and our Kings hearing and determining of Differences betwixt the Common Law and Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdictions and their making of Orders to reconcile the Proceedings of the severall Judges thereof and the like betwixt the Admiralty Court and the Courts of Common Law ordered decided and agreed before King Charles the First and His Privy Council in the ninth year of His Reign the Judges in criminal Matters not seldom attending the King for a Declaration of His Will and Pleasure where a Reprieve Pardon or Stay of Execution shall be necessary will be as so many almost innumerable powerful and cogent Arguments to justifie it And a common and dayly Experience and the Testimony of so many Centuries and Ages past and the Forme used in our Writs of Scire Facias to revive Judgements after a year and a day according to the Statute of Westminster the 2. with the words Et quia volumus ea que in Curia nostra rite acta sunt debite executioni demandari because we would that those things which are rightly done in our Courts should be put in execution c. may bear witness of that Sandy Foundation Sir Edward Coke hath built those his great mistakings upon and those also that the King cannot propria Authoritate Arrest any man upon suspition of Treason or Felony when the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the First expresly acknowledgeth that the King may Arrest or cause men to be Arrested as well as His Chief Justice without distinction in ordinary and civil or criminal matters and when by the beforemention'd Opinions of Sir Christopher Wray Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas and of all the Judges of England delivered under their hands in the Four and thirtieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth it was acknowledged that She or the Lords of Her Privy Council might do it And in the before recited great Case of the Habeas Corpora in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr there was no question made but that the King might lawfully do it with a cause expressed in the Warrant And many a Nobleman and others hath in several of our Kings Reigns either upon suspition of Treason or Flagranti Crimine in or very near the acting of it or upon great Misdemeanors been Arrested by our Kings and Princes onely Command and sent Prisoners to the Tower of London As the Great Mortimer Earl of March by King Edward the Third the Pompous Cardinal Wolsey and Queen Ann of Bulloin by King Henry the Eighth the Duke of Northumberland by Queen Mary the Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Essex by Queen Elizabeth for Treason Robert Earl of Somerset and his Lady committed for Felony Sir Tho. Overbury for refusing to go Ambassador when he was sent by King James Henry Earl of Oxford for striking up a Great Lords heels in a Solemnity of a great Feast when the French Ambassador was entertained in Westminster Hall for presuming to offer to wash his hands after the King had washed in the Basin which as Lord Great Chamberlain of England he had holden to the King Thomas Earl of Arundel for marrying the Lord Matravers his Son to the Sister of the Duke of Lenox and Richmond without his Licence and Philip Earl of Pembroke and the said Lord Matravers for striking and scuffling with one another in the House of Peers in Parliament and some others by King Charles the First and some by His now Majesty and our Parliaments have many times in some Charges brought against offenders of the Weal Publique petitioned our Kings and Princes to do it and many others have been so committed in the Reigns almost of all our Kings and Princes of which every Age and History of this our Kingdom can give plentiful Examples which we may believe to have been done by good and legal Warrant when in all our many Parliaments and Complaints of the People therein such Arrests and Imprisonments have not been in the number of any of their complained Grievances for otherwise what Power Writ Authority or Warrant of a Judge or Justice of Peace could have seiz'd upon that Powerful Mortimer and taken him in Notingham Castle out of the amorous Embraces of Queen Isabel the
and unfitting a course or method of Government For can any man that is Master of the least grain of Reason or Prudence think it safe for a Kingdom so to restrain if it could be a Soveraign Prince when a person in time of Pestilence or otherwise shall with a Plague-Sore running upon him come into the presence of the King who in case of Leprosie when it was more frequent than now it is can for the preservation of His People from the infection thereof make His Writ de Leproso amovendo command the Leper to be removed to some other place that He should have no power to bid any of His Servants to cause him to be taken away or put in prison Or that King James when his Life was assaulted by the Assassinate which Earl Gowrey had appointed to murther him did transgress any Law of Scotland Nature or Nations when he did arrest and struggle with him until the loyal Sir John Ramsey came to his Rescue Or that that prudent Prince after his coming into England did break any Law of England Nature or Nations or not perform the Office of a King when by his own Authority he did without sending to the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench or a Justice of Peace for his Warrant cause Sir Thomas Knivet and others to apprehend Guydo Faux but some minutes before the Match should have been secretly and undiscovered laid in order to the firing of the Gunpowder and other Matterials which were shortly after to take fire for the accomplishment of the intended treason of him and his wicked Complices to destroy the King Prince Nobility and the Chiefest of his People assembled in Parliament and all that were in or near the Cities of London and Westminster by the Gunpowder Plot of blowing up the Houses of Parliament And whether a King may not in the like case of Contempt or Danger as well do it as he may do where a Souldier prest in the Kings Service upon a Certificate by the Captain into the Chancery being the Watch-Tower or Treasury of the Kings Justice that he absented himself send his Writ or Mandate to one of his Serjeants at Arms to take him which Sir Edward Coke saith may be done per Legem terrae by the Law of the Land and may upon a Certificate of an Abbot or Prior into the Chancery do the like by his Writ to the Sheriff to take a man professed in Religion that is Vagrant and alloweth it to be Lex Terrae a Legal Process so to do in honorem Religionis in honour and respect to Religion or may not as wel imprison a man for a Contempt as Discharge him Or why He may not Arrest or cause any man to be Arrested for Felony or Treason or but suspition thereof when Sir Edward Coke is of opinion any man may do in the Kings Name upon a common Fame or Voice or Arrest a man by warranty of Law and of his own Authority which woundeth another dangerously or keepeth company with a notorious Thief whereby he is suspected or if the King shall not upon necessity or extraordinary occasions be enabled to do it for that supposed rather than any reason at all that he ought not so to do in regard that no man can have an Action against Him for any wrong or injury done unto him by the King How have our Lawes and reasonable Customes for many Centuries and Ages past submitted unto and not at all complained of the Kings Seizure of Lands but suspected to be forfeited or of Lands aliened without Licence or pardon of Alienation and the like Or why should not our Kings have as much liberty as the holy King Edward the Confessour might have had if he would to have commanded a Thief to be apprehended for stealing in the Royal Lodgings when he bad him onely be gone lest Hugeline his Chamberlain should come in and take him Or as legally as King Edward the Third and his Council did commit one that was found arm'd in his Palace to the Marshalsea whence he could not be bayl'd or deliver'd until the Kings Will and Pleasure should be known Or as it was adjudged in the thirty nineth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when in an Action of Trespass the Defendant justified the doing thereof by the Command of the King when he was neither Bayliff nor Officer of the Kings and it was adjudged by the Judges that he might so do without any Deed or Writing shewed for it or if they should mistake in their Arrests or Imprisonments of suspected Traytors or Felons should not have as much liberty as a Justice of Peace hath in criminal matters or as the Judges have in his Courts of Justice in civil Actions where the parties that mistake or bring their Actions where they should not or Arrest one man in stead of another are onely punished with Costs of Suit or Actions of False Imprisonment but not the Judges or Justices of Peace for howsoever some Flatterers when King Richard the Third having murthered his Nephews and usurped the Crown and sate one day in the High Court of Chancery had in some of the Pleadings or Causes heard before him alledged that the King could do no wrong and some of our Lawyers have since so much believed it as they have reduced it into a kind of Maxime and given it a place in some of their Arguments Reports Yet Bracton in the Reign of King Henry the Third and Justice Stamford in the Reign of Queen Mary did believe the King might unwillingly by Himself or His Officers or Ministers do wrong and declared the Law to be both in Bractons and Stamfords time that in such Cases the Subjects where they have any matter of Complaint or Grievance need not want their legal Remedies by Traverse Monstrans de Droit or Petition the reason of the latter being as Stamford saith because the Subject hath no other Remedy against the King but to supplicate him by Petition for the Dignity sake of the Person And a late Experience hath told us how a Dispute betwixt our two Houses of Parliament whether a Great Person accused of Delinquency might be Arrested and put under Custody before his Charge or Accusation could be made ready gave the Party opportunity to escape into the Parts beyond the Seas and the Disputants leisure and time enough to agree of the matter And it should be remote enough from any the suspition of Errour or over-credulity for any man to think an Arrest or Imprisonment by the immediate Command of the King in the case of Treason or Felony or but suspition of either of them not to be as legal as that of a Justice of Peace made by a Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England in his Name and by his Authority derived under him And those who will take out Sir Edward Coke's before mentioned Lessons and enter themselves into
obtained and would be no loosers but greater Gainers by it Do the Might and greatness of Princes and their power to give aids and Assistance where Alliance Interest or Leagues do require it or to retalliate Wrongs or Injuries done and received perswade a Priviledge and Civility to the Persons and Goods of the Embassadors and their Servants and retinue of one another although not bound thereunto by any Laws or Rules of Subjection or Allegiance And shall not a just fear Duty and Reverence of Subjects to their Kings and Princes Civility good Manners Gratitude Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy Fear and Command of God and a dayly protection by the Kings Power Laws and Justice of themselves and their Estates Honour Reputation and all that can be of value unto them from Forreign and Domestick dangers wrongs or oppressions invite them to a forbearance of that Barbarous and undutifull way of Arresting any of his Servants without a complaint first made or licence procured to do it Or how can such a one or any of his Children without shame or confusion of Face beg or hope for Mercy or Pardon from the King for man-slaughter or some other offence mischance or forfeiture when but a week or a little before they have had so small a care of their Duty and respect unto him or their many Obligations as to disturb his Service and necessary Affairs and disparage his Servants and do all they can to ruine and undo them by an Arrest or Imprisonment without licence When at the same time they would readily subscribe to the reasonableness of the Kings delivering and freeing from Arrest the Lord Mayor of London punishing those that should do it If for permitting in the Strand or any other place out of his Liberty that the Cities Sword the Ensign or Mark of Honour given unto it within its proper Jurisdiction to be carri'd up he should be Arrested or if he or any of the Sheriffs or Aldermen should in their Passage to Whitehall to attend the King when he commanded them be Arrested upon any other Action Will not a Tenant to a Lord of a Mannor who receives not so great a protection from him nor hath so great a need of him as every Subject hath of the Kings Grace and Favour be thought by all his Neighbours to be more than a little out of his Wits that should adventure his displeasure by Arresting the Steward of his Court Valet de Chambre Coachman Butler Brewer Hors-keeper or any of his Servants without leave or licence or denial of Justice upon his Complaint first had And will they not be deemed to be more Mad that shall so far forget themselves and their duty to the King as to Arrest without licence any of the Servants of their Soveraign which is the only Rock of defence and Succour which they have to flee unto in all their distresses or for Mercy which is not seldome needed upon any Offences or transgressions against him or his Laws May not the King punish Contempts and breaches of Priviledges as well as those that do subordinately Act by the Authority of Him and His Laws or not cause as much to be done in Order to the proâ—ervation of their Authority and Jurisdictions as they usually do unto any that should disturb the necessity and duty of their places Or may not the King as supreme Magistrate cause any that shall transgress the limits of their obedience in Arresting his Servants without licence to be Arrested or Imprisoned for such an affront or contempt of Majesty and the Supreme Power when it hath been ordinarily done and justified by some Lords of Mannors and Liberties in the Case of Sheriffs and Bailiffs presuming to Arrest any man within their Liberty without a Writ of non Omittas propter aliquam libertatem or special Warrant where the Lord of the Mannor hath neglected to do it Or must the King when any wrong or injury shall be done to his Servants suffer such contempt to be remedyless and only say why do you do so who when he doth cause the undutifulness and unmannerliness of such Offenders to be punished by a few days gentle restraint cannot with any truth or Reason be said to have given away their Debts when at the most it is but a small delay and doth many times occasion them to be sooner and less chargeably paid than it would be with an Action or Suit and the many Animosities Vexations and Heats which do usually attend Actions or Suits at Law Did our Magna Charta prohibit or give away any of the Liberties and Priviledges of the King and his Servanâ—s which are necessary for the Support and just means of Government and that high Authority with which God and the Law have intrusted him Can the King by his Writ cause a man or his Cattel or Goods to be Arrested and taken in Withernam untill the person of a man or his Cattel or goods wrongfully Arrested be delivered or freed from restraint and shall it not be as lawfull for the King by Arresting or Imprisoning the Party that did or procured it to enforce the delivery of a Servant wrongfully or unduly Arrested without his leave or licence first obtained Is the Kings Service the only cause of the Priviledge of Parliament so operative and powerfull in its effects as a Member of the house of Commons newly elected is so entituled to his Priviledge as before his admission or Oath taken the Infringers thereof have been severely punished as it was upon great debate and Examination adjudged in Parliament in the Case of William Johnson a Burgesse of Parliament in the first year of the Reign of Queen Mary and the like for Arresting upon an Execution Sir Richard Fitzherbert Knight a Member of Parliament in the 34th year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and that kind of Priviledge so Watched and Guarded and in all its parts and circumstances so taken care of and inviolably kept As it may not be renounced or quitted by any one Member without a breach of Priviledge to all the rest nor is any leave to be given upon Petition or any the most urgent necessities of a Plaintiff or Creditor to molest or Imprison any of them or their Servants during the Session of Parliament and the time of Priviledge allowed them before and after them And cannot the people of England be well content and think themselves to be in a better Condition when in the Case of the Priviledge of the Kings Servants they may in the time of Parliament or without have licence upon a reasonable time prefixed for satisfaction to take their course and proceed at Law against them Shall the Vallies rejoyce in their Springs and pleasant Fountains and the Spring or Fountain it self that distributeth those living and refreshing Waters have no part thereof Hath the Chamberlain of the Lord Mayor or City of London Power to commit a Freeman of that City to Ward So that he do
I could perceive trodden by any but Your Lordships most Humble Servant Fabian Philipps THE TABLE OR Contents of the Chapters THat there is a greater Honour due unto the Palace and House of the King Then unto any of the houses of his Subjects Chap. I. 4 That the Business and Affairs of the King about which any of his Servants or Subjects are imployed are more considerable and to be regarded then the Business and Affairs of any of the People Chap. II. 29 That the Kings Servants in ordinary are not to be denied a more than ordinary Priviledge or respect nor are to be compelled to appear by Arrest or otherwise in any Courts of Justice out of the Kings House without leave or Licence of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings Houshold to whom it appertaineth first had and obteyned Chap. III. 38 That the Priviledges and Protections of the Kings Servants in ordinary by reason of his Service is and ought to be extended unto the Priviledged Parties Estate both real and Personal as well as unto their Persons Chap. IV. 244 That the Kings Servants whilst they are in his Service ought not to be Utlawed or Prosecuted in Order thereunto without leave or Licence first obteyned of the King or the great Officers of his most Honourable Houshold under whose several Jurisdictions they do Officiate Chap. V. 250 That the Kings established and delegated Courts of Justice to Administer Justice to his People are not to be any Bar or hindrance to his Servants in ordinary in their aforesaid Antient Just and Legal Rights and Priviledges Chap. VI. 289 That the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may punish those who do infringe his Servants Priviledges and that any of the Kings Servants in ordinary being Arrested without leave are not so in the Custody of the Law as they ought not to be released untill they do appear or give Bayl to appear and Answer the Action Chap. VII 310 That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in ordinary but were imployed upon some Temporary and Casual Affairs abroad and out of the Kings House Chap. VIII 318 That the Kings granting Protections under the Great Seal of England to such as are his Servants in ordinary for their Persons Lands and Estates when especially imployed by him into the parts beyond the Seas or in England or any other of his Dominions out of his Palace or Virge thereof or unto such as are not his Domesticks or Servants in ordinary or extraordinary when they are sent or imployed upon some of his Negotiations Business or Affairs neither is or can be any Evidence or good Argument that such only and not the Kings Servants in ordinary who have no Protections under the Great Seal of England are to be Protected or Priviledged whilst they are busied in his Palace or about his Person Chap. IX 343 That our Kings some of which had more than his nâ—w Majesty hath have or had no greater number of Servants in Ordinary than is or hath been necessary for their Occasions Safety well being State Honour Magnificence and Majesty And that their Servants waiting in their Turns or Courses are not without leave or Licence as aforesaid to be Arrested in the Intervals of their waiting or Attendance Cap. X. 355 That the King being not to be limited to a number of his Servants in Ordinary is not in so great a variety of Affairs and contingencies wherein the publick may be concerned to be restrained to any certain number of such as he shall admit to be his Servants extraordinary Chap. XI 365 That the Subjects of England had heretofore such a regard of the King and his Servants as not to bring or commence their Actions where the Law allowed them against such of his Servants which had grieved or Injured them with ut a remedie first Petitioned for in Parliament Chap. XII 375 That the Clergy of England in the height of their Priviledges Encouragement and Protection by the Papall overgrown Authority did in many cases lay aside their Thunderbolts and Power of Excommunications appeals to the Pope and obtaining his Interdictions of Kingdoms Churches and Parishes and take the milder modest and more reverential way of Petitioning our Kings in Parliaments rather than turn the rigors of their Canon or Ecclesiastical Laws or of the Laws of England against any of the Kings Officers or Servants Chap. XIII 389 That the Judges in former times did in their Courts and Proceedings of Law and Justice manifest their unwillingness to give or permit any obstruction to the Service of the King and Weal Publick Chap. XIV 392 That the Dukes Marquesses Count Palatines Earls Viscounts and Barons of England and the Bishops as Barons have and do enjoy their Priviledges and freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment of their Bodies in Civil and Personal Actions As Servants extraordinary and attendants upon the Person State and Majesty of the King in Order to his Government Weal Publick and safety of him and his People And not only as Peers abstracted from other of the Kings Ministers or Servants in Ordinary Chap. XV. 413 That many the like Priviledges and Praeheminences are and have been antiently by the Civil and Caesarean Laws and the Municipal Laws and Customs of many other Nations granted and allowed to the Nobility thereof Chap. XVI 445 That the Immunities and Priviledges granted and permitted by our Kings of England unto many of their People and Subjects who were not their Servants in Ordinary do amount unto as much and in some more than what our Kings Servants in Ordinary did or do now desire to enjoy Chap. XVII 466 That many of the People of England by the Grace and Favour of our Kings and Princes or along permission usâ—ge or prescription do enjoy and make use of very many Immunities Exemptions and Priviledges which have not had so great a Cause or Foundation as those which are now claimed by the Kings Servanes Chap. XVIII 489 That those many other Immunities and Priviledges have neither been abolished or so much as murmured at by those that have yeilded an Assent and Obedience thereunto although they have at some times and upon some Occasions received some Loss Damage or Inconveniences thereby Chap. XIX 494 That the Power and care of Justice and the distribution thereof is and hath been so Essential and Radical to Monarchy and the constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognisance divers Causes which their established Courts of Justice either could not remedie or wanted Power to determine have removed them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon Just and Legal Occasions respite or delay Justice Chap. XX. 503 That a care of the Honour and Reverence due unto the
King hath been accompted and is and ought to be the Interest of all the People of England and that the Servants and retinue of a Soveraign Prince who hath given and permitted to his Subjects so many large Liberties Immunities Exemptions Customs and Priviledges should not want those Exemptions Immunities Customs and Priviledges which are so Justly claimed by them Chap. XXI 587 Errors of the Printer PAge 22. line 2. dele now intersere after p. 34. l. 25. dele to p. 43. l. 4. dele and intersere by p. 52. l. 22 dele feirce and incult intersere rude and uncivill p. 61. l. 25. intersere always p. 62. l. 2. intersere in p. 88. l. 26. dele not p. 111. l. 28. dele yet p. 137. l. 23. dele not p. 159. interscribe Baile p. 166. l. 4. dele as p. 197. l. penult dele or interscribe as p. 217. l. 28. dele the Corsaires p. 219. l. 22. dele not p. 241. l. 6. dele unto p. 265. l. 10. dele during the and interline in a more â—itting place p. 416. l. 13. r. Aevo p. 423. l. 17. r. Conquestorem 549. in margin r. Cromwell p. 453. l. 2. intersere pleg l. 4. r. distringas l. 14. intersere them p. 460. in margin r. Valentinus l. 16. r. nobiles p. 461. in margin r. Cassanaeus l. 10. r. noblemen p 475 l. 2. r. Commons p. 527. l. 19. intersere of Westminster p. 552. from thence to page 555. mispaged in p. 543. l. 4. intersere it p. 596. l. 27. interline of p. 614. l. 20. dele an Asilum or intersere a which with some other literal faults redundancies omissions of particles and Errors of the Press are desired to be amended and excused The Reasons aswell as Law of the Priviledges and Freedom of the Kings Servants in Ordinary from Arrests and Troubles of and in their Persons and Estates before Leave or Licence obtained of the King their Royal Master and Soveraign IF the Rights of Soveraignty and Majesty and it's Legal Rational and necessary Protection and Preservation of the People in their several Interests and Priviledges That due care which they ought to take of him and the means wherewith he should do it the Honour of the King and the support and maintainance of it the Reverence and Respect which they should upon all occasions manifest to their Prince and Common Parent and the influence which all or most of his affairs have or may have in their successes and consequences Good or Evil upon all or the greatest part of the Affairs of the People were not enough as it is abundantly sufficient to perswade them to an abstaining or abhorrency from the Incivility of late practiced to Arrest or Trouble the Persons or Estates of the Kings Servants in Ordinary before Leave or Licence obtained of the King their Royal Master and the Soveraign aswel of the one as the other For he that hath not been a very great stranger to reason and the Customes and Laws of this Nation aswell as others may without any suspicion of Error acknowledge that it is and will be a due to Majesty and the Servants of it Yet the Civility long ago in Fashion and not yet abolished in the Neighbourhood and Custom of Mankinde one towards the other might invite them unto it When it hath been heretofore a part of the Law of Nations Nature Christianity Neighbourhood Civility and the Practice thereof which no Law or Good Custome hath yet repealed not to Arrest or bring into question at Law a Neighbours Servant for a Debt due or Injuries received without an Intimation or Notice first given or a kind of Licence obtained to or from that Servants Master to the end that the Love and Respect which ought to be betwixt them might not be dislocated or disturbed and the offending Servants Masters attendance Business or Affairs prejudiced And being constantly held and observed betwixt Friends Relations Kinred Neighbours and even Strangers where any Respect was thought fit to be tendered did probably give a Rise or beginning to that long and experimented Adage or Proverb Love me and Love my Dog Insomuch as a Neighbours Dog causing some mischief or Inconveniences by killing of Sheep or biting such as he supposed were not well willers to the Family and came to his Masters house is not troubled or put into any danger of Beating or Hanging without a Complaint first made to his Master thereof for where the Master hath any respect his Servants and all that do belong to his Family do not seldom partake of it From all which or some of those Causes or Grounds Rights of Soveraignty and duty of the People tacito rerum antiquitatis consensu by a long usage and consent of time and Antiquity came that hitherto uncontroul'd usage and Custom allowed and Countenanced by our Common Laws and reasonable Customs not contradicted or abrogated by any Act of Parliament or Statute Laws That the Kings Maenial Servants and Officers in Ordinary should not be Taken Imprisoned Arrested or Compelled to appear in any Courts of Justice in Civil Actions or Causes without a Petition for Leave or Licence obtained First delivered unto the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold or other great Officer of the Kings under whose more Immediate Jurisdiction such servant or Officer is whereupon after a Citation of the party and if for debt or otherwise a short and reasonable time as six moneths or something less which in the Ordinary course of Process and Proceedings at Law and the vacations and absence of the Terms is not seldom as soon as they could by Arrest or Compulsion arrive or come unto their Ends and many times a moneth or a Fortnights time prefixed for satisfaction is as easily procured as asked SECT I. That there is a Greater Honour due unto the Palace and House of the King then unto any of the Houses of his Subjects FOr we may well believe that our Laws Reasonable Customs and the Practice of our Forefathers were not out of the way or mistaken in their Respects to the Servants of their Prince when his Aula House or Court wherein he and they Inhabited as a place separate from Common uses or Addresses tanquam Sacra had a Majestatem quandam certain awe or Majesty belonging to it which was as Ancient as the days of King Ahasuerus that great Monarch of Persia and Media who Raigned from India unto Ethiopia over an hundred and twenty seven Provinces when Esther as we are informed by Sacred Writ could alleage that all the Kings Servants and the People of the Kings Provinces did know that whosoever whether man or woman should come unto the King into the Inner Court who is not called there is one Law of his to put him to death Except such to whom the King shall hold out the Golden Scepter that he may live And none might enter into the Kings Gate clothed with sackcloth Tiridates the great King of Armenia
should not be a refuge for any man that had committed Manslaughter unless he had first made satisfaction to God Almighty and abundantly recompenced the kinred of the slain and performed whatever was enjoyned him by the Bishop in whose Diocess it happened By the Laws of Hoell Dha or the good King Hoell of Wales made and ordained in or about the same year If any man made an affray or did strike in his Court he was to pay a double Dirvy or Mulct and the like for doing it in the Church whereas in other places it was but a single Dirvy or fine Ex quo disteni praefectus sive Oeconomus in Aula steterit post prandium in tribus festis Principalibus ponens in ea pacem Dei Regis Reginae optimatum Curiae pacem illaâ— transgredienti nusquam erit refugium Navt t' u ' omnium refugium after that the Steward of the Kings House shall appear in the Hall in the three principal Feasts of the year and causeth the Peace of God and the King Queen and Lords of the Court to be published he that breaks it shall be allowed no place of Refuge or Sanctuary nor shall any receive him si quis ergo refugium Regis omnium violaverit nec usquam nec ab unius refugio vel à reliquiis sanctorum defendi potest nisi ab Ecclesia If any therefore shall violate that Sanctuary or place of Refuge of the King he shall be no where or by any one Protected or by any Reliques of the Saints unless the Church shall Protect and defend him And say the same Laws Tria sunt sine quibus Rex esse non potest scilicet sacerdos ad missam celebrandam ad escas Regis potus benedicend Judex Curiae ad Causas discernendas ad danda consilia familia quoque ad negotia Regis parata Three things are so necessary for a King as he cannot be without them that is to say a Priest or Chaplain a Judge to hear Causes and give him Counsel and Servants to do the business of his family Et ubicumque sacerdos familiae Disteni Judex Curiae insimul fuerint ibi erit dignitas Curiae brevit llys Aula Regia licet Rex absens est and wheresoever the Chaplain of the Family and the Steward and Judge of the Court or Palace shall reside and be altogether there the Honour and Dignity of the Court shall be and it shall be esteemed and taken to be as the Kings Court although he be absent And so well did King Canutus the Dane who Raigned here about one hundred and twenty years after approve and allow of the before-mentioned Law made by King Alfred as he made another much to the like effect si quis in Regia dimicarit Capitale esset nisi quidem Rex hoc illi condonarit That it should be capital or death unto any that should fight in the Kings Palace unless the King should be pleased to pardon him Et nullae Citatioâ—â—â— vel summonitiones liceant fieri cuicunque infra palatium Regis Westminster King Henry the first about 275 years after the Raign of the before-mentioned Witlafe or Witlase King of the Mercians in his Charter or Grant to the Abbey of Winchester doth amongst other Priviledges free them de Placitis de omnibus quaerelis sicut terra illa ubi Domus mea sedet in Winton fuit unquam melius quieta from all Plaints and Actions Issuing out of other Courts as much as the Land where his own House or Palace stood in Winchester ever enjoyed which was then understood not to have been disturbed by them the said Charter being by Inspeximus afterwards in the 16 th year of the Raign of King Edward the fourth allowed and confirmed and in regard of the Honour due unto the Kings Houses or Palaces more then the Houses of any Subject or Private person they are by Law and Ancient Custom allowed a Circuit or compass of 12 miles round every way within the Virge whereof in matters appertaining to the Royall Houshold or Servants for Contracts made one with another in the same House and of Trespasses done within the Virge the Steward and Marshal of the Kings House and no Inferior or Commissionated Jurisdiction were to intermeddle Et nullae Citationes aut summonitiones liceant fieri cuicunque infra Palatium Regis Westminster No Citations or Summons are to be made in the Kings Palace at Westminster which until it was disused by the accession of Whitehall unto the Crown in the Reign of King Henry the eighth and after that appropriated to the Courts of Chancery Law Exchequer Dutchy of Lancaster Star-Chamber Court of Requests House of Commons in Parliament who do now sit in that part of it heretofore called S. Stephen's Chappel and the House of Peers in another part of that Ancient House or Palace of our Kings of England was their only House or Residence neer London and retains to this day so much of it's Ancient Priviledge of Freedom from Arrests as any man Arrested there in any Civil Action before or in the Virge of any of the said Courts then sitting although it be by Process Issuing out of any of the said Courts and he had no business before depending in any of them is propter reverentiam loci for Reverence to the Place to be presently without Bail or answering discharged and the Officer Arresting him Imprisoned or otherwise punished Insomuch as Edmond Earl of Cornwall coming to London to the Parliament holden in the 18 th year of King Edward the first and per medium majoris Aulae Westminster versus consilium domini Regis transisset passing through the great Hall at Westminster towards the Parliament ubi quilibet de regno pace domini Regis as the Parliament Roll mentioneth not only Peers or Parliament men licite pacifice venire negotia sua prosequi debet where every man of the Kingdom and in the Peace of the King may Lawfully and peaceably come and follow their business absque hoc quod aliquas citationes vel summonitiones ibidem admittat without being troubled with any Citations or summons complained of the Prior of the Holy-trinity London and Bogo de Clare who thereupon were attached to answer the King and Peter de Chanet Steward of the King Walter de Fanecurt Mareschal of the King whose Jurisdiction was thereby infringed the said Earl of Cornwall and the Abbot of Westminster for that the said Prior by the procurement of the said Bogo de Clare had cited the said Earl in the Hall aforesaid to appear before the Archbishop of Canterbury at a certain day and place to answer such things as should be objected against him to the manifest Contempt and Dishonour of the King and His damage 10000 l. prejudice of the Abbot of Westminsters Liberty and his Damage 1000 l. in prejudicium Officii predict
Complaints against any of their Menials and Servants cannot rationally be supposed to be willing or intend to abridge himself of the like William the Conqueror in his Law entituled de hominum Regis privilegio of the priviledge belonging to his Tenants ordained That si qui male fecerint hominibus illius Ballivae et de hoc sit attinctus per Justitiam Regis which for a great part thereof was then administred in his House or Palace foris factura sit dupla illius quam alius quispiam foris fecerit That if any one should do wrong unto them and be thereof Convict by the Kings Justice the forfeiture of the Offender should be double to what should be paid upon the like offence unto any other who being afterwards known by the name of Tenants in antient Demeasne were so exempt from being retorned as Jury men either at Assizes or Sessions as where they were so retorned in the 26 year of the Raign of King Edward the first they did recover every man forty shillings damage against the Bayliffe that retorned them Et Domus Regis and the House of the King saith King Henry the first in his Laws is where he is Resident Cujuscunque feudum vel Mansio sit whose ever the Land or the House be and that wise King who for his wisdome had the Character or name of Beauclerk as an Affix to his Royal Title did not then take it to be derogatory to the beloved Laws of Edward the Confessor or his grand design of pleasing a lately discontended and subdued people or setling the English Crown unjustly detained from his elder Brother Robert upon himself and his posterity to allow the Exchequer Priviledges quód de Scaccario residentes Clerici et omnes alii ministri ibidem ministrantes sive enim de Clero sint sive Regia Curia assident ex mandato ad alias quaslibet causas extra scaccarium sub quibuscunque Judicibus non evocenter That the Officers of the Exchequer which was then kept in the Kings House or Palace and many of them and the Clerks thereof as Sir Henry Spelman saith his menial and domestick Servants Clerks and all other the Ministers there whether belonging to the Clergy or the Kings Court or which do sit there by his Command shall not be cited or compelled to appear for any causes whatsoever out of the Exchequer or before any Judges or Judge Etquod iidem de Communibus Assises sect Comitat. hundred et Cur. quibuscunque tam de et pro dominiis suis quam de et pro feodis suis Ac etiam de Murdris scutagiis vigiliis et Danegeld And that they should be freed and exempted from common Assizes suit of County Courts hundred Courts or any Courts whatsoever as well for or concerning their Demesn Lands as for their Fees or Lands which they held of others which would otherwise after two years have made a forfeiture and could not have been dispensed withal Murders Escuage Watch and ward and Danegeld publique Taxes which were not but by special favour to have been acquitted Et quod Barones et qui ad Scaccarium resident de quibuscunque provision seu provisoribus et aliis solutionibus nomine consuetudinis pro quibuscunque victual suae domus in quibuscunque urbibus Castellis et locis Maritimis empt Ac de solutione Theoloniae sive Toluet liberi et quieti esse debent and that the Barons and those which reside in the Exchequer should not be charged with the payment of Toll in any City or place Et quod non debent implacitari alibi quam in Scaccario quamdiu idem Scaccarium fuerit apertum and that they should not be impleaded any where but in the Exchequer when it shall be open which is not only all the Term times but eight daies before every Term. Si vero judex sub quo litigant sine sit Ecclesiasticus sive forensis legis hujus ignarus ab jam dicta die convocationis ad Scaccarium citaverit quemlibet eorum et absentem forte per sententiam possessione sua vel quonius Jure spolaverit authoritate principis et ratione sessionis revocabitur in eum statum causa ipsius in quo erat ante citationem But if the Judge whether Ecclesiastical or of the Common Law being ignorant of the opening of the Exchequer should cite any of them and in their absence give sentence against him and take away from any of them any of their Rights or Possessions by vertue of the Kings Authority and their sitting the Cause or sentence shall be forthwith revoked and reduced into the State it was before the Citation And were so greatly favoured and taken care of as si quilibet etiam magnus in regno in consulto animi calore conviciis lascesserit If any great man of the Kingdome should rashly or in anger revile any of them he was to pay a fine for it or if any other should reproach or doe them any wrong they should be punished and when that King had been ill advised and perswaded to charge the Lands of the Barons of the Exchequer with the payment of Taxes in regard that they as was by some envious persons then alleag'd did receive Salaries and Wages or Liveries or diet at the Court for their sitting and that some of them pro officio suo fundos habent et fructus eorum hinc ergo gravis jactura fisco provenit having Lands and Revenues given them also for it which was a great loss to the Kings Treasury or Exchequer But the King afterward experimenting that evil Counsel and growing weary of it et nil ducens Jacturam modici aeris respectu magni honoris and not valuing the loss of a little mony so much as the loss of a great Honour ordained that Jure perpetuo by a constant Law and decree they should as formerly be free from Taxes and in his Laws for the good of the Kingdome declaring his Kingly Rights and Prerogative which he solus et super omnes homines habet in terra sua as King of England had and was to enjoy and above all men in his Kingdome commodo pacis et securitatis institutione retenta reserving a fit provision for the publique peace and security did amongst many of his Royal Prerogatives mention de famulis suis ubicunque occisis vel Injuriatis the punishment of such as any where should slay or injure any of his Houshold Servants in any place whatsoever Et qui in Domo vel familia regis pugnabit such as should fight in the Kings House And limiting the extent of the Jurisdiction of the Marshall of his Houshold declared it in these words nam longe debet esse pax Regis a porta sua ubi residens erit the peace of the King ought to extend a great way from the gate of his House where he shall be resident not much unlike that of the 12 miles circuit of the Verge
Palace the Court of Justice therein kept being called Capitalis Curia Domini Regis the Kings chief Court where those Justices or Judges then sate and where the great Assize or Writs of Assize in pleas of Land happily succeeding in the place of the turbulent fierce and over-powring way of duels or waging of battels for the determination of pretended Rights were tryed Juries impanelled and a Fine passed and Recorded before the Bishops of Ely and Norwich and Ralph de Glanvile our Learned Author Justitiis Domini Regis et aliis fidelibus et familiaribus Domini Regis ibi tunc presentibus the Kings Justices and other of his Subjects and Houshold Assizes of novel desseisin and prohibitions to Ecclesiastical Courts awarded And was so unlikely to permit any Breach of his Servants just priviledges as he did about the 24th year of his Raign not only confirm all his Exchequer Servants Dignities and priviledges used and allowed in the Raign of King Henry the first his Grandfather but although Warrs and many great troubles assaulted him did when he laid an Escuage of a Mark upon every Knights Fee whereby to pay his hired Soldiers not at all charge his Exchequer Servants for that as the black Book of Exchequer that antient Remembrancer of the Exchequer priviledges informs us Mavult enim Princeps stipendiarios quam Domesticos Bellicis apponere casibus for the King had rather expose his hired men of Warre to the inconveniences thereof then his Domestique or Houshold Servants and being as willing as his Grandfather to free them from being cited or troubled before his delegated or Commissionated Courts of Justice or Tribunals would in all probability be more unwilling that those which more neerly and constantly attended upon his person health or safety should by any suits of Law be as to their persons or estates molested or diverted from it nor could there be howsoever any danger of arresting the Kings Servants in ordinary without leave or Licence first obtained in the after-Raigns of King Richard the first and King John when Hubert Walter Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of England in the 6th year of the Raign of King John was likewise Lord Chief Justice of England And the now chief Courts of the Kingdome as the Chancery Kings-Bench Common-Pleas and Exchequer were radically and essentially in the King and in the distribution of Justice of the said Kings and their Royal Predecessors resided in their Council and great Officers in their Courts attending upon their Persons For many of the Suits and Actions at the Common Law and even those of the Court of Common Pleas untill the ninth year of the Reign of King Henry the third when it was by Act of Parliament forbidden to follow the Kings Court but to be held in loco certo a place certain in regard that the King and his Court were unwilling any more to be troubled with the Common Pleas or Actions betwixt private persons which were not the Kings Servants were there prosecuted And untill those times it cannot be less then a great probability that all the Trades-mens debts which were demanded of Courtiers and the Kings Servants were without Arrests or Imprisonments to be prosecuted and determined in the Court before the Steward and the Chamberlain of the Kings House and that the King who was so willing was so willing to ease his Subjects in their Common Pleas or Actions by freeing them from so chargeable an attendance which the prosecution of them would commonly if not necessarily require did not thereby intend that they should have a Liberty without leave or Licence first obtained to molest any of his Servants in ordinary in their Duty or Attendance upon his Royal person and Affairs by prosecuting Arresting imprisoning or compelling to appear before other Judges or Tribunals any of his Servants in ordinary Who in those times may well be thought to enjoy a freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment of their Bodies untill leave or Licence first obtained when Hugo de Patishul Treasurer unto King Henry the third in the nineteenth year of his Raign Philip Lovel in the 34th year of the Raign of that King and John Mansel Keeper of the great Seal of England in the 40th year of that Kings Raign were whilst they held their several other places successively Lord Chief Justices of England When the Court of Chancery being in the absence of Parliaments next under our Kings the Supreme Court for the order and distribution of Justice the Court of the Kings Bench appointed to hear and determine Criminal matters Actions of Trespass and Pleas of the Crown and the Court of Exchequer matters and Causes touching the King's Revenue were so much after the 9th year of the Raign of King Henry the third and the dispensing with the Court of Common Pleas from following the person of our Kings to their several Houses or Palaces or as their Affairs invited them to be sometimes Itinerant or resident in several other parts of the Kingdom did follow the King and were kept in their Houses or Palaces notwithstanding that when like the Sun in his Circuit distributing their Rayes and Comforts to all the parts of the Kingdome by turns they were according to their occasion of busines sometimes at York or Carlile in the North and at other times for their pleasures or divertisements kept their Courts or festivals at Glocester or Nottingham and their Parliaments sometimes at Marlebridge in Wiltshire or Ruthland in Wales or at Glocester or Lincoln For it may be evidenced by the Retorn or days given in Writs and antient Fines levied before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster after the allowance or favour given to that Court not to be ambulatory and to the people not to be at so great trouble or charges as would be required to follow the King and his Court in a throng of Followers and other business for the obtaining of Justice in their suits or Actions as well small or often emerging as great and seldome happening the days of old also affirming it that the Kings Palace at Westminster in the great Hall where the Court of Common Pleas hath ever since dwelt some places thereunto adjoyning retaining at this day the Name of the Old Palace did not cease to be the Palace or Mansion House of our Kings of England untill that King Henry the 8th by the fall of the pompous Cardinal Woolsey the building of St. Jame's House and inclosing the now Park thereof with a brick wall made White-Hall to be his House or Palace but kept the name as well as business of the Palace or Mansion House of our Kings of England And the Courts of Chancery King's Bench and Exchequer did after the fixation of the Common Pleas or Actions of the people to a certain place in the Kings Palace at Westminster being then his more settled and constant habitation and Residence for his not a few
Servants and Followers so much follow the King and his Court and were kept in the Kings House or palace as in old time King Solomon in his Stately Porch of Judgment built in his House did judge and hear Causes and as the Kings of France did long ago in their Palaces and as long before the Romans had their Senate or Parliament House their Forum or place for their Courts of Justice near adjoyning to their Kings Palaces As our Bracton in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry the third called the Court of King's Bench as Sir Edward Coke saith Aulam Regiam the Kings Hall because the Judges of that Court did sit in the Kings Hall and the Placita Aulae Actions or Pleas of the Kings House or Hall were determined before the Steward of the Kings House And that King who began his Raign in the year 1216 labouring under great difficulties the power of many of his unruly Barons and very great necessities as well of mony as friends had notwithstanding the many Diminutions endeavoured of his Prerogative and regality no assault or incursions upon the Rights and Legal Priviledges of his Domestiques or House-hold Servants but had allowed him that Reverence and respect which by the Civil Law that universal Guide or Director of Reason and Justice and next to the Laws Eternal and its Deputy or Law of nature written in the heart of Mankind the Mother Nurse or Parent of a great part of that which is called our Common Law is and ought to be due and payable to the persons and Courts of Princes but enjoyed so much of it as Bracton who was a Learned Lawyer and afterwards a Judge and as some have believed a Chief Justice in the latter end of that Kings Raign or the beginning of the Raign of King Edward the first his Son in his Book De legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae of the Laws and Customs of England whilst he disputes where a Defendant excuseth his not appearing to an Action when he is in Servitio Regis in the Kings Service and whether being summoned before he was in the Kings Service and might send or make his Attorney should be excused is willing to conclude in the negative yet forbeares to do it with a sed ita esset but so it would be si quis posset factum Domini Regis Judicare et in omnibus istis casibus magis erit spectanda voluntas Domini Regis quam jus strictum cum servitium Domini Regis nulli debeat esse damnosum et sicut non debet esse tenenti when it seems the Action spoken of concerned plea of Land Damnosum ita non debet esse Petenti injuriosum if any were to be Judg of the Kings Actions and that in all those Cases the will of the King was more to be regarded than the strictness of the Law when as the service of the King ought not to be grievous unto any And as it ought not to be a grievance unto the Tenant so ought not the Plaintiffe to take it to be a wrong done unto him And was of opinion that the solemnity and course of process may be sometimes shortned propter reverentiam personae vel privilegium contra quem illata fuit injuria vel contra nobiles personas ut si Injuriatum sit Domino regi vel reginae vel eorum liberis fratribus sororibus c. For reverence or respect to the person or in regard of the priviledge due unto him unto whom the wrong is done as if it were done to noble Persons or some wrong done unto the King the Queen or their Children Brothers Sisters c. And when he would not allow the priviledge or Essoine of being in the Kings Service unto a Sheriffe or Constable who were the Kings Officers during the time of their imployments was content to do it ubi aligua causa emergat necessaria ex inopinato ubi praesentia talis debet esse necessaria sicut iter Justitiariorum vel incursus hostium vel hujusmodi quae guidem Causae sufficientes sunt ad excusationem de servitio domini regis where there was any emergent and expected Cause where their presence was necessary as to attend in the Iter or Circuit of the Judges or upon an Invasion of Enemies or the like which were causes sufficient of excuse by reason of the Kings Service dum tamen ad quemlibet diem datum per Essoniatorem de servitio Domini regis habeat Essoniatus warrantum suum per breve Domini Regis so as at the day of Essoin that he or they were in the Kings Service the Kings writ or protection be produced to prove it Item excusatur quis si implacitatus fuerit in Curia Domini Regis vel vocatus ad Curiam Regis ob aliquam Causam in aliquibus Curiis inferioribus likewise any one impleaded in the Kings Court or called or summoned to the Kings Court upon any Cause or occasion shall be excused in inferior Courts Sed quid but what saith that Learned Judge dicendum erit de Curia Christianitatis cum magis obediendum sit Deo quam hominibus Hoc dico quod ad hunc differendum erit et quod dominus Rex warrantizare poterit ob reverentiam quae principi debetur shall be said if the Cause be depending in the Court Christian when God is more to be obeyed than men I say that in such a Case it is to be left unto God and the King may warrant his so doing in respect of the Reverence which is due to the Prince Being not much different from the Cares which some Forraign Princes did about that time hold fit to be taken of their Domestique Honors and Servants For by the Laws of the Sicilians and Neapolitans made or confirmed by Frederick the Emperor about the year 1221 the Magister Justiciarius magnae Curiae Chief Justice of the King's House or Court had the Cognizance or hearing of Causes de questionibus nostrorum Curialium qui immediatè nobis assistunt de speciali conscientia nostra in curia commorantium qui de Curia nostra sine speciali mandato nostro non possunt recedere or questions concerning any of the Kings Courts who do immediately attend us and by our privity are residing in Court and cannot depart without our special Licence Et observent diligentissime Judices ut in occasione injuriarum Curialium personarum dignitatem considerent et juxta personarum qualitatem eorum quibus fuerit facta injuria ipsis autem facta injuria non ipsis duntaxat sed etiam ad Regiae dignitatis spectat offensam The Judges are to take an especial care that in all accusations concerning any of the Kings Servants or Courtiers they take into consideration their worth dignity and quality seeing that a wrong done unto them is an injury or wrong done unto the Dignity of the Prince And when our
Bracton will not allow the priviledge where it is ex voluntaria causa when the party that would excuse his absence was voluntarily absent and not in the Kings service or will of his own accord without the Kings command go along with his Army yet he cannot but say that talibus non subvenit dominus nisi de gratia unto such the King would not be aiding unless he should be otherwise gratiously pleased to do it By an Act of Parliament made in the 52 year of the Raign of our King Henry the third all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and religious men and women except that their appearance be specially required for some other Causes are excused from appearing at the Sheriffs Turn Sir Edward Cook extending it to the Courts Leete and view of Franck-pledge which with the Sheriffs Turns were instituted for the Conservation of the Kings peace punishment of Nusances and where all men within the Jurisdiction of it might be summoned to take the Oath of Allegiance By an Act of Parliament made in the third year of the Raign of King Edward the first providing a remedy where an Officer of the Kings which by common intendment were then understood to be the Sheriffs Escheators or Bayliffs of the King not his menial Servants doth disseise any It is in that only case left to the Election of the Disseisee or party disseised whether that the King by office shall cause it to be amended which the parties grieved were more likely to choose when besides their just satisfaction they might be a means to punish or affright the Kings Officers so offending with the losse of their gainful as well as not smally reputed Offices or places at his complaint or that he will sue at the Common Law by writ of novel disseisin And by another act of parliament made in the same year enjoyning severe penalties against the Kings Purveyors not paying for what they take and of such as take part of the Kings debts or other rewards of the Kings Creditors to make payment of the same debts and of such as take Horses and Carts more than need a trick wherein Tacitus saith the Roman Cart-takers whilst the Romans governed here were wont to abuse the old Britains and take rewards to dismisse them it was provided that if any of Court so do he shall be grievously punished by the Marshalls and if it be done out of the Court or by one that is not of the Court and be thereof attainted he shall pay treble damages and shall remain in the Kings prison forty dayes by which it is evident that the intention of that Act of Parliament was not to deliver any of the Purveyors the Kings Servants in ordinary to any other Tribunals than that of the Marshals or other the Officers of his Houshold Britton who like the Emperor Justinians Tribonianus in compiling or putting together the pieces of the Civil Laws did by Command of that wise and Valiant Prince King Edward the first in the fifth year of his Raign write his book in the name of that King concerning divers Pleas Process and proceedings in the Kings Courts saith in the Person of that King and French of those times Countes et Barons Dedans nostre verge the Kings Palace or 12 miles round about trovesnequedent estre destreint that Earls Barons found within the virge should not be attached or distrained as ordinary men which were Debtors Et nos Serjeans or Servants de nostre hostel soient avant summons pour dette que destreyntz et attaches par leur cors les uns pour reverence de lour persones et les Autres pour reverence de nostre service of our House shall be summoned for debt before they be destreyned or Attached by their bodies the one in reverence and respect to their persons and the other in reverence to our Service By an Act of Parliament made by that prudent Prince about that time entituled Prohibitio formata de Statuto Articuli Cleri where a prohibition was framed against certain matters which concerned the Clergy and the limitting of their Jurisdiction It was declared thaâ— Proceres et magnates et alii de eodem regno temporibus Regis predecessorâ—m Regum Angliae seu Regis Authoritate alicujus non consueuerunt contra consuetudinem illam super hujusmodi rebus i. e. matters Civil or Temporal except matters of Testaments or Matrimony in causa trahi vel compelli ad comparendum coram quocunquè Judice Ecclesiastico the Noble men and others of the Kingdome in the times of the Kings Predecessors or by Authority of any of the Kings did not use contrary to the said custome in such cases to be compelled to appear before any Ecclesiastical Judg whatsoever In the 18th year of his Raign in an Action brought at the Kings Suit in Banco Regis in the Kings Bench against Robert the Son of William de Glanville and Reginald the Clark of the said William de Glanville for delivering at Norwich a panel and certain of the Kings Writs which the Kings Coroner ought to have Brought the said Reginald demurring for that Dominus Rex motu proprio de hujusmodi Imiuriis privatis personis illatis sectam habere non debet ex quo aliena actio sibi competere non potest unde petit Judicium et si hoc non sufficiat dicet aliud et si actio in hujusmodi caesu Domino Regi posset competere dicit quod hoc deberet esse per breve originale et non de judicio unde petit Judicium the King was not to bring an Action for injuries done to private persons and is not concerned in another mans suit and demanded the judgment of the Court. And if that Plea will not be sufficient will plead somewhat else And if such an Action did belong to the King it ought to have been by Writ Original and not by a Writ Judicial whereof he pray'd the Judgment of the Court but Johannes de Bosco who followed for the King dicit quod quelibet injuria ministris Regiis licet minimis illata vertitur in dedecus ipsius Regis Et licèt hujusmodi minister Justitiam assequi de injur sibi illat contempsit tamen cum hujusmodi Injuria ministris Regis illata ipsi Regi fuit ostensa competit sibi actio ad amend consequend de contemptu pleaded that every wrong or injury done to the Kings Servants though it be unto the least is a disparagement to the King And if such a Servant will not take care to prosecute such an injury yet when the King shall be informed thereof he is concerned to punish the Contempt and vouched a late President for it in a Case betwixt Robert of Benhale and Robert Baygnar and others in a Writ of wast and prayed Judgment for the King In the same year John de Waleis complaining against Bogo de Clare for that some of
his Servants when he came to the House of the said Bogo in London and serued him with a Citation in the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury enforced him to eat the Seal and Citation and the said Bogo de Clare pleading that he ought not to answer because it was not alledged that he was the doer thereof nor that his Servants did it by his Command nor were they named it was in that Record and pleading adjudged that although the Fact was committed by the Servants of the said Bogo yet quia Dominus Rex pred Transgressionem sic enormiter factam ut dicitur tum propter contemptum Sanctae ecclesie tum propter contemptum ipsi domino Regi in presentia sua videlicet infra virgam et in Parliamento suo factum propter malum exemplum temporibus futuris tum propter audaciam delinquendi sic de cetero aliis reprimendam permittere non vult impunitam in regard that the King would not suffer so foul an offence not only in contempt of the Church and of the King in his presence that is to say within the virge and in time of Parliament but for the boldness of the offence and the evil example in time to come to pass unpunished the said Bogo de Clare should answer the Fact at the Kings suit for that the offence was committed infra portam suam et per manupastos et familiares suos within the house of the said Bogo and by his Houshold Servants some of whom being named the said Bogo was commanded to bring them before the King and his Councel to abide by what should be ordered and decreed against them By the Statute or Act of Parlimaent made in the 28th year of that Kings Raign the King and Parliament may be understood not to intend that the Kings Purveyors or Servants of that nature should be tryed or punished for divers offences therein mentioned before other Tribunals than that of the great Officers of his Houshold and therefore ordained that for those Offences they should only be tryed and punished by the Steward and Treasurer of the Kings Houshold nor when by an Act of Parliament made in the same year and Parliament of what matters the Steward and Marshall of the Kings Houshold should hold Plea their Jurisdictions were confined to Trespasses only done within the Kings House and of other Trespasses done within the Virge and of Contracts and Covenants made by one of the House with another of the same House and in the same House and none other where And whereas before that time the Coroners of the Counties were not authorized to inquire of Felonies done within the Virge but the Coroners of the Kings House which never continueth in one place whereby the Felonies could not be put in exigent nor Tryal had in due manner It was ordained that in case of the death of men it should be commanded to the Coroner of the County that he with the Coroners of the Kings House should do as belongeth to his Office and enroll it and that the things which cannot be determined before the Steward of the Kings House where the Felons cannot be Attached or for other like cause should be remitted to the Common Law the King and Parliament can be rightly supposed thereby to intend that the Kings Domestiques or Houshold Servants should for Controversies amongst themselves of the nature before recited be compelled to attend or be subject to any other Jurisdiction when a Coroner of the Kings House was long before appointed to prevent it and it appeareth by that Act of Parliament it self that the matters therein mentioned were not to be remitted to the Common Law but where they could not be determined before the Steward of the Kings House The care and provision of which Act of Parliament to keep the cognisance of the Causes and Actions therein mentioned within the Jurisdiction of the Steward and Treasurer of the Kings House did neither abrogate any of the former Rights and Liberties of the King or his Servants nor by any reasonable construction or interpretation can be understood either to abolish and take them away or to intend to give a liberty to Arrest without licence any of the Kiags Servants in ordinary And an Act of Parliament being made in the same year that Common Pleas or Actions should not be holden in the Exchequer which was then kept in his Palace did by a Writ under the great seal of England directed unto the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer reciting that secundùm legem et consuetudines Regni according to the Law and customes of the Kingdom Common Pleas ought not there to be pleaded doth specially except nisi placita illa nos vel aliquem ministrorum nostrorum scaccarii specialiter tangant such Actions as did not especially concern him or any of his Ministers or Servants belonging unto his Exchequer and commanded an Action of debt for five pounds brought against one of thc Exchequer to be superseded and no further prosecuted and that the said Treasurer and Barons should on the Kings behalf declare to the Plaintiffe quod breve nostrum de debito sibi impetret si sibi viderit expedire that he should if he thought it expedient sue forth the Kings writ for the debt aforesaid which can import no less then a license preceding the obtaining of it and untill such Actions were to the large and very great benefit of the Subjects in a cheap and ordinary course to be obtained which in the morning and infancy of our common and municipal Laws were wont to be petitioned for and be not a little costly dilatory and troublesome as they which have made use of a friend to the King or a Master of Requests or Secretary of State may easily be perswaded to believe amounted to a greater trouble delay and expense of the Plaintiffs than now they are put unto to get leave of the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House to Arrest any of the Kings Servants and that prudent Prince did certainly by that Act of Parliament touching the Exchequer not holding Common Pleas as little intend as did his Father King Henry the third by that Act that Common Pleas should not follow his Court that his Servants in ordinary should without leave or licence first obteyned be constreyned to neglect their Service and attendance and appear before other Tribunals For there is an antient Writ saith Sir Edward Coke to be found in the Register of Writs called de non residentia Clerici Regis of the non-residence of the Kings Clerk or Chaplain or attending in some Office in the Chancery directed to the Bishop of the Diocess in these words Cum Clerici nostri ad faciend in beneficiis suis residentiam personalem which was for the cure of Souls being the highest concernment and greater then that of appearing to an Action of debt or other Action dum in nostris immorantur obsequii◠compelli aut alià s
servitio suo continuo et quo casu respondebit vel indefensus remanebit et pro convicto habebitur quia per servitium Regis essoniari poterit alibi ubique in infinitum for that he is of the Kings Houshold and continually in his service and in that case must answer or not defending himself will be convicted when as he might otherwise in any other Court or Place have Essoined or excused himself as often as he pleased et servitium Regis nulli debet esse damnosum nec injuriosum being the very words of Bracton beforementioned and the Kings Service ought not to be a wrong or damage unto any And is notwithstanding of opinion that a defendant may be by his Essoin excused ex causâ necessariâ et utili aut causâ reipublicae for a necessary cause or occasion and where the good of the Commonwealth is concerned as surely it must be understood not to be in the safety well being and daily attendance upon the Person of the King as much or very neer the instance or case by him there put Si eat cum Rege in exercitu if he go in the Army with the King as all King Davids Servants did when he marched against his rebellious Son Absolom and as most or very many of the Servants of Kings and Princes do use to be ad patriae defensionem cùm ad hoc teneatur vel per praeceptum Regis when he goeth with the King to War for the defence of his Countrey being obleiged thereunto by the Tenure of his Lands or the Kings Commandement And having said that Pleas of Debt do belong unto the Court of Common Pleas concludes Sunt tamen causae speciales quae alibi terminantur ex permissione Principis per querelam coram senescallo Aulae ut in Scaccario cum causa fuerit Regi necessaria videlicet ne Ministri sui de Scaccario ab obsequio suo continuo quicquam impediantur There are notwithstanding some Causes which by the leave or good pleasure of the Prince are by Plaint to be determined before the Steward of the Houshold as also in the Exchequer when it shall concern the King that his Officers or Servants be not in their Business hindred So as then and for some time after it was not likely that any Inroads should be made upon that just and rational Priviledge of the Kings Servants For howsoever that even in those more frugal and thrifty days some of the Kings Menial and Houshold Servants might not then be so beforehand as it is now termed or so far from being indebted but that some Moneys or Debts might be demanded of them or there might be some occasion of Complaints or Actions to be brought against them Yet there appears not any probability or foundation for it that the Liberties and Priviledges of the Kings Servants were for many years after the twenty eighth year of the Reign of King Edward the First which limited all Actions before the Steward and Marshal of the Kings House to such Contracts and Actions only as were or should be made betwixt one of the Kings Servants with any other of his Servants disturbed or unsecured or that the Kings Servants were for many years after molested or troubled with the severe and disgraceful way of Imprisonments now used when the Chancellors and the Justices of the Kings Bench were by an Act of Parliament in the same year enjoyned to attend the King and his Court and to be there à latere tanquam famulantes always neer him and as Domestiques saith the Learned Sir Henry Spelman so that as the words of that Statute are the King might have at all times neer unto him some that be learned in the Laws which be able duely to order all such matters as shall come unto the Court at all times when need shall require Which the Chancellor and in all lâ—kelihood the Chief Justice did not neglect for saith Sir Henry Spelman Such Causes as nulli constitutorum Tribunalium rite competerent ad Palatium seu oraculum Regni were not limited to the determination or judgment of other Tribunals came to the Kings Palace as to the Oracle of the Kingdom and yet then the King was not without his more than one Attorneys or Procurators who were men learned in the Law And King Edward the third was so unwilling that his Servants should be drawn before other Tribunals as by a Statute made in the fifth year of his Reign where it was ordained That in Inquests to be taken in the Kings House before the Steward and Marshal that they should be taken by men of the County thereabouts to avoid it may be partiality and not by men of the Kings House there is an Exception of Contracts Covenants and Trespasses made by men of the Kings House of the one part and the other and that in the same House And the Chancellors of England were in former times so or for the most part Resident in the Kings Court and accounted as a part of his Family as until the making of the Act of Parliament in the 36 year of the Reign of King Edward the Third which did restrain the Pourveyance to the Kings and Queens Houses only and did forbid it to be made for other Lords and Ladies of the Realm the King did use to send his Writs to the Sheriffs of the Counties where they had occasion to make any Pourveyance for the Chancellor his Officers and Clerks some whereof as their Clerici de primâ formâ now called the Masters of Cbancery were ad Robas had and yet have an yearly allowance for their Robes or Liveries commanding them to be assistant to their Pourveyors the Chancery Clerks being in the 18th year of that Kings Reign so accompted to be a part of his Servants and Family as a Complaint or Petition being exhibited in Parliament by all the Clerks of the Chancery That whereas the Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal of England ought to have cognisance of all Pleas and Trespasses done unto or by any of the Clerks of the Chancery Thomas de Kislingbury Draper of London had forged the best word they would then bestow upon a Writ or Action not commenced as it ought to be by Original Writ issuing out of the Chancery a Bill of Trespass against Gilbert de Chishull one of the Clerks of the Chancery whereby to take away from the King and his Chancellor the Cognisance of the said Action which belonged unto them contre Common Ley de la Terre against the Common Law of the Land did by a Serjeant of the Mace in London arrest and imprison him in the House of John de Aylesham one of the Sheriffs of London and although the King sent a Supersedeas commanding the Plaintiff to surcease his prosecution there and that he prosecute the said Gilbert de Chyshull in Chancery if he have any cause of Action against him the Sheriffs of London
of his Reign for the punishment of such as committed Murder or Man-slaughter in the Kings Court or did strike any man there whereby Bloodshed ensued the Trial of such Offenders was not thought fit to be within the Cognisance or Jurisdiction of any of the Courts of Westminster-hall or of any Court inferior unto them but ordained to be by a Jury of 12 of the Yeomen Officers of the Kings Houshold before the Lord Steward or in his absence before the Treasurer and Comptroller of the Kings Houshold And the Parliament in the first year of the Reign of Queen Mary repealing the aforesaid Act of the 32 year of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth did touching the Great Master of the Kings House notwithstanding understand it to be reasonable that the Name Office and Authority of the Lord Steward should be again established And so little the Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary seemed to be a Grievance or illegal to be first complained of to the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold which Honourable Office and Place about the King appears to have been before that Great Office of Chamberlain of England by the mention of Hugoline Chamberlain to King Edward the Confessor and the Subscription of Ralph Fitz Stephen as a Witness to a Charter of King Henry the Second granted unto the Abby of Shirburn before they were to be subjected to Arrests or Imprisonments for Debt and other Personal Actions before Execution or Judgment had against them upon their appearance and not claiming or pleading their Priviledge for then or in such a case they have not sometimes been priviledged although the cause and reason of their Priviledge was as much after Judgement and Execution as before which a submission to the Jurisdiction of another Court and not claiming their Priviledge should not prejudice or take away no more than it doth in the Case of Members of the House of Commons in Parliament and their Servants who by their Priviledge of Parliament are not to be disturbed with Executions or any manner of Process before and after Judgment as Queen Mary did in a Case depending in the Court of Common Pleas betwixt Huggard Plaintiff and Sir Thomas Knivet Defendant direct her Writ to the Justices of that Court which was but as one of the old and legal Writs of Protection or something more especial certifying them That the said Sir Thomas Knivet was by her command in her Service beyond the Seas and had been Essoined and therefore commanded them That at the time appointed by the said Essoin and day given for his appearance he should not have any default entred against him or be in any thing prejudiced which the Judges were so far from disallowing as having before searched and finding but few and that before-mentioned Privy Seal in the 35 year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth in the Case of the Kings Yeoman of the Buttery being held by them to be insufficient but declared not whether in substance or Form howsoever there may be some probability that it was allowed by the entring of it upon Record they did as the Lord Chief Justice Dier hath reported it advise and assist in the penning and framing of the Writ for Sir Thomas Knivet whereby to make it the more legal Queen Elizabeth who was as tender of her Peoples Liberties as of her own yet was upon some occasion heard to say That he that abused her Porter at the Gate of her House or Palace abused her did cause a Messenger of her Chamber to be sent unto a Defendant in the Court of Requests commanding him in her Name not to vex sue or trouble the Complainant but suffer him to come and go freely unto that Court until such time as other Order be by the Council of the said Court taken therein And in the second year of her Reign an Injunction was awarded to the Defendant commanding him to permit the Complainant to follow his Suit in that Court without Arrest upon pain of one hundred pounds In the same year Sir Nicholas Bacon that great and well-experienced Lawyer and Statesman Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and a man highly and deservedly valued both of Prince and People did in the Case between Philip Manwaring Complainant Henry Smallwood and others Defendants so well understand the aforesaid Priviledges of the Kings Servants to be just and legal as upon a Bill exhibited in Chancery by the Plaintiff to stay a Suit in the Marches of Wales he ordered That if the Complainant should not by a day limited bring a Certificate from the Officets of the Queens House or otherwise whereby the Court might credibly understand that his Attendance in the Queens Service was necessary that Cause should be determined in the Marches of Wales In the eighth year of her Reign Thomas Thurland Clerk of the Queens Closet being Plaintiff in the Court of Requests against William Whiteacres and Ralf Dey Defendants an Order was made That whereas the Complainant was committed to the Fleet by the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas upon an Execution of 600 l. the Debt being only 300 l. it hath been given this Curt to understand by divers of the Queens Highness most Honourable Privy Council that Her Majesties pleasure is to have and use the present and speedy Travel of the said Thomas Thurland in and about divers of Her Highness weighty affairs in sundry places of England and Wales for and about the Mineral Causes there to the very likely Commodity and benefit of Her Majesty and all her Subjects It is therefore Ordered and Decreed by Her Majesties Council of this Court that the said Thomas Thurland shall and may with his Keeper appointed by the Warden of the Fleet Travel into any part of the said Realm about the affairs aforesaid without the disturbance Let or Interruption of the said Defendants And to that purpose an Injunction is granted against the said Defendants their Attornies and Solicitors upon pain of one Thousand pounds and commanded that neither they nor any of them shall vex sue trouble molest or implead the said Complainant or Richard Tirrel Esq Warden of the Fleet or any other person whatsoever for the Travelling or departing of the said Thomas Thurland from the said Prison of the Fleete with his Keeper appointed as aforesaid from the day of the making of this Decree until the feast of all Saints next ensuing if the said Complainant so long shall have cause to attend about the said affairs And many Cases might be instanced where that great Supporter of Monarchy Regality and Honour in Her best of Governments would not suffer the Just Priviledges of Her Court and Servants to be violated but would be sure severely to punish the Contradictors and Infringers of them About the eighteenth year of her Raign the Earl of Leicester Master of the Horse unto that Excellent Queen and great preserver of Her Peoples
of Her Majesties Courts at Westminster and thereby Her Majesties Subjects and Officers so terrified that they dare not Sue or Execute Her Majesties Lawes Her Writs and Commandments Divers others have been sent for by Pursevants and brought to London from their dwellings and by unlawful Imprisonments have been constrained not only to withdraw their Lawful Suites but have been also compelled to pay the Pursevants so bringing such Persons great summes of money All which upon Camplaint the Judges are bound by Office and Oath to relieve and help By and according to Her Majesties Laws And where it pleaseth your Lordships to will divers of us to set down in what cases a Prisoner sent to Custody by Her Majesty or her Council is to be detained in Prison and not to be delivered by Her Majesties Court or Judges we think that if any Person be committed by Her Majesties Command from Her Person which may be understood to be so when it is by the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings house or other great Offâ—cers of the Houshold who are commonly Privy Councellors and do it by their Princes Authority or by Order from the Council Board And if any one or two of the Council Commit one for High Treason such Persons so in the Cases before Committed may not be delivered by any of Her Courts without due tryal by the Law and Judgement of acquittal had Nevertheless the Judges may award the Queens Writ to bring the Bodies of such Prisoners before them and if upon return thereof the causes of their Commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be then the Judges in the cases before ought not to deliver him but to remand the Prisoner to the place from whence he came which cannot conveniently be done unless notice of the cause in general or else in special be given to the Keeper or Goaler that shall have the custody of such a Prisoner In which Remonstrance or Address it doth not appear that any Commitments therein complained of were for Arresting any of the Queens Servants without leave first demanded or that any of the matters therein suggested were for that only cause or before Judgements or Execution obtained some of them being expresly mentioned to have been after Judgements and no certain evidence more than for what came directly unto those Learned Judges by the before mentioned Mandate of the Queen for the supposed grievances therein which though much be attributed to the well weighed wisdom of those grave Judges and that their Information had as much of Truth as without a hearing of all parties and legal Examination of Witnesses could be found in it cannot be presumed to be had in a judiciall way after Trials or Convictions but received and taken in from the murmur and Complaints of some Attorneys or Parties only concerned without hearing of the other side or parties or that it was so prevalent with the Queen as to make any Order or restraint or cause any Act of Parliament to be made for that purpose For it will not come within the Compass or Confines of any probability or reasonable construction that those Reverend and Learned Judges Sir Christopher Wray and Sir Edmond Anderson who together with Sir Gilbert Gerard Master of the Rolls had in the case betwixt the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and Sir Owen Hopton Knight Lieutenant of the Tower of London In the seven and twentieth year of Her Raign which was but seven years before Certified under their hands unto Sir Thomas Bromley Knight Lord Chancellor and others of Her Privy Council that such persons as are daily attendant in the Tower serving Her Majesty the which was more remote from Her Person and Presence of Her Royal Residence or Palace at White-hall Were to be Priviledged and not to be Arrested upon any plaint in London but for Writs of Execution or Capias Utlagatum or such like they did think they ought to have no Priviledge And that Master Lieutenant ought to return every Habeas Corpus out of any Court at Westminster So as the Justices before whom it shall be returned as the cause shall require may either remand it with the body or retain the matter before them and deliver the body as Justice shall require would complain of Commitments of such as Arrested any of Her Servants without leave when it might be so easily had and the Lord Chamberlain of that time was likely to be as little guilty of enforcing Creditors to withdraw their Suits or loose their debts as the Lord Chamberlain and other great Officers of the Royal Houshold have been since or are now Nor do the words of that Information import or point at the Marshalsea of the Queens Court or Her Messengers to whom as the Kings Officers or Ministers of Justice the Queens Writ might have been brought or directed the sending of Pursevants there remonstrated being more likely to have been for some other Concernments and not for Arresting without leave which for ought that appears was never yet in foro Contradictorio upon any Cause or Action argued solemnly at the Bar and Bench adjudged to be a breach of any of the Laws of England or Liberties of the Subjects or not to be any good Cause of Arresting or Imprisoning such as in despite of Majesty would in ConContempt thereof make it their business especially when they needed not to do it to violate and infringe the Royal Jurisdictions and reasonable Customs of their Sovereign and Protector and the long ago and for many ages allowed Priviledges of their Servants And therefore William Earl of Pembroke L. Chamberlain of the Kings House a man very zealous for the Peoples Rights and Liberties may be believed not to have transgressed therein when he did about the latter end of the Reign of King James give His Warrant to one of the Kings Messengers of the Chamber to take into His Custody and bring before him one Mr. Sanderson for causing Sir Edward Gorge one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber to be Arrested without Licence first obtained and being in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr Lord Steward of the Kings most Honourable Houshold did commit a Clerk or Servant to a Serjeant at Law to the Prison of the Marshalsea for Arresting one of the Kings Servants without Licence and when he was bailed by the Judges upon a Writ of Habeas Corpus committed him again and being let at Liberty the second time upon a Writ of Habeas Corpus was again Committed by him and could not be Released until he had set at Liberty the Kings Servant And Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain of the King in His Most Honourable Houshold when he did the first day of November 1626. direct his Warrant to all Mayors Sheriffs Bayliffs and Constables c. to permit Mr. Thomas Musgrave of Idnel in the County of Cumberland His Majesties Muster Master for the County of Westmerland to come
to have done amiss when in Compassion or Justice in the case of the Kings Servants he shall moderate the furies and unjust pretences of unrighteous and unreasonable Creditors or Complaynants and according to the Laws and reasonable Customs of England and the Kings most Honourable Houshold give them and the Kings Servants a just and fitting protection respite or time of Respiration the rather if he find that some of their wants and distresses either would not or could not so quickly or heavily have fallen upon them if the publique necessities and occasions had not for the Protection and safeguard of those very Creditors or Complainants comprehended in the universality of the people drawn away from the King the Money which might have enabled him to a more Regular and Ordinary way of paying them their Wages Salaries or Pensions And should if right be done unto it give a less cause of disturbance to the Will or Fansies of those who would have it otherwise than the course generally well approved and now holden in the City of London in the Lord Mayors Court called the Court of Requests or Conscience Indulged at the first by no greater Authority then an Act of Common Council made by the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of that City about the ninth year of the Raign of King Henry the eight continued by some other Acts of their Common Council and strengthned by some Subsequent Acts of Parliament where upon any Action Commenced in the Sheriffs Courts of Guildhall London whereby any debt under forty shillings is demanded of any Freeman of that City the Defendant may before or after Verdict mark it as it is there Termed in a Clarks book attending for that purpose the Lord Mayor in his house and by that manner of transferring the Actions or proceedings before his Lordship in his Court of Conscience procure as much of it as he shall be able to obtein with an Order in case of Poverty or weakness of estate to pay it by Six pence or twelve pence a Week or some other small manner of payment the Plaintiff being to be Arrested or Attached if he shall disobey or transgress his Lordships moderation therein And such or the like Moderations may Aswell be allowed to the Lord Chamberlain and other great Officers of the Kings most Honorable Houshold in the case of the Kings Servants as it is and hath been to the Judges of the Courts at Westminster in the case of all the Subjects of England where in Order to the Salvo Contenemento the saving the Reputation and support of failing or fainting Debtors or Defendants and the Moderata Misericordia Moderation in punishments which in the reconciling of Justice and Compassion is not only Injoyned and Pattern'd by our many Excellent Laws and reasonable Customes since the Norman Conquest but ordained by a Law of King Canutus many years before in his direction to his Judges Vt in mulctà Irrogandâ adhibeatur moderatio ut ad divinam Clementiam temperata hominibus tolerabilis esse videatur that in Punishments or Penalties there be such a moderation as may resemble the Divine Clemency or compassion and be the more Tolerable for men to bear it from whence or the like Dictates of Right Reason have Issued and been warranted the Authority of those Sage Expounders of our Laws and distributers of Justice in their Remission of Penalties of Bonds and Obligations Moderation of Costs and Mitigation of Penalties stay of Posteas Verdicts and Executions Arrests of Judgments granting Imperlances Lessening of Fines incertain in Copyhold estates and giving them a reasonable Time of payment disappointing of Rigors Extremities and Oppression by the relieving of the Oppressed wherein the wisdom of our Laws and the discretion and Office of Judges and Courts do very often in some or other of those and very many other the like well regulated Acts of their prudence care and authority which might be here instanced bless and make happy this Nation Such or the like Princely Cares of our Kings and Princes for their Domestiques or Servants faithfully serving and attending upon their Soveraign giving us the reason why above three hundred and forty years ago when Fleta wrote his Book It was the Custom of the Aula Regis the Kings Palace si de aliquo familiari i. e. famulari Regis fiat querimonia if a Complaint should be made of any of the Kings Servants or Houshold he should be summoned to answer and if he came not at the day prefixed he should be Attached which is by sureties or pledges or some of his Goods or Chattels taken whereby to compel him to appear and another day prefixed and if he did not then appear his body should be taken if he were personally summoned within the Virge and should be brought before the Steward and the Marshal having him in his custody videlicet sub tali loco partito secundùm Legem consuetudinem Hospitii in a place to that purpose according to the Law and Custom of the Kings Houshold appointed was to be answerable for him quòd nisi de corpore respondeat de petitione satisfacere tenebitur supposito quòd de corpore fuit seisitus but if the Marshal did not keep him in Custody whereby he might have his body forth coming he should if he was ever seised of his body make satisfaction to the party complainant But where any person who is not of the Kings Servants or House should desire to sue or prosecute a Debtor in the Court of the Kings Palace before the Steward thereof he was to produce the Bond wherein the Debtor obliged himself ro their Jurisdiction and in that case the Debtor was to be destrayned until he found pledges to answer the Action Et si Pleg invenerit quinquagesimum diem litis receperit illo die non comparuerit and if he should find pledges and not appear within fifty days after for so many days it seems was then allowed unto him he was to be Arrested and detained until he gave Bail it being also as reasonable that a like or a greater time should be given to one of the Kings Servants complained of before the Lord Steward or Lord Chamberlain or other great Officers of the Kings Houshold to whose Jurisdiction it belongeth for in those more Reverential Times and acknowledgments of Superiority It was a Rule as well as an Ancient Custom that mitiùs agendum cum familiaribus servientibus Regis dum tamen Domestici sint Regis Collaterales the Kings Servants in Ordinary and Domestiques were to be more gently and respectfully dealt with then strangers quòd primò debent per Mariscallum summoniri quam si supersederint tum primò Distringantur tertiò si necesse fuerit Attachientur and ought first to be summoned by the Marshal and if then they did not appear they were to be Distreined and at or after the third distress if need were should
be Attached Et hinc est quòd vulgaritèr dicitur quòd servientes Regis sunt Pares comitibus and from hence it is saith Fleta that it is Commonly said that the Kings Servants are in that Respect Peers of the Earls and are upon Actions or Complaints of Debt or other personal Actions in the awarding of process in the Court appropriate to the Kings House or Palace to enjoy the like Summons or respectful Usage But if there had been no such Custom or Priviledge in the former ages there is now and hath been for some years last past a greater necessity and reason for it then ever when any of the Kings Servants being made a Defendant by feigned and fictitious Actions or Writs called Bills of Middlesex or Latitats Issuing out of the Court of Kings Bench in placito transgressionis upon a supposed Action of Trespass as great as the Plaintiffs malice or designed oppression to ruine and lay unjust Actions upon him can invent and a late imaginary supposed custom with an ac etiam or supposition of an Action of One thousand or ten or twenty thousand pounds added in the same Writ or Action to be afterwards viz. when the Plaintiff pleaseth exhibited against him may be cast into Prison and overwhelmed with such Complainants pretended Actions his friends so affrightned as they dare not bail him if they were able his service lost and his livelihood under his Sovereign and gracious Master taken away from him and our Kings of England by such Plaintiffs and their untruly suggested Actions reduced to as manifest dangers by Arresting or taking away their Guards or Attendants from them when he shall go or ride abroad or be recreating himself in hunting or other disports as King James was by the wicked Earl Gowries Trayterous purposes to Murder Him by sending His Servanrs the wrong way and telling them that the King was gone before another way and when such Illegal and unwarrantable Writs may have neither cause or evidence or may be for an inconsiderable or small summe of Money or perhaps none at all due unto them And have been of late such Midwives to wicked Designs and Contrivances as a Married Woman hath been by the confederacy of her Husband and the Arresting and Imprisoning her Servants by such Counterfeit Actions enforced to leavy a fine whereby to pass away the Inheritance of her Lands of a great yearly value which was after Reversed by Act of Parliament and a Gentlewomans house in S. Martins Lane in the fields neer London Robbed by Arresting of the Mistress of the House and those that were in it by such Bills of Middlesex for which the Cheater that contrived it was not long after deservedly hanged And surely such a priviledge claimed by the Kings Servants in Ordinary needs not be so quarrelled at when in the great Case which happened in Anno Dom. 1627 being the third year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr upon Habeas Corpora's brought by four or five Gentlemen who were Imprisoned per speciale mandatum Domini Regis by the Kings Special Command signified under the hands of eighteen Privy Councellors for not lending money to the Publique necessities when they were very able to do it concerning the Arrest or Imprisonment of any of the Freeborn People of England by the Kings Warrant or Command without a cause Expressed Whereby the Judges upon a Habeas Corpus might enquire and Judge of the cause of such Imprisonment and give any of his Subjects their Libertys upon Bail to Answer the Action where the Law allowed it the many and elaborate Arguments made on those Gentlemens behalf in the Court of Kings Bench by several able Lawyers amongst which was that skilful Diver into our Common Laws Antiquities Records and Presidents the Eminently Learned Mr. Noy who except the Great and Learned Selden brought as Great an Ingeny and Intellect to the study of them and a more solid and Penetrating wit and Judgment then any or many an age hath yet produced could not keep the said Gentlemen from being remanded back to the Prisons from whence they came or hinder the opinion of the Judges of that Court amongst which was the Right Learned Justice Doddridge upon view of the President in the case of Edward Page in the seventh year of King Henry the eighth committed to the Marshalsea by the Lord Steward of the Kings House who being afterwards upon an Habeas Corpus brought before the Justices of the Kings Bench was remanded and the like in the Case of James Desmeisters committed to the Marshalsea of the Kings Houshold per concilium Domini Regis by the Kings Privy Council that those Gentlemen could not be Bailed and that by some Pesidents in many Cases where men have been Committed by the Kings Command when they have been discharged by that Court it hath been upon the Kings pleasure signified by His Attorney General or otherwise that which Sir Robert Heath Knight the Kings Attorney General then alleaged for the King in his Argument in that Case not being denied to be Law or presidented either by the Judges or the Council on the other side that multitudes of Presidents might be shewen wherein men Imprisoned for contempts of Decrees in the Courts of Chancery or Requests Courts of Exchequer and High Commission or by the Corporations or Companies of Trade in their Domineering By-laws or Ordinances were not bailed upon their Habeas Corpora's and that in the Case betwixt the Bakers of London where they Fined and Committed men to Prison for not paying of it and the like not seldom done by the Corporations and Companies of Trades in London and the lesser sort of them as of the Watermâ—n c. Thomas Hennings and Litle Page being Imprisoned in 11 Jacobi Regis when they brought their Habeas Corpora and the cause being shewen to be by reason of an Ordinance or Constitution of the Lord Mayor of London the Prisoners were sent back to abide his Order in which grand Case of the Habeas Corpora that Pious and just King did not as Oliver that Canker of our English Laws and Liberties did in the Case of Mr. Cony the Merchant Imprison or Terrifie the Lawyers which argued for them but in the Expectation and hopes of a better effect then afterwards hapned upon it gave them as much Time and Liberty of Search and Arguments against His Royal Prerogative in that particular as they could desire and those very Justices of the Kings Bench being in the next year after called before a Committee of Lords and Commons in Parliament to declare their opinions concerning those proceedings And asserting their opinions Justice Whitlocke being one of the said Judges denied that there was any Judgment therein given whereby either the Kings Prerogative might be enlarged or the right of the Subject Trenched upon that if they had delivered them presently it must have been because the King did not shew cause wherein they should have
the Law and Domineer over it's proceedings one of them Threatning to Hang up the Lawyers Gowns in Westminster-Hall as the Colours and Ensigns of their once dearly beloved Covenanting but afterwards ill requited and beaten Scots brethren had been used For to Ask or Petition for a Licence or Leave of the Lord Steward Lord Chamberlain or other Great Officers of our Kings Houses or Palaces to whose Jurisdiction it doth belong before any Arrest or Prosecution at Law can be had against any of the Kings Servants is no more then our Laws well Interpreted do order and enjoyn to be done in all Actions Civil Real or Personal against Private and Common Persons or such as are not the Kings Servants for if the Action be laid or entred in the Court of Kings Bench it is to be made Returnable Coram Domino Rege before the King himself who by the Justices of that Court Assigned to hold such Pleas as the King in the Constitution and fixing of the Court of Common Pleas reserved to be heard by himself or those assistant Judges is supposed to Hear and Determine such causes as are proper for that Cour◠or if the Action be desired to be Tryed in the Court of Common Pleas upon the Kings Original Writ which may as it was by the Franks not unfitly be called Indiculus commonitorius A Monitory Letter or Writ of the Kings Issuing out of the High Court of Chancery under the Teste me ipso or witness of the King himself and is to be sued out giving the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas which is the Legal and Proper Court Ordained for such matters a Warrant Power or Commission to hold Plea therein for otherwise saith Fleta nec Warrantum nec Jurisdictionem nequè cohertionem habent supposeth a Petition of the Plaintiff to the King as the Supreme Magistrate for a Debt or Summe of Mony unjustly deteined from him or some Trespass or Damage done unto him for which he cannot Sue or Prosecute without a Writ Remedial or Original granted by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Commanding the Sheriff of the County or Place where the Plaintiff layeth or desireth to try his Action if it be in Debt to take security of the Complainant for the proof or making good of his Action and to Command the Defendant or Party Complained of to pay the mony demanded and that if the Defendant do not pay the Mony upon the Sheriffs or his Officers or Bailiffs coming to him then they are to Summon him to appear before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster at a Return or Certain time prefixed which at the least is to be fifteen days after the Teste or Date of the Original and many Times with a Longer Return and as many more days given if the Original be sued out but fifteen days before the Terms of S. Michael and Hillary Easter or Trinity Terms but of it be procured or sued out in the later end of a Michaelmas Term and returnable Octabis Hillarii will have more then fifty days betwixt the Teste and Return and if sued out in the end of an Hillary Term returnable the first Return of an Easter Term following will have no less then 60 days betwixt the Teste or Date and the Return or if it Issue out in the end of a Trinity Term returnable the first return of a Michaelmas Term following will have no less then one hundred days betwixt the Teste or date thereof and the Return and more if it be in any of the later Returns of any of the said Terms in all which if the summons had but fifteen days betwixt the date of the Original Writ and the time prefixt the Defendant hath by intendment of Law so much Time or Respite for the payment of the mony in the shortest prefixion but a great deal more in those which are longer which by the reason and equity of our Laws is not to be understood to be easie or probably upon the Instant of the Sheriff or his Officers Commanding the Debtor to pay it but upon a reasonable and possible Time betwixt the Teste and return allowed for the payment thereof very Rich and sufficient able men not having always so much mony at hand to pay at an instant and the monyes demanded do many times in the end of the suit although it be not upon a bond or bill with a penalty or doubling of the summe appear not at all to be due or for some or a great part thereof to be unjustly required and if upon a Bond or Bill with a forfeiture doubling the principal Money or in an Action of Covenant Detinue Annuity or Accompt cannot think it just or reasonable presently to pay as much Mony as an unjust Complainant will not seldom if he may be his own Carver exact of him and in all Actions Personal whether it be for Debt or Damage some part of the time between the obteining the Kings Licence or leave to Sue in the Case of those which are not his Houshold Servants is between the Teste and Return of the Original necessary to be imployed for the Plaintiffs giving to make good his Action for more but never less our Ancient Records do often mention until some of our later ages and the Judges thereof since the Raign of King Edward the fourth in favour of the Disabilities and Inconveniencies which might happen in the Cases of many of the Common or Impoverished sort of people who otherwise would be debarred from the Justice which our Laws intended them were content to dispense with it by reteining only the reason of the Law and allow of the Sheriffs Indorsing and Returning upon the Writ the feigned names of John Doe and Richard Roe for the Sureties put in by the Complainants to make good their Complaints or Actions who being before hand not a little furnished with their weapons of offense may without any difficulty not seldom suddenly surprise the altogether unprepared Defendants our Laws not without cause believing it to be possible that Rich men might oppress the poor and that it is many times easier to offend then to defend and therefore that way of Inforcing the Plaintiffs to give Sureties or Pledges to prosecute their Actions was heretofore so strictly observed as if no Sureties or Pledges to Prosecute were put in by the Plaintiff he could not prosecute the Defendant at Law and if he made not his Action or Complaint appear to be just had in those more Legally Thrifty Times for the Kings Rights and benefit a fine set or Imposed upon him by the Judges pro falso clamore for his causeless accusation which doth frequently occur in the fine or Iter Rolls of the Judges of Assise in the Raign of King Edward the first and was Estreated and Returned into the Exchequer to be leavied upon his Lands Goods or Estate And all that or some of that
voluntatem illius qui debet domum vel curiam or by doing any thing saith an old Manuscript of Coxford Abby or Monastery which is against the will of the owner of the House or Court which King Henry the first in his Laws de Jure Regis concerning some particulars of his Prerogative and Regality did number amongst the rest and accompt to belong unto him and his Successors and in the perclose of that Law which in some Copies is mentioned to be made assensu Baronum Regni Angliae by the consent of the Barons of England it is said haec sunt Dominica placita Regis nec pertinent vicecomitibus apparitoribus vel ministris ejus sine diffinitis praelocutionibus in forma sua these are the Rights and Jurisdictions belonging to the King in his Demesne and do not belong to any Sheriffs Apparitors or their Bayliffs unless especially granted unto them By which and the HVSFASTENE an old course and custom amongst the Saxons which ordained that every house with their FOLGHERES Followers or Servants should be in Franco Plegio in some Franke pleg or Liberty where by the Courts held in those places or Justice there to be had any controversies betwixt them and others or wrongs done by or unto them might be determined the rule of the Civil Law which in many of the Customs or Municipal Laws of this and other Nations was the guide or Pole star which conducted them being that actio sequitur forum rei the Action to which our Common Laws have ever since in their Real and other actions much agreed is to be tryed in the Court where the person or lands of the party defendant are that before recited law of K. Edw. the Confessor which amongst other his highly valued Laws Enacted that Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons and all that had Soc a liberty of distributive Justice in their Lands or Territories and Sac a power to fine or punish such as were found guilty either by complaining without a cause or proved to have done wrong to another which gave or confirmed many a liberty or set the example of the succeeding Kings gratifying many of their Subjects with the like in making them tanquam Reguli little Princes within their own Estates or Dominions should have suas Curias Consuetudines their Courts and liberties in their view of Frank Pleg Court Leets and Court Barons and should have under their Jurisdiction etiam milites suos proprios servientes such as served them in wars or held of them by the service thereof or were their domestick or houshold servants Item isti suos Armigeros alios sibi servientes and the Esquires and servants likewise of their servants saith Bracton expounding that Law of King Edward the Confessor the King certainly should not be denied his own Franchise view of Frank-Pleg or jurisdiction to do Justice where either his service or servants were concerned or at least to be complained unto before any violent course of Law should be taken in other Courts against them for otherwise if the King should not have always had such a franchise view of his Frank Pleg or Laws or Customs Hospitii sui as Fleta terms them of his Royal House or Palace there would have been some vestigia foot steps or track to be found either in the Antient Monuments and Memorials of our Laws or of those of later ages or of some other time That the King had been an immediate or single Complainant by way of Action for any abuses only offered to his servants or contempts to his person or Royal Authority which by a long most just and necessary prescription as far as time with his Iron teeth hath left us any remembrances was always left and reserved to the authority and Jurisdiction of the Lord Chamberberlain of the Kings House and the Kings other great Officers who by the Messengers of the Kings Chamber who in such particulars have been as the Lictores Sergeants or Bayliffs pro ista vice upon such occasions to arrest and bring them to the Justice of the King in his Royal Court or Palace and must needs be as lawful or a great deal more in his own particular immediate concernment as it is for the Lord Keeper of the great seal of England or Lord Chancellor to direct the Kings Serjeant at Arms allowed to attend that great and illustrious Officer and Superintendent of the Chancery by himself or his Deputy to arrest and take into his chargeable custody the person of any that shall have committed any grand or reiterated contempt against the process orders or decrees of that honourable Court or for that or the Court of Common-pleas to make the Warden of the Fleets men or the Virgers or Tipstaves attending upon the said Courts or for the Courts of Kings Bench or Exchequer to make the Marshals or Tipstaves thereof to be the Lictores or Messengers of their punishments and displeasure or as the house of Peers in Parliament do make use of the Kings Usher of the black rod and the house of Commons in Parliament of the Kings Serjeant at Arms nor could it have been likely that the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings house who in the Reigns of our Kings Edward the first second or third and probably by foregoing and elder constitutions did in the absence of the Lord Chief Justice of England vicem gerere execute in the Kings Court as Fleta tells us the Office or place of the said Lord Chief Justice should not retain in the Government of the Kings Servants and Houshold so much power as might protect them from injuries or their Royal Master from contempts or neglects of Duties or respects to his person Palace or servants for who that hath not bid defiance to his own Intellect as well as the wisdom of former ages can pretend any shew or colour of Reason that the King should want the power or authority to do as the late blessed Martyr King Charles the first did in the apprehension of certain Watermen in the year 1632. and committing them to Bridewell for refusing to carry the French Ambassador by Water upon the complaint of the Kings Master of the Barge in the year 1634. for the apprehension of William Hockley a Hackney-Coachman for refusing to wait upon the French Embassador or of John Philpots Post-master of Rochester for dis-respects to Monsieur St. German the French Embassador or in the year 1636. for the arrest of John Clifford of Chelsey upon the Complaint of the Spanish Embassador or to cause one Robert Armstrong to be taken into custody by one of his Messengers in the year 1639. for arresting the Post-Master of St. Albans who it may be for ought the offender then knew was bringing some Packet or Letters to the King or his Lords of the Councel for the discovery of some impending dangers which would need as sudden a prevention as the Gunpowder once intended and near atchieved Treason or to
Regis admittebantur and by an Ordinance made by the said King the cognisance of all personal actions commenced by any of the Kings Servants did appertain to the said Master of the houshold who claimed likewise the Trial of all Criminal matters committed in the Kings House Philip King of France called the Long in the year 1317. which was about the 10 th year of the Raign of our King Edward the second did command that Taxes or Assessments taken from three of his servants should be restored unto them which was consented unto by his Parliament and by a decree in Parliament the next year after it was ordained that Omnes Domestici Regis administri pronunciantur immunes ab omni commeatuum vectigalibus quos ad necessitatem usum suum apportari curant all the Kings houshold servants should not pay any Taxes for the provisions which they bought or provided for their necessary uses or occasions In a Decree of that Parliament made in the Raign of their King Charles the 5 th called Charls the wise in the cause of Silvester Cornelius the Kings Almoner in the year 1367. which was about the 41 th year of the Raign of our King Edward the 3. it was adjudged that Domestici officiarii immunitate gauderent a vectigalibus the Kings houshold servants should be freed from Taxes By an Edict made by K. Charles the 6. of France ratified by Parliament in the year 1408. which was about the 5. year of the Raign of our K. Henry the 5 th It was ordained Vt qui ministri Regis viginti Annos aut amplius ministraverint vacantes a ministerio stipendia tamen habeant that those which had served the King 20 years or more should though they left their service have their wages continued Immunitas ab indictionibus subsidiariis omnibus attributa domesticis Regum officiis de praediorum suorum fructibus cum approbatione Parliamenti a privilege freedom was granted by the aforesaid King Charls the 6. from all subsidies to be charg'd upon any of the Kings houshold Servants by allowance of Parliament in the year 1411. which was in or about the 8 th year of our King Henry the 5 th By a Letter of Lewis the 11 th who raigned in France in the time of our King Edward the 4 th sent to the Parliament and Registred therein that King required ut primo loco suorum officialium causas judicet nisi contendentium sit ipsius aut Reginae domesticus in quo casu se moveri jubet ut exponat de eo voluntatem suam that in the first place they should hear and determine the causes of their own Officers unless one of the parties should be the King or Queens servant in ordinary and in such a Case commands that he be first moved and his pleasure thereupon declared Francis the first King of France in Anno 1525. which was about the 16 th year of our King Henry the 8 th sent his Declaration to that Parliament wherein he ordained that his Mothers houshold servants should enjoy the like privileges as his Officers and servants did and another Declaration to that Parliament in the year 154â— quod officiales domesticos commensales suos ab omnibus tributis Indictionibus pensitationibus etiamque Canone in quinquaginta peditum millia praestando Immunes erunt that all his Domestick Officers Houshold servants should not be charged with any Taxes or Tributes or with Assessments towards the payment of 50000 foot men and a like Declaration in the year following de simili immunitate officiis Reginae domesticis commensalibus attributa of the like privileges to the Officers and Houshold servants of the Queen seconded by a Declaration of Henry the second King of France Registred in Parliament in the year 1548. which was about the second year of our King Edward the 6 th of the Privileges of the Kings Domestick and Houshold servants and the like to the Domesticks and servants of Elianor the Widow Queen In which Kingdom also notwithstanding an ordinance made at Moulins about the year of our Lord 1566. which was about the 8 th year of the Raign of our Queen Elizabeth the Masters of Requests are not to be arrested or imprisoned for debt until four months expired after legal notice In the year 1626. the King of France sending the Marshal de Bassompierre his extraordinary Embassador into England to reconcile some differences betwixt our late Royal Martyr King Charles the first and his Royal Consort the Queen concerning the discharge and sending away most of her servants of the French Nation attending upon her contrary as was pretended to the Marriage Contract for some insolences and misdemeanors not to be tolerated and that great Embassador bringing in his Retinue Father Sancy a Popish Priest whom our King had no respect for in regard of some ill offices supposed to be done betwixt him and his Royal Consort the Queen was no sooner come to Gravesend but he had an express Order from our King to send back the Father Sancy who was in his ill opinion and could not be endured to which the Embassador returning an Answer that he was one of his Domesticks and humbly intreating his Majesty not to intermeddle therein said that the example alleged of Mr. Walter Mountague who being in the Retinue of our Embassador Sir Dudley Carleton in France was upon the command of the French King in like manner dismissed was not to be any rule or reason in his case and that howsoever our English Ambassador Carleton permitted it he would rather lose his life than suffer such an affront to be done unto him whereupon the Lord Conway principal Secretary of State after his coming to the Court bringing him a message from the King that he would not give him audience although he had promised it unless he would first send Father Sancy back into France the Embassador replyed that it would be in vain that his Majesty should desire any such thing of him parce que absolument il ne le feroit ponit que si il ne vouloit plus donner audience il retourneroit vers son roy for that he was absolutely resolved not to do it and if he might not have his Audience he would return home without it and notwithstanding that he was extremely pressed by some of our Ministers of State who alleaged that the Kings honor reputation was engaged therein continued his Refusal for that the Father Sancy came along with him by order of his King and the Queen Mother whereupon the Embassador having certified his King of France of the proceedings therein did not long after by a Letter under his own hand receive his approbation for what he had done In the Empire of Germany the Domestique servants of the Emperor are not bereaved of the Privileges of servantâ— attending upon the person as well as the publick cares of their Soveraigns when the
reason when he understands the Honour acquired by being the Servant of a Soveraign Prince to be as well the cause of their Priviledges and Immunities which he positively affirms to be ratione dignitatis Officii by reason of the dignity of their Offices and Places as the import and necessary use of their Offices and Places about the Person health and safety of the Prince in which the well-being of the Universality of the people and Body Politick are concentred And that they are called Curiales Courtiers ex quo cum Cura esse debent in respect of the Cares which they take in the service of their Prince mitius agendum Curialibus Aulicis quam aliis parcendum honori verecundiae domus Regiae his qui pro domo parentibus Regiis laborarunt the Servants of the King are to be more favoured than the Servants of other men and a special regard ought to be had unto the honour of the House or Palace of the King and those which do labour and take pains for the good thereof and the Kings Family that amongst the Domesticks or Servants of the King or Soveraign Prince omnis ordo recipit splendorem a Principe every degree or rank hath in some sort the resplendency and reflection of their Soveraigns imparted or communicated unto them Et cum Senatores excusantur a fortiori Curiales Familiares Principum nec ex eo eorum conditio deterior fieri debet cum circa Principem se obsequiales exhibent universis and when Senators or Parliament-men are priviledged by a greater reason ought the Princes Servants to be priviledged neither should their condition be made to be worse than theirs seeing that when they do Officiate about the Prince they do at the same time serve the People and Weal-publick and recounting some of the Priviledges of the Court Officers and Servants doth amongst others agree that Curiales in hoc privilegiantur quod praedia eorum non possunt alienari sine solemnitate that their Lands and real Estates cannot as other mens be aliened in a common and ordinary manner but by special words and expressions of the certainty of the cause and money given for it Et istud est in favore ipsorum Curialium ut Respublica habeat divites Curiales in tantum in hoc privilegiatur res Decurionum seu Curialum quantum res minorum Ecclesiae in hoc pari passu ambulant And that in favour of the Courtiers or Kings Servants to the end that the Commonwealth may be the better served by the Kings Servants being rich and that their Lands and real Estate are in that as much priviledged as the Lands and real Estate of Infants and the Church which was not a little and as to that have equal Priviledges And further assures us that in France the Kings Servants have a Priviledge quod non possunt conveniri coram Judice Ordinario loci ubi habent Domicilium they are not to be cited or prosecuted before the Ordinary Judge or Court where they inhabit which all other persons not priviledged are only to be sed debent conveniri in Curia ibi causae eorum tractari debent maxime pro negotiis Curialibus coram Magistro Officiorum aut magno Praeposito domus Principis but ought to be cited or compelled to appear in the Court and there the cause ought to be tryed especially if it concern any affairs of the Court before the Lord Steward or the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold in aliis vero causis non concernentibus eorum statum Curialem sed negotia privata seu particularia suarum rerum but in other causes not concerning the business of the Court but for any of the Kings Servants private or particular business there was at Paris in France in the Kings Palace a particular Chamber or Court called the Court of Requests wherein by the Kings Letters called Commitimus the causes of any of his Servants were to be decided and determined Which honours and respects due and given unto Kings and Princes Servants in so many Neighbour Nations may be enough to assure us that that which our English Laws and Customes have afforded those that serve our Princes ought not to have such outcries or complaints against them And that Sir Hugh Hamersley Knight Lord Mayor of London in the Reign of King James was not much if at all mistaken when he stood so much upon his priviledge of the Kings special Servant or Lieutenant in the City of London in the time or year of his Mayoralty as he resolved not to give place unto the King of Denmarks Ambassador who intended to come and dine with him but to insist upon the honour and priviledge of his Place in that particular which the Ambassador understanding by Sir John Finet then Master of the Ceremonies who was to attend him thither thought it better to forbear as he did that designed visit For a common and innate civility and respect which should be used amongst Servants and all others could never yet think it consonant to reason that a Butchers Apprentice or the Foreman of a trim Citizens Wives shop should take place of the Servant of any of our Princes of the Blood Nobility or other Persons of Honour much less of our Kings there being degrees and precedencies of Servants amongst all people any thing acquainted with good manners and civility proportioned and laid out according to the ranks or qualities of their Masters and in that also a consideration to be had of the nature of their Imployments taught us by the difference betwixt a Footman or Coachman and a Gentleman wherein our gracious Soveraign did but preserve the Majesty due unto his Soveraignty when if report be true he did in the later end of the year 1666. prohibit the Duke of Newcastles Footmen the wearing of black Velvet Caps which the Kings Footmen usually do whilst they attend his Caroch And if Histories the monuments of Time and former Ages were as they are not in that particular silent a common and frequent and almost every years experience will evidence how much the Honour of Princes are concerned in the respects or not respects of their Servants by the care and circumspection those resemblances of their Masters greatness do take and use to preserve and not diminish the least Iota or tittle of the Honour due unto those that sent them the strict and piercing inspections of Princes into the qualities greater or lesser of those that are sent and all and every the circumstances and ceremonies of their Receptions and Entertainments Punctilioes niceties and formalities insisted upon by Ambassadors complaints of the least omissions or preteritions exact and curious measures in the giving or not giving them respects to the full or height with their strivings for place or precedency even to bloody Combats betwixt the Ambassadors of emulating Princes as betwixt the French and
Spanish Ambassadors not long ago in Holland and a little after in England the cares which Princes to whom they are sent have taken to give them satisfaction or to prevent their jealousies or discontents their gifts and presents unto them their Secretaries and principal of their Servants personal and peculiar honours and favours to Ambassadors distinct from a greater to their Soveraign and their sometimes bold and resolute refusals where they found any diminution or neglects of which Bodin Besolus our learned Doctor Zouch and Sir John Finet in their learned Books de Marsellaer Albericus Gentilis Legatis Legationibus concerning Embassies and the Relation of the Earl of Carlisle's stout and prudent management of his Embassies into Muscovy will afford plenty of instances and examples With the more than ordinary civilities and respects used by divers Princes Cities Common-wealths to Ambassadors of Princes and States in League or Friendship with them in their passage to the Princes to whom they are sent or return from their Embassies when the character or representation of their Prince being laid by they are but little more than what they were in their former degrees or qualities as our Sir Daniel Harvey sent to Constantinople and the Earl of Winchelsea in his coming home from the like Imployment can testifie And the great care which hath been taken by the Law of Nations and all civilized Kingdoms States and Commonwealths of Christendom of the Priviledges of Ambassadors which at the highest esteem that can be given them are no other than Extraordinary Servants which for their great abilities in Learning State affairs or Foreign Languages were made choice of by their Soveraign sometimes out of the Subjects and Nobility not immediate Servants and at other times some of the Servants and Officers in Ordinary as of the Privy-Chamber and Bed-Chamber held by the Custome of the wiser and more prudent part of Nations to be so sacred and inviolable as the Emperor Augustus made the putting to death of his Ambassadors and Heralds Titurius and Arunculeius by the Germans to be the cause of a War made against them and swore never to cut the hair of his head and beard untill he had punished them for that misdemeanor And the Greeks and Romans those great Masters of wisdom prudence and civilities and the Persians and many other Nations made it to be some of their greatest concernments to vindicate any the least indignities or injuries offered or done unto their Messengers or Ambassadors And our Laws have informed us that in the 22 th year of the Reign of King Edward the 3 d. one John at Hill was condemned for High Treason for the Murder of A. de Walton Nuncium Domini Regis missum ad mandatum Regis exequendum the Kings Ambassador for which he was drawn hanged and beheaded for saith Sir Edward Coke Legatus ejus vice fungitur a quo destinatur honorandus est sicut ille cujus Vicem gerit Legatos violare contra jus gentium est and Ambassador represents him that sent him and is to be honoured accordingly for it is against the Law of Nations to violate or wrong an Ambassador Et honor Legati honor mittentis est Proregis dedecus redundat in Regem the honour of an Ambassador is the honour of him that sends him and any dishonour done unto him redounds unto his Prince or Superiour For it was in the Reign of King Richard the second adjudged in Parliament to be High Treason to kill or violate an Ambassador of any Prince or Commonwealth in the Case of John Imperiall an Envoy or Ambassador from Genoa slain by the malice of some of his Adversaries and declared in Parliament que le case eslant examine dispute inter les Seigniors Commons puis monstre al Roy en pleine Parliament estoit illonques nostre Seignior le Roy declares determinus assentus que tiel fait coupe est Treason crime de Royall Majesty blemye en quel case il ne doit allower a nullui priviledge del Clergie that the Case being examined and debated betwixt the Lords and Commons and afterwards shewed to the King in full Parliament it was then before the King determined and agreed that the act was Treason and a crime in derogation of Royal Majesty in which no Priviledge of Clergy was to be allowed The great Gustavus Adolphus not long ago victorious King of Sweden made the neglect and slighting of his Ambassadors by Ferdinand the second Emperor of Germany a Justification or Proem of his after most famous and notable exploits against him in Germany and his Ambassadors to be had in such regard as they could safely travel through Fields of his subdued Enemies blood conquered Towns Cities sacked and Armies ready marshalled to act and execute the direfull Tragedies of Battel and Bellona and to be every where protected and not injured And within a few years last past Don Mario the then Popes Brother being guilty only of an affront given at Rome to the Duke de Crequy the French Kings Ambassador by the Corsairs the Popes Guards the Popes Nuntio was in great displeasure sent away from the Court of France and a War so threatned as that imagined Spiritual Father of the Popish part of Christendom was with great loss of reputation enforced to submit to such Conditions as the King of France claiming to be the eldest Son of the Church would besides the punishment of the Delinquents impose upon him and suffer a Pillar to be erected in Rome to testifie the outrage and the severe punishment inflicted for it to the wonder of many Nations and people coming thither that he who sold so many Millions of Pardons to the living and dead should not be able to obtain of the Most Christian King a pardon and forbearance of that Pillar of Ignominy which continuing some years was lately as a signal favour to the See of Rome permitted to be taken down and no more to be remembred And it was not without cause that our Royal Soveraign did in October 1666. by his Letter to the Estates of Holland and the United Provinces justly charge upon them amongst other the causes of his War with them injuries done unto him and his Subjects by the imprisoning of the Domestick Servants of his Envoy and likewise of his Secretary and putting a Guard upon his House And was so necessary an observance amongst Princes and Republiques as howsoever they then faltred and misused their Wisdoms therein that Nation and their Union of Boores Mariners Artificers and others although many of them could hardly find the way to put off their hats or use civilities unto their great and Princely Protectors the Illustrious Princes of Orange have deemed it to be a part of the Subsistence and Policy of that now flourishing Republique to be strict observers of all manner of civilities and respects to the Ambassadors of Princes And the Swisses
and Mountainous petty Cantons or Republiques who not long ago having massacred all their Nobility and eternally as they hope prohibited the race of them from enjoying any Offices or Imployments in their Armies or Republiques and can boastingly answer inquisitive strangers or passengers with nos non habemus Nobiles we have no Nobility can notwithstanding all their Military Barbarities pay those fitting and well-becoming civilities and due regards to the Ambassadors of Foreign or Neighbour Potentates And may give us to understand that the honours given to Ambassadors do not conclude that there are no respects due to the Servants in ordinary of the Kings and Princes which sent them But that the honour and respect of the Kings manifested in the respect to their Servants is not the cause and foundation of that which is so punctually required and given to Ambassadors When it is as certain that great and often discontents and quarrels have been raised and kindled in the affairs and businesses not only of Nobility and men of great Estates and Eminency but of the vulgar and meaner sort of people for injuries done to their Servants who have been very unwilling to bear or put it up Which the Civil Law and the Custom of many Nations believed to be warranted by that Axiom or Rule that Domini pati dicuntur injurias qui suis fiunt servis Masters do partake and suffer in the injuries done to their Servants And amongst the Jews as their Rabbins expound their Laws were for the time they dwelt with them â—undi instar as setled a Propriety as the Lands which they enjoyed From which our Laws of England do not dissent when they adjudged that injuriam patitur quis per alios quos habet in familia sua sicut per servientes servos in contumeliam suam fuerint verberati vulnerati vel imprisonati quatenus sua interfuerit operibus eorum non caruisse that a man may have wrong done him in those of his Family as in the reproach done unto him by the beating wounding or imprisoning of his Servants whereby he loseth their service A due consideration whereof and that the honour and respect of Kings is and ought to be manifested in the respect to their Servants probably was the cause which made William Walworth that valiant and brave Lord Mayor of London in the Reign of King Richard the second not able to withhold his loyal passion and indignation from knocking down with his Mace Wat Tyler the Rebel in the head of a mighty and unruly Army of Clowns for abusing and making Sir John Newton Knight one of the Kings Servants sent on a Message to him to stand bare before him on foot whilst he sate on horseback So as the people of England may in a less light than the New Lanthorn or Light men do now pretend unto discern a reason for a greater respect to be given unto the Kings Servants in Ordinary than of late they have given when it is to no other or no less than the Servants of Gods Vicegerent some of which enobled by their Birth or Creation others by their Offices Enobleissantaes enobling them as the Treasurer or Comptroller of the Kings most Honourable Houshold who when they do happen as many times not to be of the Nobility are ipso facto at the instant of the conserring those Offices upon them or shortly after made to be of the Kings Privy Councel and with the Lord Chancellor or the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England President of the Kings Councel Lord Privy Seal Great Chamberlain Constable Marshal and Admiral of England Great Master or Steward and Chamberlain of the Kings most Honourable Houshold have in this Kingdom as hath been used in other Nations been stiled the Officers of the Crown And our King Henry the 7th taking a care that his Servants should be as well born as virtuously educated did call and elect to the service and attendance of his Privy Chamber the Sons of his Nobility and Gentlemen of the best houses and alliance in most of the Shires of England and Wales And King Henry the 8th his Son did by his Ordinances for Regulation of his Houshold called the Statutes of Eltham made by the advice of his Privy Councel in the 17th year of his Reign command That no Servant be kept by any Officers within the Court under the degree of a Gentleman and that none be admitted into his Majesties service but sueh as be likely persons and fit for promotion and that it should be lawfull to all the Kings Counsellors the King and Queens Chamberlains Vice-Chamberlains and Captain of the Guard the Master of the Horse and Henchmen and the six Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber to keep every of them one Page to attend upon him in the Court so alwayes that he be a Gentleman born well apparelled and conditioned That the six Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber should be well languaged expert in outward parts and meet and able to be sent on familïar Messages or otherwise to outward Princes as the case shall require and charged the Great Officers of his Houshold in their several Offices and Places that none should be admitted into any Place within his House and especially those which beginning in low rooms and places and are accustomed by course to ascend into higher but such as be of good towardness likelihood behaviour demeanour and conversation and as nigh as they could should have respect that they be Personages of good gesture countenance fashion and stature so as the Kings House which is requisite to be the mirrour and example of all other within his Realm may be furnished of Ministers elect tryed and picked for the Kings Honour as to good reason and congruence doth appertain And by other Orders made in the 33th year of his Reign That no Officer of the Houshold should keep any Servant within the House under the degree of a Gentleman and such as should be honest and of good behaviour And by his Proclamation commanded That no Vagabonds Masterless Rascals or other Idle persons should come and harbour in the Court. And as he had a great respect for his Great Officers of State so he had no small one for his more inferiour Servants when in the Orders appointed for his Tables at meat in his Royal House he did ordain that the Lord Great Chamberlain at his three Messes of meat should have sitting with him the Vice-Chamberlain Captain of the Guard Cup-bearers Karvers Sewers to the King Esquires of the Body Gentlemen Huissers and Sewers of the Chamber The Master of the Horse to have the Equirries and Avenors to sit with him and Gentlemen Pensioners as many as can sit And Queen Elizabeth in the first and third year of her Reign intending as the Preamble thereof declared to follow the Godly and Honourable Statutes of Houshold of her Noble Progenitors did by her Proclamation streightly charge and command That
in comming to the said Court or Courts there abiding or returning homewards without any Arrest of their Bodies Horses Goods and Chatels by any process out of any Inferiour Court Et habere debeant salvum securum conductum sub protectione defensione Regis Progenitorum suorum and in that respect were to have asafe conduct of the King his Progenitors and to be in their Protection and it was in former and less factious times not unusual to have such or the like Protections of our Kings for the Lands and Goods of the persons protected as well as for their persons to be allowed in our Courts of Justice witness the Writ to be found in the Register before or much about the 11th year of the Raign of King Edward the 3 d. entituled a Writ of Trespass contra protectionem Regis for molesting or troubling a man protected by the King directed to a Sheriff to attach the Defendant in these words of the commanding or mandatory part thereof Ostensur quare cum suscepimus in protectionem defensionem nostram praedictum A. homines terras res reditus omnes possessiones suas omnibus singulis inhibentes ne quis eis injuriam molestiam damnum inferret aut gravameâ— idem B. Bona Catalla praedicti A. dum sub protectione nostra sic fuit ad valentiam centum Solidorum apud H. inventa vi armis cepit asportavit in homines servientes suos insultum fecit c. per quod servitia sua amisit alia enormia c. ad grave dampnum c. contra protectionem nostram praedictam contra pacem nostram habeas ibi nota plegiorum c. To shew cause whereas when we took into our Protection the aforesaid A. his Lands Goods Tenants and all that he possessed prohibiting all and singular whatsoever that no man do or cause to be done unto him any injury damage or trouble the said B· the Goods and Chatels of the said A. whilst he was under our Protection to the value of five pounds at H. by force and arms did take and carry away and made an assault upon his Tenants and Servants c. whereby he lost their Services c. and did other injuries unto him c. to his great damage against our Protection and Peace and have you there at Westminster the names of his pledges or sureties c. With good reason therefore and much more in the case of the Kings Servants when it would be of a small avail for any man to be Priviledged or Protected in his person whilst he is employed in the Kings Sercice when all his Lands shall be seized or extended his Goods and Personal Estate taken away his Wife Children and Family starved undone or ruined and like Job stripped of all he had may be at liberty to complain of his misery and calamity and hear an impatient Wife blame him for being so careful to serve a King that would not or could not protect him And as little it would be for the good or dispatch of the Kings affairs when it cannot be so well done as otherwise it would by a man whose soul is grieved the faculties of his mind and understanding weakned and astonish'd his thoughts racked or tormented with cares and apprehensions of damage losses dangers or disgraces and cannot rest or follow his business as otherwise he would do but be looking homeward either to provide some remedy or comfort as well as he can for his sorrowfull Wife and Children to which many times his presence is so requisite as nothing can help or relieve them or himself without it and that surely which serves for a Reason or Justice in the case of a person not the Kings Servant in ordinary where he is specially imployed in his service should be as necessary or reasonable or rather more in the case of his Servant in ordinary who in such a trouble and sadness as appeared in the face of the good Nehemiah the Cup-bearer of King Artaxerxes when he heard of the great affliction and reproach of his Brethren at the distressed Jerusalem must when he shall he asked as Nehemiah was Why is thy countenance sad seeing thou art not sick it is nothing else but sorrow of heart be inforced to declare his sorrows to his Soveraign who when he shall be informed of the cause of it must be constrained to do as that tender-hearted King did to give such a troubled Servant leave to depart to his distracted Estate and in the mean time want his service CAP. V. That the Kings Servants whilst they are in his service ought not to be Vtlawed or prosecuted in order thereunto without leave or license first obtained of the King or the Great Officers of his most Hâ—nourable Houshâ—ld under whose several Jurisdictions they do officiate ANd to as little or no purpose would that antient and just Priviledge of the Kings Servants in ordinary not to be arrested troubled or imprisoned without leave first obtained profit them if whilst they shall be busied in attending the person of the King or some other of his affairs they may be sued to an Utlary and forfeiture of all their Goods and Personal Estate put out of the protection of the King and his Laws and thrust under the many damages inconveniences and incapacities which do way-lay and fall upon Utlawed persons and will be hugely contradictory to the right reason and intention of our Laws neither can any Sheriff retorn upon an Original Writ retornable in the Court of Common Pleas to which and no other Court except in the Court of Kings Bench in Actions of Trespass or upon the Case importing a breach of the Peace in all Civil Actions the prosecution of Writs to the Utlary doth only and properly appertain or upon a Bill of Middlesex a great encroacher upon the Rights and Jurisdiction of the Court of Common Pleas and a greater upon the Rights and Liberties of the people or an Action entred in the Sheriffs Courts in the City of London or of any other City or Corporation that any of the Kings Servants who were not wont to be either Beggars or Runagates nichil habet nec est inventus the later of which however now disused was antiently never omitted but as a companion in separable upon such Retorns of Writs went together with the former when as the Offices and Places in the Kings Court were not usually so poor or unprofitable as that they should be worth nothing or those that enjoyed them so willing to leave them as to run away from them And then certainly if by Law any such Retorns cannot in the case of the Kings Servants in ordinary be justly or legally made nor any Process of Capias or to arrest executed against them without a leave or license first obtained nor any Utlary without a Capias after that an alias Capias and afterwards a pluries Capias
being all three of them with fifteen dayes betwixt the Testes and Retorns first and successively to be retorned as now the manner of retorning them of course is usually before any Exigent can be awarded in order to an Utlary if the Defendant do not appear before unto the Action whether Civil or Criminal to prevent it which so often repeated process and warnings the Law doth so strictly enjoyn as in the Reigns of King Henry the 4th and King Henry the 6th Utlaries have been reversed for that the Exigent was awarded to Utlaw the Defendants upon the second Capiaâ— There cannot be any just or legal possibility of Utlawing of them although they be neither Great Officers of State nor of the Kings Privy Councel or of the Baronage who by reason of their eminencies high degrees and qualities are alwayes to be excepted from those ordinary kinds of Process For if any of the Kings Servants in ordinary should be wronged by any such false Retorns which must necessarily fore-run and open the doors of the Process of Exigent the Prologue or Ushers to an Utlawry they are and ought to be as justly entituled as any of the common people of England are to an Action of the Case against the Sheriff or any other who shall make or cause to be made any false Retorn quod nichil habet that he had nothing when as many of them have good or great or some Estates in Lands and Freehold in the County or place where the Action is laid or quod non est inventus was not to be found in his Balywick the later of which was in former ages used to be so ill resented as in the Reign of King Edward the 3d. an Action was brought against one for retorning upon a Writ quod non est inventus that he was not to be found whereby a Capias or Writ to arrest him was awarded against him And as much against the mind of the Law it would be and a very great distance from truth and reason that the King in the usual process and proceedings unto or towards an Utlary should cause an Original Writ to be directed unto the Sheriff of Middlesex who is by Law to execute no Writ in his Court or Palace to command one of the Kings Servants to pay a Debt demanded by the Plaintiff or if he did not to summon him to appear before his Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster to shew cause why he did not when his own Officers of his most Honourable Houshold upon leave obtained to prosecute the Debtor in the Court of Common Pleas were more properly to have made that summons should upon a nichil habet nec est inventus that he hath nothing or is not to be found retorned upon such an Original Writ by Clerks or Attorneys of course without the warrant or privity of the Sheriff in whose name it is retorned and to whom it is directed suffer a Capias in his Name and under his Seal to arrest or take his body to be issued out against his Yeoman of the Robes or his Physicians in ordinary or some other of his Servants in ordinary necessarily attending him not by courses as many other are by the indulgence of his Royal Majesty for the ease of his Servants permitting them to officiate by turns which within a few weeks or months brings them again into their duty and places of attendance but constantly every day and night in the year And should upon a non est inventus retorned of course as aforesaid when the time or day prefixed in that Writ of Capias is expired suffer in his Name and under his Seal another Writ of alias Capias to be made to the said Sheriff commanding him to arrest or take the said Yeoman of his Robes or any other of his Servants in ordinary whom he knows not to be absent from his service or affairs and upon a like feigned and false retorn of course upon that Writ when the time prefixed for to arrest him is expired cause or command a Writ of pluries Capias to be made or issued out against him and upon the like feigned and false retorn made upon the said Writ of pluries Capias when the time prefixed to arrest him is expired cause a Writ of Exigent to be issued out commanding the Sheriff in five several County Court dayes to call the said Yeoman of the Robes or such other his Servant in ordinary and if he appear to take him if not to retorn him Utlawed and should likewise at the same time issue out at the request of the party Plaintiff his Writ of Proclamation directed to the Sheriff of the County where his Family resided to be proclaimed at two several County Court dayes and a third time at the Parish Church door upon a Sunday immediately after Divine Service ended commanding the said Yeoman of the Robes or such other his Servant to appear and render himself to the Sheriff otherwise to be Utlawed when he knows he was at that instant of time and would be at other times prefixed busie and imployed in a near attendance upon his Person or that the Yeâ—man of his Robes or such other Servant in ordinary should be Utlawed upon an intendment or supposition in Law that after so many iterated contempts of the King and his Process or Writs being twelve in number that is to say a contempt upon not appearing upon the Original Writ three several contempts upon the Capias Alias and Pluries five other contempts in not appearing at the five Husting dayes if the Action had been laid in London or five County Court dayes if the Action were laid in any County and three several contempts in not appearing upon the Proclamation when he either knew not of the Process as it very often happens or if he did take notice of them refused to appear to the said Action because his business about the Kings own person and affairs would not permit him And should thereby subject him to all the mischiefs and inconveniences of an Utlawed person and that fierce Process of Utlary called a Capias Vtlegatum and command a Sheriff to enter into any Liberties as if he intended such Servants might be taken in his Bed-Chamber or his Court which no Law or Custom hath hitherto permitted or held fitting or reasonable and seize his Person Lands and Goods and Lease and Demise away his Lands to the Plaintiff untill he shall appear and answer the Action and the King for the Contempts in not appearing thereunto when as it was the Kings own necessary affairs and business that hindred him and he was at that instant of time busied in his duty and attendance upon his person and cannot be restored unto the benefit of the Laws and the Birth-right of a Subject untill he shall have reversed the Utlary by Plea or Error or as the usage of the Law was in the time of King Henry the 4th and long after that the
Utlawed person could not be restored till he had been by the Court committed to the Prison of the Fleet for his contempts purchased and pleaded his Charter of Pardon from the King under the Great Seal of England and appeared to the Action when the King and his service and attendance was the only cause that he did not or could not attend or appear thereunto or put in Bayl to answer it when there was no danger of his absence or flying away from the Kings Service which is or ought to be not a little advantageous or beneficial unto him And when the Plaintiff at whose instance such a prosecution was made might with as much ease and as little charge and a far less expence of time have petitioned the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold and obtained a license to have taken his course at Law against him And if the Lord Chamberlain had given the Defendant a reasonable time or prefixion for the Plaintiffs satisfaction as his Lordship usually doth it would probably not have exceeded the time of six months which is by our Laws the shortest time wherein a Defendant can be Utlawed which as Bracton saith ought not to be suddenly done but to have five months warning or time given in regard of the severity thereof when a man is Utlawed and is thereby to forfeit bona catalla patriam amicos his Goods Chattels Countrey and profits of his Lands to be as an exile or banish'd man was not to be received or entertained by his Friends could not bring an Action for any thing due unto him untill the Utlary be reversed but was as antient as the Saxon times accounted to be a Friendless and Lawless man And it would be a great piece of incivility to prosecute such a Servant of the Kings in ordinary so busied and imployed about his person and not first of all to Petition for his license when in an ordinary way and with no great charge and a great deal sooner than the Defendants appearance to his Action can be enforced by an Utlary it might have been so easily procured and possibly the Kings great occasions and expence of money for the Publick and their defence and protection wherein the good and safety of that Plaintiff was amongst the rest included might be the cause that he could not pay such Servant in ordinary his wages and that such Servant could not so soon as he otherwise would have satisfied the party prosecuting there being no reason to be assigned by any whose exuberant phancies have not altogether divorced them from it that one that is but imployed upon a seldom and temporary imployment of the Kings and is not his Servant in ordinary nor the business he is imployed in so continually near and relating to his person should during that his temporary imployment and of a far less concernment as to go on a Message for him or in company of some Ambassador be priviledged during his absence in his Person Goods and Estate and a Servant in ordinary continually attending his Sacred Person should be only protected in his Person but not in his Estate or that the priviledges and immunities so antiently due and appropriate to his Servants in ordinary and near his person should be curtailed and have less allowed them than Strangers and such as are only imployed for some small time or occasion Or that the Utlawing of any of his Servants in ordinary should forfeit their so just Rights and Priviledges when as by the Law and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom they are not to be Utlawed or put in Process of Utlary without license or leave first asked and no man should be Utlawed or punished for a default of not appearing or have any Process of arrest or contempt awarded against him where he had a reasonable excuse or impediment or cause of Essoyne as by Inundation of Waters being sick or in the parts beyond the Seas or so great a one as the Service of the King for if Utlaries in such a case unduly obtained should cause a forfeiture of just and legal Customs and Priviledges any that had a mind to do a mischief to a supposed adversary might as well contrary to the Priviledges of Parliament in the time of Parliament find or make a pretence to Utlaw any of the Members of either of the Houses of Parliament and make that to be as it were a forfeiture of their Priviledges and a justification which they can never make out of the infringing of them and the Parliament-men of the House of Commons might be Utlawed persons which the Law forbids and by tacite and many times undiscerned Utlaries might lose and be deprived of their Priviledges And the parties offending or endeavouring such breaches of Priviledge should not take advantage de son tort of their own wrongs or tortious doings which our Common Law maxime doth abhorr and the Civil Law doth as little like or allow when its Rule is that Nemo commodum consequi debet ex suo delicto no man is to take profit by his offence against the Law For in vain should the Kings Servants be by the Constitution of Clarendon in the Reign of King Henry the second freed from Excommunications or the Ministers or Priests be by the Act of Parliament in the 50th year of the Reign of King Edward the third and the first year of the Reign of King Richard the second exempted from being arrested in the Church or Church-yard if an Utlary which being very antiently used in Criminal matters but not in Civil in Bractons time in the Reign of King Henry the 3d. taught the way and manner of it in Civil should be able to forfeit it or take them away for in and before that Kings Reign Bracton saith Videtur nulla esse Vtlagaria si factum pro quo quis Interrogatus est Civile sit non Criminale pro quo quis vitam amittere non deberet vel membra it seemeth there ought to be no Utlary where the Defendant or party is prosecuted for any Civil matter not Criminal wherein he was not to lose either life or members And very unbecoming the Majesty and Honour of a King it would needs be to have any of his Servants Utlawed and pursued with Process of Utlary whilst they are attending upon him and made to be as the out-cast and reproach of the people and not be able to protect them in their just Rights and Liberties or that any of our Kings Servants should Lupina capita gerere be as men wearing Wolves heads which was the antient mark or note of infamy of such as were Utlawed in Criminal matters instead of honourable Liveries or marks of the Kings Servants in ordinary When in the 6th year of the Reign of King Henry the 4th Roger Oliver the Son of John Oliver being in obsequio Regis in Comitiva Johannis Lardner Capitanei Castri de Oye in partibus Piccardiae pro munitione
an alias and pluries Capias also to arrest returned with a non est inventus that such of the Kings Servants being sought to be arrested is not to be found and until there can be a contempt where there is none a consequent without an antecedent and an effect without a cause Howsoever if any of the Kings Servants should at any time be so indirectly and unduly outlawed he may by the favour of their Royal Master be inlawed and restored to the benefit and protection of Him and his Laws as was some hundred of years ago held to be Law and right reason by Bracton who left it as a Rule to posterity that Rex poterit utlagatum de gratia â—ua per literas suas Patentes inlegare recipere eum ad pacem suam reponere eum in legem extra quam prius positus fuit The King may of his Grace by His Letters Patents pardon the Utlary and restore him to the benefit of his Laws but if he were outlawed contra legem terrae debet eam pronunciare esse nullam utlagati secundum legem terrae facilius recipiuntur ad pacem secundum quod ibi fuerit causa vera vel nulla vel minus sufficiens contrary to the Law of the Land the Utlary ought to be annulled and the Defendant more easily received into the protection of the King and his Laws where there was a just cause for to reverse it or where the cause of the Outlawry appeared to be none or insufficient with whom concurred Fleta who likewise said quod utlagati extra legem positi ad legem gratia Principis concomitante restitui possunt inlagari dum tamen causa utlagariae nulla fuerit vel nimis mature That men outlawed or bereaved of the benefit of the Laws may by the favour of the Prince be restored when the cause of the Vtlary was none or it was sooner promulged or adjudged then it ought and may well be understood to be no otherwise When our very learned Bracton did long agoe rightly define an outlawed person to be qui principi non obediat nec Legi which obeyed not the King nor the Law and the cause of an Outlawry to be contumacia inobedientia contempt of the King and disobedience unto him and his Laws such Servant of the King which obeyeth the King his Soveraign and Royal Master in the duty of his place necessary attendance and service cannot be adjudged to disobey the King at the same time when he doth more especially obey him And if not guilty of any disobedience contumacy or contempt to the King cannot be understood to be so unto his Laws or established Courts of Justice which do act and do justice and punish in his name only and by his authority for where there cannot be a contumacy or cause of it according to the priviledge of the Kings Servants in the first Process or Summons in Order to the intended Vtlary nulla sequi deberet captio cum captio nulla saith Bracton nec ea quae sequntur locum habere debeant no Capias or Writ to arrest ought to issue and when there is no Capias or Writ to arrest the Vtlary which shall be endeavoured to be the consequence of it is not to be at all quia ubi primum principale quod est summonitio non subsistit for that the principal which was the Summons was not duly awarded But if any shall think it to be a contempt of the Kings Process or Courts of Justice although it be none against the K. himself such a contra-distinction will prove to be as invalid illegal and irreligious as that abominable one in the late Times of Confusion of distinguishing betwixt the person of the King his Authority and his natural and politique capacity which our Laws do declare to be so united as though most of the Regal Priviledges are adjudged to appertain to the Sacred Persons of our Kings for the Kings Prerogative as Justice Brown alledged in the argument of VVillon and Berkleys Case en respect de son person vaont a son person is in respect of his Person and do attend it and howsoever there are some that do only and properly belong to his Politique capacity yet his natural and politique capacities are neither to be confounded or so separated as one to be against or contrary to the other And they which are so willing to entertain or harbour any such opinions may do themselves more right to believe that which a more serious consideration may inform them That the Civil Law defining representation doth make it to be no more then locum alterius obtinere vel tantundem valere to be in the place of another or to avail as much as if he were present and preses Provinciae dicitur in provinciis representare qui in eadem judicis juris vicem tenet the President of a Province is said to represent is as a substitute of the Judge the Law and Acts there in the place of them which to all that are but smally acquainted with those excellent Laws cannot seem to be absâ—lute when they may every where find the Praetors or Proconsuls of Provinces advising as the younger Pliny sometimes did with Trajan the Emperor in their Letters to the Emperors upon all emergencies and cases in Law and directing and steering their Judgments and sentences according to their rescripts and answers retorned unto them and our common-Laws of England where they do sometimes seem to say that the King is virtually present in his Courts of Justice do it but as authorative with a quoad quatenus and quodam modo as unto such or such things and particulars in a certain manner as far as the reach and compass of the Delegated power committed unto their care and trust will extend for the King is not in such a manner represented by or in his Courts of Justice by his authority granted unto them as to be no where else in his natural or personal Capacity or Commands for then he must be Apotheosed or more then mortality or mankind will permit and so omnipresent and every where as to be at one and the same morning hour and instant of Time in the Terms or Law dayes in the Court of Common-Pleas Exchequer Kings-Bench and Chancery out of the later whereof he could not issue out in the same day and moment of Time his Writs Original and remedial under his Teste meipso witness our self in the Chancery authorizing the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas to hold Plea in most of the Actions which they have cognisance of and are impowred to hear or determine and be at the same time truly and properly believed to be in the Court of Common-Pleas nor could cause any of their Records to be transmitted coram nobis unto himself in his Court of Kings-Bench to correct the Errors committed in some Action by the Judges of
the Court of Common-Pleas nor by a Writ of Pone upon a Certiâ—rari out of the Chancery under his Teste meipso as â—f he were there present to direct it to be tryed in the Court of Kings-Bench coram nobis by a supposition that it should be there determined before himself neither did some of our Kings need to have holden Parliaments by their Substitutes or Commission as King Edward the third did in his absence to his Son Edward Duke of Cornwal and at another time unto Lionell Duke of Clarence another of his Sons if he could by any just or legal intendment have been supposed to have been there alwayes absolutely and to all purposes virtually present But if there should be a refusal by any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary to appear upon any Writs or Process issuing out of any of his Courts of Justice whilst they are in the Service of the King their Master yet when the King shall have discharged that refusal or contempt if it should be so called by a greater and more necessary command in the case of any of his Servants attending upon Him that contempt is no more to be insisted upon for if in such a case of his moeniall Servants his command in the necessary attendance upon his person or affairs in one place shall not amount to a Supersedeas or discharge of any supposed contempt of his Writs and Process and delegated Mandates in another And his commissionated Courts of Justice should adjudge his Servants to be guilty of a contumacy or contempt against his Courts of Justice in not obeying of his Process whilst they do attend upon his person in the safety and well being of Him and all his Subjects and of the Courts of Justice themselves they must separate themselves from themselves and themselves from the King which intrusted them with that authority by too much supposing his authority to be in themselves mistake fancy that authority in them to be Superiour to him that gave it erect to themselves a kind of Superiority over him which gave them that authority by and under which they do act and are impowred the bounds and limits whereof they should not go beyond or exceed For although there may be a contempt charged upon some one or more of the Kings many Servants attending in his Court or Pallace for disobeying or not performing some of his personal commands and upon the same party much about the same Time for a contempt for not obeying or performing the Precept or Process of his subordinate Judges by not appearing to some Action prosecuted before them and so a double contempt or contumacy against the King yet the contempt to the Kings personal command is and must needs be greater then that which is to his Justices or Courts of Justice and is more immediate then that which is but mediate concerns but some one particular Plaintiff not seldom in a malicious or unjust cause of Action or if just for some trivial hot headed uncharitable and unneighborly cause of Action as for Trespass of a Horse or Cow broken into his Pasture by the default or occasion of his own ill Fence or Hedges when the Beast knew as little of reason or property as the Plaintiff did of Religion or the rules of Christianity when that which is more immediately to the King may not a little but greatly concern the well or ill being of the whole Nation or of multitudes and in that general and universal concernment of the angry prosecutor himself when that which is but mediate and a lesser contempt to some one of the Kings Courts of Justice in not appearing to some of their Writs or Process made out in the Kings name and by his authority concerneth only a few particular persons And theâ—efore we should too much thwart those common principles of reason and understanding to deny the greater command its power and efficacy before the lesser and that of the King before that of his Justices or to punish and arrest any of the Kings Servants if they were not so justly entituled to the Priviledges aforesaid for all or the most part of Arrests by order or course of any Courts of Justice in civil Actions before appearance are grounded either upon contempts or propter suspitionem sugae to prevent running away for disobeying the lesser authority and a private and particular concernment to obey the greater or the commands of the King in just and lawful things as a Servant in matters relating to his service and in that to the weal publique or greatest concernment and may well be excused for failing in the lesser or private when he is by his Oath usually administred unto the Kings Servants truly and diligently to attend and wait and not to depart out of the Kings Court without licence had or obtained of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings most honourable Houshold unto whom it appertaineth and to obey all and singular commandments given in charge on the behalf of the King and is not by his Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to lessen or abridâ—e any of the Kings Royal Jurisdictions Preheminences and Priviledges from and under which are legally derived the aforesaid Rights and Priviledges of his Servants who if they were not priviledged are not in the contrariety and conflict of superior and inferior commands to neglect those of the Superior where he is so bound and ingaged by the duty of a Subject and Servant and so many obligeing Oaths to obey the Writs or Precepts of an Inferior to whom they are under no Obligation of Oaths nor are to be compelled to break those Oaths and Obligations or to do impossible things when as id possumus quod de Jure possimus things unlawful should be ranked amongst the impossibles our Laws do assure us that Lex non cogit impossibilia that the Law doth neither ordain nor compel impossible things to be done or doth punish for the not doing of them But if a restless Spirit of opposition to the Kings Rights or Regalities shall not permit an acquiescence unto that which hath been already said in defence of that part of it which concerns the Priviledges of his Servants but that an objection must be picked up to support their factious incivilities that the King ought not to punish or imprison any for the breach of his Servants Priviledges in the causing of any of them to be Arrested or Outlawed without leave or licence first procured when the Writs and Process tending thereunto are made in his own Name and under his smal or lesser Seals as to Writs and Process issuing out of the Courts of Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas delegated and entrusted by him unto the two Lord Chief Justices thereof the answer will have no difficulty if it shal be as it ought to be acknowledged that those Writs Process seldome expressing that the Defend is the K. Servant are of course made
out of his place for Bribery and Extortion it was in the Sentence or Judgment given against him said that Sacramentum Domini Regis quod erga Populum habuit custodiendum â—regit maliciose false Rebelliter quantum in ipso fuit he had falsly malitiously and traiterously as much as in him lay broke or violated the Kings Coronation Oath which demonstrates that although he had at the same time violated his own Oath made unto the King when he was admitted into his Office or Place yet his fault was the greater in breaking the Kings Oath and that part of his Justice with which he was trusted For the Grants of the Judges Places by the King durante bene placito or quamdiu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they do wel behave themselves the Kings Commissions of Oyer Terminer Et Gaola deliberanda of Gaol Delivery and to hear and determine Causes in their Circuits their Oathes besides their Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy taken at their admittance into their Places prescribed and directed in the 18th year of the reign of King Edward the third and administred by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keepers of the Great Seal of England for the time being That they the King and his People in the Office of Justice shall not counsel or assent to any thing that may turn unto his damage shall take no Fee or Robes of any but the King himself nor execute any Letters from him contrary to the Law but certifie him and his Councel thereof and shal procure the profit of the King and his Crown in all things that they may reasonably do the same in an Act of Parliament made in the 20th year of the Reign of that King they are expresly mentioned to be Deputed by the King to do Law and Right according to the usage of the Realm the Kings Writs directed unto them stiling them no otherwise then Justitiariis suis and those Courts the Kings Courts the acknowledgment of the Judges themselves in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and their readiness to obey all her lawful commands in the Case of Cavendish and that of Sir Edward Coke that the Judges are of the Kings Councel for proceedings in course of Justice their assisting the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England upon request or sending for some of them out of their own Courts into the Chancery their attending upon the King in his House of Peers in Parliament to assist and advise in matters of Law there debated when required but not with any power of Vote or decisive Judgment their often meetings out of their Courts altogether upon any of the Kings commands or references in causes difficult by Petition or Appeal to the King and their Opinions humbly certified thereupon and attending upon the King and his Councel upon matters doubtful wherein the ayde and advice of the Regal Authority was required and whether their Patents or Commissions be durante bene placito or quam diu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they shall well behave themselves are void per demise le Roy by the death of the King that granted their Patents or Commissions and to be renewed at the pleasure of his Successor may abundantly evidence that they may not claim or justly be beleived to be independant Soveraign absolute or without an Appeal to their King and Soveraign who granteth amongst many other Offices in the said Courts the Office and Place of Warden of the Fleet by the Name of the Keeper of the Kings Pallace at Westminster aad the Office thereby to attend by him or his Deputy the Courts of Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer and keep in safe Custody the Prisoners committed by them when all the Writs and Process of those Courts are issued under his Name and Seal and all but the Chancery which are honoured by his own Teste are under the several Testes or Subscriptions as the Law intendeth of the Chief Justices or Judges thereof together with the Exemplifications of Fines Recoveries Verdicts and other Records in the Court of Common-Pleas and the Court of Kings-Bench and in their several and distinct Jurisdictions are subjected unto and dependant upon the Regal Authority Crown and Dignity And cannot be otherwise understood to be when our Kings have sometimes fined Judges for Extortion or Bribery as King Edward the first did Sir Ralph de Hengham and diverse other Judges in the 16th year of his Reign when the Judges in the â—aid Courts cannot ex officio pardon or discharge a fine or punishment imposed or inflicted by them upon Offenders nor without his Writ of Error amend or correct Errors committed by themselves after the Term ended wherein they were committed are if they exceed their bounds subject by his Writ punishment of Praemunire to a forfeiture of all their Lands Goods Estate of their Lands in Fee-Simple or for Life to have their Bodies imprisoned at the will of the King to be out of his Protection and when he as he pleaseth commandeth the Rolls and Records of the Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas to be brought into his Treasury or the Tower of London for safety adjourneth those Courts upon occasion of Pestilence or other reason of State or Warre as King Edward the first did to York where they continued for some years after that the Judges are by Office of Court to stay surcease in many things where they do perceive the King to be concerned either in point of profit or other concernment untill they have advised with the Kings Serjeants or Councel learned in the Law when the Writs of Prohibition frequently granted by the Court of Common-Pleas or Kings-Bench in his name do signifie that he hath haute Justice power and authority over those and the inferior Courts of Justice and by his Supreme Authority doth by his Legal Rescripts and Mandates issuing out of his High Court of Chancery upon any defects in his Subordinate Courts for want of power and authority consonant or agreeable to the rules of right reason and equity moderate the rigors of his Laws correct Errors and provide fitting remedies for all manner of Contingencies or Disorders happening in the course execution or manage of his Laws or Justice testified by his Injunctions out of the Chancery to stay the rigors and proceedings in the Courts of Common-Law Commissions of Trail Baston more rightly ottroy le Baston granted by King Edward the first to inquire of and punish misdemeanours riots extortions c. which the Courts of Justice then in being had cognisance of might have upon complaint punished redressed many other Commissions of that kind made out by that other of our Kings with Commissions of Assise Association cum multis aliis or the like the Writs of Rege in consulto
not to proceed in matters concerning his own particular without his being first consulted de Attornato languidi recipiendo to admit an Attorney for one that is sick Writs of Aâ—â—aint against Jurors falsly swearing in their Verdicts Writs de Aâ—sisa continuanda to continue the prâ—â—â—â—dings upon an Assise Audita querela to relieve one that is oppressed by some Judgment Statute or Recognisance Writs de Certioraâ—i de tenâ—re Indictamenti to be certified of the Tenor of an Indictment de Vtlagaria of an Utlary de tenore pedis Finis of the Tenor of the Foot of a Fine mittendo tenorem Assise in Evâ—â—entiam to send the Tenor of a Writ of Assise into the Chancery to be from thence transmitted by a Copy for Evidence into the Court of Exchequer Writs quod Justitiarii procedant ad captionem Assise impowring the Justices of Assise to procede in the taking of an Assise and his Commissions frequently granted in some special cases as Dedimus potestatem impowring the Judges or others to take the acknowledgements of Fines with many other kinds of Commissions a posse Comitatus ad vim Laicam amovendam to remove a force where a Parson or Minister is to be inducted into a Church or Benefice Commissions granted ob lites dirimendas to compose contentious suites of Law where the poverty of one of the parties is not able to endure them and the granting of a priviledge by some of our antient Kings to the Bishop and Citizens of new Sarum or Salisbury that the Iudges of Assize or Itinerants should in their circuits hold the Pleas of the Crown at that Town or City which King Edward the first did by his Writ or Mandates allow or cause to be observed and many more which might be here instanced which with the Laws and practice thereof and the reasonable customes of England do every where and abundantly evidence that the King doth not intrust his Courts of Justice or the Judges thereof with all his Regal power and all that with which he is himself invested in his politique capacity or hath so totally conveyed it unto them as to make them thereby the only dispensers of his justice but that the appeal or dernier ressort from all his Courts of Iustice is and resides in the King being the ultimate supreme Magistrate as from the inferiour Courts of Iustice in the Counties or Cities to the Superiour Courts of Iustice at Westminster-hall from the Court of Common-Pleas by Writ of Error to the Court called the Kings-Bench from that Court to the Parliament And as to some matters of Law fit to be tryed by action at Law from the Chancery unto the Kings-Bench or Courts of Common-Pleas or Exchequer reserving the equity when what was done there shall be returned and certified and even from the Parliament it self when Petitions there nepending could not in regard of their important affairs be dispatched to the high Court of Chancery and that appeals are made to the King in his high Court of Chancery from the Admiralty Court when as the process and proceedings are in the Name and under the Seal of the Lord Admiral and from the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury for proving of Wills and granting of Administration when the Process and proceedings are not in the Kings name but in the name and under the Seal of that Arch-bishop So as the Gentlemen of the long Robe who in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr argued against the Kings Prerogative for the just liberties of the people of England in the case of the Habeas Corpora's when they affirmed the meaning of the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the first where there was an Exception of such not to be Baylable as were committed by the command of the King or of his Justices to be that the Kings command was to be understood of his commands by his Writs or Courts of justice might have remembred that in former times his Authority by word of mouth or in things done in his presence in matters just and legal not contradicting the established rules customes and courses of his Courts of Justice and the power and authority wherewith our Kings have intrusted them was accompted to be as valid if not more than any thing done in his Courts of Justice witness that notable record and pleading aforesaid betwixt the Prior and Bishop of Durham in the 34 th year of the Reign of that by his own and his Fathers troubles largely experienced King Edward the first which was not long after the making of that Statute concerning such as were to be bayled or not to be bayled where it was said and not denyed to be Law quod Ordinatio meaning an award or something acknowledged in the presence of the King in praesentia Regis facta per ipsum Regem affirmata majorem vini habere debet quam finis in Curia sua coram justitiariis suis levatus that any Ordinance or acknowledgment made in the Kings presence and by him affirmed was to be more credited and to have a greater force then a Fine levied before his Justices in his Courts of Justice which may be a good Foundation and Warrant for several agreements and Covenants made betwixt private persons and ratified by the King under his Great Seal of England by inspeximus and confirmations by his allowance and being witness thereunto as that of Rorger Mortimer Lord of Wigmore with Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford for the Honor and Earldome of Oxfâ—rd and the great Estate and Revenueâ—belonging thereunto forfeited by the said Earl in taking part with the Barons against King Henry the third and many others which might be instanced and are plentifully to be found in many Agreements and Covenants made betwixt Abbots and Priors and their Covents and divers of the English Nobility and great men mentioned in Master Dugdales first and second Tomes or Parts of his Monasticon Anglicanum For it was resolved in Easter Term in the fourth year of the raign of Queen Elizabeth by the then Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas the Lord Chief Baron and Whiddon Browne and Corbet Justices Carus the Queens Serjeant and Gerrard her Attorney General upon a question put unto them by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England that in case of Piracy or other the like crimes the Queen might in the intervals or vacancy of a Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England by a necessity of doing Justice without a Commission granted unto others to do it punish such offenders although the Statute made in the 28th year of the raign of King Henry the 8th Ca. 15th doth direct Piracy to be tryed by Commission And it was allowed to be Law in a Case put by King James that where an Affray or Assault was made by any in the Kings presence the King
himself might commit or command the party offending to prison which may surely upon some emergent or particular occasions admit him to a just intermedling therein for it cannot be denied but King Henry the 3 d. hath sometimes sate amongst his Judges or Barons in the Court of Exchequer and we may believe those dictates of reason which are to be found in the Civil Law when it saith that Jus superioritatis jurisdictionis Regis non potest ab inferioribus dominis jurisdictionem habentes contra Principem praescribi quia quae sunt in subjectionis data impraescriptibilia The right of Superiority of Jurisdiction cannot by any inferior Jurisdictions be prescribed against the Prince for that those things which were granted or given in signe of subjection are impraescriptible Posset enim si hoc fieret paulatim collabi Imperium redderentur subditi Acephali for if that should be suffered the Dominion or Empire of Kings and Princes would by little and little so moulder and wast away as the Subjects would be more then Subjects and as men without a head Et cum omnes jurisdictiones habeant vim a Regia permissione tanquam radij a Sole fieri non potest ut remanente jurisdictione non agnoscatur Sol unde dependet And when all Jurisdictions doe receive their force and vigour from the Kings permission as the Beams or Rayes doe their Lustre from the Sun it cannot be but that as long as the Jurisdiction remaineth the Sun on which it dependeth should be acknowledged Quomodo etiam poterit quis dicere praevalere jurisdicttiones concessas a principe contra anthoritatem principis cum haec potestas annexa Regio diademati est innata ei videtur For how can a-any one affirme that any Jurisdiction granted by the Prince can be used or prevaile against his authority when he may at his pleasure for just and legall Causes alter diminish or revoke them it being a power innate and annexed to his Royal Diademe Saith that Civilis prudentia those excellent rules of government which are ro be found in the Cesarean or Civill Law And there can be no power saith a late learned Author where there is not a power to exercise it for in France saith the learned Charles Loyseau le dernier ressort de Justice est tellement un droict de Soverainete que mesme en Commun language est appelle Soverainete the last resort or appeal for Justice is so much esteemed to be a right of Soveraignty as in common or vulgar speech it is called Soveraignty And where the King is by our Lawes not denied to be the Lex viva Lex loquens the living and speaking Law the Civill Law saith Rex solus judicat de causa a jure non diffinita the King is the only Judge in such Causes where the Law hath not already defined or determined them And Bracton hath these words in dubiis obscuris vel si aliqua dictio duos contineat intellectus Domini Regis erit expectanda Interpretatio voluntas cum eius sit Interpretare cujus est condere in matters doubtfull and obscure or if any word shall contein or seem to beare a double signification the Kings will and Interpretation is to be attended when as he that makes a Law is and ought to be the fittest Interpreter and Britton saith that the Kings Jurisdiction is superior to all the Jurisdictions of the Realm and according to Bracton is Autor juris unde jura nascuntur the Author of the Law and from him all Laws are derived Omnes sub eo ipse sub nullo nisi tantum sub Deo parem autem non habet in Regno suo quia sic amitteret praeceptum all his people are subject unto him and he under none but God only hath none equall unto him in his Kingdom for if he had he would loose his power of Command or Authority and in another plaee of his book repeating that Opinion well founded Doctrine saith Parem autem habere non debet nec multo fortius superiorem maxime in justitia exhibenda that he ought not to have an equall nor which is more any superior especially in the Administration of Justice which made the Judges in the 13 th year of the Reign of King James rightly stile him the fountain of Justice And this dernier ressort or appeal hath been so necessary an Assistant to our Laws and Courts of Justices as the reverend Judges thereof have not seldome been constrained to pray in ayd of it and therefore a Marginall d Note in an old Stathanis Abridgment hath this remarque that in Hillary Term in the 13th yeer of King Henry the 7th Cheeseman being under Sheriff of Middlesex and having arrested un Cutpurse en le Sale de Westminister a Cutpurse in Westminister-Hall hastement veign un Fog fut Serjeant Porter le Roy A donques le Roy eant a Westminister prist le dit Cutpurse del vic en le Sale Sur que le vic lui complaint al Fineux Chief Justice mand un des Marschalls ovesque le mace pour le dit Porter qui don respons quil ne voil vener al request dast des Tipstaves Sur que le Chief Justice alast al Chanc monstra le matter le Chanc mand soon Serjeant d' Armes pour liu il respond a liu quil conust lui pour Sergeant nostre Seigneur le Roy quil voil aler ouesque lui donques il veign le Cheife Justice command le vic de liu arrest quant il vei issint il fit il a lui fit rescous surque le dit Justice alast al Roy monstre le matter le Roy command le dit Fog d' obier le Justice de vener a le Court de lui submitter a le ley issint il fit fut mis a son fine troue pleg de fine faciend whereupon one Fog Serjeant Porter of the King the King being then in his House or Pallace of Westminister came hastily and took away from the Sheriff being then in the Hall the said Cutpurse whereof the Sheriff complaining to Fineux Chief Justice of the Court of Kings-Bâ—nch he sent one of the Marshalls with his Tipstaffe for the said Porter who answered that he would not come at the request of any of the Tipstaves whereupon the Chief Justice went unto the Chancellor and shewed him the matter and the Chancellor sending his Serjeant at Armes for him he answered him that he knew him to be the Kings Serjeant at Armes and that he would goe with him and being come the Chief Justice commanded the Sheriff to arrest him when he saw him who did arrest him but he rescued himself and thereupon the Chief Justice went unto the King and shewed him the matter and the King commanded the said Fog to obey the said Justice and to go
untill it was by that prudent Prince restrained and limited to the Authority and Jurisdiction which it now enjoys was much more large and extensive than now it is and that of the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House whose power and priviledge over that part of the Kings Servants which are under his Authority being exempt from that of the Lord Steward having been not by any Act of Parliament prohibited may not be thought to exceed the power and auâ—hority inherent in their Offices and places when they shall punish or commit to prison any who shall attempt to violate or infringe the honour and priviledges of the Kings House or Servants derived unto them from his Supreme Authority who having Ordinariam Jurisdictionem in regno suo pares non habet neque superiores an Ordinary and Supreme Jurisdiction and hath neither Peer nor Superior may as well protect his Servants in his affairs and business in his House or about his Person and punish any that shall hinder them therein as the Judges in his Courts of Justice who neither have or can claim any other power or authority than what he delegates or entrusteth them withall do upon all occasions in the Case of their Officers Clerks or menial Servants They therefore who shall so much suffer their reason and understanding to wander and be mislead as to deny the Kings most Honourable Privy Councell or any other Court within their Cognisance Power and Authority tueri Jurisdictionem such a coercive power as may support their Jurisdiction may think but never find they have any ground or cause for it and if they please to tarry for a conviction untill the never failing unhappy consequences shall bring them too late to acknowledge that which in viridi observantia by late abundant sad experiments is more then a little visible in the disorders of the present Church Government occasioned by the reverend Governors want of power who having their hands as it were tyed behind them are made to be as good old Ely admonishing and reproving to no purpose and how little the directive or commanding Power of Laws will signifie where the coercive shall be absent may bitterly repent it And will meet with as little reason to second or assist their opinion that a priviledged person imprisoned contrary to his priviledge is so in the custody of the Law as not to be able to claim or make use of his priviledge to release or discharge him when the frequent use of discharging men out of prison by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of Priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their appearances discharged And in matters of Parliament Priviledge can teach and prove the contrary for in the Case of Trewynniard a Burgess of Parliament in the Court of Kings-Bench in Easter and Trinity Term in the 38th year of the Raign of K. Henry the 8th the said Trewynniard was discharged by his Priviledge although he was arrested upon an Utlary after Judgement and the Judges of the Court of Kings Bench did adjudge and declare That every Priviledge is by prescription and every praescription which soundeth for the Common-weal is good although it be a prejudice to any private person And that such a priviledge hath been alwayes granted by the King to his Commoners at the request of their Speaker the first day of the sitting of Parliament And it is common reason that forasmuch as the King and all the Realm hath an interest in the Body of every of its Members it seemeth that the private commodity of any particular man ought not to be regarded for it is a maxime That magis dignum trahit ad se minus dignum the more worthy is to be preferred before the lesse and concluded That the Parliament is the most High Court and hath more Priviledges then any Court of the Realm and that in such a Case every Burgess is to be priviledged where the Action is but at the Suit of a Subject and that by such a temporary discharge the Execution is not discharged but remaineth When as men protected that were not the Kings Houshold Servants had their Protections allowed aâ—ter the commencement of the Action sometimes after Issue joyned at other times of the nisi prius or Triall at other times after the Verdict given and sometimes at the dayes in Banck and where any Defendant neither protected or priviledged was imprisoned he was not so believed to be in the Custody of the Law but that the Judges or any one Judge of the Court out of which the Process or Writ issued might not as well out of the Term as in the Term grant in their Subordinate Jurisdiction a Supersedeas quia improvià e or erronice emanavit because there was some Error or mistaking in the awarding or granting of the Writ by which he was taken And those Authentique Books of the Register of Writs old and new Book of Entries and the presidents therein contained will sufficiently testifie that arrests of priviledged persons and the goods or persons of priviledged persons have been and ought to be discharged from Attachments Arrests and Imprisonments and that which they would call the Custody of the Law by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their Appearances discharged But however the pride and disrespectfull and disobedient humors of too many of our Nation be now so much in fashion as to quarrell with every thing of Authority and the Regalities of their Soveraign the dayes of old and Ages past will evidence that the before mentioned Priviledges of the Kings Servants in Ordinary were for ought appears to the contrary believed to be so legall and reasonable CHAP. VIII That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary but imployed upon some temporary and casuall affairs abroad and out of the Kings House AS it was desired and thought fit and necessary to be communicated to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary or his Domesticks but only imployed as extraordinaries upon some of his special affairs or occasions which were but Temporary and to that end it was requisite that some signification or notice should be given that they were so imployed and that they should not be arrested imprisoned or disturbed in it but be protected from it the like being also done when any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary where imployed out of the Kings House or Pallace by their Writs of Protection under the great Seal of England for otherwise probably it would not have been known that they were his Servants either ordinary or extraordinary or what was their business And therefore in the Register of Writs a Book in the Statute of Westminster the second made in the 13th year of the Reign of K. Edward the first in the year of our Lord 1285 called the Register of the Chancery
then next following and King Edward the 4th by vertue of his Kingly Prerogative as the Writ and the Record declared granted his Protection unto John Namby Gentleman Executor of William White alias Namby for himself and his Servants and their Lands and Estates to endure for three years very many of the Subjects of England in those dayes and the Reigns of our former Kings travelling on Pilgrimage for devotion or penance to Jerusalem or St. James of Compostella or which were Cruzadoed or voluntarily went unto the Holy Land so called for recovery of it in such numbers as about the year of our Lord 1204. being in the latter end of the Reign of King John sixty thousand English took the Cross for the Holy Land whose Protections saith Fleta were not in those dayes disallowed in the Courts of Justice because it was then understood to be in causa Dei the cause of God or for some which were sent on the Kings messages or affairs to Rome Normandy or Gascoigny in France or other parts beyond the Seas or in those many our English Warlike Expeditions and Armies sent to Jerusalem France Spain and Scotland or the Borders thereof in the Reigns of many or most of our Kings and Princes from William the Conquerors entring into England and the subduing of it untill the Reign of King James and into Wales or the Borders thereof untill the Reign of King Edward the third when the Nobility and principal part of the Gentry were even in those times more likely then the Commonalty or vulgar to be in debt and wanted not upon occasions the credit and good will of the Common people to trust them and freedom from Actions at Law and troubles in the mean time and the many thousands of our Tenants in Capite who by the Tenure of their Lands as well as by the bond and obligation of their Loyalty to their Kings and Princes were to attend them in the service of War not only upon their Summons and Commands in their Foreign Expeditions but at home in their defence against Rebellions and sudden Insurrections and had in the mean time no doubt Protections and freedom from Suits and Arrests whose Court Barons and Leets more then now orderly kept permitted not their Tenants disobedience unto them or their Jurisdictions or an enhance of the price of their Commodities and their Lands so entayled as they could not if they would either borrow or owe much money When the Nobility and Gentry like the Stars in our Hemisphere kept their courses and great Hospitalities addicted themselves to actions of greatness goodness charity and munificence and their numerous Tenants depending upon them returned them submissive and humble obedience a reverential awe and gratitude and held much of their Lands upon trust of performance of their Services and many Husbandry works instead of Rents and in that were more endebted to their Landlords and entrusted by them then their Landlords were unto them who did not as now they do with their Wives and Daughters resort to London to learn vice and vanities and run into Debt more than they should do nor make themselves at costly rates so great and oâ—ten purchasers of Transmarine Wares and Commodities which the small Income of the Customs in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when our Clothing and Exportation far exceeded our Importation will witness when the profit of her Customs in both was at first let to Farm but at 13000 l. per annum and afterwards at no more then 50000 l. per annum when there was not so great and consuming expences in Coaches Wine and other Foreign Toyes and Trifles when by reason of 600 Monasteries and Religious Houses and the great Retinues and number of Servants kept by them and the Nobility Bishops and Gentry and depending upon them the younger Children of the Nation were so largely provided for as there were not so many Trades or Apprentices in London as there have been of latter times so many Taverns Cooks or Trades of pride and luxury to entice the Nobility and Gentry into debts and expences when the rates and prices of their Wares and Commodities honester made and of Victuals and Houshold provisions were limited and bounded by our then better than now executed Laws and Trade was not let loose to all manner of fraud and unlawfull gains and the Companies or Corporations of Trades were not so many Combinations to adulterate and abuse the Trade of the Kingdom as now they do when there was not so frequent trusting by Trades-men as now of late only to encrease their gain double and raise their prices and make a more then ordinary usury upon the kindness they pretend to do their Customers by trusting of them when Trade and the furnishing of vice and excess had not made the Gentry so endebted to the City who are not in their Countreys or Neighbourhood so much under the lash of their complaints or prosecution when the Church-men by reason that some contracts were upon distrust of performance sworn and bound up by Oath would ratione sâ—andali sometimes take occasion to draw into their Courts the cognisance of Debts and Excommunicate them untill they were about the Reign of King Edward the first prohibited by the King and his Courts of Justice And Usury was as well before as long after accounted such a mortal sin as Christian Burial and the power of making last Wills and Testaments was denyed unto them the personal Estates of the Usurers confiscated the dying in debt reckoned a sin punishable in the next World all or some of which might give us the reason why there was in former times but very little complaint against Protections for most of that little which appears of the use or pleading of Protections in our Law-books or Records through so many past ages were in Pleas or Actions concerning Lands or Replevins c. but few in personal Actions or Actions of Debt and those which do in every Kings Reign appear in our Records to have been granted in respect of the many occasions and importunities which might otherwise have induced the granting of them to have been but a few in respect of many more which might have been granted if the prudence and care of our Kings had not restrained or limited their own power and authority therein for that there were then either few or out-lying over-grown or long-forborn Debts or the reason of the parties protected being imployed in the Kings Service which was and ever is to be accounted the interest of every man and a concernment of the Publique was enough to pacifie them and the care and reverence of the King and his business taught the people to obey rather then dispute that necessary part of his Prerogative which deserves our imitation when conform to the Laws of Nations Queen Elizabeth by the advice of as wise and carefull a Councel as any Prince of the World was ever blessed with did in
laid by a Foreign Prince some English Merchants Estate had been destroyed or had their Ships or Goods taken at Sea by the Subjects of another Prince and only desired a Protection from the many times Unchristian-like fury of their Creditors untill by Letters of Reprisal or otherwise they might enable themselves to make them a just satisfaction and did but in the mean time like the innocent Doves fly to the shelter of the Rock of their Soveraign from the cruelty of the pursuing Hawk or when any imployed in the service of the King or for the good of the Nation although he be at the present neither protected or priviledged was by feigned or malicious Actions sought to be hindred or endamaged upon some reason or necessity and in all or either of those kinds have also been sparingly granted by King James and King Charles the Martyr unto some few particular men as to Philip Burlamachi and Pompeio Calandrini Natives and Merchants of Italy denizen'd and resident in England who had imployed in their services not only at home but in the parts beyond the Seas in the important affairs of ayding the Kings Allyes all the Estate and Credit which they had or could procure some if not many of which sort of Protections have not been nor are unusual in our Neighbour Countreys and in Brabant adversus Creditorum multi juges vexationes assultus to protect a Debtor against the cruelties assaults and vexations of some unmercifull Creditors quoties vel inclementia maris vel infortunio graviori demersi ad certum tempus solvere non possunt when by some great misfortunes by Sea or at Land they are not at the present able to pay whereof Hubert de Loyens in his Treatise Curia Brabantiae munere Cancellarii ejusdem of the Court of Brabant and the Office of the Chancellor of that Province gives the reason quoniam Reipublica interest subditos non depauperari sicut nec Principem cujus cum illis annexa causa est because it concerns the Weal-publick not to suffer the people nor likewise the Prince whose good or ill is annexed to theirs to be impoverished by which the poor Debtor obtains some respite and time either to pay or pacifie their enraged Creditors a custom and usage conveyed to them by Antiquity and deduced from the wisdom of the Grecians and Romans in their well ordered Governments and Commonwealths But those who might rest well satisfied with the wisdom as well as practice of our Laws are so unwilling to be undeceived and to quit their stubborn ignorance and affected errors as they will like some Garrison willing to maintain a Fort and hold out as long as they can when they can no longer defend it seek and hope to march out with better advantages in relinquishing or parting with it then they could by keeping of it and therefore will be willing to allow unto Strangers or those which the King imployeth upon Foreign or Extraordinary occasions and are not his Menial or Domestick Servants the Priviledges aforesaid so as they may exclude those that are immediately attending upon his service or the greater concernments of his person CHAP. IX That the Kings granting Protections under the Great Seal of England to such as are his Servants in ordinary for their Persons Lands and Estate when especially imployed by him into the parts beyond the Seas or in England or any other of his Dominions out of his Palace or Virge thereof or unto such as are not his Domesticks or Servants in ordinary or extraordinary when they are sent or imployed upon some of his negotiations business or affairs neither is or can be any evidence or good argument that such only and not the Kings Servants in ordinary who had no Protections under the Great Seal of England are to be protected or priviledged whilst they are busied in his Palace or about his Person WHich the men of Israel could so highly value as they disswaded King David from going in person with the Army against Absalom saying thou shalt not go forth for if we flee away they will not care for us neither if half of us dye will they care for us but now thou art worth ten thousand of us or as they shortly after said in their loyal contest with the men of Judah we have ten parts meaning the ten Tribes in the King which just esteem caused Davids three mighty men or Worthies think they had cause enough to adventure their lives to break through the Host of the Philistines and draw water out of the Well of Bethelem to bring it to David to satisfie but his thirst or longing to asswage it For if reason may be the guide or hold the Ballance and the cause be any thing of kin to the effect the more worthy and the greater is to be more respected than the less and the more necessary than that which is not so much necessary the heart and nobler parts more than the inferior and the person health and welfare of the King more than any Foreign Message or Imployment or any private mans concerns in any particular affair and that which is to be every day and night and continually more to be taken care of than that which is but accidental or temporary or upon seldom occasions for the salus populi cannot be suprema Lex nor the good and safety of the people be maintained or provided for if the King who is the Law-giver and by his Ministers and subordinate Magistrates the Laws executer and the Laws and peoples protector and defender be not so attended as he which is the Hâ—ad and better part of the Body Politick may be kept and preserved in safety and if Lex be summa ratio the quintessence or chief of reason and semper intendit rationem alwayes intends that which is reason we may not think it to be a paradox or any stranger to reason that the Persons and Estates of the Master of the Robes the Gentlemen and Grooms of his Majesties Bed-Chamber Gentlemen of his Privy Chamber Esquires of the Body Physicians in ordinary Gentlemen Vshers Gentlemen Pensioners Yeoman of the Robes Gentlemen and Yeomen of his Guards and those many other sorts of Servants and Attendants which are as the learned Causabon terms them servi ad manum or de interioribus Aulicis necessary Servants unto his person and often and daily attendants upon him or are otherwise necessary and becoming the Majesty of a King as the Great Officers of State Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lord Privy Seal Lord Treasurer Lord Chamberlains the Lords of his most Honourable Privy Councel Secretaries of Estate Masters of Request c. being as Pasquier a learned French Advocate saith a la suitte le Roy joignantes a la personne de Prince attending the person of the King and should neither be absent or receive any impediment in their service should be as much
or more protected and secured from the trouble of Law-Suits or disgracefull Arrests whilst they are busied about the King or in his ordinary service then those which are not his Servants in ordinary but as Envoyes Messengers or otherwise shall be imployed upon seldom or emergent affairs When Nehemiah's Commission to rebuild Jerusalem and the Royal Protection of King Artaxerxes by his Letters Patents under his Great Seal whilst he was busied therein cannot conclude that in those Eastern Countries where Artaxerxes had such an Imperium despoticum a large and absolute authority and a people so reverential and obedient that Nehemiah did not before his Journey or after his return enjoy the priviledge and freedom of one of the Kings Cup-bearers and a daily and constant attendant upon his person for it would be as illogical and unconcludent as to argue or believe that a Kings Servant known to be one of his Servants in ordinary without a Pass or Protection is not to enjoy as much priviledge as when he hath a Pass or Protection which can signifie no more then that he is a Servant or imployed as a Servant upon the Kings affairs especially when the only ground and reason of his Protection and upon which it is built or founded was the Kings service and it is not so much because it concerns the Weal-publick which the words in the Kings Protection do not bear or intimate but only in relation to the King and his service and that the protected party is imployed or sent per praeceptum Regis or in obsequio Regis by the Kings command or upon his business for otherwise the subordinate business of the Offices of a Sheriff or a Clerk to a Justice of Peace being something appurtenant to the common good might which they never yet did claim or demand a cessation from Law-Suits or a respite as the Protections for men imployed in the Kings Service have done there being as great a distance betwixt the reason and cause of the priviledge of the Kings Servants in ordinary and their attendance upon his person and affairs relating thereunto and that which is not immediately but remote as betwixt immediate and mediate proximate and remote nor can it be either truth or reason that if the Abbot of Burton upon Trent in the County of Stafford had been imployed by the King beyond the Seas and being as he was none of the Kings Houshold Servants such a Protection granted unto him whilst he was in the Kings service could have bereaved him of the priviledge which King Edward the 4th did grant unto him his Covent and Tenants which were many to be free ab omni vexatione Vicecomitis Staffordiae sive eorum Satellitum in perpetuum from all vexation and trouble of the Sheriff of the County of Stafford or his Bayliffs or Catchpoles or that if the Abbot of Tavestoke in the County of Devon had been sent as many Abbots in those times used to be upon any of the Kings affairs into Foreign parts and obtained the Kings Protection under the Great Seal of England that he and his Servants or Tenants should not be molested or troubled during his absence such an exemption for that small part of time ought to have abridged him of that priviledge which King Henry the second granted to his Predecessors Abbots of Tavestoke and his Successors that he or any of his Monks should not be impleaded or sued at Law nisi coram Domino Rege nisi Dominus Rex nominatim praeceperit but before the King himself unless the King should otherwise especially command or appoint it or should not at his return have enjoyed the priviledge of a Baron if he had held his Land by Barony to have been only summoned and liable to the Process at Law usually granted against Barons or that if the Prior of Spalding in the County of Lincoln had been commanded to go into Scotland or Wales upon any of the Kings necessary occasions and had been allowed a Protection under the Great Seal of England to respite any Actions or Suits at Law in the mean time to be commenced or brought against himself his Servants or Tenants that could after that business ended have debarred him of the priviledge of a Baron or of one holding his Land per Baroniam by Barony to have been only summoned and distrained according to the Process of the Law usually granted against Barons or of that priviledge which K. Richard the first and K. John granted unto the Abbot of Spalding and his Successors that none should implead them their Servants or Tenants de aliquo Tenemento suo for any of their Lands or Tenements nisi coram Rege vel coram Capitali Justiciario suo vel per speciale mandatum Domini Regis unless it should be before the King or his Chief Justice who then resided in the Kings Court or by the Kings special mandate and amounted to no less then the priviledge as aforesaid claimed by the Kings Servants in ordinary not to be arrested without license or leave first given by the King or those Officers of his Houshold to whom it belongeth Nor can it be any thing but a paradox and a very great enemy to reason that obsequium praeceptum Regis the Kings affairs and command imploying Strangers and none of his Houshold Servants as questionless the Abbot of Miravall was not who as appears by the Register of Writs had a Protection granted unto him whilst he was imployed in the Kings service in the parts beyond the Seas should be allowed for a ground and foundation of a Protection and available in the case of one that was not at all busied in a continual attendance upon his Person or Houshold affairs and be denyed his Servants in ordinary who were a latere alwayes imployed about him or his more necessary constant or durable affairs and that it should be a causa causati cause of the effect or thing caused in the protection of a Stranger imployed for some few dayes or weeks in the Kings affairs and not for those which were more near unto him and daily conversant in his immediate and Domestick affairs in whose care and fidelity his Sacred Person and the light and welfare of our Israel is entrusted and that those that were not his Servants should be in a better condition when they are imployed by him and his menial and ordinary Servants in a worse and the same cause not operate at all in the case of his Servants in ordinary who have more need of it and be so vigorous and effective for those that are Strangers and have less need of it as to their persons who being beyond the Seas were out of the reach of any arrest or imprisonment and as to their Lands and other Estates might if they had not had the Kings Protection under the Great Seal of England have defended any Actions by their Attorneys or have been Essoined or reversed any Utlary quia
ultra mare because they were then beyond the Seas or that if the King had sent beyond the Seas any of his Privy-Chamber or Bed-Chamber as hath been not seldom done by-divers of our Kings and Princes to some Foreign Prince or Potentate for the greater credit of their Messages as Balak King of Moab did long before the World was gray or hoary headed when after he had sent Messengers unto the Prophet Balaam and he refused to come unto him he sent yet again Princes more Honourable then they not thinking it fit or honourable to imploy any below stairs or the inferior sort of their Houshold Servants or their Barber as Lewis the 11th of France did in his unfortunate Espargne or saving of charges when he sent him as an Agent or Envoy to the great Inheretrix of Burgundy and the 17. Netherland Provinces which brought him a reproach and loss of those grand expectations which he might otherwise probably have compassed and saved millions of money some hundred thousand mens lives and the trouble and disquiet of the greatest part of Christendom in the since seeking in vain to obtain those rich Countries by Conquest which that Marriage and a more solemn Embassy might have more easily gained such Bed-Chamber man or Gentleman of the Kings Privy-Chamber should have the immunity or freedom not to be arrested or molested by reason of any Actions or Suits at Law whilst he was thus imployed because it was per praeceptum Regis by the Kings command fuit in obsequio Regis and was in his service and yet when he was come and returned to his place and attendance in the Kings Bed-Chamber or Privy-Chamber where he did before daily officiate and was in obsequio Regis per praeceptum Regis in the Kings service unless it could be then understood to be any either reason or sence to believe that he was not in the service of the King or by his appointment when if truth and reason might as they ought to do consort together it was evident he was must be arrested or imprisoned without the Kings leave or license as if he were not of the Kings Bed-Chamber or Privy-Chamber or any of the Kings Servants or if the granting of a Protection by the King to an Earl or any other of the Nobility whilst he was imployed in his Wars or affairs as many have been in Foreign parts should at his return into England be debarred of his priviledge not to be Utlawed or Arrested by Process or Writ of Capias or that Ambassadors sent from hence unto Foreign Kings or Princes without any Writ of Protection which hath ever been thoughâ— needless to be granted unto them should not when they come home enjoy those Immunities and Priviledges were before their going or after their return appropriate and justly due unto them Or that the King may not with as great or greater reason or cause of kindness unto himself and his Servants as well grant his Writs of Protection unto his Servants in ordinary as he hath done unto some Strangers or Foreign Merchants or unto the Prior of an Hospital or some other person with a nolumus or command not to molest or permit to be troubled their persons lands goods or possessions and a suscepimus in protectionem defensionem taking them into his defence or protection or that the service or attendance of his Domesticks or Servants in ordinary either in relation to his person or his affairs subservient thereunto which do concern him and in him the Publick safety and welfare should not claim a greater regard then other more remote And should heretofore be a Supersedeas to some of his Servants elected to serve for the people of their Country in Parliament which with the House of Peers and presence and authority of the King makes it to be the Highest Court of Justice in the Kingdom and next unto the King who is the head life and being of it their greatest and most darling concernment far exceeding any or the most part of Imployments in the Kings extraordinary occasions either at home or abroad which hath been the usual subject matters of the Kingâ— Protections under the Great Seal of England and not now be able or allowed to receive a just and fitting respect and priviledge in his more subordinate and ordinary Courts of Justice When as in the 7th year of the Reign of King Richard the second James Barners being elected a Member of Parliament was discharged by the Kings Writ and a new Writ caused to be made for another election quia est de retinentia Regis familiaris unus Militum Camerae Regis because he was of the Kings Retinue one of his Houshold Servants and one of the Knights of his Chamber attending in or near unto it and in the same year Thomas Morvile was discharged of his election into the House of Commons in Parliament which was superseded quia est de retinentia charissimae Dominae Matris nostrae Johannae Principissae Walliae for that he was in the service or retinue of his Mother the Princess of Wales But that and all which hath been said and evidenced will it seems not yet be enough to remove the pride of heart of such as take a delight to arrest and imprison the Kings Servants and Attendants without license or leave first granted for Debts or other Actions to which they are entituled or perswade them to abandon that unmannerliness and an Objection which they have lately found out as they think to support it That if the number of the Kings Servants were less there would not be so many to demand their Priviledges or cause their Creditors to complain against them and that if any of the Kings Servants in ordinary be so without leave or license arrested or imprisoned whereby the King should or might lose their service he was to provide others in their places And that any of the Kings Servants in ordinary waiting upon him by turns or courses for some of them do not may without leave or license be arrested in the intervals of their waiting or attendance which undutifull and uncivilized opinions too near of kin to the Principles of Wat Tyler and Jack Cade and their Clownish Associates might have been laid upon the Levelling Dunghill and ought to be buried with their illiterate and ungodly Levelling Principles which hath so long afflicted this Nation and so greatly helped to ruine and undo the peace and happiness of it the Adjutants or Authors whereof may upon a more sober and modest enquiry easily find CHAP. X. That our Kings some of which had more then his Majesty now hath have or had no greater number of Servants in ordinary then is or hath been necessary for their occasions safety well-being state honour magnificence and Majesty and that their Servants waiting in their turns or courses are not without leave or license as aforesaid to be arrested in the intervals of their
to accept of any priviledge whereby such a grievous sin might arise to delay or hinder any man voluntarily of his just Debt William of Mountacute Earl of Salisbury having a great Plea of Land long depending for the Honour and Castle of Denbigh in Wales against the Earl of March in Parliament upon a Writ of Error Sir John Bishopson Clerk and Servant to the said Earl of March in the absence of the said Earl then being in Wales preparing himself to go into Ireland where he was appointed to be the Kings Lieutenant shewed the Kings Protection made to the said Earl for one half year which being read was allowed In the 6th year of the said Kings Reign the Commons in Parliament not desirous as it may seem to take their course in Law which several Acts of Parliament had allowed them did pray That the Statutes of Purveyors be observed and that ready payment may be made To which the King answered That the Statutes therefore made should be observed In the 7th year of the Reign of the aforesaid King the Commons in Parliament petitioning the King That remedy might be had against Protections The King answered That the Chancellor upon cause should redress the same In the 8th year of that King the Commons in Parliament did pray the King That remedy might be had against the Clerks of the Exchequer whose business under the Treasurer being to collect and gather in the moneâ—s and profits of his Revenue might in some sort be taken to be a Latere and as his Servants who would not allow the pardons of King Edward the third without great charge to the parties Unto which the King answered That he who hath cause to complain may do so and be heard In the 9th year of his Reign the Citizens of London did in Parliament petition the King That the Patent lately made to the Constable of the Tower of London who by colour thereof took Custom of Wines Oysters and other Victuals coming by water to London wherein their Charter and the Common Law would have relieved them might be revoked which was granted In the 10th year of the said Kings Reign the Commons in Parliament petitioning the King That no Protection to delay any man be granted The King answered That who should especially complain may find remedy at the Chancellors hands And in the same year and Parliament praying That no Protection be granted from thenceforth in Assise or Novel Disseisin or other plea of Land The King answered If the same be demanded he will be advised before the grant And in those and other Parliaments where within the virge and compass of loyalty and modesty they were by the favour indulgence and allowance of our Kings permitted by their Petitions Procurators or Representatives to speak more plainly than at other times or in other places in the representing of any grievances did it with such an awful regard and tenderness As conceiving themselves to be grieved by a more than ordinary number of the Kings Serjeants at Arms bearing the Royal Masses or Maces they did in the aforesaid Parliament of the 10 th year of the Reign of the aforesaid King Richard the second Petition the King That there might be no more Serjeants at Arms than had been heretofore and that for doing otherwise than they should they might be expelled And were in the 20th year of his Reign so carefull of his Officers as they did in Parliament complain That they were excommunicated for making Arrests or Attachments in the Church-yards and prayed remedy To which the King answered Right shall be done to such as be especially grieved In the second year of the Reign of King Henry the 4th petitioning the King in Parliament That no Protection be granted to any person Religious The King answered That the Protections with the clause Volumus granted to them shall be revoked and they shall have such Protections granted unto them In the same Parliament the Commons did pray That no man be kept from Justice by any Writ or other means obtained from the King by sundry suggestions on pain of twenty pounds to the obtainer of the same whereunto the King answered The Statute there appointed shall be kept and who doth the contrary shall incurr the pain aforesaid In the fifth year of that Kings Reign they petitioned in Parliament That no Supersedeas which may be understood of Protections be granted to hinder any man of his Action whereunto the King answered The Statute therefore made shall be observed In the 7th and 8th year of his Reign the Commons in Parliament although there were then divers Laws and Statutes in force to quiet their sears or relieve their grievances did petition the King That none about his Person do pursue any suit or quarrel by any other means than by the order of the Common Law and that none of the Officers of the Marshalsea of the Kings house do hold Plea other than they did in the time of King Edward the first By an Act of Parliament made in the 7th year of the Reign of that King grounded upon some Petition to that purpose No Protection was to be allowed unto Gaolers of the Marshalsea Kings-Bench Fleet c. that do let Prisoners for debt go at large and afterward purchase Protections which admitteth such Prison-keepers capable of Protections where they were not guilty or to be sheltered from the punishment of such offences In the 7th and 8th year of the Reign of that King the Commons in Parliament although by an Act of Parliament made in the second year of the Reign of that King Every Purveyor that did not make ready payment for all that he took was to forfeit his Office and pay as much to the party grieved Petitioning the King That payment might be made for Victuals taken by the Kings Purveyors from the time of his Coronation The King answered He is willing to do the same and that all Statutes of Purveyors be observed And in the 11th year of his Reign petitihning him That payment might be made for Victuals taken by his Purveyors he promised convenient payment In the third year of the Reign of King Henry the fifth the Commons in Parliament although they had before sufficient remedies by Law did Petition the King That the Purveyors may take no provisions in the Market without the good will of the party and ready money To which the King answered That the Statute therefore should be observed In the Parliament holden in the 4th year of the Reign of King Henry the fifth the Commons did Petition the King That none of his Subjects be fore-barred of their due debts or suits for the same by colour of protections granted to any Prior Alien but during such time as they should serve the King beyond the Seas unto which he answered The Prerogative and Common Law shall be maintained In the 20th year of the Reign
sic detentus est in servitio suo videndum est utrum quis teneatur de necessitatâ— ad tale servitâ—um vel si fuerit cum aliquo qui tenetur sicut Miles vel Serviens de familia omnibus istis debet subveniri An Essoin is warranted many wayes by the Kings Writ where the Tenant or Defendant needs not to swear when the King witnesseth by his Letters that he is deteined in his service wherein it is to be observed whether he be necessitated to such a service or if he be with another who as a Knight is obliged thereunto or as a Servant in the Kings Family in all which he is to be holpen and such an Essoin allowed In causa dotis ultimae praesentationis propter necessitatem lapsu temporis inductam warrantia vero de servitio Domini Regis non est concedenda in omnibus nec sine rationabili causa Et cum aliquando de voluntate Domini Regis concedatur non erit omnino per justic quassanda sed voluntas Regis expressa inde erat expectanda In a case of doner and last presentation the warranty of the King that the Tenant is in his service is not to be granted in regard of lapse of time which may cause a prejudice to the Demandant nor is not to be granted in all cases nor without a reasonable cause And when it is sometimes granted at the pleasure and will of the King it is not at all to be quashed or rejected but the Kings express will and pleasure is to be expected Where a man is Essoined in servitio Domini Regis ultra Mare vel citra differri poterit loquela quamdiu Essoniatus fuerit in servitio Domini Regis dum tamen habet ad manum quolibet die warrantum suum breve Domini Regis in regard that he is in the service of the King either beyond or on this side of the Sea the suit is to be deferred as long as he shall be in the service of the King so as he doe every day produce the Kings Writ to testifie it after a defalt entred capiatur dies amoris per officium Judicis vel ex voluntvtate Regis vel ex necessitate aliqua the Judge may in favour or discretion grant another day or at the Kings command or upon some other necessity Where the King is vouched to warranty it is cum quandum curialitate in a certain observance of duty or respect unto him to be only entred because he may not be summoned sine Rege respondere non potest that he cannot answer without the King Ralph de Hengham a Chief Justice of England under King Edward the first about the 16th year of his Reign saith that Essonium de servitio Domini Regis semper admittitur locum tenet ad alium diem dummodo porrigatur breve Domini Regis de warranto Essonii praedicti an Essoin of the service of the King is alwayes to be admitted and gives a respite to another day so as a Writ of the Kings be brought to warrant the Essoin Quando Dominus Rex est in exercitu Reo secum existente when the King is in the Army and the Tenant or Defendant with him and it be made to appear in the Chancery there shall be the like warranty but if the King be not in the Army himself but sends one into it in his service and it is not found in the Rolls of Chancery a Writ of Protection shall be granted Si aliquis Miles Compatriota ipsius sacramento testificetur ipsum esse tali die in servitio Domini Regis if any Knight or Souldier shall upon his Oath testifie that he was such a day in the Kings service After a Writ of View and a Petit Cape aliis diebus praeteritis futuris absentia Rei salvari potest per Essonium Warrantum de servitio Regis and other dayes past and to come the absence of the Tenant may be saved by an Essoin and Warrant of the Kings service at which time also if default be made de plano constat possit prorogari hujusmodi loquela de uno termino in alium it cannot be denyed but the Action may be prorogued from one Term to another although the death of the Demandant loss of rents and profits may happen in the mean time and saith Hengham frequenter fit talis dilatio ex lege principis benificio frequently such delays may happen by the Law and the Princes favour In Trinity Term in the 17th year of the Reign of King Edward the third a common Essoin was cast for the Defendant and also an Essoin of the service of the King In Hillary Term in the same year a Protection of a later date than the quarto die post was allowed in a Plea of land eo quod in servitio Regis In Easter Term in the 18th year of his Reign in a Writ of disceit brought by Gilbert Colley Plaintiff against William de Milborne Chivaler for that after a Venire facias sued in a Writ of Formedon a Protection was brought by the Tenant which did put the Action without day supposing by the Protection that he was in the Kings service beyond the Seas where before and after he was continually in England in such a County and place in despite of the King against the Law and Custom of the Realm disceit of the Kings Court and disseisin and damage of the Plaintiff or Demandant the Defendant pleaded that as he was going beyond the Seas he fell sick at such a place and could neither go nor ride before which time the Protection was allowed whereupon Issue was joyned In Trinity Term in the 19th year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Avowant being Essoined de service le Roy and at the day not bringing his Warrant the Plaintiff prayed damages and the 20 s. allowed by the Statute which the Court granted but not the damages In Trinity Term in the 21th year of the Reign of King Edward the third a Writ of Error being brought in the Kings Bench by an Infant to reverse a fine levyed in the Court of Common Pleas after Errors assigned and a Scire facias retorned the Tenant of the Cognisee brought a Protection whereupon the Judges to avoid the mischief which might happen to the Infant if he should not be inspected during his Nonage and understanding the Kings will that he had taken the Tenant into his Protection did examine and inspect the Infant and respited the reversal by giving a new day for him that had brought the Protection to alledge what he could against the reversal In Mich. Term in the same year an Essoin de Service le Roy was challenged for that the Essoiner was under age but it was not allowed and in an Action of debt brought against the Countess of Kent as an Executrix after Issue joyned and
a Protection cast quia moraturus that he remained with the Earl of Worcester who was Deputy to the Duke of Clarence was to be allowed for if the Duke by his Commission had power to make a Deputy it is reason that he which was with the Deputy in Service should be excused by the Protection In Trinity Term in the 11th year of that King where one of the Vouchees made a defalt the other had a Petit Capias awarded against him at the day of the retorn of the Petit Capias he that made the defalt brought a Protection which was adjudged to enure to them both In Hillary Term in the 21th year of the Reign of that King a Protection being granted to T. Rokes a Certiorari was directed to the Sheriffs of London to enquire if he attended in the Service of the King according to the tenor of the Protection or followed his own business and the Sheriffs of London certified that he did not attend the Service of the King but remained at London attending his own business whereupon the Plaintiff had an Innotescimus directed to the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas to repeal the said Protection and he shewed the Writ to the Court and prayed a resummons against the Defendant and had it In Hillary Term in the 21th year of the said Kings Reign after issue joyned upon a Writ of Entry and the Jury had appeared the Counsel for the Defendant prayed the Court to grant an Habeas Corpus for him and rhe Justices demanded of the Plaintiff and the Jury if they would agree unto it who consenting thereunto the Habeas Corpus was granted and the morrow after when the Jury appeared a Protection quia moraturus that the Defendant was in the Kings Service at Calais was brought to which being excepted that he was under age and that it appeared by his own sheweing that he was in prison it was answered that the Protection was of Record and to be believed before any such allegation and afterwards the Justices demanded several times of the Defendants Counsel if they would agree that thâ— Demandant and the Jury should be adjourned until the next day to the intent as was believed that the Demandant might in the mean time procure a repeal of the Protection which they supposed to be false and the Counsel for the Plaintiff praying time till the morrow to be advised touching the Protection which the Justices granted the Justices perusing again the Protection found that there was no default therein and said they ought to allow it which was done accordingly and the Jury was discharged And in the same year it was adjudged and declared to be Law that where a Tenant in a Precipe quod reddat had unduly purchased a Protection of the King whereby the Plaintiff was put without day and prejudiced that in that case he might have a Writ of disceit In Michaelmas Term in the fourth and fifth year of the Reign of King Philip and Queen Mary in a Writ of Entry in Le per brought by one Huggard against Knevet an Essoin was cast by one Anthony Knevet for Tho. Knevet that he was in the service of the King in the parts beyond the Seas and day thereupon given and some doubt arising amongst the Judges about the warranty of the Essoin and the form thereof and amongst the precedents which could be found that in the 35th year of the Reign of King Henry the sixth wherein the Abbot of Westminster was Plaintiff against VV. Yeoman of the Kings Buttery under the Kings Privy Seal not pleasing them but being adjudged insufficient the Judges were so unwilling to disappoint the purpose and expectation of the Supreme Authority as they themselves framed and devised a Writ to excuse the absence of the said T. Knivet And although in Trinity Term in the same year the Queen who began her Reign the 26th day of July 1553. did by her Attorney General by advice of the Lords of her Privy Councel demand the opinion of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas if a prisoner in the Fleet upon an Execution who might be very useful in her wars might be licenced by the Queen with his Keeper to go unto Barwick for the defence thereof it was resolved by all the Judges of both the Benches that he could not be dismissed by her Protection for that he was there to be kept in safe custody Yet in the fourth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth she did by her Letter under her Signe Manual and Signet directed unto Tirrel Warden of the Fleet cause Thurland who was in Execution for debt to go with his Keeper as hath been before mentioned about some affairs of hers and the publique So tender were the Judges in the antient and past ages of the Supreme Authority they sate under and the honor of their Princes which imparted unto them so much of the honor and dignity they enjoyed and so careful of the safety and concernment of the publique which was or should be the greatest care and interest of every man and had such an awe and veneration of Majesty in which the Supreme Authority and governing power resides as where they perceived any Essoin of the service of the King unduly cast or Protection not legally granted as by mis-information or necessity of preserving the publique peace and tranquility or upon reason of State they might sometimes happen they did not presently reject the Writs of Protections of our Kings but remit those that excepted against them to petition for their repeal by Innotescimus and where Essoins of some imployed in their service were cast did admit them put the cause without day and order the Essoiners in the mean time to bring their Warrants which if they failed a resummons of them was awarded and the fine of twenty shillings penalty imposed by an Act of Parliament sometimes paid and at other times pardoned and as careful of the high Authority of his Soveraign was Sir Orlando Bridgeman late Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas when he refused to bayl upon a Habeas Corpus one that was committed by the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold for Arresting one of the Kings Servants in ordinary without licence and advised him to submit himself to the Lord Chamberlain that humour and fashion of kicking against the Supreme Authority and wrastling with the Lords Anointed in seeking to be bayled upon Writs of Habeas Corpus granted by the inferiour and delegated powers for commitments upon contempts by the Superiour being so novel and unusual as the Books and Records of the Law or our Courts of Justice have afforded us no mention at all or very little of them until the Reign of King James or the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr when by the unhappy arguments upon the case of the Habeas Corpora in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles
the Martyr the drawing aside of the curtain of State and the dispute of the Kings power of committing any one for contempts against him or his Authority which every Justice of Peace and Master of a Company of Trade in London can be allowed to do by the peoples misunderstanding of the Arcana Imperii secrets of State and necessary rules of government an unhappy fancy and spirit of opposition so intoxicated many of them as they have believed it to be law and right reason that if the King will not so soon as they would have him give leave to Arrest any of his Servants the Law and his Courts of Justice are to do it that if the King should by such a way of prosecution be inconvenienced by the want of their service it is by his own default in making so ill a choice of men indebted to attend him or if they being so Arrested cannot perform their duty he is to provide such as may better do it and if the King should cause any to be committed that had Arrested any of his Servants without licence they were upon his Habâ—as Corpus to be bayled by the Judges of some of the Courts of Law at Westminster and left at liberty to go to Law with him if they could tell how or to incourage as many as would follow that evil example to misuse his Royal Prerogative which without any stretching or dilating of it to the very confines or uâ—most bounds of its regal Jurisdiction is legally warranted by the design and reason of publique good the preservation of every mans estate and property and the good at one time or in something or other of him that thinks himself the most delayed or injured in his humour or expectation for it ought to be every where reason and so acknowledged that as long as there is a King and Supreme Governour who is to take care of the universality of the people subjected born or protected under his government he is not to want the means wherewith to do it and that in order thereunto his service must needs be acknowledged to be for publique good and the exemptions and privileges belonging thereunto no less than a Salus populi the great concernment of the peoples peace protection welfare and happiness and should be the Suprema Lex that great Law in and by which the means of goveâ—nment and the Royal Prerogative was and is founded and established and that such a cause built and sustained by the rules of right reason and justice ought to be every where reason and justly entituled to that Axiom manente causa non tollitur effectus the cause alwayes remaining constant and unalterable the effects and operation naturally from thence arising are necessarily to follow and be allowed and that the cause of priviledge claimed by our Kings the cause and fountain of all exemptions and priviledges so largely given to many of their people should not in the case of their own Servants have its course or passage stopt or diverted When from that Spring and those causes which have fertilized and gladded the Vallies of our Israel have sprung and arisen those necessary priviledges which the Nobility Peers and Baronage of England have antiently enjoyed in their personal freedome from Arrests or Imprisonment of their bodies in Civil Actions Pleas or Controversies and from Common Process or any Utlaryes which might trouble them or their high Estates not only for the reason given in the 11th year of the Reign of King Henry the fourth by Hull or Hulls that in Actions of Debt or Trespass a Capias will not lye against an Earl or any of like Estate because it is to be intended that they have Assets and a great Estate in Lands whereby they may be summoned and brought to answer or as many misled by that opinion do and would yet understand it But principally CHAP. XV. That the Dukes Marquesses Count Palatines Earls Viscounts and Barons of England and the Bishops as Barons have and do enjoy their privileges and freedome from Arrests or imprisonment of their bodies in Civil and Personal Actions as Servants extraordinary and Attendants upon the Person State and Majesty of the King in order to his Government Weal Publick and Safety of him and his people and not only as Peers abstracted from other of the Kings Ministers or Servants in Ordinary IN regard of their service to their Prince and a not seldome personal attendance upon him and the honour and dignities thereunto allowed and appertaining to those Illustrious and high born Dukes Marquesses Earls Peers and Nobility who are accounted to be as extraordinary Servants not as the word Extraordinary hath been of late times misused by applying it unto those who were but quasi Servi scarcely Servants or but listed and put into the Rolls of the Kings Servants when they are neither known to him or ever were or intended to be in his actual Service and honourable Attendants of their Prince as well in times of Peace as emergencies of War and as Generals or Commanders of their Armies in times of War and therefore the Emperour Justinian in his Letter or Epistle to Narses a great General or Commander of his Army mentions Aulus Anduatius C. Tubero to be sub Narsetis Ducatu as Souldiers under the conduct of Narses making the word Ducatus which in after ages only signifyed and was applyed to a Dukedom then to denotate no more than an Army or Command only of it And the Latine word Dux since used for Duke was as Sir Henry Spelman well observeth antiently nomen officiale a name of Office or Dux delegatus vel praefectus exercitus postea feudale by reason of the Lands which were annexed to its honour by reason of that service afterwards honorarium meerly Titular or honoured with that Title in being heretofore his Chieftaine or Leader of an Army And so were the Marquesses in those antient times who were as Capitanei Generals or great Commanders in the Empire or kingdome and were as to that by reason of their honorary possessions partakers in some sort of the Royal Dignity Whereby to defend the Frontiers the Title and Military Office thereof being about the year 1008. after the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour by the Emperour Henry sirnamed Auceps of the house of Saxony instituted to defend some of the Frontiers of Germany against the Incursions of the Hungarians was so little known or respected in England about the Reign of King Richard the second as he having created Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford Marquess of Dublin in Ireland and afterwards in the 21th year of his Reign John Beaufort Earl of Somerset Marquess of Dorset which dignity being afterwards taken from him by the tempest and change of those times in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the fourth and the Commons in Parliament in the fourth year of that Kings Reign petitioning that he might be
Officiate under them as their Deputies believed their Heirs and Lands to be blessed in the continuance and enjoyments of such Offices as might but sometimes bring them into the notice and affairs of the Prince and Emperours as the Baron of Papenheim in Germany and his Heirs to be Sub-Marshall to the Duke and Elector of Saxony the Baron of Limpurgh Vice-Butler to the King of Bohemia and the Baron of Falkenstem Vice-Chamberlain to the Elector of Brandenburgh who hath also an hereditary Marshall and the Electors of Mentz Colen and Triers the like and Christophorus Leisserus a Baron was Culinae Magister at the Coronation of the Emperour Mathias in Anno Domini 1612. The Viscounts a Title no longer ago than the Reign of King Henry the sixth as our great Selden saith turned into a Dignity Titular or Peerage being formerly and long after the Conquest but the Deputies of the Earls in their several Counties for the Administration of Justice with which the Earls were entrusted since câ—ntra distincts to the Title or Honour of Viscount and but a Sheriff or Officer of the Kings for the execution of Justice and so well liked of before that new Title of Viscounts was brought in betwixt the Earls and Barons of England as Hubert de Burgo afterwards Earl of Kent was in the Reign of King John not only Chamberlain to the King but at one and the same time Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk and the noble and antient Family of Cliffords accompted it as a favour of the Crown to be hereditary Sheriffs or Ministers of Justice in the County of Westmerland where they had Lands Baronies and honourable Possessions and having afterwards a greater honour by the Earldome of Cumberland conferred upon them disdained not to let the one accompany the other in the service of their Prince The Barons whether as the Judicious and Learned Sir Henry Spelman informs us they be feudall as gaining their honours by their Lands and Baronies given them to that purpose which in our Records and antient Charters are not seldome mentioned by the name of Honours as the Honours of Abergavenny Dudley c. or by Writs summoned to Parliament or by Patents created only into that Titular Honour either of which made a Tenure in Capite for otherwise they could not sit and enjoy their Peerage in Parliament the Kings greatest Councel are and antiently were accompted to be in their several Orbes Robur Belli the strength and power of Warr and as Barones or Vassalli Capitales men of greater estate or note than ordinary and were as the old Barones 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Barangi wbo did with their Battel-Axes attend the Emperours of the East in their Courts or Palaces as their Guard sometimes on Foot and at othertimes on Horse-back and were as Codinus saith reckoned inter Honoratiores Officiales the most honourable Offices of the Court attending near the Emperours either at their Meat or Chappel or publick Addresses and in the Kingdome of Bohemia which is now no more than elective and where there are neither Dukes nor Marquesses and but few Earls the Title of Baron is of so high an esteem and the Barons of that Kingdome so jealous of any thing which might diminish it as when a Duke who is a Stranger comes to be there naturalized they do first oblige him to quit or renounce the using of his Title of Duke there and to content himself only with the Title of a Baron of Bohemia and saith Sir Henry Spelman sub Baronis appellatione recte veniunt our Dukes Marquesses Earls and Viscounts are comprehended under the name of Baron Cum vel maximus as the experience and practice of our Laws and Kingdome will evidence principis sit Vassallus when the greatest of them is but a Liege-man and Vassâ—l of the King eique tenentur homagii vinculo seu potius Baronagii hoc est de agendo vel essendo Barone suo quod hominem seu Clientem praestantiorem significat and is by the Bond of his homage or Baronage to do all things as his Baron which signifieth to be his Liege-man and more extraordinary Subject holding his Lands of him upon those beneficiary gainful honourable conditions and depending upon him and his Patronage it being to be remembred that those honorary possessions and the owners thereof did by that dependency well deserve that encomium and observation which John Gower made of them about the Reign of King Richard the second that The Privilege of â—egalie was safe and all the Barony worshipt was in his Estate And it is well known that our antient Kings in all their Rescripts Grants or Charters unto Abbyes or any other of their people directed them Archiepiscopis Episcopis Comitibus Justiciariis Baronibus Vicecomitibus Ministris suis to their Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons Justices and Sheriffs and other their Ministers the word Ministris being in the language of the times not only since but before the Conquest not infrequently appropriate to the Kings houshold Servants as the Charters and Subscriptions of witnesses of many of our elder Kings will abundantly evidence and the Barones Majores stiled by our Kings not unfrequently in many of their Charters Barones suos Barones nostros Barones Regios their Barons and the Kings Barons as William de Percy and many other have been called though by such Charters they could be no more concerned in it than to be Assistant in the performance and obedience of the Royal Mandates and in many Acts of Parliament have been stiled the Kings Nobles or Nobility the Deâ—neâ— Thanes or Nobility saith the eminently and universally learned Selden denoting a Servant or Minister was as well before as sometimes since the Norman Conquest Officiary Personal and Honorary and the Possessions of the Thanes from whence our Barons and Baronies were derived were held by the Service of Personal Attendance Et certissimum est saith that great and eminent Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman that Barones Majores the greater Barons which hold of the King in Capiti Judiciis praefuere Aulae Regiae did usually sit and determine causes or controversies in the Kings Court or Palace as the Barons of the Coife in the Exchequer who were heretofore Earls and Barons of England do at this day in Westminster Hall judge and determine of matters concerning the Kings Revenues And as the Lords of Mannors in their Court Barons do admit none to be Judges in those little Courts but their Tenants who are Freeholders and which do immediately hold of them are stiled and said to be of the Homage and do subserviently manage and order their Affairs therein as very antiently they did consilio prudentum hominum militum suorum by their presentments and judgements so not much differing from the Laws and Customs of the Germans where by the Court of Peers are understood causarum Feudalium Judices
year of our Saviour 1220 displace the learned Jacobus Baldwinus a Doctor of the Civil Law and removed him from his place of Praetor or Lord Chief Justice into which they had elected him for that he had caused a Noble man to be hanged when as â—atrio Statuto strangulationis ignominia eximuntur nobiles a Noble man was by their Laws not to be put to death in so ignominious a manner and thereupon enacted by a Law that from thenceforth no Doctor of Law should be admitted into the Office or place of Praetor Hispanus nobilis jure Regio Hispaniarum ex Nobilitatis privilegio in Carcerem mitti non potest nec in ipsius armis equo recte fit executio A Spanish Noblemen is not by the Kingly law and Prerogative of the King of Spain and tbe priviledge of his nobility to be imprisoned or his Arms or Horse taken in Execution by the Laws of Poland and of Flanders a Noble man is not to be imprisoned but taken into custody by the Magistrate or Judge in their houses or confined to some City or place until the debt demanded or Action be satisfied or by plea discharged in depositionibus attestationibus testimoniis ferendis magis creditur Nobilibus quam Ignobilibus in attestations or testimonies Noble men are more to be credited then ignoble ac etiam cum de illorum re agitur even when it is in their answers or own concernments ad officia secularia magis quam plebei assumuntur are sooner to be preferred to secular Offices and imployments then such as are ignoble reverenter sunt salutandi are to be reverently saluted ad omnem occursum illis assurgendum caput revelandum de via decedendum c. men are to rise unto them at their coming towards them uncover their heads or give them way or place for in doing them honour the Prince or King that gave them the honour is honoured Si in judiciis comparent Index qui in Hungaria in causis nobilium non nisi nobilis eos salutare ad sedendum aliquo humiliori loco iuvitari debet if he appear in any Court of Justice the Judge who in Hungary in the causes of any of the Nobility is likewise to be a Noble man is to salute them and invite them to sit in some place beneath the Tribunal Non verbo sed in scriptis sunt citandi are not to be cited by word of mouth but by writing de calumnia personaliter jurare non tenentur are not to take in any action the Oath de Calumnia that the action is not meerly brought in malice or for contention injuria nobilibus illata longe aliter aestimatur quam ea quae ignobili infertur an injury done unto them is more then to one which is ignoble torqueri non debent ought not to be put upon the Rack or tortured Offendens Consiliarium principis incurrit crimen Majestatis quando offenderetur in odium contemptum siu principis he which hurteth or offendeth a Councellor of the Prince our Temporal Baronage being so in Parliament by Inheritance committeth Treason if it be done in hatred or contempt to the Prince And the reason given for the high esteem of Nobility and those more then ordinary favours and priviledges granted and imparted unto them and the Baronage of the Empires of Rome Germany and many Neighbour Kingdomes are that they are de familia Principis accompted as a part of the Families of the Emperors and Kings unum cum ipso faciant corpus unum Consistorium are as one body and incorporate inhaerere principi dicuntur sicut stellae firmamento soli are said to attend the Prince as the Stars in the firmament do the Sun radii solares solem and as the Rayes or Beams of the Sun do accompany it The Emperours Honorius Theodosius declaring that immunitate digni sunt quos sui lateris comitatus illustrat that they which had the honour to attend and be near their persons deserved to be priviledged Poloni Nobiles cum de illorum vita honore agitur non ab alio quam ipsom Rege Judicari possint non nisi consulto principe sunt puniendi the Nobility of Poland in any matter concerning their life and honour are only to be tryed by the King and are not to be punished unless the Prince be first consulted and do approve thereof Et Barones apud Gallos non aliorum Judicio subsisti poterant in prima instancia quam Nobilium Seneschallorum ad quos Idcirco illorum causae maxime feudales remissae fuisse leguntur apud Jo. Tilleum recollectorum Franciae regum And the French Baronage are in the first instance to to subject to no other Court or Judgement then that of the Nobility and Stewards appointed by the King and therefore their causes especially such as concerned their feudal estates or honorary possessions were as appeareth by John Tilly thither remitted Et ab omni aevo Nobilium Galliae fuit specâ—ale privilegium ut omnes eorum cause semper essent reservatae singulari Regis Supremi eorum principis salvo guardia protectioni jurisdictioni And it was in all ages a special priviledge of the French Nobility to be under the Guard Protection and Jurisdiction of their Soveraigne Atque hinc Ballivorum antiqua Institutio quod illi essent esse deberent tanquam custodes conservatores omnium jurium privilegiorum nobilibus competentium and from thence came that antient institution of Bailiffs Judges or officers specially appointed who were ought and were to be as Guardians and conservators of all the rights and priviledges appertaining to the Nobility Et nobiles non minus privilegiati favorabiles quam familiares domestici principum vel Officialium And the Nobility are there to be no less priviledged and savoured then the Servants and domestiques of the King or any of his Officers the distinction betwixt the Nobility and common people of all the Kingdoms and Nations of the Earth being so universal As in China the Mandarines being the Nobility and Governors of Provinces cannot be imprisoned but for heinous faults have two Maces of Silver carried before them in the streets and none are to cross the streets whilst they pass along and all men are to give way unto them Montezeuma Emperor of Mexico in the West-Indies ordained that the Noblest men of his Empire should live in his Palace would have none of the Plebeyans but Knights in any office in his Court who had priviledge to carry Gold and Silver wear rich Cotton and use painted and gilt vessels which the common people might not And even the most wild and barbarous of mankind inhabiting the Earth in those Countries and places where the glimmerings of nature and civility could give any admission have so every where acknowledged an honor due to their nobility as upon
the Coasts of Guinee in Africa a Country not at all acquainted with learning or the more civilized Customes of Africa Europe or Asia those that they take for their Nobility have a liberty which the vulgar have not to trade in every place as they please sell and buy slaves have their Drums and Trumpets play as they think good before them and those who are advanced for any Noble Atcheivement have always the principal charges in the Army Nor should our Nobility or the Kings servants be debarred of any of their just rights or privileges when as per reductionem ad principia by a view and reflection upon the Original and causes of all those many priviledges and immunities granted or permitted by our Kings of England unto others of his Subjects and people it will appear that his own servants in Ordinary should not be grudged that which by so many grounds of law and right reason and the antient and reasonable Customes of England may be believed to belong unto them CHAP. XVII That the Immunities and Priviledges granted and permitted by our Kings of England unto many of their People and Subjects who were not their Servants in Ordinary do amount unto asmuch and in some more then what our Kings Servants in Ornary did or do now desire to enjoy FOr ab hac solis luoe from those or the like rays and beams of Majesty and emanations of right reason and necessity of the Kings affairs which notwithstanding the late groundless mad and fond rebellious principle of seperating the Kings person from his Authority and a pretended supremacy in the Parliament or at the least a co-ordination should not be disturbed came and was derived that grand priviledg of the Nobility and Baronage of England many of whom are not his Domesticks not to be molested in time of Parliament or forty days before the beginning of it in their coming unto it upon the Kings Summons and as many days after the end of a Parliament in their retorn to their Habitations though there is no direct way or Journey from their habitations to any place in England where the Parliament is to be kept or holden which can require so much expence of time as twenty days in travelling unto it or twenty days in retorning home by any Process Writs or Summons out of any the ordinary or extraordinary Courts of Justice law or equity the Baronage of England enjoying those priviledges in the 18 th year of the Raign of King Edward the first which were then not newly granted or permitted but were antient and justly and legally to be insisted upon as the punishment of the Prior of the holy Trinity in London not meanly fortified with his own priviledges and the power and protection of the Church and that also of Bogo de Clare who was imprisoned and fined two thousand Marks to the King at that time a very great sum of mony pro transgressione sibi facta for the trespass committed against the King for citing Edmond Earl of Cornwal in Westminster Hall in the time of Parliament to appear before the Arch-bishop of Canterbury whose spiritual Court and Power was then very predominant as hath been before mentioned and it appeareth in the Records of that Kings Raign that he refused to give leave to the Master of the Temple to distrein the Bishop of St. Davids in Parliament time for the Rent of an house held of him in London and answered quod non videtur honestum quod Rex concedat tempore Parliamenti sed alio tempore distringat that it would not be just or fitting for the King to grant such a Licence in time of Parliament but at another time he might distrein and by a very antient right are to be exempted from arrest and the Ordinary Course of Process when there were no Parliaments The Writ of Summons directed to the Sheriffs for the Election of two Knights the wisest and most discreet of every Shire and County of England the County Palatine of Chester then only excepted and for two Burgesses to be sent unto Parliament out of the Cities and certain Boroughs of England the King in the Parliament being without suspition of any unwarrantable conjecture to be rationally believed to have been first framed and sent out in K. Henry the thirds name in the 49 th year of his Raigne by the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester after the Battle of Lewis in Sussex wherein he and his Son Prince Edward afterwards King Edward the first were taken Prisoners by them and other the Rebellious Barons who had taken armes against him as my learned and worthy friend Mr. William Dugdale Norroy King at Armes by comparing the date of those Writs the one bearing date the 14 th day of December at Worcester in the 49 th year of the Raign of that King and the other at Woodstock the 24 th of December in the same year to meet at London on the Octaves of St. Hiâ—lary then next ensuing with the day or time of that Battle and that Kings imprisonment hath after it had for so many Ages past escaped the Industry Inquiries Observations and Pens of all other our English Writers Annalists Chronicles Antiquaries very judiciously and ingeniously observed which Summons of the Commons to Parliament doth not saith Mr. William Prynn appear to have been put in Execution untill about the 23th year of the Raign of King Edward the first whence by Regal Indulgencies and no Innate or Inherent right of their own but ab hoc fonte from the same spring and fountain of the attendance and affairs of the King proceeded the priviledges of Parliament for the Members of the house of Commons in Parliament to be free from actions at Law or Pleas in time of Parliament as Early as the raign of King Edward the second when he sent his Writ or Proclamation to the Justices of Assize in all the Counties of England to supersede all actions against the Barons and others summoned to Parliament In the 11 th year of the raign of King Richard the second upon a riot and trespass committed upon the Lands Goods Servants and Tenants of Sir John Derwintwater chosen to be a Member of Parliament for the County of Cumberland a Commission was granted by that King under the great Seal of England to Henry de Percy Earl of Northumberland to inquire by a Jury of the County of Westmerland concerning the same and to cause to be arrested and taken all that should be found guilty thereof and to appear before the King and his Councell wheresoever he should be 15 days after the Michaelmass then next ensuing In the fifth year of the Raign of King Henry the fourth the Commons in Parliament alledging that whereas according to to the Custome of the Realm the Lords Knights Citizens and Burgesses coming to Parliament at his Command and there staying and in retorning to their Countrys ought With their men and
your selves within the limits of our duty we will be as careful to maintain and preserve your lawful liberties and priviledges as ever any of our predecessors were nay as to preserve our own Royal Prerogative Et ab hac radice Regalitatis rectae Rationis And from that root of Regality and right reason only Foundation and Original though Sir Edward Coke is willing to mistake it when he would have it to flow from a respect only due to Justice and the Courts thereof have proceeded the great reverence and awe due unto the Superior Courts of Justice at VVestminster Hall for lesser or inferiour Courts do neither deserve nor claim it when the Judges do sit there in their several Superior Courts under the Shadow and protection of the Royal Oak Whence also came that very necessary custom and usage to be bare uncovered and respectful in their words and behaviour to one another in the Judges presence as well as unto the Judges themselves and from whence and the reflex of Supreme authority have the Judges power to fine or imprison such as mis-behave themselves therein as in the case of VVilliam Botesford fined to pay two Marks by the Justices of the Court of Kings Bench for threatning to kill one Hawis Gaygold for prosecuting him in an action of trespass and using those Menaces in aula placitorum in presentia Justic. ipsius Regis Curiae suae contemptum in VVestminster Hall in the presence of the Kings Justices and in contempt of the Court and was committed to the Marshall and that at an Assize holden at Northampton in the third year of the Raign of King Edward the third John Blundell was attached ad Respondend tam domino Regi quam VVillielmo de Towcester Attorn Thomae Comitis Mariscalli Angliae de placito quare insultum fecit super ipsum in domini Regis curia contemptum per verba contumeliosa ipsum vili pendebat in retardationem prosecutiones negotiorum praedict comitis aliorum to answer aswell unto the King as VVilliam of Towcester Attorny for the Earle Marshall of England wherefore he made an assault upon him in contempt of the King and his Court and did with many scandalous words revile him to the disturbance of the business of the said Earle and others Super quo Juratores de consensu partium praedict instanti die transgressionis impanellat whereupon a Jury being the same day of the trespass and offence by the consent of both parties impannelled the Jury found that the said John Blundell was guilty and he was committed to prison fecit finem domino Regi per dimid Marcae per pleg ' c. qui manuceper quod bene se gereret pacifice versus predictum VVillielm alios quoscunque and was fined to pay half a Mark to the King and gave bayl for his good behaviour towards the said William and all others And whence all the Judges are impowred to free such as are arrested in the face or sight of the Court though it be upon process granted by themselves or any other Court in the Kings name or upon the most just and legal action as likewise to aggravate or make the punishment greater for offences done in the face or contempt of the Court and that all such misdemeanors are in Indictments or Writs brought or commenced upon them said to be in contemptum domini Regis curia suae in contempt of the King and his Court from which or the like ground or reason came also that great honor respect and care of Judges in the superiour Courts by the Statute of the 25 th year of the Raigne of King Edward the third which makes it to be high Treason to kill any of them with a forfeiture of all their lands and estates as in case of Treason committed against the King and no less then misprision of Treason for any to draw a Weapon upon any Judge or Justice sitting in the Courts of Chancery Exchequer Kings Bench Common Pleas or upon Justices of Assize or Justice of Oyer and Terminer although the party offending do not strike for which he shall lose his right hand all his goods suffer imprisonment and forfeit his Lands during his life and no less a punishment for rescuing a prisoner in or before any of the Courts committed by any of the Judges or arrested by any of their Writs Mandates or Process the no small punishments inflicted for abusing of Jurors or for beating a Clerk in vemendo versus curiam in his way to one of those Superior Courts where he was imployed or for threatning a Counceller at law for acting or pleading for his Client the priviledge of the Barons Officers and Clerks of the Exchequer granted or allowed by King Henry the First and to this day not to be denied them not to pay Toll or Custome for any thing they shall buy for there necessary uses or occasions nor to be compelled to appear at Hundred Courts Assizes or Sessions which the Officers Clerks and Ministers of the other Superior Courts are likewise indulged nor to bear Offices in the parish wherein they live as Constable Church-Warden c. either in the Vacations or Term Times and that the Barons of the Exchequer Et omnes alii ministri ibidem ministrantes sive de clero sint sive Regiae Cur. qui assident as the words of their Writs of priviledge are which exempts such of the Clergy from the dominering power in those dayes of the Ecclesiastical Court ex mandato ad alias quaslibet causas extra Scaccarium sub quibusounque Judicibus vero Judice sub quo lis mota fuerit sive sit Ecclesiastious sive Secularis non evocentur si forte vocati fuerunt ratione regiae potestatis publica authoritate tam ex dignitate Regia quam consuetudine antiqua excusantur and all the Officers Clerks and Ministers sitting in that Court or attending therein by the Kings command shall not be constrained to appear or attend upon any causes actions or suits against them before any Judges whatsoever whether Ecclesiastical or Secular and if they be cited or called before such Judges by reason of any of the Kings Writs or Process are aswell in respect of the Kings Royal Dignity as also by antient custome to be excused the Writs of priviledge granted unto them where they are prosecuted in any other Court Pleas or actions concerning freehold appeal or felony only excepted mentioning as they do in case of priviledge of the Courts of Chancery Kings Bench and Common Pleas that if the Plaintiffs have any cause of action except as is before excepted they may if they please prosecute or bring their actions or complaints against such priviledge person in the Court where he is attendant From which Royal Fountain and Original and the care of publick preservation flowed or was necessitated that priviledge now and heretofore allowed to the Kings Guards
both Horse and Foot Garrisons and Commanders of Castles Towns or Forts and was believed to be necâ—ssary in the time of Justinian the Emperor Qui statuit milites conveniri tam in causis Civilibus quam Criminaelibus coram ducibus suis quod miles nisi a suo judice coerceri non possit that Soldiers should be cited and tryed aswell in causes civil as criminal before their Captains or Commanders And that a Soldier should not be compelled to appear before any other which was not in that time any new Edict or Ordinance but a Declaration of an antient law and custome in use amongst the Romans in the Infancy of their mighty Monarchy some hundred of years before the birth of our Redeemer as may be evidenced by Juvenal and what was in use and practise and accompted to be of antient institution in his time which was not long after the birth of our Saviour when he saith Legibus antiquis Casâ—â—erum more Camilli Servato miles ne vallum litiget extra Et procul a Signis justissima Centuriorum Cognitio est igitur de milite By antient laws and customes sacred held By great Camillus Soldiers were not to be compel'd To appear in Courts of Justice but in the Campe to abide And by their own Commanders to be try'd And from the like causes and considerations of the Kings service and safety of the Kingdome are allowed by our reasonable laws and customes the priviledges and franchises of the Cinque Ports that the Inhabitants within the liberties thereof do sue and are only to be sued in the courts thereof and the Kings ordinary Writs and Process do not run or are of any 〈◊〉 therein and such as are in certain special cases are only to be directed to the Constable of the Castle of Dover and the Warden of the Cinque Ports and those franchises were so allowable by law as the Abbot of Feversham in his time a man of great power and authority and armed with many and great priviledges of his own both Spiritual and Temporal being imprisoned by the Warden of the Cinque Ports for an offence committed therein for which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury citing the Kings Officers there into his Ecclesiastical Court the Record saith Quia secundum consuetudinem regni approbatam ratione juris Regii ministeri Regis pro aliquibus quae fecerunt ratione officii trahi non debeant Rex prohibuit Archiepiscopo Cantuar. ne volestari faciat ministros suos Dover de eo quod Abbatem de Feversham pro delicto suo incarcerassent per considerationem Curiae quinque portuum de Shepway in regard that by the custome of the Kingdome approved and the right and prerogative of the King the Kings Officers are not to be compelled to appear in other Courts the King prohibited the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that he should not molest or trouble his Officers or servants at Dover for that by a judgement of the Court of the Cinque Ports holden at Shepwey they had imprisoned the Abbot of Feversham for an offence by him committed From the like causes and considerations of the Kings service and good of his household and servants the multitude of tenants heretofore of the Antient Demesnes of the Crown which were in the hands of King Edward the confessor or William the Conqueror for that as Sir Edward Coke saith they plowed the Kings Demesnes of his Maners sowed the same mowed his Hey and did other services of Husbandry for the sustenance of the King and his honorable household to the end that they might the better apply themselves to their labors for the profit of the King had the priviledge that they should not be impleaded in any other of the Kings Courts for any their lands or in actions of accompt Replevin ejectione firmae Writs of Mesne and the like where by common intendment the realty or title of lands may come in question are to be free and quit from all manner of Tolls in Fairs and Markets for all things concerning their husbandry and sustenance of Taxes and Tallages by Parliaments unless the Tenants in Antient Demesnc be specially named of contributions to the expences of the Knights of the Shire for the Parliament and if they be severally distreined for other services they may all for saving of charges joyne in a Writ of Monstraverunt albeit they be several Tenants and where they recover in any action are by the Laws of William the Conqueror to have double costs and damages From which Spring and fountain of priviledges in relation only to and for the concern of the Prince and Son and Heir apperant of the King of England and his revenue hath been derived those of the Court of Stanneries or jurisdiction over the Tyn Mines where by the opinion of Sir VVilliam Cordell Knight Master of the Rolls Sir James Dier Knight Cheif Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and Justice Weston no Writ of Error lyeth upon any judgment in that Court and by an act of Parliament made in the 50 th year of the raigne of King Edward the third and the grant of that King all Workmen in the Stanneries are not to be constrained to appear before any Justice or other Officers of the King his Heirs or Successors in any plea or action arising within the Stanneries unless it be before che Warden of the Stanneries for the time being Pleas of land life or member only excepted nec non recedant ab operibus suis per summonitionem aliquorum ministrorum seu heredum nostrorum nisi per summonitionem dicti custodis and should not depart from their said works or labors by reason of any Summons of the Officers of the King or his Heirs unless it be by the Summons of the aforesaid Warden were to be free as to their own goods from all Tolls Stallage Aides and Customes whatsoever in any Towns Havens Fairs and Markets within the County of Devon and that the VVarden aforesaid should should have full power and authority to administer Justice to all that do or should work in the Stannaries or any forreigners in and concerning any plaints trespasses contracts or actions except as is before excepted arising or happening within the Stannaries and that if any of the workmen be to be imprisoned they shall be arrested by the said Warden and kept in the prison of Lydeford and not else where untill according to the Law and custome of England they shall be delivered All which before mentioned Exemptions and Priviledges as effects flowing and proceeding from their true and proper causes may justifie those more immediate and proximate of the Kings Servants in Relation to his person and a greater concernment more especially when so many of the people of England can be well contented to enjoy not a few other immunities exemptions and priviledges which have had no other cause or foundation then the indulgence and favour
of our Kings and Princes CHAP XVIII That many of the People of England by the grace and favour of our Kings and Princes or a long permission usage or prescription do enjoy and make use of very many immunities exemptions and priviledges which have not had so great a cause or foundation as those which are now claimed by the Kings Servants ANd do and may more inconvenience such part of the People which have them not than the little trouble of asking leave or licence to sue or prosecute at Law any of the Kings Servants as the freedom of Copy-hold Estates not long ago three parts in four of all the Lands in England but now by the making and enfranchising of too many Freeholders reduced to less than a fourth part from extents or the incumbrances of Judgments Statutes or Recognizances Not to permit upon any one Creditors Judgment any more than the Moiety of Free-hold Lands to be extended that old part of our English mercy to Men impoverished or indebted which to this day and many hundred years before hath been constantly observed nor to seize or take in Execution unless for want of other Goods and Chattels the Beasts and Cattel of their Ploughs and Carts derived unto us from the law of Nature or Nations or the providence and compassion of Nebuzar-adan the chief Marshal or Captain of the Army of Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon who when he had taken and destroyed Jerusalem and carried away captive to Babylon many of the people of Judah and Jerusalem left certain of the poor of the Land for Vinedressers and for Husbandmen and from the reason equity and moderation of the Civil Law Or when the Laws or reasonable Customs of England will not permit a Horse to be destrained when a Man or Woman is riding upon him an Ax in a Mans hand cutting of Wood the Materials in a Weavers Shop Garments or Cloth in a Taylors Shop Stock of Corn or Meal in a Mill or Market or Books of a Schollar the many and great Franchises Liberties Exemptions and Priviledges some whereof have been already mentioned of about six hundred Abbies and Priories the many Liberties and Franchises in every County and Shire of England and Wales which if no more than five in every County one with another would make a total of more than two hundred and fifty and if ten amount to the number of five hundred besides those of above six hundred Cities and Corporations which are not without great Priviledges Immunities Exemptions and Liberties which do occasion more trouble and loss of time by sueing out of Writs of Non omsttas propter aliquam libertatem to give power to the Sheriffs to Arrest within those Liberties than the attendance upon a a Lord Chamberlain or other great Officer of the Kings Houshold to obtain leave to Arrest any of the Kings Servants would bring upon them those many thousand Mannors to which are granted Court-Leets and Court-Barons with their many other Liberties and Franchises little Judicatories Sace and Soke authority and a Coercive power over their Tenants Free and Copy-hold and Free Warren granted to many of those Lords of Mannors whose Hunting and Hawking brings many times no small prejudice to their Neighbors or Tenants the Franchises Liberties and priviledges of the City of London given or permitted by our Kings that no Citizen shall be compelled to Plead or be Sued or Prosecuted at Law out of the Walls of their City and their Prohibitions by Acts of Common Council which do prohibit Freemen upon great Penalties which have been severely inflicted to Sue one another out of the City when they may have their recovery in their own Courts and every Freeman bound thereunto by Oath at their admission to their Freedom their priviledge of Lestage to be Toll-free of all which they buy or sell in any Market or Fair of the Kingdom are not to be constrained to go to War out of the City or farther than from whence they may return at Night that none but such as are free of the City shall Work or Trade within it or the large extended Liberties within the circumference thereof That of the City of Norwich to have the like Liberties as London the Liberties of the City of Canterbury City of Winchester and Towns of Southampton and Derby not to be impleaded out of their Cities or Corporations That of the Hospitallers and Knight-Templers and many others saith Bracton not to be impleadid but before the King or his Chief Justice That of the University of Oxford That no Schollar Servant or Officer to any Colledge or Hall in the Vniversity or to the said Vniversity belonging shall be Arrested within the City or the Verge or Circumference thereof extending from the said University and Town of Oxford Ab orientali parte ejusdem Villae usque ad Hospitalem sancti Bartholomei juxta Oxon ab occidentali parte ejusdem Villae usque ad Villam de Botelye a parte Boreali ejusdem Villae usque ad pontem vocat Godstow Bridge ab australi parte ejusdem Ville usque ad quendam Boscâ—m vocat Bagley sic in circuitu per Loca praedicta quemlibet locum eorundem in perpetuum From the East part of the said Town unto the Hospital of St. Bartholomew near Oxford and from the West part of the said Town to the Village of Botely and from the North part of the said Town of Oxford to Godstow Bridge and from the South part of the said Town of Oxford to a certain Wood called Bagley and in the circumference of the said City and University extending unto all the Places aforesaid and every of the said Places for ever but by Process or Mandate of the Chancellor of the University of Oxford or if prosecuted or impleaded in the High Court of Chancery or in the Court of Kings-Bench where the Party prosecuting hath been a Sub-Marshal of the said Court and a Commissary of the Chancellor of that University hath been Indicted forbeating of him or in any of the other Courts of Justice at Westminster or any other Court of the Kingdom do by their Certificate under their half Seal as it is called that the Defendant is a Schollar or belonging to the Vniversity or some Hall or Colledge therein demand and obtain Cognizance of the Action which with other of that famous Universities Priviledges were in the thirteenth Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth confirmed by Act of Parliament that of the University of Cambridge being not without those or the like franchises priviledges and immunities against which or many more of the like nature which might be here recited there ought not to be any murmure or repining as there never was or but seldom or very little by alledging any prejudice loss or inconveniences which some have sustained thereby or may happen to particular Men by any of those or the like Franchises Immunities or Priviledges which
same time consider the damage which our Kings have suffered by their Grants to divers Abbeys as amongst others unto the Abbey of St. Edmonds-Bury in Suffolk which in a Plea betwixt that Abbot and the Bishop of Ely and his Steward in the sixth Year of the Reign of King Richard the First appeared by the Charters of King Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror and King Henry the First to be in general words all the Liberties which any King of England might grant the very large Priviledges of Common of Pasture and Estovers the later of which hath spoiled much of the Timber of the Kingdom in many vast Forrests and Chases their many deafforrestations and that of three Hundreds at once in the County of Essex at the Request and Petition of an Earl of Oxford their taking their Customs and Duties upon Merchandize Exported or Imported at small and priviledged Rates and manner of payment of Tonnage and Poundage and by the granting away of so many Franchises Exemptions Priviledges view of Frank Pleg and Liberties which the Commons in Parliament in the one and twentieth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third thought to be so over-largely granted as they complained That almost all the Land was Enfranchised and Petitioned That no Franchise-Royal Land Fee or Advowson which belong or are annexed to the Crown be given or severed from it And so very many more Immunities Franchises and Priviledges which since have been indulged and granted to very many of the People which like the dew of the heavenly Manna which so plentifully covered the Camp of the Children of Israel and lay round about them have blessed many of the English Nation and their after Generations as the dew of Hermon and that which descended upon the Mountains of Zion And so many were those exemptions customs prescriptions and immunities Quae longi temporis usu recepta quaeque ratio vel necessitas suaserit introducenda rata stabilita fuerinâ— quasi tanto tempore principis consensu Judâ—cioque probata Which by a long accustomed use introduced by reason or necessity as the Learned Baldus saith concerning those which by the Civil Law and the Law of Nations have as approved by the consent and Judgment of the Prince been ratified and permitted as they would if faithfully and diligently collected as my worthy Friend Mr. Tho. Blount hath done very many of them in his Learned and laborious Nomo Lexicon not onely put Posterity in mind how very many and almost innumerable they are and how much they ought to be thankful for them but that their Forefathers did without any the least doubt or scruple believe that the Kings and Princes which granted them had power enough to do it And ought not to have their ways or passages stopped or blocked up by those Opinions of Sir Edward Coke and the rest of the Judges in contradiction of the late Learned Doctor Bancroft Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the case of Prohibitions argued and debated before King James and his Privy Council and Council Learned in the Law in Michaelmas Term in the fifth Year of his Reign that Rex non Judicat in Camera sed in Curia the King is to decide and determine the Causes and Controversies of his Subjects in his assigned and Commissionated Courts of Justice but not out of them or in his Palace Court or Chamber nor take any Cause out of his Courts and give Judgment upon it and that no King after the Conquâ—st ever assumed to himself to give Judgment in any Cause whatsoever which concerned the administration of Justice within the Realm and that the King cannot delay Justice or Arrest any Man neither Arrest any Man for suspicion of Treason or Felony as other of His Lieges may Wherein the Men of new Notions who in the Itch and Hope of Gain or the good will and applause of a Factious Party can like the after hated Ephori of Sparta upon all occasions oppose the Kings legal Rights and Prerogatives and thinking to satisfie others as well as themselves in making ill-warranted matters of Fact the Directors or Comptrollers of the Law may suspend their adoration of those Errors in that so called twelfth Report of Sir Edward Coke which being published since his Death have not that candor or fair dealing of Plowden's Commentaries or the Reports of the Lord Dyer or many other of his own Reports but concealing the Arguments and Reasons urged by the Opponents doth onely give us a Summary of his own and the other Judges Opinions which we hope may vanish into a mistake and meet with no better entertainment from those Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law if they were now in the Land of the Living to revise and examine those Opinions so Dogmatically delivered then a Retractation or Wish that they had never seen the Light or walked in the view of the Vulgar and advise those who would gladly make them the Patroni of so many ill Consequences as either have or may follow upon such Doctrines to build upon better Foundations and not to adhere so much unto them or any others though they should be willing to seem to be as wise therein as Socrates or Plato but rather subscribe to the Truth CHAP. XX. That the power and care of Justice and ihe distribution thereof is and hath been so essential and radical to Monarchy and the Constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognizance divers Causes which their established Courts either could not remedy or wanted power to determine have remoued them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon just and legal occasions respite or delay Justice WHen the King is Author omnis Jurisdictionis the Author of all Jurisdiction which is the specifica forma virtus essentialis Regis qua se nequit abdicare quamdiu Rex est neque vis illa summae ditionis potestatis Regiae dignitate citra pernitiâ—m ejus interitum separari distrahique potest Speciâ—ick form and essence of Kingly Majesty which the King cannot alienate or depart from as long as he is King nor may that Jurisdiction or supream Power be severed from the Regal Dignity without the ruine or destruction of the King as Mr. Adam Blackwood a Scotchman hath very well declared in his Book against Buchanan his Learned more than Loyal Countrey-man concerning the Magistracy Lords of Sessions and Judges in Scotland That all Judges and Magistrates Ne in Civilibus quidem causis nullam nisi munere beneficioque Regis sententiae dicendae nullam Juris judiciorum potestatem habent derived even in Civil Causes all their power and authority from the Kings Authority and without it had no power to give a Sentence or Judgment quicquid enim Magistratuum est quicquid judicium
Regibus obnoxium for what ever any Magistrates or Judges do is subject to his controll or superintendency Quicquid potâ—statis ditionis impâ—rii nacti sunt id receptum benignitati Regum praestare tenentur in quorum praesentia non sâ—cus evaneseit quam in meridiano sole stellarum fulgor quae coruscant in tenebris lucidissimis radiis mirum in modum scintillantes apparent Whatever Power or Jurisdiction they had was to be attributed to the Grant and Favor of the King in whose Presence it doth vanish and disappear as the brightness of the Stars which shine in the dark do at the shining or glory of the Sun Quemadmodum enim illae praesenti quicqued habent luminis soli foenerantur Ita Magistratuum potestas omnis vis imperium ubi praesto Rex est ad eum redit aquo profectum est for as they do borrow their light from the Sun so all the Power Force and Rule which the Magistrates have when the King comes or acts in his own Person do return to him from whom they received it and that if Kings do abstinere non tantum a sententiae dictione sed a foro ne Regiae dignitatis splendore judicum oculi perstringantur forbear from intermedling in their Courts of Justice it is that by the lustre of their Presence the Business of the Judges may not be hindred or disturbed Non igitur abs re tribunalia creatis a se Magistratibus relinqunt idque solemne Reges habent ut nunquam in orchestra conspiciuntur nisi quid momenti gravioris inciderit quod ipsorum authoritate absoluta summaque ditione potestate numine decidatur Wherefore it was not without cause that they did leave their Tribunals to Judges or Magistrates made or created by them and made it to be as a Custom duly to be observed not to appear themselves in their Courts of Justice unless some great matter of weight or moment hapned which required the aid or assistance of their supream and absolute Authority and that notwithstanding that James the fourth King of Scotland did in imitation of what he had learnt in France Institute a kind of supream Court and call'd it The Court of Sessions for determination of Causes like that of the Parliament of Paris and in Criminal matters made it to be without Appeal Quaedam vero quae majoris Exempli sunt regis cognitionem desideranâ— quae Scotorum Jurisperitorum vulgus puncta vocat sive Capita Coronae reservata cujusmodi sunt Majestatis raptuâ— incendii id genus aliorum But yet there were certain matters or things which the ordinary sort of Lawyers amongst the Scots called Points or Pleas of the Crown especially reserved to the Determination and Judgment of the King himself such as Treason Rape burning of Houses or the like which being in the Year of our Lord 1581 when Mr. Ad. Blackwood wrote that Loyal and Learned Treatise not denied to be good Law and right Reason in Scotland and of as long a Date or Original as about 300 years before the Incarnation of Jesus Christ was although it hath since the time that Mr. Blackwood wrote strangely deviated into the sullen surly and unwarrantable Doctrines and Practice of a factious and domineering Presbytery and other the heretofore Corahs Dathans and Abirams of Scotland Omnium regnorum perpetua lege more consuetudine receptum A received and well approved Law and Custom amongst all Nations and may seem to have been derived from the Council which Jethro many Generations after that an inundation of Sin had in the grand and most universal punishment of the Deluge washed away all Mankind but Noah and his Sons and Daughters in all but eight Persons and left them to tremble and stand amazed at his Justice and adore his Mercy gave to Moses his Son-in-law to ease himself of his continual toil and tiring labors From the Morning untill the Even in determining the Controversies of the People by constituting Judges over them and reserve to his own Decision and Judgment every great Matter Wherein it can not well accord with the rectified Reason of Mankind that Jethro had in that his Council any the least design to diminish the Superiority Right or Authority of Moses or that Moses by hearkning unto it did intend thereby to bereave himself of the dernier ressort ultimate Appeal and Authority with which God had entrusted him And those not to be contradicted sacred Records of the Almighty can assure us that not onely King David who is therein said to have been a Man after Gods own heart Solomon the wisest of Kings and the succeeding Kings of Israel and Judah but Ezra and Nehemiah who were but as Governors or Stadtholders under Artaxerxes over the remnant of the Captivity of the Jews did come close up to that advice of Jethro and adhere to those eternal Laws of right Reason Superiority and Rules of Government ever since observed in all or the greatest part of the Kingdoms of the habitable Earth amongst which our Kingdom of England and her early as well as later Inhabitants alterius orbis of this our other World for the Reasons and Authorities herein before declared and that which shall be added hereafter in confirmation thereof and the excellent and incomparable constitution and method of her Monarchy and Government which will manifest it self and be plainly evidenced to any who shall rightly inspect it is to be ranked and reckoned And may reduce to a better understanding all those who have taken up those Opinions on trust or a sleight or no examination that such a pattern of the Divine wisdom in his Theocraty and Monarchical Government of the promised Seed of Abraham is no way repugnant to those Rules of Government which have been not onely approved and practised by our British Saxon and Danish Kings before the Norman Success and Victory but continued by their Successors When King Canutus taught by the no seldom Petitions Appeals and Complaints of the People was about the Year 1016. enforced to make a Law That Nemo injuriis alterius Regi quaeratur nisi quidem in Centuria Justitiam consequi impetrare non potuit no Man should complain to the King of any wrong or injury done unto him unless he could not in the Century or Hundred-Couâ—t obtain any Remedy In that great and remarkable Pleading for three days together in the Reign of William the Conqueror at Pinnendene in Kent in the grand Controversie betwixt Lanfrank Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Odo Bishop of Bayeux the Kings half Brother for divers Mannors Lands and Liberties of that Arch-bishoprick of which the Bishop of Bayeux had disseised him although that King did upon special occasions sometimes hold his Commune Concilium or Parliament the King Prâ—cepit Comitatum totum absque morâ— considere homines comitatus omnes Francigenas praecipue Anglos in Antiquis legibus câ—nsuetudinibus peritos in unum
convenire Commanded the whole County without any delay to assemble together as well French as English and more especially such of the English as were skilful in the ancient Laws and Customs of England ubi Goisfredus Bishop of Constance in loco Regis saith the Leiger Book of Rochester vel vice Regis saith Eadmerus fuit Justiciam illam tenuit â—at Judge for or in the place or stead of the King as his Commissioner Hujus placiti multis testibus multisque rationibus determinatum finem postquam Rex audivit laudavit laudans cum consensu omnium principum suorum which could not be the Commons in Parliament as it is now formed or the then Commune Concilium the Parliament consisting of his Nobility Bishops and Peers who could not all of them be stiled Princes but were rather such of his greater sort of Nobility as were then attending upon him in his Court assembled and met together by his Command in that great and more than ordinary County-Court confirmavit ut deinceps incorruptus persevâ—raret â—irmiter praecepit the end of which Trial made by many Witnesses and Reasons being certified to the King he greatly approved it and by the consent of all his Princâ—s confirmed and strictly commanded it to be inviolably observed In the Reign of William Rufus his Son the Delegated Justice of the King in his Courts was so little believed not to be the Kings or the Judgments thereby or therein given not owned or understood to be given by the King as it was the Opinion as well as Complaint of Anselme Arch-bishop of Canterbury how justly or unjustly the Men of that Age when the Church-men were unruly and did not seldom forget themselves and their Benefactors did best know quod cuncta Regalis Curia pendebant ad nutum Regis nilque in ipsis nisi solum velle illius considerari That all matters in the Kings Court depended upon his Will and his onely Will was the Director thereof and whether the particular Interest of that stout and pious Prelate had therein misled his Judgment or no they must be too much unacquainted with our Laws reasonable Customs Annals Memorials Records and Accompts of Time and Transactions bigane and past as well as those of other Nations and the right origination or signification of the word Curia or Court and the no infrequent usage or acceptation thereof if they do not acknowledge that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuncupatur potestas Dominium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui potestate fretus est judiciumque exercet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi habitacula Domini That Curia signifieth Power and Dominion and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that exerciseth that Power in giving Judgment therein and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Habitation or Place of Residence of the Lord or Superior dicebatur autem Curia saith the judicious Sr. Henry Spelman primo de Regia seu palatio Principis inde de familia Judiciis in ea habitis ritu veterrimo it being at the first or more especially called Curia or the Court and took its Denomination by a most antient Usage or Custom from the Kings House or Palace and afterwards from their Houshold or Family and the Place where Kings did administer Justice And so untill Courts for the distribution of Justice were allow'd for the ease of Princes and better accommodation of their People out of their Houses or Palaces it will not be easie or possible to espy any essential difference as to the Place of doing Justice betwixt Curia Regis and Camera Regis the Court or Chamber of the King for after that some of our Courts of Justice in England by the indulgence of their Soveraigns ceased either to be ambulatory or resident in their Palaces those that have not bid a defiance to that universally allowed and entertained Maxim by all or most part of Mankind Qui facit per alium facit per se He that doth by another is truly and rightly said to have done it himself and are not resolved to encounter or be adversaries to all the right Reason which they can meet with or to pick up such weak and incogent Arguments as may make a shadow rather than substance of Truth or right Reason ought to confess that there is no real difference between the Kings doing of Justice in his own Person and cauâ—ing it to be done by others or betwixt the hearing of Causes or doing of Justice in the Hall or his Privy Chamber or any other Room of his House or Palace and that before and from the Conquest untill after the thirty eighth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third whilst the Chief Justice of the Court of Kings Bench attended our Kings as well in their Courts as Progress to assist him in matters of Law and the Decision of Pleas of the Crown and such matters of Law as were not appropriate to the Decision of the Court of Common Pleas as it was then and hath been since constituted which did not leave the Kings Court or Palace untill King Henry the Third commanded it in the twentieth Year of his Reign to abide at Westminster Our Kings of England have in their own Persons heard some or many Causes and given divers Judgments in Aula in their Court or Palace in some Causes wherein they had the assistance of the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-Bench and when they did not do it personally by reason of their frequent Divertisements Addresses of Ambassadors from Foreign Princes or in respect of the many great Affairs and Cares of State and Government which could not afford them the time or leisure to do it did cause it to be done by their Authority and by their constituted Justices who Vicaria Potestate by as it were a Deputation Lieutenancy or Assignation to those onely purposes represented them and were impowered to do it the Courts of Justice in William the Conquerors time being called Justicia Regis the Justice of the King and the Judges or Justices in the Reign of King Henry the Second Justiciae Regis in the abstract the Kings Judges or Justices For the Kings Justice or Superiority was never yet by any Law or Reason absolutely or altogether conâ—ined to his delegated Courts or authorized Judges or Justices or to any certain or determinate Place as that froward and powerful enough Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury could not but acknowledge when in a Parliament or Great Council holden in the Kings Court at Winchester by the Command of King William the Second or William Rufus in the Contest betwixt him and that King concerning that Archbishops resolution oâ— going to Rome and the Kings refusing to give him Licence divers of the Lords and Bishops passed in and out betwixt them and at last the Archbishop himself went in unto him to expostulate and debate the Matter with him And in the making of the Constitutions of Clarendon in
the Reign of King Henry the Second when Thomas Becket the stubborn Archbishop of Canterbury having Judgement ready to be given against him by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in that Parliament or Great Council upon the Complaint of John Marshal for Injustice done unto him by the said Archbishop and his Defence heard Rex exigit Judicium The King demanded Judgement to be given against him But the Earls Barons and Bishops delaying of it and contending who as it hath been said in other cases should hang the Bell about the Cats Neck and begin the Vote or Sentence Rex hac audita de pronunciando Controversia motus est the King hearing the Controversie who should begin the Vote was displeased whereupon Henry de Blois Bishop of Winchester impositus dâ—cere tandem invitus pronunciavit being put to it to give his Vote did at length begin it In the second year of the Reign of King John that great Suit touching a Barony which William of Mowbray claimed against William of Stutuile which had depended from the Reign of King Henry the Second is said to have bin ended Consilio Regni voluntate Regis by the Kings Will and Advice of Parliament In the One and twentieth year of the Reign of King Henry the Third a Complaint being made to the King that Jordan Coventry one of the Sheriffs of London having by the Order of the Mayor and Aldermen of London arrested and taken divers persons that were offenders in Annoying the River of Thames with Kiddels upon Complaint made to the King he sent for the Mayor and Citizens and upon hearing of the Matter confirmed the Cities Jurisdiction convicted the Complainants Amerced every of them at Ten Pounds and adjudged the Amerciaments to the City In the Thirty eighth year of that Kings Reign upon a Quarrel betwixt some young men of that City and some of the Kings Servants the Londoners being despitefully used by them fell upon them and did beat them shrewdly who thereupon complaining to the King he Fined the Citizens to pay One thousand Marks In the one and fortieth year of his Reign being in the year 1256. he sate in the Court of Exchequer in Westminster Hall where he did make Orders for the Appearance of the Sheriffs and bringing in of their Accompts and Fined the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of London for Oppression and Wrongs done by them who submitted themselves in that place to the King And if so and the Records and Memorials as well of the Court of Exchequer as of that City do speak it there can be nothing within the pale or verge of Reason or the fancy or imagination of any whose Intellectuals are not in a Lethargy to make it either possible or rational that the King himself had not then and there the Preheminence or Courtesie afforded him to give or pronounce the Order or Judgments or that the Soveraignty as the Law in more inferior matters betwixt party and party amongst private persons doth sometimes adjudge it should be at that instant or part of time in abeiance or suspence and operate nothing or that the Barons of the Exchequer could at that Time by intendment of Law be supposed to represent the King when he was personally present it being by the Law of Nations a constant usage and custom settled and approved in the most parts of Christendom that the Governors of Cities and Forts do at the coming and personal Presence of their Soveraign deliver unto him upon their knees the Keys thereof and in all obedienee and humility receive them and their Authority again upon their departure and re-delivery And it is not yet gone out of the memory of man that Sir William Cokain Knight Lord Mayor of London when King James in a Great Solemnity came to St. Pauls Church did at Temple-Bar deliver upon his knees unto him the Keyes and Sword of the City and carried a Mace before him Or that it would not be Contrarium in objecto a Parcel of Contradictions that Esse at one and the same instant of Time can be a non esse idem non idem ibi non ibi the King should be understood not to be there when he was there and to be there onely virtually and in power and not present when he was there in his Person as well as in his Power Or that He should sit and be there onely as an Auditor or Spectator Or as Sir Edward Coke said concerning King James his personally sitting in the Court of Star-Chamber to consult but not in Judicio in Judgement when the Law and the Reason of the Law and the Fact and the Records and Memorials thereof do give so full an evidence against that Pseudo Doctrine and ill-grounded Opinion which the Learned Lawyers and Judges in the Reign of King Henry the Third did so little believe As Bracton discoursing where Actions Criminal by the Laws and Customs as well before his Time as in the Reign of King Henry the Third were to be heard and adjudged expresly concludeth with a Sciendum est quod in Curia Domini Regis debent terminari cum sit ibi poena corporalis infligenda hoc coram ipso rege si tangat personam suam sicut Crimen laesae Majestatis vel coram Justiciariis ad hoc specialiter assignatis si tangat personas privatas It is to be known or certain that Actions Criminal ought to be tryed in the Kings Court and that before the King himself if as in cases of Treason they concern the Person of the King because there is a corporal punishment to be inflicted or before Justices specially thereunto assigned if they concern private persons And gives the reason vita vero membrum hominum sunt in manu Domini Regis vel ad tuitionem vel ad paenam cum deliquerint for the lives and members of all the Kings Subjects are in the hand of the King either to defend or punish Habet enim plures Curias in quibus diversae actiones terminantur illarum Curiarum habet unam propriam sicut Aulam Regiam Justiciarios Capitales qui proprias causas Regis terminant aliorum omnium per quaerelam vel per privilegium sive libertatem ut si sit aliquis qui implacitari non debeat nisi coram ipso Domino Rege for he hath many Courts in which divers Actions are to be tryed And of those Courts hath one of his own as that of the Kings Palace and hath Chief Justices who are to hear and determine the proper Causes of the King and of all others upon complaint or by reason of priviledge or liberty as where a man sued or prosecuted ought not to be impleaded but before the King For in vain were many since the Conquest exempted by Priviledge not to be tryed before any but the King himself if our Kings did never use nor could in person hear and determine
married him To which Information the Sub-Escheator pleading that he did not seize the Lands which he that followed the Suit for the King proved that he did and Reginald de Legh pleading that the said Ralph before his death upon view of the said Wards Writings and Evidences finding that he had no Right thereto did acquit and release it and that the like appearing to the said Reginald by the sight of the said Writings he did satisfie and agree with the Friends of the said Ward for the said Marriage but confessed that he did take notice that the Sub-Escheator had seized the said Lands but the said Sub-Escheator perceiving that the King had no Right thereunto did relinquish it to the Friends of the said Heir And as well the said Reginald as the said Sub-Escheator petunt dicunt quod si videatur consilio Domini Regis quod in aliquo deliquerunt quod Dominus Rex suam inde faciat voluntatem did petition and pray that if it should appear to the Court that they had offended in any thing the King might do his Will and Pleasure therein a Modesty and Submission too little used now of later Times whereupon the Court declaring Quod potius pertineat Ministris Domini Regis maxime Justiciariis suis Statum Domini Regis jura Haeredis in custodia ipsius Regis Existentium manu tenere quam in aliquo infringere That it belong'd rather to the Ministers and Officers of the King more especially his Justices to maintain his Estate and the Rights of the Heir within his custody than in any thing to infringe them did adjudg that the said Reginald and Sub-Escheator should be sent prisoners to the Tower there to remain during the Kings pleasure and that the said Reginald should satisfie the King for the Marriage of the said Heir and the said Lands should remain in the Kings hands with a Salvo Jure saving of the Right of all Pretenders thereunto In the three and thirtieth year of the Reign of the aforesaid King upon the Petition in Parliament of Ranulph the Son of Hugh le Mareshal that whereas he was Demandant by a Writ of Entry against the Rector of Ashrugg for a Messuage and divers Lands and he alledged that he could not answer without the King It was answered Rex vult quod respondeatur quod Justiciarii procedant sed certificent Regem super hoc ante redditionem Judicii c. The King willeth that the Tenant do answer the Demandant and that the Justices do proceed but certifie the King thereof before they give Judgement And if then and ever since our Kings have had a Super-intending decision and confirming Power of Judgement in matters of Justice and that without it nothing can by our Laws and reasonable Customs be done in Parliament the highest of all their Courts where the King is as it were the Ens Potentiale and is no less than the Constituent Principle and Soul that animates all their Sanctions where the Laws and Judgements receiving life and vigor from Him and have their Energy do not seldom appear to have been made with Rex voluit the King willeth Rex providit the King provideth Rex mandavit the King commandeth Rex statuit the King appointeth Rex ordinavit the King ordaineth c. all the Courts of Justice and Equity in Westminster Hall and all the Inferior Courts of Justice will not be able to produce if Prescriptions could avail against the Kings Rights and Means of Government any Prescription or any Law Custom or Allowance to exempt them from the Kings Supream Jurisdiction whose Royal Ancestors and Predecessors did heretofore upon all extraordinary occasions so much praeside and intermeddle in their Courts of Justice as Fleta an Author of good account who as hath been before mentioned did about the later end of the Reign of King Edward the Second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the Third write his Book of the Laws of England and Customs of Courts at that time used doth declare the usage then to be That when the King in his Progress or Removal from his Palace at Westminster to any other County or Place to reside for a time as our Kings did heretofore often use to do and was in any other County the Steward of his Houshold as Deputy to the Chief Justice issued forth his Writ to the Sheriff of the Place or County where the King was to reside to cause to come before him at a certain day wheresoever the King should be in his Bailywick all Assizes of Novel Disseisin Mort d'Auncester last Presentations Grand Assizes all Juries Inquisitions and Attaints Pleas of Dower and which were summoned to be determined before the Kings Justices at the first Assizes when they should come into those Parts And all Pleas Juries Inquisitions and Attaints assigned to be heard before the said Justices but were not determined giving the parties a day to prosecute if they pleased and likewise to come before them at a day prefixed And to cause to be brought before them all Prisoners Bails and all Attachments which appertain to the Goal-Delivery quod quidem mandatum frequentur retro trahitur per ejusdem Senescalli mandatum Which Tryals might notwithstanding saith Fleta be recalled by the Stewards Mandate which would necessarily produce some delay of Justice or disturbance of the Peoples affairs or expectations Eo quod Rex forte novis emersis propositum suum mutaverat in regard that the King upon some new Emergencies had altered his minde or purpose But if the King did not decline or forbear his intended Progress then was holden the Goal-Delivery by the Steward And all Duels or Tryals by Battels Appeals and all criminal Matters were determined by him with what conveniency he might and afterwards all Causes concerning Trespasses done within the Verge and after that the Assizes and Juries Obligations and Contracts wherein the Debtors had of their own accord bound themselves to be tryed before the Steward and Marshall of the Kings House placita autem quae ibidem terminari non poterint de Comitatu in Comitatum die in diem poterit adjornare vel in Banco vel ad primas Assisas vel alibi secundum quod fuerit faciend ' donec fuerunt omnia terminata but those Pleas which could not be there determined were to be adjourned from day to day or County to County or to the Common-Bench or unto the first Assizes or elsewhere as it should be thought meet until all were rightly determined Et haec omnia ex Officio suo licite poterit facere non obstante alicujus libertate And all this he might by his Office lawfully do notwithstanding any mans liberty And surely such a Super-intendency of the Soveraign was as much allowed to be Law as Reason in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when upon an Affray in London for rescuing a Soldier a
then Kings Mother Or the popular greatly belov'd Duke of Norfolk out of the County of Norfolk And Sir Edward Coke that great Lawyer so deservedly call'd might if he were now again in his house of clay and that Earthly Honor which his great Acquests in the Study and Practice of the Law had gained him do well to inform us that the Report of Husseys the Chief Justice who is by him mistaken and called the Attorney-General to King Henry the Seventh was any more than an Hear-say and nothing of kin to the Case put by the King whereupon they were commanded to assemble in the Exchequer Chamber whether those that had in those tossing and troublesom times been Attainted might sit in Parliament whilst their Attainders were reversing And the Case concerning the King himself whether an Attainder against himself was not void or purged by his taking upon him the Crown of England or that which in that Conference was brought in to that Report impertinently and improperly to what preceded or followed by the Reporter of that Conference was not at the most but some by discourse and not so faithfully related as to mention how farre it was approved or wherein it was gain-sayed by all or any or how many of the Judges it being altogether unlikely that if Hussey had been then the Kings Attorney-General he would have cast in amongst those Reverend Judges such an illegal and unwarrantable Hear-say of an opinion of the Lord Chief Justice Markham in the Reign of King Edward the Fourth whom that King as our Annalist Stow recordeth displaced for condemning Sir Thomas Cooke an Alderman of London for Treason when it was but Misprision said unto that King That the King cannot Arrest a man upon suspition of Treason or Felony because if he should do wrong the Party cannot have an Action against the King without a bestowing some Confutation Reason or Arguments against it which the Reporter was pleased to silence And was so weak and little to be believ'd an Opinion as the practice of all the Ages since have as well as the Times preceding disallowed and contradicted it and whether such an Opinion can be warranted by any Law or Act of Parliament And whether the King may not take any Cause or Action out of any of His Courts of Justice or Equity and give Judgment thereupon and upon what Law Reason or Ground it is not to be done For if the Answer which Sir Edward Coke made to what the King alledged That the Law was grounded upon Reason and that he and others had reason as well as others That true it was God had endued His Majesty with excellent science but His Majesty was not learned in the Laws of England and Causes which concern the Life and Inheritance or Goods of his Subjects which are not to be decided by natural Reason and Judgment of Law which Judgment requires long study and experience And when the King was therewith greatly offended and replyed That he should then be under the Law which was Treason to be said answered that Bracton saith That Rex non debet esse sub homine sed sub Deo Lege That a King ought not to be under man but God and the Law shall be compared with the Opinion of Dyâ—r Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas and the Judges of that Court in the Case betwixt Greâ—don and the Bishop of Lincoln and the Dean and Chapter of Worcester upon a Demurrer in a Quare Impedit in the eighteenth and nineteenth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth reported by Mr. Edmond Plowden as great and learned a Lawyer as that Age afforded and one whom Sir Edward Coke doth acknowledge to be no less did allow and were of opinion That the King cannot be held to be ignorant of the Law because He is the Head of the Law and ignorance of the Law cannot be allowed in the King there will be as little cause as reason to dote upon such Conclusions especially when the erronious Mis-application and evil Interpretation of that alledged out of Bracton will be obvious to any that shall examine the very place cited that his meaning was that where he said that the King was sub Deo Lege under God and the Law it was that he was onely non uti potentia sed judicio ratione And in other places of his Book speaking who primo principaliter possit debeat judicare who first and principally shall and may judge saith Et sciendum quod ipse Rex non alius si solus ad hoc sufficere possit cum ad hoc per virtutem Sacramenti teneatur astrictus And it is to be understood that the King Himself and none other if he alone can be able is to do it seeing He is thereunto obliged by His Oath Ea vero quae Jurisdicâ—ionis sunt Pacis ea quae sunt Justiciae Paci annexa ad nullum pertinent nisi ad Coronam Dignitatem Regiam nec a Corona seperari poterint cum faciant ipsam Coronam for that which belongeth to his Jurisdiction and that which belongeth to Justice and the Peace of the Kingdom doth belong to none but the Crown and Dignity of the King nor can be separated from the Crown when it makes the Crown so as those who should acknowledge the strength and clearness of a Confutation in that which hath been already and may be said against those Doctrines of Sir Edward Coke may do well to give no entertainment unto those his Opinions which nulla ratione nulla authoritate vel ullo solido fundamento by no reason authority or foundation can be maintained but to endeavor rather to satisfie the world and men of law and reason whether a Soveraign Prince who as Bracton saith habet omnia Jura sua in manu suâ— quae pertinent ad Regni gubernaculum habet etiam Justiciam Judiciam quae sunt Jurisdictiones ut ex Jurisdictione sua sicut Dei Minister Vicarius hath all the Rights in his hand which appertaineth to the Government of the Kingdom which are Jurisdictions and as His Jurisdiction belongeth unto Him as He is Gods Vicar and Minister is in case of Suspition of Treason or Felony where His ever-waking Intelligence and careful Circumspections to keep Himself and People in safety shall give Him an Alarm of some Sedition Rebellion or Insurrection and put on His Care and Diligence to a timely Endeavor to crush or spoil some Cockatrice Eggs busily hatching to send to His Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Kings Bench or in his absence out of the Term some Justice of Peace for a Warrant to Arrest or Apprehend the party offending or suspected which our Laws and reasonable Customs of England did never yet see or approve and when such offenders are to be seized as secretly as suddenly Or what Law History or Record did ever make mention of so unusual undecent
that School and be ready to make Affidavit of those his pretended Axioms may do well before they do too greedily imbibe them to remember that Maxime in our Law as well as the Caesarean that Nemâ— plus Juris in alium transferre potest quam ipse habet No man can give unto another a greater Power and Authority than he hath himself and that Sir Edw. Coke himself hath acknowledged that a Derivative cannot be greater than the Power and Authority from whence it was deriv'd And to give themselves and others the reason why the Kings of England should have a Comptroll and rectifying Super-intendency by the Common Law Judges own confessions over his Admiralty and Ecclesiastical Courts and not of his Common Law Courts and other Judicatories or may not send his Prohibitions to Superior Courts where they intermeddle beyond their Cognizance as he doth in the Admiralty and Ecclesiastical Courts and as he may do in all inferior Courts and by what Rule Act of Parliament or positive Law they are to do it in the one and are restrained in the other or left at liberty in the one and not in the other And whether he may not in Civil Actions for some reasons of State Justice or Equity do it as well as in the Reign of King Henry the Third after the making of Magna Charta it was done when Bracton takes it for a Rule that in advenâ—u Justitiariorum ad omnia placita ex Jurisdictione sibi delegata pertinent ad eos audire querelas singulorum Petitiones ut unicuique Justicia â—iat that in the Circuit of the Judges it belongeth unto them by their Jurisdiction delegated to hear all men and their Complaints and Petitions that Justice may be done to every man yet if any prosecuted or complained of without the Kings Writ or Precept injuste arctatus fuerit shall be unjustly forced to answer Subvenitur ei per taâ—e brev Domini Regis Rex Vicecom salutem precipimus tibi quod non implacites nec implacitari permittas talem de libero tenemento suo in tali villa sine speciali Precepto nostro vel Capitalis Justiciarii nostri The King may relieve him by such a Writ viz. that is to say The King sendeth greeting to the Sheriff We command you that you do not implead or suffer to be impleaded such a one of his Free-hold in such a Town without Our Writ Precept or Command or of Our Chief Justice Or as that King did where an Appeal was brought in the County of York for a Robbery and remov'd per Preceptum nostrum by the Kings command before his Justices at Westminster which S r Ed. Coke says is always to be understood to be of the Court of Common-Pleas and being heard the Party appealed was acquitted and having been appealed for the same Fact in the County of Essex and after that Acquittal aforesaid outlawed in Essex the King quoniam Error prejudicare non debet veritati to the end that Error might not prejudice Truth did Consilio Magnatum by the advice of his Great Men pronounce that Outlawry to be null and void And in another Case where the Justices Itinerant upon an Appeal brought for the death of a mans brother and he that was appealed being a timorous man had fled thereupon so as by the command of the said Justices he was afterwards outlawed and the man that was said to have been killed was found to be alive and in health the King seeing that there was no just cause of the Utlary did pardon it and the flight and commanded that in a full County-Court where he was outlawed the man said to be killed should be produced and that then eum inlagari faciat ad pacem Regis recipi the Sheriff should in-law the Defendant and receive him to the Kings peace and publiquely proclaim that he was received into the Kings grace and favor And if they will read Bracton quite through and diligently observe and compare one place with another and that wherein he is positive and concludent they need not go far to seek how easie it is to mistake Reason and overâ—run and reject Truths as the Rabbies and Proselites of the Rebellious Assembly call'd The Long Parliament did not long ago do by suffering their prejudice fancy or sinister ends to rove and catch a piece of that Ancient Loyal and Learned Author to furnish out their disloyal Arguments and Purposes without any further reading or enquiry into him where they may see the contrary asserted and abundance of Confutation of those and many other Errors they were so much in love with and are so willing to espouse The Authorities offered to prove the Opinion of Sir Edward Coke and the Judges in that Case of Prohibitions in Michaelmas Term in the fifteenth year of the Reign of King James before-mentioned yielding if well examined no support to that debile fundamentum weak and insufficient Thesis or intended Foundation and will as unsafely be relyed upon as those many Conclusions which he hath as to many things drawn from the counterfeit Modus tenendi Parlementum abundantly prov'd to be so both by Mr. Selden and Mr. Pryn about the latter end of King Henry the Sixth and from his over much admired and too often cited but suspected the so called Mirror of Justice written by Andrew Horne many hundred years after the Reign of King Alfred of much of the matters wherin Asser Meneuensis who lived in his Court and wrote of his Actions Brompton and many of our old English Writers are altogether silent and as little satisfactory as the Resolution of himself in Trinity Term in the fifth year of the Reign of King James concerning a Commission to inquire of Depopulations to be amongst other defects suppos'd to be therein that the said Commission was against Law 1. because it was in English 2. because the Offences inquirable were not mentioned in the Commission but in a Schedule annexed the reason and authority whereof lies as hidden and difficult as the most dark and envelopped Riddles and Aenigma's of Sphinx and as unintelligible as the most mystical Caballa of the opinionated Rabbins and as unlikely to be assisted by any either Law or right Reason as another Opinion or Hypothesis of Sir Edward Cokes and others That the King cannot create a Manor when those many thousand Manors in England have not with their large Liberties and Priviledges been granted by Act of Parliament but by the Favor and Indulgence of our Kings or by their tacite Permissions where any of those Manors have as parcel of some others or otherwise been onely upheld by Custom or Prescription All which with many other of his Doctrines and Opinions would not have been welcomed or caressed by the former Ages who well unstood the difference betwixt the Edicta and Rescripta Principum the Edicts and Legal Mandates of Sovereign Princes with the high esteem respects and obedience is due unto them
and the Responsa prudentum of their Commissionated Justices and the Reasonings and Dictates of those Disciples of refined Reason and how wide also is the difference betwixt Deliberation and things spoken of a sudden betwixt Arguments solemnly made both at the Bar and at the Bench and that which passeth from them obiter or in transitu hastily and without any premeditation or in passage or as circumstantial to some other matter or when it was not subjectum Argumenti the subject or material part of the Argument but came in as foreign or was not the principal Design thereof or was but as some of the Law Reports do mention other things to have been spoken onely ad mensam as they sate at Dinner or Supper or in their private Conferences or per Auditum by Hear-say or Report of another coming in from a Court or Business at Law where they that made the Report were not present neither were those Sons of Wisdom ignorant that Laws were to be so subservient to Government as not to incumber the just means thereof and the Power and Authority which should protect and take care of it For although Kings and Princes ought in performance of their Oaths taken at their Coronation to make the Methods and Rules of their Governments where Justice and Reason shall perswade it to come up as near as they can Legum suarum praescripto to the minde and direction of their established and allowed Laws and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom and moderate and guide their Power as Bracton saith to the right end for which it was ordained yet the Suprema Lex Salus Populi ne quid detrimenti Respublica capiat the Supream Law to heed above all things next to the will and commands of the Almighty King of Kings the safety of the People and Weal Publique committed to their charge wherein their own is not a little concern'd being not to be neglected enjoyns the care and observation of that great Principle in the Eternal Laws of Nature and right Reason that there ought to be in all Kings Princes and Governors such a Power and Means extraordinary as may answer the purpose of Government procure Justice relieve Necessities and repel any the Incursions of Dangers which present Laws or the greatest fore-cast could never provide or before-hand arm against when Time Necessities or Hazards imminent cannot tarry for the popular or long deliberations or assent of a Multitude who can sooner bring upon themselves a ruining and fatal Discord than procure any help at present and that to oblige Government to a close and pertinacious adhering to Laws or Rules already established which can yield them no relief or at the most none at present may be as inconvenient and destructive as to limit a Captain Master or Pilot of a Ship going to Sea what Orders and no other he must observe when Pirates or Enemies assaults unlooked for the Furies of the merciless Windes and Seas or those many other Misfortunes of which the Seas do produce as great a plenty as they do variety shall rush or break in upon him and must of necessity require other helps or directions and cannot always sayl by Card or Compass or in sight of a conducting Pole-Star but most sometimes for the preservation of himself the Ship and Passengers lowr his Sayls cut his Cables or Main-mast or throw Goods over-board to be recompensed by those whose good and safety was procured by it Or might be as fatal as it would be to an Army when a General or Commander of it shall be pinnion'd and fetter'd with Instructions or Authorities ill calculated and must not go beyond them when their Cares Arts and Stratagems are not to be before-hand prescribed by Laws Instructions or Rules of War but are to be used and practised as Occasions Opportunities Advantages or Disadvantages Successes Dangers or Misfortunes shall advise And therefore if we look down from the hills of Time into the valleys of the Ages past and take a view of the Laws and Constitutions of our Princes the Records and Monuments of their Justice distributed by themselves or the Judges their Substitutes the weight of the Reasons of their Judgements therein and the Obedience which the People have from Age to Age readily paid unto them they that will not wilfully sacrifice to a peevish Obstinacy may see cause enough for our Kings as well to make use of extraordinary Helps and Remedies in order to Justice and the Weal Publique as their delegated Judges have done by that which they call Office and Discretion or course of Court and Equity of Statutes in many Causes too many to be here instanced when the Laws would too much streighten them or not permit them to do that which Justice would require or expect at their hands to believe that the no unfaithful or unlearned Judges in the former Ages did not incroach upon the Liberties of the People or wanted a Warrant of right Reason when they had such a veneration and respect to the Prudence of divers of our Princes their Reason and Necessities of State and the preservation of the People and in doing of Justice as in the sixth year of the Reign of King Richard the First Adam of Benningfield and Gundreda his Wife having brought a Writ of Dower against Robert Mallivell and Pavie his Wife for seven Carves of Land in Raveneston with the Appurtenances in the County of Nottingham of which the said Gundreda had a Fine levied unto her in the Court of King Henry by Robert Mallivell Father of the said Robert Mallivell and thereof produced the Chirograph and alledged that the said Robert the Son had disseized them in the War or Rebellion of Earl John the Kings Brother and was with him in the War against the King at Kingeshage and that by reason of the Seisin of the said Robert by the said Earl John the Land was taken into the Kings hands as Hugh Bardo witnessed but the said Robert pleaded that he paid a Fine to the King for it and for that Land to have his Lands again and for that produced the Kings Letters to the Sheriff of Nottinghamshire who attested the truth thereof Et Dominus Cancellarius dicit quod ipse accepit ab ore Domini Regis quod ipse redderet Seisinam terrarum omnibus illis qui disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem dicit quod ratum habeâ—ur quod ipsi disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem inde consideratum est quod magis ratum habetur quod Dominus Rex ore precipit quam quod per literas mandavit quod Adam Gundreda habeant Seisinam suam and the Lord Chancellor witnessed that he was commanded by the King by word of mouth that he should make Livery of their Lands to all which were disseized by the said Earl John which would have required a good Warrant in a matter concerning so many and said that it was proved that they
reddend erronice et sine warranto processerunt Upon view and due consideration of which Record and Writs aforesaid it appeared to the Court that the aforesaid Justices had by colour of the Writ of Procedendo which was of a later Date than the Writ of Venire Facias to cause the Record and Proceedings to be brought before the King and that by that Writ of Venire Facias the Power of Proceeding was taken from the aforesaid Justices nor in the said Writ of Procedendo was any mention made of the Bishops aforesaid Allegation nor of the Kings former Command that after the taking of the Assise they should not without Advising with the King Proceed to Judgement and that by such a giving of Judgement they had Proceeded Erroniously and without Warrant whereupon and other the Errors alledged the Judgement was Reversed and the Seisin of the Land adjudged to the Bishop In the third year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Bishop of Winchester being Attached to Answer the King Quare decessit a Parlemento tent ' apud novam Sarum absque licencia Regis contra inhibitionem Regis et in Regis contemptum Wherefore he departed from the Parliament Holden at New Salsbury without Licence of the King contrary to the Kings Inhibition and in Contempt of the King Episcopus dicit quod ipse est unus de Paribus Regni et Praelatis Regni et eis inest venire ad Parlementum Domini Regis summonit Et pro voluntate Domini Regis cum ipse placuerit Et dicit quod siquis eorum deliquerit erga Dominum Regem in parte aliqua in aliquo Parlemento debet corrigi emendari non alibi in minor Cur ' quam in Parlemento per quod non intendit quod Dominus Rex velit in Cur ' hic de hujusmodi transgressione contempt ' fact in Parlemento responderi c. To which the Bishop pleaded that he was one of the Peers and Prelates of the Kingdom and that they are to come to the Parliament of the King when they are summoned when he pleaseth and that if any of them should offend the King in any thing the King ought to correct or call them to accompt for it in Parliament and not elsewhere in any lesser Court. Wherefore he hoped that the King will for any such offence or contempt cause him to answer in Parliament To which the King's Attorney replyed Quod licet Regi de hujusmodi transgressione sectam facere vel delinquentem punire in quacunque Curia sibi placuerit c. Et Episcopus e contra ut prius ideo datus est dies That by Law the King may prosecute against a Delinquent in whatsoever Court he pleaseth which the Bishop denied as aforesaid and therefore further day was given c. King Edward the second having by his Letters Patents granted to Maurice Brownesword Officium Custod Vlnagij in Anglia postea ipsum inde amovit et conâ—ulit dictum Officium Nicholao Sherlock unde Mauricius per petitionem Regi porrectam in Bancum Regis missam petit quod dictum Officium ei restituatur The Office of the Aulnage in England and afterwards displaced him and granted the said Office to Nicholas Sherlock and Maurice Brownsword having thereupon exhibited his Petition to the King which prayed that the said Office might be restored unto him and the King having sent it to the Judges King Edward the third his Son notwithstanding in the fifth year of his raign misit breve suum Justic quod non vult ea irritari quae Pater suus in hoc fecit praecepit quod supersedeant quousque aliud inde ordinaverit c. sent his Writ to the Justices declaring that he would not have that to be made void which his Father had done and commanded them to proceed no farther therein untill his further order In a Judgment given in the Court of Kings Bench in Easter Term in the tenth year of the Raign of the aforesaid King upon a Taxation or Assesment upon the County of Hertford for the wages of Hoblers and Footmen It was declared Quod nihil renovandum seu emendand quod factum fuit per Regem that nothing was to be revoked or amended which was done by the King and in the same Term and year Super prolationem Recordorum Rotulorum Curiae al. Dominus Rex misit breve suum Justic mandando quod nihil agerent in prejudicium sâ—u ex hereditationem Domini Regis sed quod supersederent in negotio praedicto nihil inde faciendo inconsulto Rege upon producing of the Records and Rolls of the Court the King sent his Writ to the Justices commanding them that they should do nothing in his prejudice or disherison and that they should stay and proceed no further without advising with him In Easter Term in the forty sixth year of the Raign of King Edward the third Thomas Bishop of Durham was attached ad respondend tam Domino Regi quam Gulielmo sil Henr ' de Aslokey quare iâ— placito erroris in utlagaria ad sectam tam Katerine quae fuit Vxor Willi ' de Kilkenny quam ad â—ectam Dâ—iâ— Ept ' infra libertatem Episcopat ' Dunelm non misit Recordum ex Mandato Regis in Bancum Regis to answer the King as William the Son of Henry of Aslokey wherefore upon a Writ of Error brought to reverse an outlawry as well at the Suit of Katherine which was the Wife of William of Kilkenny as at the Suit of the Bishop within the liberty of the Bishoprick of Durham he had not sent the Records as the King had commanded into the Court of Kings Bench and upon a second Writ commanding him to do it or to shew cause which was delivered at his Castle of Auckland and a third Writ of the like Tenor delivered to the Bishop himself at Waltham Cross spretis mandatis record processus non misit nec causam significavit quare id facere noluit but disobeying the Kings commands had neither sent the Records and Process nor shewed any cause why he did it not Episcopus dicit quod nulla brevia ei liberavit apud Dunelm ' quod ad illud apud Waltham retornavit quod ipse est Comes Palatinus Dominus regalis cujusdam terrae vocat le Bishoprick de Durham habet omnia Jura regalia quae ad Comitem Palatinum Dominium regalem pertinent per se Justic ' Ministros suos ibidem excercenda ac Justic ' suos proprios viz. Coronatorem Cancellar Cancellariam brevia sua propria ibidâ— de Cancellaria sua emanantia quod ministri Domini Regis ad aliqua officia sua exercenda ibidem in aliquo ad omnia Com' placita se non intromittant realia et personalia quae ad comitem Palatinum pertinent infra terram praed ' quod habet Justic.
suos ibidem et ad assignand ' Justic ' per Commissionem et ad Error ' corrigend per ipsum Episco pum vel alios Justiciar suos tam ad sectam Domini Episcopi quam aliorum praediâ—tus Willielmus replicavit quod non esset consonum rationi se ipsum de facto prosecutione proprijs fore Judicem cum proprie ad Regiam Majestatem in omnibus Causis ortis inter subditos Jurisdictio pertinet dinoscere et licet ad aliquam Personam per privilegium speciale de causa cognoscere indultum fuit si substitutus in exhibitione Justitiae defecerit Errorem per superiorem et non per substitut ' corrigi debet et super hoc dati sunt dies de termino in terminum To which he pleaded that no Writs were delivered to him at Durham and to that which was delivered unto him at Waltham he had returned that he is Count Palatine and Lord of the Royalty of the Lands called the Bishoprick of Durham and hath all the Rights and Regalities which do belong unto a Count Palatine and that Royalty there to be exercised by him and his Ministers and Justices that is to say hath a Coroner Chancellor and Court of Chancery and that the Kings Officers do not in any thing intermeddle therein and that the said Bishop as Count Palatine hath there likewise his Court and Justices of Common-Pleas as well real as personal and power to assign by Commission Justices to correct and reverse Errors committed by him or any of his Justices as well at his own Suit as others Unto which the said William replyed That it was not reason that he should be Judge of his own Actions when as properly it belonged to the Majesty of a King to determine of all Causes betwixt his Subjects And although he in favour granted to some Person a special priviledge to hear and determine Causes yet if any substituted by him do fail in the distribution of Justice the Errors shall be corrected by the Superior and not by the Substitutes whereupon further days were given from Term to Term. Nor was the Duties of Subjects so worn out but that so much respect was in those better Times given to our Kings Royal Protections granted to such as were not employed by them as the Laws and reasonable Customs oâ— England did allow the protected Persons in their Lands and Estates to bring their Actions against the Infringers or Disturbers thereof as in the Case of Roger de Limecote against the Sheriff of Liecester in the first year of the Reign of King Richard the First for disseising him of two Knights Fees Nicholas Talbot against William Prior of Dunstar in the eight and thirtieth year of the Reign of King Edward the Third of Walter Warr against Gervase Wretchey and John Parkey in the same year and of many others in the said Kings Reign and no Pleas in Bar or alledging Illegality put into the same but in others some collateral Pleas and Defences made by Releases or the like For those Lovers of their Countrey and honor of their Kings did not think as some would fondly and untruly assert that all the Royal Protections granted by them had at the first no better an Original or Foundation than an Imitation of the many Protections and Priviledges granted by our Kings and Princes to Bishops Monasteries and Religious Houses did not believe that our Kings could not respite for a while the payment of moneys due unto any of their Subjects or do as much as amounted to it when King Edward the Third in his Wars with France and great want of Moneys did about the thirteenth year of his Reign revoke divers Assignations for the payment of Moneys due unto private and particular persons until he should be better enabled to pay them And it was about the twelfth Year of the Reign of King James in the Grand Case of Boltons Complaint against the Lord Chancellor Ellesmeere adjudged in Parliament That upon a Bill called A Bill of Conformity exhibited in Chancery by a Debtor against his Creditors for not accepting of his Offer of as much satisfaction as he was able to give them and for refusing thereupon to permit him to enjoy his liberty the Lord Chancellor or the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England might by Injunctions prohibit and stay all Suits at the Common Law commenced by him or any such refractory Creditors For our Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench Common-Pleas and Exchequer have in their several subordinate Authorities not seldom mitigated and reduced the high and unreasonable Fines incertain demanded by divers Lords of Manors of their Copy-hold Tenants for their Admissions unto a more reasonable Rate of two years improved Value and enforced them to accept it And Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon Magna Charta would not bring into the meaning of the Clause of Nulli negabimus vel differemus Justiciam That the King would not deny or delay Justice such Protections as do appear in the Register and are warranted by the Books of Law And although in the eighth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth it was in transitu and by the way said by Cottesmore a Judge in the Case concerning the Priviledges of the University of Oxford That the King cannot grant that a man shall not Implead or have any Action against another Yet it was at the same time declared to be Law and right Reason by Babington a Judge That to a Lord of a Manor Conusance of all Trespasses done within his Lordship may be granted by the King and that a Plaintiff shall be bound to bring his Action accordingly and that in that Case the King hath not fore-closed him of his Action so as our Novelists and such as invent all the Oppositions they can against the just and legal Authority of their Sovereigns may do better to acknowledge that howsoever it was the opinion of some of the Judges in the Reign of King Henry the Sixth That if any should Arrest a man by the Kings Command when all men Arrested are so by the Authority of the King and his Writs or Process an Action of False Imprisonment might be brought against him that obeyed the Kings Command although it was done in the presence of the King Yet the whole Tenor and Meaning of that Case and that sudden Opinion arguendo or by way of instance deliver'd thereupon was no more but that such a Command ought to be attended with some Specialty or cause shewed And so little did the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench in Trinity Term in the ninth year of the Reign of King Henry the Fifth intend or think it fit to subject to the humor of any froward or undutiful person the important Affairs and Service of the King As William Reedhead and Nicholas Hobbesson Purveyors for the King having taken forty Quarters of Malt for the Kings use for the Victualling
of the Town of Harfleet in France from William Atkin he brought his Action of Trespass against them for the taking away of fifty quarters of Malt from him Unto which as touching the supposed Trespass and ten quarters of Malt they pleaded Not Guilty and took Issue thereupon And as to the forty quarters of Malt residue pleaded and produced the Kings Letters Patents dated the twentieth of January in the third year of his Reign and that he thereby did Assign them joyntly or severally to take a thousand quarters of Malt for the Victualling of the said Town of Harfleet where-ever it might be found as well within Liberties as without the Lands of the Church onely excepted upon reasonable payment by the King for the same and to provide sufficient Carriage by Land or Water to the City of London And in regard that they had notice that the said William Atkin might well bear and afford the same beyond his necessary Occasions and did sell divers quantities of Malt in the Markets The said William Reedhead and Nicholas at the time of the pretended Trespass did to the use of the King as aforesaid take the said forty quarters of Malt charged the said William Atkin on the Kings behalf by vertue of the Kings said Letters Patents that he should carry the same to London and deliver it to Robert Barbet who should pay him as well for the said forty quarters of Malt as for the carriage thereof which Robert Barbet was assigned by the Kings Letters Patents to receive it for the use of the King and transport it to Harfleet and to make full payment for the said Victualling of the Town aforesaid and that the said William Atkin did carry the said Malt to the said Robert and received of him full payment for twenty quarters of the said Malt and the carriage thereof and that the said Robert Barbet assigned the said William Atkin within six moneths after to be paid for the said other twenty quarters at London which forty quarters of Malt so taken as aforesaid for the Kings use came to his use at Harfleet aforesaid unde non intendunt quod Cur. hic in loquela predicta ad prosecutionem predicti Will. ulterius versus eos procedere velit ipso Domino Rege inconsulâ—o petunt auxilum de ipso Rege quod eis per Cur Concessum est Wherefore they hope that the Court will no farther proceed in that Action until the Kings pleasure shall be known and do pray the Aid of the King therein which by the Court was granted unto them Et super hoc dies dat est partibus predictis coram Domino Rege in statu quo usque xv scil Michaelis ubicunque c. Et dictum est prefato Willielmo quod interim sequatur penes Dominum Regem de licentia habend ad procedend ulterius in loquela predicta si c. Et dies dat ut supra usque Oct. Hillarii inde per seperales dies Terminos usque Octab. scil Michaelis Whereupon Day was given unto the parties aforesaid in the state or manner as now it is until fifteen days after Michaelmas And the said William Atkin was commanded that in the mean time he should petition the King for leave or licence to proceed if he would in the Action At which day time was further given to the parties aforesaid in manner as aforesaid until eight days after St Hillary and the said Wil. Atkin was commanded that he should petition the King if he would for leave as aforesaid At which day and time day was given to the parties in manner as aforesaid until Easter Term then next following and the said William Atkin commanded if he would to petition the King as aforesaid At which time further day was given to the parties aforesaid until Trinity Term next following and the said William Atkin commanded to petition the King as aforesaid At which time further day was given to the parties aforesaid until eight days after Michaelmas and the said William Atkin was commanded to petition the King as aforesaid And no further Proceedings were had thereupon as appeareth by the Roll where otherwise it would have been entred Neither could our less contentious turbulent Fore-fathers probably be willing to give lodging or entertainment to any such vain and unwarrantable conceits as do now too frequently attempt an invasion upon the Lex Regia of their Soveraign or necessary and legal Rules or Methods of Government or the very Attendance upon the Person of the King and his many times indispensable Affairs in order to the good and safety of his People or that upon Licence demanded to prosecute any Action at Law against any of his Servants it should be any such delay of Justice as to furnish out their supposed matters of Grievance or Complaint that a little time or respite should be given to any of the Kings Servants either to give satisfaction or answer the Action When Bracton in the Reign of our King Henry the Third declared it to be no new or evil Law or Custom of the Kingdom that in the Kings Commissions to the Justices Itinerant or Assizes there was an Exception of Causes wherein qui profecti sunt in servitio nostro those which were gone or sent in the Kings service were concerned or that such a reasonable part of time or respite given should nurse up or encourage any disccontent when the Judges in an Action depending in the Court of Common-Pleas against one that was none of the Kings servants or employed by him were in the Cases of an Essoyn de male lecti of sickness to cause a View to be had of the sick Person and if really sick to assign him a reasonable time to arise and appear before them or if he had been viewed and had malum transiens an intermitting Disease or if a Languor or Languishing were testified and such an Essoin were cast before the Justices Itinerant in their Circuits where they had no power to receive any such Essoin mittere possint ad ipsum ut faciat Attornatum they might send to him which could not be done suddenly to make an Attorney to answer for him Or that our Kings should be able to Protect and Priviledge such of the Clergy as in former times were as Clerks or Officers in Chancery employed in his Service as to send notwithstanding the then great power of the Bishops their Diocesans his Writs De non Residentia of dispensing with their Non-residence upon their Benefices and command them as hath been before remembred not to be sequestred for their Absence whilest they were employed in their Service or if sequestred to unsequester them or if Fined by any Ecclesiastical or Church Censures that such Fines should not belevied which was in those times not believed either by the Layety or the Clergy themselves to be illegal And in the later of the said Writs that such a sequestration was in juris Coronae
libertatis privilegij praedictorum laesionem manifestam to the prejudice of the rights of the Crown and violation of the liberty and priviledge aforesaid hujusmodi vijs modis quibus poterint praecanere libertatem privilegia sua praedicta manu tenere cupientes And that they were desirous by all the ways and means they could to hinder such doings so prejudicial unto them and were resolved to maintain the Liberties and Priviledges of the Crown And not be able to protect his Houshold and domestick Servants in whose daily service and continual attendance both our Kings and their Subjects were more concerned than they could be by any the service or attendance of the Officers or Clerks in the Court of Chancery Which the Lords in Parliament did so well understand to be a Right inherent and due unto Royal Majesty as in the three and fortieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth they did in the Case of William Huggen one of the Queens Servants arrested upon an Execution send the Gentleman-Usher attending upon their House to the Prison of the Fleet to bring him before them and upon view of Precedents of some of their own Servants delivered though none of any the Kings or Queens did in conformity to the reason thereof cause the Plaintiff upon the Defendants promise to pay him to release him and the Under-Sheriff being committed to the Fleet was three days after upon his Petition discharged And in the first year of the Reign of King James The Earl of Suffolk Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House did procure Nicholas Reading one of his Majesties Servants arrested by an Execution at the Suit of Sir Edward Hales to be brought before the Lords in Parliament by a Writ of Habeas Corpus and so by the Plaintiffs consent released the Order mentioning that such an Arrest was contrary to the honor and priviledge of that Court. Or that not only the Judges of the superior Courts the Justices of Peace can as they have done it antiently and commonly imprison men for Contempts of them or their written Orders or verbal Commands without which they power could not Tueri Jurisdictionem uphold that Authority which the King had given them but the Constables of every Parish in London whose Offices and Authority at the first were saith the judicious and learned Lambard but as the fingers to the hands or body of the Constable of England a great Officer of the King and his Crown can in their Night-watches command better men than themselves to the Compters or London Prisons there to lodge the remainder of the night among the debauched or unruly sort of people calld Rats or Night-walkers but for angring his worship or not believing that he is a Prince of the Night the Kings Image and none of the smaller parcels of mortality and shall have so much connivence at his no seldom committed Follies as no other Habeas Corpus shall be granted to the injured person thn a submissive paying of his Fees of imprisonment and procuring himself as well as he can to be discharged by the greater discretion of the Lord Mayor or an Alderman before whom he is the next morning to be brought with his not to be discerned Fault or offences and if he should seek afterwards to be recompenced for such an affront is to expect as little favour as may be for himself and as much as may be for his adversary And that the King under whose Power and Authority they acted should not be able by his own immediate command or the Warrant of some of the great Officers of his Crown or Houshold to punish by imprisonment any contempts committed against himself and his soveraign power by the arresting of his domestick and houshold Servants without Licence who are neare unto his person and imployed in his hourly or daily service or attendance or that his power and Authority should not be efficacious or valid in his own case or immediate concernment and should be valid and sufficient to punish such as either contemned or abused his Justices and Servants extraordinary who are more remote from his person in the administration of his Justice As when Eustace de Parles and his brother were by King Edward the first in the one and twentieth year of his Reign committed to the Tower of London for abusing and striking in Westminster Hall William de Bereford one of his Justices of his Court of Common-Pleas And King Edward the third by his Justices and Authority punished the Bayliffs of Ipswich by the Forfeiture and Loss of their places seised the Liberties of the Town and delivered the Custody thereof to another during the Kings pleasure and made the Bayliffs of the Town to deliver in Court their Staves of Office for that they had suffered an unruly multitude to feast and revel with certain Malefactors condemned by the Justices of Assize and after their departure made a Mock game of them in sitting upon the Tribunal and Fining them and their Clerks Or that any should think it reasonable or no disservice of the King or his not to be incumbred Affairs to arrest any of his Houshold Servants without a Licence first obtained And shall at the same time decry or declaim against the Arresting of a Judge sitting in his delegated Court of Justice or travelling in the Circuit by and under the Kings Commission at the Suit of any private person or the Arresting and Imprisonment of an Admiral or Vice-Admiral going to Sea or a Commander or Governor of a Castle Fort or Garison upon the like occasion and think it reasonable that the King in reference to the Weal-publique in those his affairs and concernments should by priviledge protect and shelter them A right understanding whereof and of that which hath been before alleaged and the reasons supporting those Judgments of the not ignorant or unworthy but very learned grave and upright Judges in those former Ages and Times and of the Duties Honor and Respects which were and ought to be paid to the Soveraignty just and necessary means of Government assented unto by our Lawes and reasonable Customs of England and in praxi observantia junioris Aevi in the practise and course of Law in the succeeding Ages not denied by any positive or well interpreted Law may grant a Proeibition and give a Checque or Restraint to those opinions so of late hatch'd and hug'd against too many of the Actions of Authority in order to Government and the Weal-publique the necessity of preventing Evils before they happen or diverting abating or lessening them after they are happened and invite them to forsake their overmuch adoration of Sir Edware Cokes aforesaid Errors and believe Sir Thomas Ridley a Doctor of the civil Lawes and no stranger to our Common-Lawes who no longer ago than the beginning of the Reign of King James in his Book intituled A view of the Civil Ecclâ—siastical and Temporal
Laws of this Land said that it was an ordinary Complaint as well in the Temporal as the Civil and Ecclesiastical Courts that our Lawes were far otherwise interpreted than they were in former Ages and declared that the King by communicating his Authority to his Judges to expound his Lawes doth not thereby abdicate the same from himself but may assume it again unto himself when and as often as he pleaseth And was long before that so believed to be consistent with our Magna Charta the doing of Justice to his people and the dernier resort or ultimate Appeal as Saint Paul did unto Caesar and so desirable by those that could have remedy no where else as Reginald Basset having great Suites with William de Harecourt Thomas de Astley and other Knights that held of the Honor of Leicester did in the eleventh year of the Reign of King John give as an oblation two Palfreys to the King that the Cause might be heard before him wherein he got the better as appeareth by a Fine of 200 Marks the next year after paid into the Exchequer by the said Thomas de Astley pro falso clamore for not proceeding in his Suit or Claim against him For certainly in that great and most prudent Judgment and Justice of Solomon in the Case of the true and false Mother claiming the child when al Israel heard of the judgment which the King had judged and they feared the King for they saw that the wisdom of God was in him to do Judgement that so justly admired piece of Justice was as well and legally done in his House or Chamber as if it had been done by him in the Sanhedrim or any of his Courts of Justice In the evidencing whereof although the Arguments by me used and the Authorities cited may to the more learned and lesser part of the people seem to be too many needless or superfluous yet they may to others appear to be as profitable as necessary to undeceive or antidote all such who having a Magna Charta of their Fancies do metamorphose all they can our better Magna Charta and make their disobedience conveniences or interest the Standard and Rule of their obedience and may be more and more mislead or infected by the Errors of the opinions delivered for Law in the Case before recited of the Prohibitions and to wean them from those dangerous Antimonarchical Doctrines which they had suck'd in the late times of confusion when our Lawes and right Reason attending them and even Truth it self were by an usurped power false authority and â— mechanick and ignorant part of the people lead by a rebellious party persecuted banished or affrighted Wherefore they who do delight to oppose and cavil Regal Authority by gleaning all the objections which they can either frame or hear of and put the Law upon a Rack or Torture to wring and wrest out of it any thing that may help to accommodate their distempered and unruly Fancyes may think they are in the Road and High-way of Wisdom and Applause but will in the end whilst they forget the duty of Subjects to their King and the Commands of God to honour and obey him find themselves to be more than a little deceived and to be far enough out of it and might do better to hasten out of the sinful ways they walked in and the unsafety of the Paths they have trod and travelled in and help to still and put to silence rather than increase and foment those causeless complaints wherewith too many of our Nation surfetting upon happiness do too much affright and afflict themselves and others in their opposing the just priviledges and protection of the Kings Servants And remember that although there are few evils or not to be justified matters of Fact as well as those which have been good and vertuous which have not left some Vestigia records or precedents to after Ages and it hath not been unfitly said that Exempla illustraâ—t non probant that Examples may illustrate but not prove yet the precedents and examples which are founded and built upon Law Right Reason and Truth as these by us alleaged on the part of the Kings Servants have been are to be heeded and harkened unto and the contrary rejected That the instances and examples brought by me out of the Civil and Cesarean Laws ought to oblige as they do with many other Nations propter aequitatem in regard of the Equity and reasonableness thereof and more especially when ex jure gentium naturali ratione by the Law of Nations and Nature they are in the particulars by me endeavoured here to be asserted not only by them but our Common Laws and reasonable Customs of England to be justified and maintained And that it is and should be the Interest of all the good people of England to preserve the Honor of the King and that the Bonds of gratitude in a return of what they have in their Liberties and Priviledges received of him and his Royal Progenitors should perswade them not to deny unto him those just Rights which by Law do belong unto Him and his Servants CHAP. XXI That a care of the Honor and Reverence due unto the King hath been accompted and is and ought to be the Interest of all the People of England and that the Servants and retinue of a Soveraign Prinee who hath given and permitted to his Subjects so many large Liberties Immunities Exemptions and Priviledges should not want those Exemptions Immunities Customs and Priviledges which are so justly claimed by them FOR every man who hath not bound himself more than as an Apprentice to a Spirit or Custom of contradiction of Authority and made himself a slave to wickedness and a Companion of those that speak evil of Dignities may confess that it is and should be every mans Interest to observe the fifth Commandement of God in that Sacred and dreadfully pronounced Decalogue to Honor and reverence the King and common Parent and that St. Peter hath so conjoyned the Fear of God and Honor of the King as that the one cannot be without the other and it is obvious to every mans understanding that where there is Honor there seldome wants obedience and where there is an obedience Honor most commonly doth bear it Company so that if the Law of God Nature and Nations and the municipal Laws and Customs of all the Countreys Kingdoms and Common-Wealths of the World where Reason hath got any admittance have submitted unto and acknowledged a Majesty and more especial Honor to be due unto their Supreme and Soveraign si Majestas quasi major status dicitur quis non fatebitur majorem statum esse Regis in suo regno and if Majesty is so called in regard of a greater State and Degree who will not acknowledge that a King is greater than any in his Kingdome certae sunt saith Besoldus affectiones quae superioritatem concomitantur sine quibus
Lands in antient Demesn to the prejudice of the Lord and for those that are Summoned to the Sheriffs turn out of their own Hundred a Writ de libertate allocanda for a Citizen or Burgesse to have his Priviledge allowed when he is impleaded contrary thereunto and a Writ de Consuâ—tudinibus servitiis a Writ of right close against a Tenant which deforceth his Lord of the Services due unto him and a Writ to exempt a man from the view of Frank pledge when he is not there resident although all men are obliged thereunto by reason of their Lands not their habitation and as Bracton saith a view of Frank pledg is res quasi Sacra quia solam personam Regis respicit introducta sit pro pace utilitate Regis as it were a Sacred matter or thing in regard it taketh care of the Kings person and was introduced for his Peace and Profit should by the rule of gratitude if there were nothing of right or duty to perswade it not tell how to obstruct that so antient Claim of Priviledge of the Kings Servants when it will ever be as Consonant to Law and right Reason for the Kings Servants not to be disturbed or prejudiced in their duties and attendance upon the King as it is for any others Of his people and Subjects being not his Servants when by a Statute made at Gloucester in the 30th year of the Reign of King Edward the first the King himself as that Act of Parliament mentioneth providing for the Wealth of the Realm and the more full Administration of Justice as to the Office of a King belongeth the discreet men of the Realm as well of high as low degree being called thither it was provided and ordained that when men were to claim or shew their Liberties within a time of 40 days prefixed and were before the King that is to say in his Court of Kings-Bench where himself is by Law supposed to sit they should not be in default before any Justices in the Circuits for the King of his especial grace hath granted that he will save that party harmless and if the same party be impleaded upon such manner of Liberties before one or two of the aforesaid Justices the same Justices before whom the Party is impleaded shall save him harmless before the other Justices and so shall the King also before him when it shall appear by the Justices that so it was in Plea before them and if the aforesaid Party be afore the King so that he cannot the same day be before the said Justices in their Circuits the King shall save that party harmless before the aforesaid Justices in their Circuits for the day whereas he was before the King And not at all agreeable to reason that the Franchises and Liberties granted by our Kings to the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham the Cinque ports the City of Gloucester with the Barton or little Territory so called annexed unto it the large extent of the Liberty of the Bishop of Ely that of ten Hundreds to the Bishop of Winchester in or near Somersetshire Seven Hundreds in or near Gloucestershire Claimed by Sir Robert Atkins Knight of the Bath the large extents and compass of the Liberties and Soke of Dâ—ncaster in the County of York and of Sheffeild Rotherham and Hallomshire in the same County Grantham and its large Soke and Liberties in the County of Lincoln Tindall in Hexamshire in the County of Northumberland and many an hundred more of Liberties and Franchises not here specified exclusive to all others intermedling therein should by the power of the Kings Grants or Allowance and a just reverence and respect of their Neighbours and Tenants have and enjoy a Priviledge and Civility not to have their Servants Arrested or Imprisoned without complaint first made to their Lords or Masters or leave asked upon any of the Writs Process or Warrants of their own Liberties or Courts before they suffer their Bailiffs or Officers to Arrest any of their Servants or upon the Warrants or Process of any other the Kings Courts untill a Writ of non omittas propter aliquam libertatem claimed by them shall be after a not Execution of the first be awarded either or both of which may give a sufficient or large respite for the parties Prosecuted to satisfie pacifie or prolong the patience of an eager or furious Creditor and that the King who gave and indulged those Liberties should not be able to deserve or command a like Licence in the Case of any of his own Servants to be demanded of him either upon a Process made out by the owner or his Substitutes of the same Liberties or any other Warrant or Process directed to the Owner or his Subordinates of that Liberty Or should not have as much Priviledge for his Servants as the Miners in the Peak-hills in Derbyshire or those of the Stanneries in Devonshire and Cornwall not to be Sued or Prosecuted out of their Berghmote or Court of Stanneries or disturbed in their Works or business Or that his Servants should not as well deserve their Priviledges to be continued unto them as the Kings Tenants in antient Demesn who upon the only reason and accompt that they were once the Kings Tenants and did Plow and Sow his Lands for the maintenance and Provision of his Houshold and Family are not yet by the Tenure of those Lands of which there are very many Mannors and great quantities in England Ousted of those their Immunities or denyed them but the very Tenants at Will who are as they say here to day and gone to morrow do claim them and are not in any of the Kings Courts of Justice debarred of those exemptions although those Mannors and Lands are very well known to have been long ago Granted away and Aliened by the King or his Royal Progenitors since passed from one Owner to another for many Generations the effect by an Indulgence Permission or Custom contrary to the general and every where approved Rule or Maxime that cessante causa tollitur effcâ—tus the cause or reason of the thing ceasing the effect should cease continuing after the Cause ceased in so much as many do now enjoy those Priviledges who are no Tenants of the King neither have any thing to do with his most Honourable Houshold or have any Relation thereunto For if all the depths of Reason and Humane Understanding were Sounded Searched and dived into by the Sons of men all the Ingenuity of Mankind will never be able to find or assign a Cause or Reason why the House of Commons in Parliament have heretofore Petitioned our Kings for a Freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment or to Punish any the Offenders therein if they had any doubt of his want of a legal Power and Authority therein to grant it or why the business or Service of the King concerning himself or the Weal Publick should so
operate or deserve to be a Cause to Priviledge themselves their Estates or Maenial Servants from Arrest or disturbance and such a Priviledge in Parliament in the time of an Adjournment which hath sometimes continued for several Months should be allowed and thought reasonable when their business which was the cause of it was all that time in suspence or abayance and that the King who granted and allowed those Priviledges should not enjoy the like for his own Servants who are dayly busied in the Safety Honour and attendance of his Person and the great Affairs of the Kingdom and that such a Cause should produce that effect for them and their Servants and the King who desireth but the like effect or production from one and the same Cause should not enjoy it for his own Servants and that â—adem ratio should not in the Kings Case as well as in the Case of any of his Subjects produce and be a Cause of the like Law or Liberty who doth not claim the Hearing of those causes where the Plaintiffs are not his Servants as the King of France who by his Commissions of Commitimus Impowers a Court to hear and determine Causes and concernments of his Servants but only that they should ask leave before they proceed against them in any of his Courts of Justice which the Plaintiffs shall make choice of Shall the Generall or Commander of the Armies or Guards Forts or Garrisons of the King and the Admirall of a Navy or Ships have a power not to permit any of their Officers or Souldiers to be Arrested or Imprisoned without Licence first obtained and shall the Servants of the King in the attâ—ndance upon his Sacred Person in the Watch and Care of them and the Publick Welfare as well in the time of War and Peace which not seldome disapoints the horrid effects of a people-tormenting War not have a like Priviledge Are the superiour Courts of Justice not blamed when the Judges thereof by the Kings Authority can supersede Actions in Inferiour Courts many times but upon the pretence of Actions depending in their Superiour Courts as to reverse an Utlary or the like in eundo redeundo when it is not every day or all days or but some hours business or can the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas Priviledge the Serjeants at Law and forbid that they should be Sued in any other Court when they do plead at other Courts as well as in the Court of Common Pleas and are so numerous as if one by an Arrest or Impriment should not be able to move or plead his Clients business the Client having all the Writings in his own or his Attorneys custody may have and retain another Serjeant at Law who can as well understand his business to look unto it and not only protect them but the Clerks of the Serjeants at Law and in the Vacation and at their Chambers far distant from Westminster Hall when the business of the Law and Courts of Justice are laid to sleep and take their rest and that the Justices of that and other the Superiour Courts can by the Kings and not their own immediate Authority Priviledge Prothonotaries and all other Officers and Clerks of their several Courts and their Clerks when they have or may have other Clerks to do their business And the Warden of the Fleet Cryers and Tipstaves in times of Vacation and as there shall be occasion Unattach Goods and discharge Bonds and Sureties given for Appearance when there cannot be any just cause or necessity untill the Term ensuing for their attendance and Priviledges and keep from Arrest by the Inferiour Courts their Attorneys who are no Members of their Superiour Courts and even the Attorneys Clarks And not only allow that Priviledge to the immediate Officers of their Courts but extend it unto their Clarks that are subservient unto them and not deny it as hath been before remembred unto a Filacers horskeeper Their Writs of Priviledge in the Kings name declaring and publishing that such breaches of Priviledge are in nostri â—ontemptum curiae nostrae in Contempt of the King and his Court that such Priviledged person eundo redeundo in going and coming to his Courts oâ— Justice is and ought to be sub protectione nostra under the Kings protection tam ex Regia dignitate quam ex antiqua consuetudine as well in regard of his Dignity as by antient Custom is to be Ptiviledged Did Justice Vernon one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the time of Vacation when a man indebted having to an Action given special Bail before him at his Chamber in Serjeants-Inne in Chancery-lane and coming out of the Gate was Way-laid and Arrested by some Serjeants at Mace or Catchpoles of London and Arrested upon some other mans Action lay down made an Out-cry and refused to be their Prisoner of which the Judge being informed commanded the Catchpoles and Prisoner to be brought to his Chamber where they being something Surly and refusing to deliver him he threw of his Gown and taking one of them by the shoulder whereof I was an eye Witness did so shake him and threaten to commit him and his fellow Catchpoles as he enforced them to release the Prisoner and suffer him to escape And shall not the King who is the Constituent Principle and primum incipiens the only cause suppoâ—t and maintenance as well as giver of all Immunities Exemptions Franchises and Priviledges of the Kingdom Not be able to do as much as those unto whom he hath granted and permitted it and protect and Priviledge his Domestick Servants or men imployed by him but like an old Isaac over liberal to a Craving Jacob have nothing in reserve of Priviledges or Favors for his Servants who have attended our David when he was in all his Troubles and deserved better than many a participation of his Blessings or shall his Subjects like the Sullen and Selfish Nabal have so little regard of him or his Servants that do help to guard their flocks as to receive his Benefits and make notwithstanding their grumbling Ingratitude and refractory Humours the only Retorn or acknowledgment of them Hath he and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors as the Grecian Monarchs and Common-Wealths antiently used to do from whence the Romans after they had shut their Temple of Janus and made their Military Glories impart some of their Honour to the more Civil Imployments and gown also learned it taken such a care to protect Honour and Priviledge his Ministers of Justice and their subordinate Officers in the Courts thereof whilst they officiate in his Service therein Did the Wisdom of our King and Parliament in the 32d year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th think it no inconvenience but a benefit to the people that the greater and more necessary concerns should give may to the lesser when they Ordained which hath been ever since
duly observed that the Phisitians in London should have a Priviledge not to keep Watch or Ward nor to be chosen or bear the Office of Constable or to bear any Office in the City of London or Suburbs and any such Election to be void in all which the Weal Publick was not a little concerned And the Barber Chirurgions are likewise by an Act of Parliament made in the same Parliament exempt from bearing of Armour or to be put in any Watches or Enquests which the Weal Publick without that Priviledge could not otherwise have dispensed with Could Cromwell that accomplishment of wickedness and Hypocrisie and Mr. Shepheard whom he had hired to clip and misuse our Laws upon a pretence of reformation of them allow in their modell thereof that the Servants of his miscalled Protectorship should not be compelled to serve upon Juries at Assises or Sessions or to bear the Office of a Constable or Church Warden And shall the Kings Servants that are continually imployed in the Attendance Preservation Safeâ—y and well being of his Person and people being matters of the greatest concernment be excluded or thought not worthy of the like Could the Archbishoprick and many of the Successive Archbishops of York enjoy a liberty of Fridstoll Frithstow Frid in the Saxon signifying Peace and stol sedes Cathedrae and Stow locus Cathedra quietudinis pacis a Seat Chair or place of Peace which had this Inscription Haec sedes lapidea Freedstoll dicitur pacis Cathedra ad quam reus fugiendo perveniens omnimodam habet securitatem this Seat or Chair of Stone is called Freedstoll or the Chair of Peace to which any Offender flying is to have all manner of Refuge and Security an Immunity granted unto the Church of St. Peters in York and confirmed by King Henry the 7th in the fifth year of his Reign And there is in Glossopdale in the County of Darby a place upon a Hill or large Heath some distance from the Town yet known by the name of the Abbots Chair which probably might have been endowed with the like Immunity Or shall a Priest or person propter Privilegium Clericale in regard of his being in holy Orders not be distreined when he hath no lay Fee or upon an Attachment refuseth to find Pledges because he hath no lay Fee or hath one in the Prebend and the Ordinary nor the Sheriff although he hath a Warrant to enter the Liberty without the ordinary or Bishop and the Bishop himself cannot do it sine speciali praecepto Regis cum Canonicus adeo libere teneat prebendam suam de Ecclesia sicut ipse Episcopus Baroniam canonâ—ci sunt quasi unum corpus per se in Ecclesia without a special Precept or Warrant from the King for that a Canon or Prebend doth as freely hold his prebendary of the Church as the Bishop doth his Barony and the Canons are and do make a Body or Corporation by themselves in the Church Doth the King grant and allow Cognisance of Pleas or Causes to so many of his Subjects within their Franchises and Liberties with Fossis and furcis power to punish or hang in Crimâ—nal matters and shall he not have so much Cognisance of the matters and concernments of his houshold and maenial Servants as to have leave asked before they be Arrested or disturbed in his Service which is the only cause of the Priviledge which he grants and allows to his Courts of Justice and the Officers and Servants thereof Or can any man think it reasonable that the Bishop of Eâ—y should have Cognisance of Pleas arising in his Bishoprick and the Territories thereof or the Magistrates of the City of Salisbury to have the like and supersede Actions and Pleas depending in the Court of Kings-Bench or the Lord Maior of London have and enjoy the priviledge of not having any Attachment awarded against him out of the high Court of Chancery as in the case of Sr. John Robinson Knight whilst he was Lord Mayor of London and exercised that Annual office as the Kings Lieutenant or special Servant or that Mr. John Abdy an Alderman of London in Anno Dom. 1640 being the 16th year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr should by the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench be allowed a Priviledg not to bear the Office of a Constable in Essex where he was many times resident at his Country-house within the Leet or mannor of Sir William Hicks Knight where by the Custome of that place every inhabitant or resiant was from house to house yearly by turnes to execute that office and upon a writ granted him directed to the Lord of the Mannor or his Steward to discharge him because he being an Alderman of London ought to be there resident the greatest part of the year and if absent may be fined all the Justices of that Court delivered their opinion that he ought to be discharged bâ— his priviledge as Attorneys attending in Courts of Justice are of such offices of Constablâ—s and other offices in the parish And although it was said that the Alderman might execute the office of Constable by deputy and his personal Attendance was not requisite by the Custome of the Mannor yet that exception was not allowed Or that Mr. Bacon A Barrester at Law of Grayes-Inn should in Trinity Term in Anno 1655. h by aforesaid Court upon view of the presidents in Francklin and Sir William Butlers Case and Bere and Jones his Case of the Midle-Temple have a priviledge allowed unto him in respect of his Barrestership and necessary attendance upon the Courts of Justice in Westminster-Hall to lay a transitory Action at Law in Middlesex when it was before laid in Northumberland and that it should not be reasonable for the King to allow his servants their aforesaid priviledges much more necessary and conducing to the weal publique May not the King as well Claim and enjoy a priviledge for his servants and their freedom from arrest without first obtaining his licence or within his virge of twelve miles compass or circumference of his Court which certainly was at the first intended by Law for more purposes then for the Jurisdiction of the Marshals or Marshalsea Court and may probably be believed to have been antiently used for an Asylum or place of peace or freedom from such kind of violences as arresting the Kings houshold servants without the Kings licence As the Universitie of Oxford doth by the grants of our Kings and their several acts of parliament in its large boundaries or precincts and the University of Cambridge the like within their Colledges Halls and Precincts for the better observation whereof in Oxford every Sheriff of the County of Oxford at his admission into his office is to take an oath that the Masters of the said Universites and their servants from Jnjuries and violences he shall keep and defend by all his Strength and power and the
peace in the said University as much as in him is And give Councell and help to the Chancellor ond Schollars of the same University to punish the disturbers and breakers of the peace there after the priviledges and Statutes of the University at all times when it shall be needful and put his help with all his Strength to defend the priviledges liberties and Customs of the said University and give the like oath unto his Undersheriffes and other his ministers when he shall come to the Town and Castle of Oxford in the presence of any who shall be deputed by the said University unto the which things the King will that his said Ministers shall be arcted and compelled The like Oath being to be taken by the Sheriffs of Cambridge and Huntington for the conversation of the rights and priviledges of the University of Cambridge Do the Jnns of Court or houses of law which for some Ages or Centuries past were appropriate and set apart for the Study of the Common lawes of England and other necessary parts of learning and endowments proper and fit to bear the sons of our Nobility and Gentry company within their houses and precincts claim and enjoy as they ought to do according to the law of Nations and the priviledges of all the Universities and places of Study in the Christian world A just and legal priviledge of a freedom from any Arrest or disturbance by the officers of any Subordinate Magistrate in matters not Capital or more then ordinary criminal And the Inner and Middle-Temples and Lincolns-Jnn being besides entituled to the like Exemption priviledge by a particular Immunity and Exemption granted anciently by some of our Kings of England long before they were Societies of law to the Owners and Proprietors of the Mannor of the New Temple then so called the old one being before scituate in or near Holborn and as well as the new one sometimes part of the possessions of the Knights Templers now containing the Inner and most part of the Middle-Temple and likewise the outer Temple without Temple-Bar extending it self as far as to part of Essex house garden and into New-street now called Chancery-Lane and Ficket or Fickelscroft now Lincolns-Inn fields upon part whereof Lincolns-Inn was built To be held sub eadem forma in the same manner as the honor or Earldom of Leicester and the Lands thereunto belonging were antiently holden with an Exemption or priviledge that no Justices Escheators Bayliffs or other Ministers or Officers of the King should enter or intermeddle therein of which the Successors and Owners and those as honourable as useful Collegiate nurseries of law and learning although they do not as our Universities and those which are in the parts beyond the Seas claim a conusance in causes and controversies at law wherein their Schollars Students and officers are concerned have been so careful to preserve those their Antient and necessary priviledges as they have upon any the least violation or attempt to bereave them thereof sallied out like so many young Lions and appeared to be the stout Propugnators and defenders thereof rescued such as have been Arrested within their Liberties whether any or none of the Society beaten and pumped the Catchpoles Serjeants at Mace or Bailiffs ignominiously shaved their heads and beards Anointed them with the costly Oyl or Syrrup of their houses of Offices or Jakes and at the Temple for a farewell thrown them into the Thames Do all men that have Liberties and Priviledges appertaining to their Estates or Persons or any Offices or Places which they hold Summon the best of their Cares and Industry to maintain them and shall it be a crime or disgrace to the Kings Servants either to be entituled unto or endeavor to Assert them Shall it be deemed just Legal and Rational that the City of London should be so carefull of their Customs and Liberties granted not only by King Henâ—y the first but confirmed by divers Kings and Queens of England and many of their Acts of Parliament as no longer ago than in the year of our Lord 1669. to Claim in their Act or common Councel that no Citizen is to be compelled to plead without the Walls of their City and their Freemen are bound by Oath as well as by many Acts of Common Councel of that City not to Sue one another out of the City where they may have remedie in their own Courts and to maintain the Franchises and Liberties thereof and that the Warrant of leuetur quaerela for the removing of any Action or Plaint depending in any of the Sheriffs Courts of that City into the Mayors Court brought by a Serjeant at Mace and Ministers of the Mayors Court shall not be refused or shall it be taken or beleeved to be inconvenient for that City or their Freemen to be drawn or enforced to Plead or be Prosecuted out of their own Courts And shall it not be as reasonable for the King in the case of his own Houshold and Domestick Servants to protect them from being disturbed in his Service by any Arrests without his Licence Doth every Sheriff of England and Wales at his admission into his Office swear that as far as hâ— can or may he shall truly keep the Kings Rights and all that belongeth unto the Crown and shall not assent to decrease lessen diminish or conceal any of the Kings Rights or his Franchises and whensoever he shall have knowledge that the Kings Rights or the Rights of his Crown be withdrawn be it in Land Rent Franchises or Suits or any other thing he shall do his power to make them to be restored to the King again and if he may not do it shall certifie the King or some of his Councel thereof and can any Sheriff of England and Wales without the acknowledgment of a gross ignorance with any safety of their Oaths or Consciences knowingly Arrest or cause to be Arrested any of the Kings Servants against the Will of his or their Sovereign Doth a Custom or civility so far prevail with the Sheriffs of London and their Clarks as when any Action is entred against any Alderman of the City or the Sword-bearer or other Officer of the Lord Mayor they will not Arrest an Alderman man or take away the Lord Mayors Sword-Bearer from before him untill they have given them a civil and private notice thereof whereby to prevent the disgrace or give them time to provide against it or procure a Truce or quiet And shall the Servants of their Masters Master if they were not more justly than they entituled to their Antient and Legal Priviledges not be so much respected which his late Majesty thought to be as undecent as Inconvenient when upon some disrespects shewed by some of that City in their endeavors to inforce upon some of his Servants the Office of Constable or Church-warden he demanding of the Lord Mayor of London whom he had caused to Attend him upon that Complaint and
Occasion what was the Reason the Lord Mayors Officers were not to be put upon such Offices and was answered with a Reason given because they were to attend him Replied do not you think that to be a Reason as much or more in my case as your own Must Westminster the Abby or Church whereof was first founded by King Lucius a Brittish King upon a piece of Land so incult as it was called Thorney or the Island of Thornes then accompted to be two miles distant from London measured it may be unto Ludgate and after the better building and enlarging thereof by King Edward the Confessor honoured as it hath been ever since Regum nostrorum sepultura Regalium repositorium with the usual and designed place of the Buriall of our Kings and the Custody and keeping of the Royal Vestments and Ornaments used at their Coronations an Honourable Office and Trust now Claimed and enjoyed by the Dean of that Collegiate Church confess and acknowledge that by the happy Neighbourhood of our Kings Royal Palace near adjoyning together with their High Court of Chancery Courts of Justice and Exchequer the receipt of their once great and largely extended revenue attending therein help and succour of the Royal Houshold and Hospitality and those Crums of Comfort Meat and Drink and Provisions not used fragments broken meat offall and wast of the Wine and Food which dayly came from the many plentifully furnish'd Tables and expence of Victuals of the Kings house Servants and retinue Fed and Nourrished many of her Families by which and many Priviledges granted unto her by our Kings is now from a shrub come to be as one of the Cedars of our Lebanon and augmented and encreased from a few scattered Cottages Sheds Booths and Tents about the Abby and the Kings house and Palace to a Village from a Village to a Town and from a Town to a City with a Pomerium Fauzburgs or Suburbs so large as it stretcheth it self from Tutlefields in a continued Building and Streets to Temple-Barre and the Inns of Court and in many other places is so contiguously joyned to London as it makes her self to be as it were her younger sister And must she not blush at the same time that any of her Inhabitants should Exercise or be guilty of so foul an Ingratitude as to Arrest without Licence any of the Servants of the King whose Royal Progenitors and Predecessors have nursed and brought her to that perfection And hath London like the Members of the body natural found herself as to her retayling Trade to be the better when it was nearer to the head and heart and did therefore so follow the warmth and hopes of Gain and increase of Trade and Imployment thereby as she hath swelled her Suburbs bigger than her self As although her Forreign Trade is brought unto her from the Sea and Eastward yet she hath immensly built her self as the ingenious Mr. Grant one of her Citizens hath of late observed Westwards to be as near as she could unto her Kings Palace and his Courts of Justice which not only daily receiveth the feet of many of the people of the Nation but of Strangers coming as far as ever the Sheban Queen did to Solomon Can any of her Citizens be so stupid or ingratefully ignorant as not to understand that that great City and the Commerce and Gain thereof which is now so highly valued by them is and hath been by the Neighbour residence of our Kings and Princes and their Courts of Justice so greatly as it appears to be enlarged and multiplied in their Inhabitants Riches variety and Excellency of her Artificers Magnificence State and Beauty of her Churches and Buildings And hath so much extended her Trade and Merchandise both by Land and Sea through all the Circuite and Travails of the Sun and to the utmost parts of the Earth as her multitude of Ships at Sea and a floating Forrest as it were of them daily or weekly going out and returning home upon the River of Thames hath made her one of the greatest Emporiums in the World and Glorious in the midst of many Waters in so much as she hath by her strength and Honour at Sea and her Might and Interest at Land Hang'd the Shield and Helmet in her set forth her Comelines and made her self not only the Mistress of the Trade of our Isles at home but of our many growing rich Plantations in America And can that City of London the magazine of Mechanick Arts and multitudes of People as it is at this day and taketh her self to be not a little honoured by being called the Emperial Chamber of our Kings of England Have so little acquaintance with the Dictates of reason and gratitude or a care of their own Interest as to forget the Founders and Cause of that their Plenty and Happiness and upon every little occasion of a Debt or money owing them to Worry take by the Throte Arrest and Imprison any of the Kings Servants with the Pay me what thou owest me when more than half of it and much of it unjustly was gained of the Debtor and at the same time refuse to pay unto the King the Master of that Servant the debt of Gratitude Duty Honour Reverence good Manners and Civility which they owed unto him either of which would have shewed them the way to complain unto him of such and indebted or ill dealing Servant and Petition for his leave or Licence to Arrest or out-law him before they do it When they that do so much and undutifully undervalue his Courts Servants and Royal residence and Neighbourhood may be assured by the Annalls and Histories of England that their Predecessors in the Reign of King Richard the 2d when their Forreign and home Trade was not the Tenth of what it is now as the small Revenue of the Customs in the latter end of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth will manifest when the highest improvement of her Care and Carmardens discovery could bring her Customs and Profits by Merchandise but to 50000 l. per annum were so sensible of that Kings removal of his Court from London displeasure and Indignation heightned by a Riot committed upon the Servants and house of the Bishop of Salisbury Lord Treasurer for that one of the Bishops Servants had taken a horse loafe out of a Bakers Basket as he passed along the Streets for which notwithstanding the Mayor and Aldermen had appeased the Tumult the Liberties of the City were seised into the Kings hands the Mayor Committed to the Castle of Windsor and the Aldermen and some other substantial Citizens to other Castles a Warden appointed to Governe the City as they deemed themselves in a lost and ruining Condition untill by the special Suit of the Duke of Gloucester they had procured the King upon the Payment of Ten thousand pounds and many rich gifts presented to him and the Queen to return to London where with great joy they
received him with four hundred men on Horsback clad all in one Livery And by a sad experience if they have a mind to taste it and the King should not continue and make it to be as his Chamber Court or Palace but remove his Courts his Servants and Courts of Justice as King Edward the first did to York for Seven years together during his Wars with Scotland would too late repent the misusage of the Founders and cause of their happiness and acknowledge the Night and Shades to be long and cold when their Sun should remove his Walk or Tropick to enlighten and refresh another part of the World And would find themselves to be mistaken in their Accompt as well as Opinion if they should fancy that nothing can hurt their Trade unless the River of Thames should be carried away from them and may in time be so well Acquainted with the Error of those conceipts as to confess that they were built upon a very Tottering and failing Condition when they shall like men either of any retrospect to the Ages or Times past or prospect of what is coming or may surely happen but consider that in all the Reigns of our Brittish Saxon or Danish Kings or of those of the Norman Race untill the Reign of King Edward the third the Neighbourhood of their Thames brought them so little advantage as it was rather an Embrio than an Emporium or noted Town of Trade that from thence to the Erecting and Incouragement of the Staple Towns and Cities of Trade whereof Westminster was one By King Edward the third for the Advance of our Clothing and Wollen Manufacture which in a short time after by the Wars of Franâ—e or some other intervenient obstruction dwindled into a desuetude and London and her Blackwell-hall made to be the Mistress of that once flowrishing Trade the quieting of Wales and the Commerce with it after the Reign of King Henry the 4th the uniting of the Houses of York and Lancaster by King Henry the 7th the opening of the Passages to the East and West Indies Grants of many Fairs and Markets which have been since made the Trade of London which was not before much more than in its Bloom and Blossom is by the Power Alliance Leagues and Interest of our Kings and Forreign Princes and the many Immunities and Priviledges procured by them for our Merchants with Francâ— Spain Portugal Burgundie and the Netherlands the Russia or Moscovie Hause or Hamburgh East and West-India Trade with those of the English Colonies as Virginia Bermudus Barbados St. Christophers New-England Maryland Mevis and Siranam since arrived to that height or perfecton which hath like Tirus Enlarged Her Borders and made her the Merchant of many Isles and to be as the Ocean into which al the Rivers of the Land do run and hasten to pay their Tribute And in the greatest of her Pride and Glory should not be to learn that the Scheld could not after that the Heiresse of Burgundie had transferred her Court and residence into Spain That great and Famous Town of Trade was made a place of desolation and a wonder of what she was and that the residence and Court of the French Kings hath made Paris though an Inland City far di-distant from the Sea and washed only by the River Seyne not much acquainted with Ships or Navigation to be called domicilium Regis caput regni the Head and Chief of all the Towns and Cities of France le Roy ayant son domicile ou les Princes Pairs de France autres officiers de la Couronne doivent estre a la suâ—te du Roy the King having there his House or Palace and the Princes and Peers of France and other Officers of the Crown who ought to attend the Court of the King Do the Merchants of London who Trade into Spain Russia and many other parts of the World by the Care Power and Protection of our Kings and Princes and their chargeable Embassies to Forreign Princes and States enjoy a Priviledge and Freedom from Arrests of their Persons or Estates without a Complaint first made to their Consuls or Remedie endeavoured to be obtained by Application unto them and to have their Causes and Actions tryed before a Judge Conservator of their own Priviledges Do our Kings allow and cause those Consuls to Solicite and take a care to maintain and defend those Priviledges and Authorize their Embassadors residing in the Courts of any Kings Princes or Republicks to make it to be a part of their business to be assistant unto them Have the Magistrates of the City of London for more than 500 years together at their coming to the Cathedral Church of St. Paul at some of their greatest Festivals and Solemnities in every year untill our late times of Confusion in a gratefull remembrance of his Favours walk round about and visit the Grave-Stone or Burial place of William Bishop of London who procured some Liberties to be Granted by William the Conqueror to their City being not the half of those of a greater Consequence and Profit which have been since Granted unto them by King Henry the first King Richard the first King John King Henry the third King Edward the third King Richard the second King Edward the 6th and divers others of our Kings and Princes who gave unto them many more and greater Favours and Priviledges as the Shrevalty of Middlesex Liberty to choose every year their Mayor free Warren in a great Circuit about the City that every Sheriff should have two Clarks and two Serjeants and the City have a Common Seal that the Mayor should be Escheator and Justice of Gaol Delivery at Newgate that the Serjeants of the Mayor and Sheriffs should bear Maces of Silver and Guilt with the Kings Arms Engraven upon them the Aldermen should continue during their lives and not be removed without special Cause with the grant of the Borough of Southwark and Conservation of the River of Thames cum multis aliis c. and many more some of which were before recited Will not all those Benefits their Being their Happiness and the continuance of those blessings with their Trades at home and abroad be enough to put them in mind to shew a kindness respects and Civility due unto the Kings Servants and not to drown those many Favours Honours and Priviledges received from him and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors in the dead Sea of a base and unworthy Ingratitude or imitate Jesurun who like an Heyser waxing fat kickt against the cause of it Or can they upon any Foundation or ground of Reason or probability think that if our Kings should not continue and make London to be as his Chamber Court or Palace but remove himself his Court and Servants to York Hull Oxford or Bristoll the Inhabitants thereof would not gladly pay him a greater Tribute of Duty and Thankfulnes than the not Arresting his Servanrs without licence first
Immediately send word to the Lord Mayor thereof and the cause why he is so punished from which the Lord Mayor may not release him but by the Chamberlains assent And shall it not be lawfull for the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings most Honourable Houshold by and under the Kings Supreme Authority to Imprison or punish any who in Contempt of Soveraignty and Majesty shall without licence first procured Arrest any of his Servants For certainly it is and should be the Interest of the people of England not to deny so great a principle of Nature and so clear a part of the Reason of all Mankind or to give unto Caesar that which so justly belongeth unto him by the Laws of God Nature Nations Laws of England Custom and prescription Right of Superiority Oaths of Allegiance and supremacy Et quod ubique quod semper ad omnibus and which every where always and of all men except by our late rude and levelling part of the people have neither been repined at or maligned And it will not be for the Interest of the people of England to oppose their Prejudices Fancies Humours and Opiniastretés to the Rights of the King and his Servants but it is and will be the Interest of the King to preserve the Rights of Majesty Superiority and just means of Government and to punish the violaters and Contemners thereof and the Interest of all his good people to wish and desire it FINIS a Gutherius de Offic. domus August lib. 1. ca. 1 b Deut 4.32 c Job 8. v. 8 9. d Jer. 6. v. 16. e Craigius de repub Lacedaemon lib. 2. ca. 2. f Livius lib. 9.349 350. g Petit. Parl. 46 E. 3. a Esther c. 4. ver 11. b Esther c. 4 ver 2. c Xiphilinus in Nerone Grâ—gor Tholosan in Syntagmate Juris 378. d Cujacius Comment ad lib. 11. Cod. Justin tit 77. e Goldastus Constit. Imperialibus Tâ—m 3. 4 8â— â—ect 166 tit de Cura Palâ—tu 15. f L. L. Alamannorum in Lindenbrogio tit 29. g L. L. Bai variorum in Lindenbrogio tit 11. h L. L. Longobard in Lindenbrogio lib. 1. tit 2. de Scâ—ndalis i Charta Câ—nfiâ—mâ—tiâ—nis Regis Witlafâ—â— Monâ—sterii de Croyland Dugdale Monasâ—icon Anglicanum â—65 166. Spelman Concilia Decretâ—â—leges Ecclesiastic 337. k L. L. Aluredi cap. 31. l Annales Wintoniensis Ecclesiae M.S. in Biblotheca Cottoniana sub Effigie Domitiani in A. 13. Et vide Asser Menevensis m L.L. Edmondi cap. 75 76. n Leges Ecclesiast Hoell Dha in Spelmanni Decret Constitut. Ecclesi 409. o Leges Ecclesiast Hoelâ— Dha Regis Walliae in Spelmanni Decret leg Ecclesiastic 408 412. p L.L. Caâ—uti cap. 56. q Charta Henrici primi Monasterio de Hide Dugdales Monasticon Anglicanum 211 212. r L.L. Henrici primi per Cl. Seldenum in Lucem emiss cap. 16. Fleta lib. 2. cap. 2. Cokes 10. relat en le case de'l Marchalsea s Placit Parliamenti 18. E 1. n. 4. Ryleyes plâ—c Parl. 6.7 Pryns Aurum Reginae 28. t Cokes 3. part Institut tit misprision 141. Placita coram Dâ—mino Rege in Parl. apud Westm ' in praesentia Regis Anno 21. E. 1. u Pascha 8 E. 2. coram Rege rot 28. Norff. w Cokes 3 par Institut 141. x Selden mare clausum cap. 22 26. y Fleta lib. 2. cap. 3. z Mich. 12 E. 3. Coram Rege Rot. 101 Cant. a 27 Assis. pl. 49. b 33 H. 8. ca. 12. c Rotul parl 21 Jac. Cokes 3 part institut 148. d Concil Meldense ca. 26. Spelman Glossar in voce Epis. copium e Cokes 3 parte institut tit misprision f Purchas Pligrimage 2 part voyage of Francis Alvareza Portugal 1053. Ibid. 1071 1083. Ibid. 1107. g Voyage Francis Pyzard de la val 2 part Purchas Pilgrimage 1648 1663 1664. h Mr. John Davis relation of his voyage to the East Indies 1 par of Purchas Pilgrimage 132. i Paulus Venetus in 3 pâ—rt of Purchas Pilgrimage 66. k 3 parl Purchas Pilgrimage 88. l Relation of Galeota Perera in 3 part of Purchas Pilgrimage 2â—5 m Ricius Trigantius in 3 part of Purchase Pilgrimage 392 353. n 3 part Purchas Pilgrimage 1139. o Genes 13. v. 7 8. p Exod. 20. q Gadd us in Comment ad l. 19 5. nu 2. 4. ad Sect 4. de verborum significatione L. Aedi les 25. r Sect. 2.3.6 Institut de Injur Besoldus in Dissert Juri Politic. 48. s L.L. Inae cap. 18. L. L. Aethelstani 60 u L.L. Alemanorum in Lindenbrogio Tit. 29. w L.L. Longobard in Lindenbrogio lib. 2. Tit. 4. x Lindenbrogius lib. 4. inter Capiâ—l Caroli y Cujacius Comment ad lib. 12. Cod. Justiniani 1635 Marculfi formulae z L L. Wisigoth in Lindenbrogio lib. 2. Tit. 4. a Vide Register of Writs Tit. Protect b 9 H. 3. c. 11 c Register of Writs 19. Tit. Warrantia diâ—i d Coke 4. Instit. 53. Lib. 5. D. de offic ad sess Spartianus in Hadrian Gutherius de offic Domus August lib. 1 cap. 17. e Coke 3. Rep. Sir William Herberts Case f Register of Writs 281. g 25 E. 3. cap. 19. Rot. Par. 8 H. 6. m. 10. h 34 35. C. H. 8. c. 13. i Reformatio legum Ecclesiasticarum Impâ—ess 1571. k Placita Aulae 33. E. 1. 20. E. 3. d Jer. 6 v. 16 e Gen. 41. v. 40 41 4â— f 2 Sam. 11. vers 11. 2 Sam. 10. vers 2 4 5. 2 Reg. cap. 5. v. 13.6 7. g Prov. 22. vers 29. h Jer. 38. cap. 41. i Besoldus in opere Politico cap. 3. k Nehem. 7. vers 57. l Esâ—her c. 1. v. 1. c 6 v. 6 7 8 9. c. 7. v. 15. m Esther c. 1. v. 14. Ezrâ— c. 7. vers 15. n Matt. 11 vers 8. o Edict Theodosii l. 4. Cod. p Vlpian 1. leg Julia 7. ad leg Jul. de vi pub l. 46. Pâ—tit 6. q Pancirollus in Notitia utriusque Imper. r Pancirollus in Notitia utriusq Imper. cap. 51. s Ibid. ca. 66. t Ibid. ca. 89. u Dion l. 60. w Pancirol in Notitia utriusque Imperii c. 90 x Cujacius Comment ad l. 10. Cod. Justiniani 1425. y Pancirol in Notitia utriusque Imperii cap. 7 5â— z Cujâ—cius Comment ad l. 10. Cod. Justin. 1425. a Cujacius Comment expositio ad Novel tit 63 c Cujacius ad l 12. Cod. Justin. tit 5. d Lib. 1. C. Praeb Tyr. l. 3. inf de Castrens e Cujacius in Comment ad l. 12. Cod. Justin. 155â— f Cujacius Comment ad l. 10. Cod. Justin. 1545. h Cujacâ—us in Comment ad lib. 12. Cod. Justin. tit 5. i L. fin c. â—bi Senat. vel Clariss Matheas de Judiciis disput 4 num 36. Vizzanius de mandatis Principum cap. 5.162 163. k Cujacius Comment ad lib. 12. God Justin. Tom. 3. tit 16. l Constitutiones
contrary to the Common Law of the Land and in despite of the King refused to obey it The Parliament acknowledging the aforesaid Rights and Customs of the said Clerks of the Chancery and the contempt of the King did ordain Que breif soit mandez a Maior de Londres de attacher les divz Viscontes autres quont este parties maintenours de la guerele dont ceste bille fait mention per le Corps destre devant le Roy en sa dite Chancellerie a certein jour a respondre aussibien du contempt fait a nostre Seigneur le Roy ses mandements prejudice de son Chanceller come al dit Clerk des damages trespas faites a lui That a Writ should be awarded and directed to the Mayor of London to arrest by their Bodies the said Sheriffs of London and others which were parties and maintainers of the said evil action to answer before the King in his Chancery at a certain day as well for the contempt done to the King and his Commands and prejudice of his Chancellor as also to the said Clerk for his damages and wrong sustained And that King by a Statute made in the 36 year of his Reign forbidding under severe penalties any Pourveyance to be made but for the King and Queen and their Houses and to take any such Pourveyance without ready Money there is a pain or penalty to be imposed as Sir Edward Coke upon view of the Record thereof hath observed upon the Steward Treasurer and Controller and other Officers of the Kings Houshold for not executing that Statute which need not to have been if the cognisance of the Offences therein mentioned had not by that Act been thought fit to have been left unto them And was so far from being perswaded to release the constant Attendance of the Justices of the Kings Bench as when the Commons in Parliament in the 38th year of his Reign Petitioned him That the Kings Bench might remain in some certain Place and not be removed he answered in the negative That he would not do so And where the Court Marshal was so anciently constituted for the Placita Aulae sive Regis Palatii for Pleas Actions and Controversies concerning the Servants of the Royal Family when any should happen to arise amongst them and retained in the Kings House and Attendance and the Court of Common Pleas was designed and delegated to do Justice unto all the Common People in Real and Civil Actions in certo loco a certain place assigned in the Kings House or Palace for then and long after until our Kings of England made Whitehall their Palace or Residence it is probable that the Bars Benches and Tribunals of the Courts of Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas Exchequer and other Courts since inhabiting that great and magnificent Hall of Westminster were movable and not so fixt as they now are and allowed not to travel with the King and his Court or to follow it and the Court of Exchequer to take care of the Royal Revenue in its Income Receipts and Disbursments It cannot without some affront or violence done to Reason be imagined that our Kings who would have that Court of the Marshal to be neerer their Persons than any other of their Courts of Justice always attending and resident for the concernment properly of their Houshold and Servants and because they should not be inforced from their daily Service to pursue their Rights or seek for Justice before other Tribunals should ever intend or be willing that their Servants and necessary Attendants should as Defendants and at the suit of Strangers and such as are not the Kings Servants be haled to Prison diverted from their Service or obstructed in it when as Justice in the old more dutiful and respectful way might as cheap and with lesser trouble be had against them at the Fountain or Spring of Justice by the King himself the Alpha or beginning of it and Omega the Dernier Resort or last Appeal where his ordinary Courts of Justice fail and cannot do ir And where some of our late Kings and Queens of England not to be wanting unto the Cries and Complaints of their People for want of Justice did afterwards appoint and allow another Court in the Reigns of King Henry the seventh Henry the eighth Edward the sixth Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth called and known by the name of Curia Supplicatioâ—um Libellorum the Court of Petitions and Requests where those that were honoured with the Title and Offices of Judges and as Commissioners and Masters of Requests for those particular Causes and Cases were Bishops or Barons Lords Stewards of his Houshold and other Great Officers thereof Deans of the Chappel and Doctors of Law and Divinity were stiled or called Concilium Regis that Stile or Title and Masters of Requests as Synonyma's then signifying one and the same thing And a Mastership of Requests was so highly esteemed in the seventh year of the Reign of Q. Elizabeth as there was besides Walter Haddon Doctor of the Laws and Thomas Seckford Esq a Common Lawyer the Bishop of Rochester a Master of Requests and in the 22. year of her Reign Sir William Gerrard Knight Lord Chancellor of Ireland was during the time of his being in England made a Master of Requests Extra-ordinary and by the Queens Letter of Recommendation to the other Masters of Requests ordeined to sit amongst them and their Decrees were sometimes signed by the King himself with his Sign Manual and in the tenth year of King Henry the eighth divers Bills were exhibited unto Thomas Wolsey Archbishop of York Chancellor of England and Cardinal and Legate a Latere to granr Process for the Defendents appearance to answer before his Grace and others of the Kings most Honourable Council in Whitehall but at other times before and since were constrained to appear before that Council by Writ or Process of Privy Seal or a Messenger of the Kings that Court as it may be observed by the Registers and Records thereof coming to be called the Court of Requests only about the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the sixth And such care was taken by King Henry the seventh to hear and redress the Grievances and Laments of his People as in the ninth year of his Reign he assigned and enjoyned them certain months and times diligently to attend unto that business the greatest Earls and Barons having in those times been made Defendants to several Bills and Petitions many of the Learned Serjeants of the Law there pleading for their Clients and Sir Humphrey Brown Kt. one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth being made a Defendant in this Court where the Plaintiff after 12 years delays in Chancery and an Appeal from that Court unto this obtained a Decree against him and yet no Pleas and Demurrers are found to be put in
cause in the same year Richard Horne of Watton in the County of Oxford to be arrested and taken into custody upon the complaint of Mr. Hiorne Deputy Steward of VVoodstock for not only refusing to furnish horses to carry the Kings Venison to Court he being Constable and required and of duty ought to do it but for reproachful and ill language or as was done not long before or after in his Reign by a Warrant under the hand of the L. Chamberlain for the apprehension of one that had spoiled or killed a Mastiff of the Kings when as our Laws have not yet had any prescript form or writs remedial for any of those or the like accidents at the Kings suit only for it would be no small disparagement to the Majesty of a King and supreme of such an antient Empire not to have power enough to redress complaints of that nature or to be enforced to put Embassadors to be Petitioners to his inferiour and delegated Courts of Justice which no Monarchy Kingdom or Republique in Christendom was ever observed to suffer to be done for that which their Superiors according to the Law of Nations ever had and should have power to grant without them for when our Laws which do not permit the King as a Defendant to be commanded in his own name under his own Seal and by his own writs or as a Plaintiff to supplicate those whom he commissionated to do Justice in his name and by his authority to all the meanest of his Subjects to do a parcel of Justice to himself when he wanted no remedies by his own Messengers or Servants to imprison any that should offend against his dignity and authority and in matters of his Revenue or for contempt of his Royal authority can by seisures or distress office or inquisitions process of his Courts of Exchequer Chancery Kings Bench Common-Pleas and Dutchy of Lancaster c. give himself a remedy is not to prosecute in any Actions at Law as common persons are enforced to do for our Kings should not certainly be denied their so just and legal rights when by their Office and dignity Royal they are the principal Conservators of the Peace within their own Dominions and by their Subordinate authority the Judges of their Courts of Record at Westminster and the Justices of Assize can and do legally punish and command men by word of mouth to be Imprisoned or taken into Custody by their Tipstaves Virgers Marshals or by the Warden of the Fleet or his men attending them when the Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold Earl Marshal and Constables of England are by their Offices Conservators and Justices of the Peace in all places of the Realm and the Steward of the Marshalsea within the virge by that derived authority can do the like and all the Justices of Peace in England were and are authorised by him who hath or should have certainly a greater power than any Justice of Peace who may by Law award a man to prison w ch breaketh the peace in his presence or appoint his servant to serve or execute his Warrant or cause by word of mouth to be arrested or imprisoned the person offending for contempts or an offender being in his presence to find security for the Peace and by the Common Law cause Offenders against the Peace to be punished by corporal punishments not capital as whipping c. when a Sheriff of a County and the Majors and head Officers of Cities and Towns Corporate do the like under and by the power given them by grants of the King and his Progenitors when the Steward of the Sheriffs Turn or a Leet or of a Court of Piepowder may commit any to ward which shall make any affray in the presence of any of them when the Lord Mayor of London whose Chamberlain of that City hath a power appropriate to his Office of Chamberlain to send or commit any Apprentices of London upon complaint of their Masters or otherwise to the Prison of the Compters or to punish and reform such disobedient Servants though the younger Sons of Baronets Knights Esquires of Gentlemen and sometimes the elder Sons of decayed or impoverished Esquires or Gentlemen who should have a greater respect given unto them then those of Trades men Yeomandry or lower Extractions by cutting and clipping their hair if too long and proudly worn or cause them to be put into a place well known in Guildhall London Called Little Ease where to a great Torment of their bodies they cannot with any ease sit lie or stand or by sometimes committing them to Bridewell or some other place there to be scourged and whipt by a Bedel or some persons disguised for no man can tell where to find or discern any reason that the King should not upon extraordinary occasions have so much power and coertion in his high and weighty affairs of government protection of his people and procuring and conserving their peace welfare and happiness as a Stâ—ward of a Court Leet or the Lord thereof in their far less affairs of Jurisdictions by punishing of Bakers and Brewers by that very ignominioâ—s and now much wanted use of the Pillâ—ry and Tumbrel in the later whereof the Offender was to be put in a Cathedra or ducking stool placed over some stinking and muddy pool or pond and several times immerged in it or that by any law or reasonable custom our Kings of England are to have a more limited power in matters of punishment government or a less power than the Masters Wardens of that petty and lower most the late erected Company or Corporation of the Midlers only excepted Company or Corporatioâ— of the Watermen who acting under the Kings authority can fine the Master Watermen for offences committed against by-laws of their own making and imprison them without Bail or Mainprize for not paying of it and cause their Servants for offences against their Masters to be whipt and punished at their Hall by some vizarded and invisible Tormentors or less than the power and authority of a Parish and most commonly illiterate and little to be trusted Constable who may upon any affray or breach of the Peace in his presence or but threatning to break the peace put the party offending in the stocks or keep him at his own house until he find sureties of the peace or less than those necessary military powers and authorities exercised in Armies Garrisons or Guards by inflicting upon offenders that deserve it the punishment of running the Gantlet riding the wooden horse c. or in maritime affairs by beating with a Ropes end ducking under the main yard c. when as the Powers given by God Almighty to his Vicegerent the King and Supreme Magistrate and the subordinate and derivative power concredited by him to his delegated and commissionated inferiour Magistrates are not debarred that universal and well-grounded maxim of Law and Right Reason Quando Lex aliquid
but is no more than a Gownless mis-called Alderman and can have no more of truth or reason in it than for a Chambermaid to a Lady dressed up in her Ladies old Clothes to believe her self to be a Lady because some overcomplementing small piece of wit hath mistakenly called her so or for a man of 20 l. per annum Free Land to believe himself to be a Knight and his Wife a Lady because when according to the Statute made in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the Second he was summoned to take the Order of Knighthood upon him he compounded and paid a Fine to escape that dignity which was too big for his quality or estate and as great a madness and ridiculous as that of Don Quixot or our late Countryman Parsons the Taylor fancying himself to be the Romance Knight of the Sun or for a Bum Bayliff or Countrey Catchpole to imagine himself to be a Knight or his Wife a Lady because in imitation or observance of some antient courses or usages in our Laws he was upon a Writ of View in a Writ of Right or Entry Dower or Formedon retorned by the Sheriff to have been present at the View by the title or addition of a Knight and as little consonant to reason and truth as for a Sheriff or Justice of Peace to think himself to be an Esquire because the King by his Commission for that particular time or purpose was pleased to stile him so or if it did conferre such a Title or Dignity yet it ought not to remain either to a Sheriff or Justice of Peace when they are exuti dignitate out of those temporary Offices by the Office of Sheriff being determined or the turning the Justice of Peace out of Commission which our reason as well as the Civil Law will not permit when by the summoning of a Great man of England to assist in the House of Peers in Parliament or to attend therein he is not thereby to be accompted a Baron by Writ or to have Fee therein to him and his Heirs unless he have been thrice summoned and obeyed those Writs And the Civil Law will tell us that Si ratione alicujus officii debeantur aliqua signa seu insignia if any Armes be given the like being to be said of Titles by reason of any place or office they are but durante officio finito illo transeunt ad successores officiarios during the continuance of that Office which being determined it goeth unto those which do succeed in that Office And that and the Law of Nations will give us the reason of a greater respect to be given unto the Kings Servants rather than unto any other mens Servants when the Emperors of the West and East were so carefull that their Domestick Servants and Guards should have a more than ordinary regard wheresoever they came or had any occasion of business though in any part of their large Dominions far or remote from their Imperial Courts as in a Rescript of the Emperors Valentinianus Theodosius and Arcadius order was taken and a command given ut Domestici ac Protectores osculandi cum salutaverint Vicarium Praefecti Praetorii habeant potestatem poena enim Sacrilegii similis erit si his honorificentia non deferatur qui contingere purpuram Imperatoris digni sint aestimati that the Domesticks or Houshold Servants of note of the Emperors and the Guards attending the Court who were thought worthy to be about their persons when they came to salute the Deputy or Lieutenant of the Major Domo Lord Steward of the Emperors Houshold and General or Chief Captain of the Guards or the Governours of some Provinces or part of the Empire in the later Emperors times should be allowed to kiss him which the very learned Salmuthius in his Comment upon Guido Pancirollo interprets to be commonly a kissing of the hand as well as the sometimes receiving of a salute or kiss of the mouth which summi honoris loco tribuitur saith Cuiacius was esteemed to be the greatest honour for they deserved as much as the punishment usually inflicted upon those who committed Sacriledge which gave not due honour or respect unto those which were thought worthy to be near their persons And were so unwilling that any of their Servants which were imployed in any eminent places about their persons or affairs should when they had quitted their Offices or places be reckoned amongst the Vulgar as the Emperors Valentinianus and Theodosius did by their Rescript ordain that qui suae quodammodo adsidere Majestati videntur which had the honour to be near their persons should post depositum officium ab omni Indictionis onere seu Civilium seu Militarium judicum prorsus immunes after they had left their places be altogether free from all Taxes Civil or Military for si quis lateri Principis ipsius permissu adhaereat nobilis efficitur such of the Kings Servants as are attendant and near unto his person are reputed Noble and Honourable and their Virtue conjoyned with Riches and their imployment about the Fountain of Honour may well deserve a preheminence above other mens Servants when as the Service of such as received their honour from the Prince was as the younger Pliny said in his time pronum ad honoris iter a ready way to honour and gentleness or the bearing of Armes saith Sir John Ferne may be obtained by the service of the Soveraign according to the Rule of the Civil Law with which that learned Civil as well as Common Lawyer was not meanly or little acquainted adhaerentes lateri Principis eidem in officio quocunque minimo ministrantes nobilitantur those which are in the Service of the King and near unto his Person or imployed by him in the meanest Service are in some sort so enobled as to claim the bearing of Armes or Badges of Gentility and Ideo Coquum Principis in dignitatem haberi nobilem esse oportet omnes famulantes Principi sunt in dignitate therefore a Kings Cook ought to be so much respected as not to be denyed the like Priviledge and all the Kings Servants have a certain Dignity to them appertaining and some of our English Nobility have granted as an Earl of Stafford did to Mackworth one of his Servants Insignia Nobilium Coats of Armes to their Servants and Followers And the French Burgundians and Millanois as well as many of our antient English Nobility have heretofore permitted their Clients and such as held their Lands of them to take and use some part or resemblance of the Armes of their Lords or Seignors Wherefore the excellently learned Cassanaeus having travelled through the vast Volumes of the Civil and Caesarean Laws and wrote his Book entituled Catalogus gloriae mundi in the beginning of the Reign of our King Henry the 8th did not certainly stray or wander out of the paths of right
such Causes as all the Kings and Princes of the civilized Part of the World have used to do And of small or no force or avail would be that Clause in our Magna Charta so hardly obtained by our Fore-fathers that the King Nulli negaret Justitiam vel Rectum should not deny Justice or Right unto any who demanded it and little deserving to be called or thought a Liberty if it were not within the reach of his Power and it would be a kind of Injustice to oblige or require him to do that which he could not Which the Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law in the eighteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the First were so unwilling to interpret to be out of his Power As when John Bishop of Winchester having granted unto him free Chace in all the Demesn Lands and Woods of the Prior and Covent of St. Swithen in Winchester and their Successors and being in the Kings Service in the Parts beyond the Seas and having his Protection for all his Lands Goods and Estate brought his Action wherein he did set forth the Kings Protection and his being as aforesaid in his Service against Henry Huse Constable of the Kings Castle at Portcester for that he had hunted in his aforesaid Chace and Liberty in contempt of the King and contrary to his aforesaid Protection whilest he was in his Service as aforesaid To which the said Henry Huse pleading that what he had done was lawful for him to do by reason of a Privilege belonging unto his said Place or Office of Constable of the Castle aforesaid and Issue being joyned thereupon the Court stayed it and delivered their Opinion That no Jury ought to be impannelled nor any Inquisition taken thereupon in regard that Inquisitio ista Domino Rege inconsulto tam propter Cartam ipsius Domini Regis porrectam quam nemo per inquisitionem patrie vel alio modo judicare debet nisi solus Dominus Rex quam ratione Ballivae predict ' que est ipsius Domini Regis ad quam predictus Hâ—nricus dicit libertatem predictam pertinere that such an Issue or Inquiry ought not to be the King not consulted or made acquainted therewith as well in respect of his Charter produced which none but the King by any Jury or Trial ought to Judge as in regard of the Liberty alledged by the said Henry to be belonging to the King Et dictum est partibus quod sequantur versus Dominum Regem quod precipiat procedere ad predict ' inquisitionem capiend ' si voluerit vel quod alio modo faciat voluntatem suam in loquela predict And the Parties were therefore ordered to attend and petition the King to command the Judges if he please that they proceed in the said Action or by some other way declare his Will and Pleasure concerning the said Action and is a good direction for Subjects to ask leave of the King before they Arrest or any way endeavor to infringe the Priviledge of his Servants In the twentieth year of the Reign of that King in a Case in the Court of Common-Pleas where William de Everois being Demandant had complained to the King that the Judges of that Court did delay to give Judgement and the Judges acknowledging that he had been long delay'd in regard that the said William required Seisin to be delivered unto him by a Contract made in the time of War which he denied Dictum est prefatis Justic ' quod ad judicium procedant prout facere consueverunt Et faciend ' est de seisina contractibus factis in tempore partes Guerre the King ordered the Judges that they should proceed to Judgement as they used to do and make an Order concerning the Seisin and Contracts had between the parties thereunto in the time of the War In the same year a Complaint being made to the King that Sir John Lovel Knight being Plaintiff before the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas in a Writ which had long depended and was made in an unusual Form of the Chancery and the Defendant in the beginning of the Plea before Thomas of Weyland and his Associates the Justices of the said Court had put in his Plea of Abatement and Exceptions to the said Writ and prayed that it might be Entred upon the Rolls and Recorded which afterwards could not be found but in regard that Elias de Beckingham one of the Judges remembred the said Plea to whose onely memory a greater Credit is to be given than to the Rolls of the said Thomas of Weyland who with the rest of his Fellow Judges except the said Elias of Beckingham were formerly Fined and punished for other Misdemeanors Et idem Elias semper fideliâ— extiterit in servicio Regis fideliter se gesserit and the said Elias was always faithful and in the Service of the King did well behave himself And all the then Judges did agree that if a Writ of that Form should be brought unto them and pleaded in Abatement they would immediately quash it And for that non est Juri consonum quod per maliciam predict Thome sociorum suorum sibi adherentium qui Exceptiones Tenentis admittere noluerunt cum ipsum proposuerit tempore Competenti non allocaverunt per prout prefatum Eliam recordatum est It is not agreeable to Law that by the malice of the aforesaid Thomas and his Fellow Judges confederating with him who would not admit or allow of the Tenants Exceptions when it was in due time pleaded as by the said Elias was witnessed Dictum est Justic ' quod procedant ad Judicium super exceptione Tenentis prout fuerit faciend ' ac si in Recordo inveniretur The Judges were ordered to proceed to Judgment upon the Tenants Exception as it ought to be done if it had been recorded In the year next following William de Mere Sub-Escheator of the King in the County of Stafford and Reginaldus de Legh who was one of the sworn Justices of the King having an Information brought against them before the King and his Council the Justices of the Court of Kings-Bench for that after the death of Jeffery de Howâ—l who held Lands of Ralph Basset by Knight-service and the death of the said Ralph who had seized all the Lands of the said Jeffery and had in his life time the custody and marriage of William the son of Jeffery and dying seized of Lands holden of the King in Capite and of the custody of the said William and the Heir of the said Ralph being likewise under age and with the Lands of the said Ralph seized by the said Sub-Escheator he suffered the Heir of the said Jeffery without the Kings Writ to enter upon the Lands of the said Jeffery And the said Reginald de Legh by fraud and collusion betwixt him and the said Sub-Escheator took away the Heir of the said Jeffery and