credit with the Governour would have saved him and prevented such extremity unlesse he had proceeded so farre as to cast off the Earles sister whereof we heare nothing And even in that case seeing there is alwayes some hope of reconcilement between man and wife and therefore such fallings out are often born with in Princes upon that hope it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort however whether through his absence or negligence or that having small hope of amendment he would not meddle in it the Duke persists in his lewd wayes and growes rather worse then better Wee reade of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him as hee was bound by so neare alliance Neither do we heare how he carried himself toward the Earles sister his wife or whether shee had any children by him or not though they had been married at that time some foure or five yeares and hee was a man of twenty three or twenty foure years of age at the least having been eighteen when hee was enstalled Duke in the 1396. yeare which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers This is clear that neither party had any contentment or comfortable succes from this match which they so much affected brought to passe with so great trouble disquiet and mischiefe in the Kingdome a notable lesson for men to moderate their desires of any thing and not to seeke it over eagerly though it seem never so advantagious in respect of the uncertainty of the sequell and event of all humane things But to returne to our prisoner wee see him hurt defeated a captive but neither disgraced nor discouraged no nor any whit lesse esteemed of by his friends or enemies who indeed needed not to bee over proud of this victory which was obtained rather by the multitude of men then meer valour neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas for what they had received of them before however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses Douglas and Percie were matter rather of sharpning then discouraging and dejecting their spirits and bred not hatred but an higher though emulous esteem of each towards other This overthrow and losse of the Earle Douglas did not diminish but rather increase his praise and glory and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror It became also the occasion of shewing his worth in a more conspicuous and publike Theatre and on a more eminent subject and powerfull enemy for not long after the Earle of Northumberland whether for envie of King Henries good successe to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning or for that Henry usurped the Kingdome contrary to his oath and promise or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earle of March taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glendour by the said Owen or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him which hee had taken at West Nisbet and at Homildon of whom onely they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King or for what ever other cause the said Earle entered into league with Edmond Owen and some other Lords against the King with such confidence that they made a tripartite Indenture wherein they divided all England into three parts to each of them a third whereupon Percie esteeming highly of the Douglas valour having had good proofe thereof at Homildon offered if hee would take part with him in this enterprise and shew himself as yaliant on his side as hee had done against him that he should not onely be let goe without ransome but also if they prevailed he should have Berwick and a part of Northumberland for his reward Douglas who was no wayes slack to embrace any good occasion against England gladly accepted the condition and getting leave to come home returned again at the time appointed well accompanied with many of his friends and followers The leading of the vantguard was committed to him which place he discharged bravely and behaved himself so as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all mens confession for after the Scots who were led by him had made a fierce onset upon the Kings foreward conducted by the Earle of Stafford and forced them to give back having almost broken their ranks the King came to their aid with his fresh troupes and renewed the fight more fiercely then before Douglas and Percie perceiving the King to be there in person bent their whole forces towards him with such violence that if George Dumbarre Earle of March who had of late betaken himself to the Kings side had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place Douglas had certainly slain him for hee made so hard an onset on the Kings Standard that he bore all down before him and slew the Earle of Stafford with his owne hands who had been made Constable of England that same day as also three more who were apparelled like the King and when the K. restored the battell again and had broken the rankes of those that stood against him Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royall apparell hee said aloud in great choler and indignation where the Devil were all these Kings borne and withall running fiercely at him beat him from his horse and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt the Kings Standard-bearer and overthrew the Standard But the K. was rescued and mounted again by those that were about him especially by his owne sonne afterward Henrie the fifth and so escaped At last the victory fell to the Kings side who had behaved himself most valorously and is reckoned to have slain with his owne hands thirty six of the enemies So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him who did both by word and example encourage his Souldiers that they renewed the fight slew the Lord Percie and with him discomfited the whole Hoast The Earle Douglas was taken prisoner and brought to the King who would on no wise consent to have him put to death though divers perswaded him to it but commended his faithfulnesse to his friend and praised his valour which he honoured much in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds and sent him rich presents Some write that being asked by those of the Kings side why hee did joyne with such traitours against the King his reply was onely this It seemeth saith hee that the King is yet alive though divers Kings have been killed to day This answer being so full of resolution and courage and void of all fear did move the King to regard him so much the more They tell also that being hurt in his privie members when after the battell every man was reckoning his wounds and complaining hee said at last when hee had hard them all They sit full still that have a riven breike The speach continueth still in Scotland and is past into a Proverb which is
of Rothsay his elder brother or for his mis-demeanour and undutifusnesse towards his Father Robert the third or for his neglecting himself in his captivity or for that he esteemed all that government of Robert and Murdock to be an usurpation of the Crowne and feared the like hereafter or even perhaps found such practisings to his prejudice is uncertain However being resolved to ridde himself of them he thought it the safest way to make them fast who hee beleeved would not be so well contented with it as he desired Hee did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds and drawn them to his course or at least taken order with them to sit quiet And this was not long a doing for we reade that the foresaid prisoners were all shortly releeved and some of them also put upon the others quree or assise as Douglas March Angus Arrole But by what means he hath constrained them to be content or what remonstrance or evidence hee hath given them to let them see that those men were guilty of death or what crime they died for if any new conspiracy or what else our Histories tell us not which is a great defect in them Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King otherwise they would never saith hee have condemned such men to death Princes of the blood as wee may call them and their owne especiall friends And thus much of the Earle Douglas first committing and the issue thereof For the second Hollinshed and Boetius doe agree that the K. arrest the Earle Douglas and kept him long in prison till at last by the mediation of the Queen and Prelats he and the Earle of Rosse were released Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly but Hollinshed is pleased out of sume partiall humour as should seeme to suppresse the Title of Duke of Turrain and this is all the difference betwixt them It was some yeares after his first committing but what yeare it is not condiscended upon Some say it was in the yeare 1431. but impertinently for the yeare 1430. is the yeare of his releasing except wee will thinke that hee hath been imprisoned thrice which is not mentioned by any And a little mention there is of the cause wherefore hee was warded whereof Major complaineth saying that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stuarts executions and the incarcerating of the Earle Douglas and John Lord of Kennedie the Kings owne sister sonne for both were committed Douglas in Logh-leeven and Kennedy in Stirling for how shall it bee knowne whether it was done justly or for matters of weight or if for trifles onely and for his owne pleasure Others insinuate a cause but doe but glance at it without setting it downe so clearely as to let men know whether it were just or unjust which is the light and life of History and the right end and use thereof for they say no more but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly and somewhat more freely then became them of the estate and government of the Countrey What use can any man make of this generality rashnesse may be a fault yet perhaps none at all in them of whom it is spoken they being Privie Counsellers Likewise the phrase freelier than became is so generall that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied neither can posteriry either King or Subject judge of this fact whether it were right or wrong or whether the example were such as men ought to follow or forbeare and avoid It should have been expressely set downe what they spake to whom if to the King himselfe or to others In what sort if by way of admonition counselling or advising or if by forme of cavilling detracting murmuring mutining and such other circumstances whereon the judgeing of it chiesly dependeth In this uncertainty wee can hardly condemne or absolve praise or censure them In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same minde and category with the Earle Douglas apparently it hath not been spoken in malice seeing the Kings nearest and his best friends such as these Kennedies were having approved thereof And that Noblemen must not speake their opinion freely of things to the King or if the King being without malice is very hard for how shall a King know that will not heare hee cannot know all by himself And how shall he heare if Noblemen have not leave to speake freely he cannot heare all by himself Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill and it may bee hath done this same Prince no good And what ever it was that displeased the Earle Douglas in the government was either for the Countreyes sake or the Kings owne sake or for both why might not the King thinke there might be errours And why might hee not then have heard them To have proceeded so vehemently for their hath been great vehemency in it to have cut off his owne kinsmen and leave none but himself for the Earle of Athole to aim at it was most important and worthy to be considered of whether or not it were best for him in policie to do Doubtlesse his doing of it hath emboldned Athole to cut off the King himselfe when all the rest were cut off first by the King And was it nothing to lose the Nobility to alienate their hearts to irritate them by imprisonments forfeitures hath it not done ill thinke you and encouraged him to goe on in his intended treason looking for the favour of the offended Nobility or for neutrality and slacknesse to revenge the Kings death We see the King himselfe retreateth his taxations once or twice when he saw the people grieved therewith And wisely in that hee was carefull to keep the hearts of the people But was there no care to bee taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved was it enough that they would not or durst not perhaps or could not openly rebell was it not something to want their affections to want the edge and earnestnesse thereof to relent them to coole them Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunitie greater then they found yet in hope of it to go on with their designes and hath furthered and hastned that dolorous conclusion which ensued What ever the cause were he acknowledgeth the Earle Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort in that he releaseth him and in token of a full reconcilement makes him a witnesse to the Baptisme of his two sonnes twinnes which was in those dayes no small honour and signification of good will and a pledge of intimate friendship He made also his sonne William though but a childe of five yeares of age the first knight of fiftie who were dubbed at that solemnity as the Manuscript affirmeth By which actions as he honoured Douglas so did he withall honour himself in the eyes of the people and of forrainers gracing his Court and that so solemne action by the presence of such a Peere farre more
Gentlemen being in like manner exhorted by the Queen to fight valiantly promised that for their own parts they would do it faithfully but they said the hearts of the common Souldiers were averse from Bothwell and thought it more reasonable that he should adventure his own Person in his own quarrell for maintaining his innocency than that either her Majestie or so many of her good Subjects should adventure or endanger their lives for him But if she were resolved to trie the hazard of a battell it was her best to deferre it till the next day that the Hamiltons who were on their journey might joyne with them As they were about to joyne battell the French Ambassadour La Croque would have mediated a Peace and came to the Lords promising to obtain their pardon at the Queens hands for what was past and that none of them should ever be called in question for their taking Armes against her so that they would now lay them down and proceed no further Morton made answer that they had not taken Armes against the Queen but against Bothwell who had murthered their King whom if her Majestie would be pleased to abandon they would quickly make it appear that they desired nothing more than to continue in all dutifull obedience and allegeance to her as became Loyall Subjects but so long as Bothwell remained unpunished they could not in duty and conscience be so forgetfull of their late King as not to avenge his murther La Croque not being able to perswade them retired to Edinburgh All hope of peace and agreement being cut off Bothwell being jealous of his Souldiers and either intending in good earnest to fight or for a Bravado sent a Trumpet to the Lords to declare his innocency in confidence whereof if any would accuse him and stand to his allegation he was ready to maintain his cause against whosoever would attach him in Duel and single Combate There were two of the Lords faction that undertook to make it good against him William Kirkadie of Grange and James Murray brother to Tilliberdine but he rejected these as not being his equals and Peeres he being an Earle and they but Gentlemen onely Wherefore he challenged Morton by name He accepted of the challenge and appointed the Weapons two-handed Swords and to fight on foot But the Lord Lindsay stepping forth besought Morton and the rest that for all the service that ever his Predecessours or himself had done or could do unto the country that they would do him that honour as to suffer him to undertake that Combate which he said did also duly belong unto him in regard of his nearnesse in bloud to the defunct King They condescended and Bothwell having nothing to accept against him they prepared on both sides Morton gave Lindsay the Sword which had been Earle Archbalds called commonly Bell the Cat wherewith he cut asunder Spenses thigh as is shewed in his life With this which Lindsay wore ever after and a buckler as the manner then was he presents himself before the Army to attend Bothwels coming But the Queen would not suffer him to fight and interposing her authority commanded him to desist Then she sent a Herauld to the Lords requiring them to send Grange to her that she might conferre with him and that in the mean time the Army should stand quiet While the Queen did Parley with Grange Bothwell as it had been fore-plotted conveyes himself secretly out of the Army and fled to Dumbar When the Queen had talked so long with Grange as that Bothwell had time enough to escape and be out of their reach free from all danger of being overtaken she went with him to the Lords and desiring them to suffer her Army to depart in safetie which they easily granted she dismissed them Then she requested that she might go to the Hamiltons who were not farre off at Corstorphing to give them thanks for their good will promising faithfully to return whereupon she desired Morton to passe his word and be suretie for her A strange request for her to ask in such a case farre stranger for them to have granted or for Morton to have undertaken that which lay not in his power to see performed Bothwell had escaped to their great grief and discontentment the Queen onely remained the pledge of peace and foile of their enemies who wanting her did want a head Therefore her suite was denied and she brought to Edinburgh There a consultation was held what were fittest to be done with her Amongst great diversitie of opinions Morton would by no means yeeld to have her life meddled withall desiring onely that some such course might be taken as that the professed Religion might not be prejudiced and that they themselves might be secured from future danger Yet there were some that pressed the matter very hard against him alledging that there was no possibilitie either to preserve Religion or secure themselves so long as she were alive Promises were to no purpose and of no value They might be easily eluded as proceeding from a just fear and compulsion as they would call it And to imprison her were no better seeing there would not want a party ere long to set her free And though there were no party yet she her self might use means to escape and others might help her yea without all these time and occasion would work her delivery Nay some went so far with him as to denounce GODS judgements against him as a hinderer of the execution of justice which he himself should feele upon his own person because he would not give way to it in the person of another For it is but justice said they else if it be unlawfull so is this detaining of her unlawfull and whatsoever we have done is unlawfull and flat treason All this notwithstanding Morton would not consent unto it but made answer That howsoever they had gone thus farre being drawne to it by necessity for the preservation of Religion the good of their Countrey their own honour and credit and even led by nature to look to their own safetie yet they ought not to meddle with the life of their Sovereigne To secure themselves it was sufficient to have her kept in some place of suretie and strength which he thought even too much if he could see any other remedie And so it was concluded that shee should be sent to Logh-leven there to be kept by William Douglas owner thereof a very honest Gentleman and who had sided with neither Partie And although the same matter was agitate again while she remained in Logh-leven the 25. of August at a solemne meeting of the Estates after Murray was come home and had accepted the Regencie and many did incline to have her executed some out of zeal to Religion and love of Justice as they deemed it some out of love to the Hamiltons who by her death would be but one step from the Crown yet Morton stuck to his former opinion and
to preserve the memory of things by their pens all being set on war unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers who were both carelesse and illiterate droans Notwithstanding all this as no destruction is so generall and so far spread but something doth escape the fury of it and though all monuments had been defaced yet some men being preserved what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out they remembred what they had heard from their predecessours and delivered it to posterity from age to age By which means we have as it were some boords or planks preserved out of this shipwrack which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity if it do not bring us safe to land According then to the constant and generall tradition of men thus was their originall During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland one Donald Bane that is Donald the white or fair having possest himself of all the western Ilands called Ebudes or Hebrides and intitling himself King thereof aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head For effectuating whereof he gathered a great army wherein he confided so much that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland to wit the province of Kintyre and Lorne The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell and so prevailed at first that he made the Kings army to give ground and had now almost gained the day and withall the Kingdome that lay at stake both in his own conceit and the estimation of his enemies In the mean time a certain Noble man disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe out of his love to his Prince and desire of honour accompanied with his sons and followers made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution that he brought them to a stand and then heartning the discouraged fliers both by word and example he turnes the chace and in stead of victory they got a defeat for Donalds men being overthrown and fled he himself was slain This fact was so much the more noted as the danger had been great and the victory unexpected Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act the Nobleman being there in person answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue which was then onely in use Sholto Du glasse that is to say Behold yonder black gray man pointing at him with the finger and designing him by his colour and complexion without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne and delighted with that homely designation rewarded him royally with many great Lands and imposed upon himselfe the name of Douglas which hath continued with his posterity untill this day And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got is called stil Douglasdale the River that vvatereth it Douglas River the Castle which he built therein Douglasse castle This narration besides that it is generally received and continued as a truth delivered from han d to hand is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie There at his dwelling house William Earle of Angus who died at Paris 1616 being confined to the North in the year 1595 did see and peruse it Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories for although they do not mention this man nor his fact yet they all speak of this usurper and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius about the year 767. Hollinshed and Boetius affirm that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre Some do call him Bane mack Donalde but Buchanan calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus an easie errour in so great affinity of name There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar in the year 1000 but that being 333. years after this and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy as shall be shewed anone It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto or with that Donald whom he defeated this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald as descended and come of the former who was Donalde wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous or monstrous nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to reason but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another our tradition with the manuscript and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root and originall of the name and family Of Hugh Douglas sonne to Sholto And first of the name of Hugh TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh of whom we have nothing to write but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper there being nothing else recorded of him Of his son Hugh the second UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh for he had two sons Hugh and William Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man borne to a great inheritance whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence and therefore we will insist no longer thereon His younger brother William as is the custome of younger brothers went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way Of him therefore we will speake next Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy THis William was son to the first Hugh and grandchilde to Sholto younger brother to the second Hugh he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy which fell out thus as it is related by the Italian Historians agreeing with ours Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius did enter into league with Charlemaigne which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to represse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed against the Sea of Rome Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William a pious and valarous young Prince Amongst other of his Captains that went with him this William Douglas was one of the chief and had the leading of the men of armes The Emperour having restored Pope Leo the third to the
Buchanan needed not to have been ashamed Envious Death who ruines all Hath wrought the sad lamented fall Of Wallace and no more remains Of him then what an Urn contains Ashes for our Heroe we have He for his armour a cold grave He left the earth too low a state And by his worth o're came his fate His soul death had no power to kill His noble deeds the world doth fill With lasting Trophies of his name O! hadst thou vertue loved or fame Thou couldst not have insulted so Over a brave betraid dead foe Edward nor seen those limbs expos'd To publick shame sit to be clos'd As Reliques in a holy shrine But now the infamy is thine His end crownes him with glorious bayes And stains the brightest of thy praise But to return to our Sir James he is no sooner advertised of the Bruces arrivall into Scotland and of the Cummins slaughter when without either summons or intreaty save of his own mind in that common case simpathising with the other he resolves to try his fortune in that course with him But what could he do poore Gentleman being in such necessity and destitute of all help he had neither horse nor armour nor followers for such a businesse all was gone and violently taken from him by the iniquity of the times and the prevailing of the enemie There was neither friend nor mean left for his provision Shall he burden Archbishop Lambert what could a Prelate do what could he especially being under the beasts feet as we say and subject to King Edward It is better sometimes to force a friend then to indanger him Compulsion may be used where there is perill in the consenting chiefly if the party be not unwilling the ground right and the cause good otherwise violence is never to be attempted neither is iniquity fraud or falsehood evill and hurtfull courses either against private men or the publick state to be warranted by this example To it he goes and robs Lambert of what he durst not give him he inticeth his servants whose hearts did serve them to serve him in that hazard whom their Lord durst not command to go with him he takes also some gold from him and provides himself a horse and armour and that all might seem to bee done by the strong hand and violence might plead for the Bishop at King Edwards hands he beats the rest of the servants that were left behind and so goes away with the prey An honourable robber and just spoiler He meets Robert Bruce at Arickstone in the head of Anandale If he were welcome or not I leave it to the consideration of the Reader he was received as his Cousin and used as a companion and continued a faithfull Friend and loyall Subject so long as their dayes continued without variance emulation or jealousie or grudge on either side A happy King by such a servant A happy servant by such a Prince A happy Countrey by such a society and pair of worthy friends So it is where vertues encounter begetting mutuall affection and produce notable effects The Bishop of Rosse John Leslie sayes that he carried this money to Bruce from the Archbishop and makes no mention of any force whose commendation of this James is not amisse to be here inserted Hoc tempore quidam Jacobus Duglasius altissimi animi ad quaevis pericula subeunda paratissimi adolescens dum cum animo suo reputat Robertum omnibus virtutum ornamentis excultum injustis Anglorum armis vexari iniquis belli telis consigi ab Episcopo Sancto Andreapolitano in cujus fuit comitatu pecuniam grandem ad Roberti causam labantem sustentandam impetravit illamque illi quam â—…lerrime tulit Cui in bello strenuam in pace liberam in adversis fidelem in prosperis jucundaâ—… operam per reliquum vitae curriculum semper post ea navavit Ab hoc Jacobo clarissima Duglasiorum familia primum sue Nobilitatis nomen accepisse perhibetur In English thus At this time one James Douglas a youth of high spirit and ready to undergo whatsoever perill considering with himself how Robert Bruce a man adorned with all vertues was vexed with the unjust armes of the English and pursued with warre against all equity obtained of the Bishop of Saint Andrews in whose company he was a great summe of money to uphold the now declining cause of Robert which money he carried to him with all diligence and ever after aided him in his warres valiantly in peace he was free and upright pleasant in prosperity and faithfull in adversity during all the dayes of his life From this James the noble family of the Douglasses is counted to have taken the beginning of greatnesse so farre John Lesley To return their efforts at first were of exceeding hard successe Robert Bruce was crowned at Scone in the yeare 1306. in April at which Sir James assisted casting into a heape as others did a quantity of earth of his lands of Douglas which making a little hill it is called yet Omnis terra This was the custome of those times by which homage they that held the King of Scotland Supreme under God were distinguished from others Some moneths after the coronation about the 19. of June they were defeated in a conflict at Methven by Odamarre de Valâ—…nce Earle of Pembroke but without any great losse of men for they being few in number and perceiving their inequalitie fled betimes while their men were yet in breath and unwearied having adventured so far rather to trie their fortune what it was like to prove in their maine intentions then in hope of victorie where there was so great odds every way There were taken at this battell Sir Thomas Randulph a young stripling Sir Alexandar Fraser Sir David Barclay Insh Mairtin Hugh de la Hay or Hugh Hay Somervale and some others whom Sir Aimer Valence caused to promise fealty to the King of England and on that condition saved their lives especially Randulph who is remarked after this to have beene very forward for the King of England till he was taken againe by Sir James Douglas as we shall heare hereafter After this battell they retired to the Castle of Kildrummie where the Queene and divers other Ladies remained in great scarcitie of vivers being sustained most part by what Sir James Douglas tooke by hunting and fishing Not long after as they went by Athole into Argyle Athole having intelligence of them invaded them together with Lorne his sisters and constrained them to fight at a place called Dalree which is to say The Kings field about the twelfth of August their fortune was no better then it had beene before the day was lost some but not many of their men slaine they themselves put to flight and by flight faine to save their lives by lurking amongst the hils for a season in a most desert place living upon roots and herbs and lying in the open fields on the bare ground or
among the heath sometimes but with one other times with none to attend them being uncertaine whom to trust in that frowning of fortune when commonly there are but few that remain friends and many become enemies base minds seeking thereby either to avoid harm or to gain favour of the stronger At last finding that they were hotly hunted after and hardly followed they thought it their safest way to go to the Western Isles Lochlowmond lay in their way whether being come and having found an old boat Sir James however expert in that Art before having learned so much by that great Schoolmaster Necessity rowed his King over this Lake in a night and half a day Thus saith the manuscript but it seemeth rather to have been some other Lake then Lochlowmond or rather some inlet of the Sea which are called sometimes Lakes between the main Land and the Isle in which they lurked because Lochlowmond is of no such breadth as that it should be esteemed a great matter to row over it in that space and besides they did row to an Isle where they did rest amongst our Aebudes to none of which Lochlowmond is adjacent The Bruces book saith not that they rowed through the Lake to the Isle but through the Lake to the next land and then passed to the Sea side where they provided boats in which they sailed to the Isles It attributes also this rowing to others then Sir James though hee were the first finder of the old boate Thus it went with them and to such an exigent was the hope of our Countrey brought Thus we see these great minds and afterwards great men in a base poore and perillous but never miserable estate which vertue is not capable of desolate in it self destitute of friends and their first attempts dasht by the mean under Captains of their great enemy King Edward But ere they have done they shall make his successour to flie in the like sort in a small fisher boat poorely accompanied to save his owne person after the losse of his army On such moments do the hopes and fears of mortall men depend and such vicissitude is the estate of those glorious crowns subject unto which men do so much affect with such travell and turmoil as for them it was not the Crowne onely but their libertty also that they suffered for and not their owne liberty alone but the freedome of their Countrie and Patriots which they sought to maintain against injustice fraud and violence Wherefore we never heare that they fainted at any time or dispaired any time in the midst of dispair such force hath a good cause in a good heart the Authour of goodnesse no doubt sitting at the rudder of that boat and preserving the old sheards of it so that they gave no place to the violence of the waves and their hearts from yeelding to that despair that every way did assault them untill he had finished that work he had to do with them for recovering the liberty of their Countrey and beating down the pride of tyranny that hee might in all this show his own might and prerogative in casting down and setting up at his pleasure Such hard beginnings have oftentimes the greatest works and so little ought either hope or dispaire bee grounded on the first successe Being landed in this little Isle which the Bruces book calls Rachrine other Authours name it not they remained a while hidden there with a speciall friend of King Roberts both the Isle and the man being worthy of more expresse honour and a perpetuall memory of their names he for his faithfull friendship the Isle for its safe receit and harbouring so good guests and their good luck after this receit their efforts from hence forward having been almost ever prosperous Their safety was most part in this that men believed they were not safe ceasing to seek those whom they thought had ceased to be taking them to have perished because they appeared no where to the view of the world Like example is long since recorded of Masinissa King of Numidia and their lurking doth bring forth the like fruit and effects But it was not fit for them to lurk too long their friends might so have been discouraged and losing hope have forsaken the cause whereby the work would have been the more difficult if not impossible Therefore to begin again afresh the King obtains from his good friend some small company of men and Sir James with fourty of these which hee got of the King went and tooke in the Castle of Arane by a stratagem A small but happy flourishing of a better spring time after that their tempestuous winter which shall yeeld a full harvest and bring forth the ripe fruit of liberty to their Countrey and the settling of the Kingdome to his master and his posterity untill these our dayes and we hope for ever Thither came the King also within two dayes and hearing of them Malcolme Earle of Lennox These sailed from thence into Carrict where they tooke a Castle of the Kings proper inheritance but the Writers do not name it And here indeed the course of the Kings misfortunes begins to make some halt and stay by thus much prosperous successe in his own person but more in the person of Sir James by the re-conquests of his owne Castles and Countries from hence he went into Douglasdale where by the means of his fathers old servant Thomas Dickson he tooke in the Castle of Douglas and not being able to keep it he caused burn it contenting himself with this that his enemies had one strength fewer in that Countrey than before The manner of his taking of it is said to have beene thus Sir James taking onely with him two of his servants went to Thomas Dickson of whom he was received with tears after he had revealed himselfe to him for the good old man knew him not at first being in meane and homely apparell There he kept him secretly in a quiet chamber and brought unto him such as had beene trusty servants to his father not all at once but apart and by one and one for feare of discoverie Their advice was that on Palmsunday when the English would come forth to the Church being a solemne Holiday he with his two servants should come thither apparelled like countrey taskers with mantles to cover their armour and when he should perceive that the English were in the Church and his partners were conveened that then he should give the word and cry the Douglas slogan and presently set upon them that should happen to be there who being dispatched the Castle might be taken easily This being concluded and they come so soone as the English were entred into the Church with Palmes in their hands according to the custome of that day little suspecting or fearing any such thing Sir James according to their appointment cryed too soone a Douglas a Douglas which being heard in the Church this was Saint Brides Church of
that present day This being done Sir James returned into Scotland This King Robert thought fit to be done not because his owne title was not good enough before for it was good already and sufficient and so found to bee by a better judge then King Edward of England to wit the Estates of the Realme who are the rightest judges in controversies of this nature and who had power to have made it good if it had not been so might have helped any defect that had been in it seeing Balliol by his owne fact had disabled himself by giving it over to King Edward especially seeing it was prejudiciall and against the common liberty and good of the Kingdome to accept of him who had betrayed these and was not able to defend them Wherefore King Robert being in possession and the Kingdome being confirmed to him and to his posteritie he needed no further right from Balliol Notwithstanding of this to cut away all pretences of quarrells and calumnies that malicious men might surmise thereabout afterwards he thought good to have a renunciation from Balliol of his title and consolidate that with his owne whereupon esteeming none fitter for the purpose then Sir James as well for the honourable place he held as for his sufficiency to discharge the Commission not without some consideration of his kindred with Balliol by the house of Galloway he laid the charge upon him which he performed as we have heard Sir James being thus returned out of France King Robert being very glad that his businesse had succeeded so well called a Parliament at Cambuskenneth in the which the right of succession to the Crowne was renewed to King Roberts heirs and namely failing his sonne David to Marjorie Bruce his daughter and Robert Stuart his sonne This the Nobility did enact and confirme by oath in the yeare 1325. or 1326. and before the sending of Sir James Douglas as some Authours record Not long after King Robert fell sick and partly for that cause partly in regard of his age not being able to ride abroad and endure travel himself he committed the managing of all businesse of weight both in peace and warre to the two Friends and Colleagues Sir James and Randulph two of the most noble Knights and bravest Captains that were in their dayes as our Writers do say And now Edward the second was dead and Edward the third had succeeded to him to whom Sir James laboureth to do as good service as he had done to his father This Edward sent Ambassadours to King Robert to treat of peace but being discovered to have no sincere meaning and to deal fraudfully in stead of peace they carried home warre So due preparation being made on both sides our two Commanders assembled to the number of 20000. all horse men some say 20000. horse and 5000. foot and entred into England with resolution not to sight but at their advantage and pleasure which was the reason they took all or most part horse men and few or no foote men Against these King Edward came in person with a great Army of 100000. men as Froysard writes 80000. horse 24000. archers having brought with him the Lord Beaumont out of the Low-Countries with 700. or 500 horse The English souldiers of this Army were cloathed in coats and hoods embroydered with flowers and branches and did use to nourish their beards wherefore the Scots in derision thereof made this rime and fastned it upon the Church doore of Saint Peter in the Canongate beards hartlesse painted hoods witlesse gay coat gracelesse make England thriftlesse He fortified the Townes of Carlile and Berwick and furnished them with men to stay the Scots passages But they little regarding either his fortifications or his forces passed the water of Tine at knowne Foords and made him first know of their arrivall by smoake and fire whereupon putting his men in order he marched directly towards those places that were smoaking to have given them battell but not finding them there and not knowing how to force them to fight his resolution was to passe Tine and there to entercept them at their returne and to give them battell in those fields where the ground was more levell and even and so fitter for his Armie Thither then he goeth with great trouble and turmoiling both of men and horse by reason of the great raine that fell as also for scarcitie of victuall and after he had lien there eight dayes waiting for them he could heare no newes of them wherefore he chose out about sixteene able young men whom he sent abroad into the Countrey to search for them promising a great reward to him that should first bring him word where they were They having roaved up and downe the Countrey at last one of them fell into the hands of the Scots who when he had told how K. Edward had sent him to search for them they let him goe and withall bid him tell the King that they had beene eight dayes as uncertain of him as he had bin of them and that now they were come within 3. miles of him where they would stay for him and abide him battell being as desirous to sight as he was When the young man told the King this he was rewarded with Knigthood being made such by his owne hand and besides that he got 150. pound land to maintain his dignity Then he gave order that his Army should march towards them but when they came neare they found them so stronlgy encamped upon a hill having steepe rocks at the one side and a river on the other called by Hollinshed the water of Weire that they durst not adventure to assaile them at so great disadvantage wherefore they sent a trumpet to them and desired them to come downe to the plaine ground and so to sight with true vertue for honour and empire and not to sit on the tops of the hils where no body could come at them The Scots answered with derision that they would not sight how and when it pleased their enemie but at their owne pleasure telling him withall that they were come into his Countrey and had done as he knew if any thing that they had done did grieve him he might come and seeke his revenge they would stay there as long as they thought meet and expedient for them and if any should assaile them they would do what they could doe to defend themselves and make their enemies smart So they stayed there three dayes in his view but he not thinking it safe to assaile them in that place after some few skirmishes at their watering place the Scots removed their Camp to another place that was stronger and harder of accesse which Hollinshed calls Stanhop parke whither the English also followed them While they lay there encamped the one over against the other Sir James Douglas who was a provident and watchfull Captaine perceiving that the English watches were somewhat negligently kept either because they despised the
small number of the Scots or for that they thought they had no mind to fight but to retire adventured upon a hazzardous but hardie and worthy enterprise he did choose out two hundred of the choicest of his men and passing the river in the night season a little off from the English Camp he entred the enemies Trenches on that side they least expected and approached the Kings Tent thinking either to have taken or to have slaine him but the Kings Chaplaine being a wake discovered him whom he slew with his owne hand for his paines and now the alarme was given and the whole Armie was up against him wherefore having only cut the Kings Tentroapes he returned safe in spite of them leaving 300. of them slaine in the place who offered to hinder his retreat Upon this show and omen of successe and good fortune Thomas Randulph would have given them battell in the plaine fields but Sir James advised him otherwayes showing him how it was not for them being so few in number to deale with so great an Armie in the open and plaine fields but that their onely way was to use slights and stratagems and to keepe themselves in places of strength and advantage To which purpose he told him the Apologue of the Fox whom a Fisherman finding in his Lodge carrying away a Salmond to his denne for his young Cubs he drew his sword and stood in the doore to kill him knowing he had no other way to get out The Fox being thus straitned went and tooke hold of the Fishers mantle which lay by and went toward the fire to cast it into it and burne it the Fisher to save his mantle ranne to the fire and left the doore free so that the Fox escaped out at the door and in his way catched hold of the Salmond and went cleare away withall to the fishers great griefe who had his mantle burnt his Salmond lost and the Fox escaped Even so sayes Sir James it fares with us we have done these men harme and they think they have us in the nouse and in a mouse-trap but I have espied a way by which though it may seeme somewhat hard and troublesome we shall escape safe without the losse of a man They continued still in the same place certaine dayes after this without doing any thing of note or moment on either side for the English warned by their late danger kept better watch then they had done before and now having taken a Scottish prisoner they were informed by him that the host of the Scots was commanded to be in readinesse against the third watch to follow Sir James his standard This put them to no small businesse so that they presently armed and stood all night ranked in order of battell supposing that the Scots intended to make an onset and assaile them in their Trenches and therefore their Watches and Sentinels were doubled and the Foords strongly guarded But the Scots by this time were risen and departed passing through a Mosse or Bogue two miles long which was never passed before especially by horsemen but they had provided flaikes and hurdles upon which they made the horse to passe without sinking leading them in their hands and walking on foot by them About the breake of day two Scottish Trumpeters were brought to K. Edward who were taken by his Scouts and being come before him told that they were commanded to suffer themselves to be taken thus that they might tell him that the Scots were gone home and that if he had a minde to be revenged on them for any thing they had done he should follow them But he considering of the matter and weighing all things and with what men he had to doe being both valiant and able to endure so much hardship thought it his best to let them goe and so he returned to London having seene his Kingdome burnt and spoiled under his nose for all his great Armie and himselfe in the midst thereof in danger of his life or of taking which effronts he was forced to pack up at this time not without great griefe and anger without all doubt And this is the third piece of service done by that so despised man to the posterity of his despiser to his sonne before and now to his grand-childe in the yeare 1327. or 28. neare unto Stanhop park which because it cannot be denied Caxton alledgeth that it came to passe by the treason of Mortimer Earle of March who being corrupted by the Scots with money would not suffer saith he the Earle of Lancaster to passe the water not very deep at that part to invade them by which means they escaped But our Major doth justly scorn that point of corrupting and bribing with money and doth further affirme that they had not any conference at all with Mortimer So that it is likely that what Mortimer spake in that matter of not following or invading the Scots at their departure he hath spoken it out of judgement and not partiality and perhaps more prudently then they that counselled the contrary However they confesse that the King missed of his purpose and being very pensive therefore broke up his army and returned to London Amongst other things they tell that after the Scots were dislodged some of the English went to view their Camp partly to see their customes and manner of living and what provision they had partly to seek some spoil when they were come there they found onely five hundreth carcasses of red and fallow Deare a thousand paire of Highland showes called rullions made of raw and untand leather three hundreth hides of beasts set on stakes which served for Caldrons to seethe their meat There were also five English men who had their legs broken and were bound naked to trees whom they loosed and gave them to Chirurgions to bee cured When they saw these things and judged hereby how painfull and able to endure the Scottishmen were they found that counsell to have been good and sound which was given to their King not to follow them whether it were Mortimers or some others The English Writers upon this scarcitie and penury here found and upon such other passages as when Edward the second entred Scotland and was forced to returne for want of victualls the King having caused remove all things out of his way take occasion to speake contemptuously of the Scots as though they had not defended their Countrey by vertue and prowesse against England between it and which they think there is no comparison but partly by cold and hunger partly because the English Kings did slight it and were not desirous to conquer it as also for the English forces were almost imployed in France so that they had no leisure to bend their whole power against Scotland which if they had done they might easily as they think have mastered it Imputing hereby the cause of their failing to do it they having so great ods in number of men and warlike
did cry out with a confused noise and clamour detesting it and protesting that so long as they were able to bear armes they would never give their consent thereunto that they had one of age to be heir already whensoever God should call him Especially the Earle of Douglas took it so to heart that he entred into League with Robert Stuart Earle of Stratherne who was next heir and was chiefly prejudiced hereby with Patrick Earle of March George Earle of Murray his brother John Stuart of Kile afterward Robert the third and Robert Stuart of Monteith after Duke of Albanie to withstand and oppose this businesse to the uttermost of their powers in case the King should prosecute it and to desend themselves if he would use violence against them And they were so forward herein and went so farre on in it that it had almost come to an open rebellion Neither were they reconciled untill the King changed his purpose And then by the mediation of the Prelats of the Realm they desisted and gave their oath of fidelitie to him again in the year 1366. having been at variance and jealousie the space of two or three years The English Writers would make it seem to have been but collusion and that the King did but propound it for exoneration of his promise to King Edward and was glad of the refusall for that he was not to labour further in it But our Histories signifie no such thing and say directly that he did it sincerely and was highly offended with the deniall for the time and that those who had refused looked for the worst and set themselves for defence yea that they went so farre that some of them made incursions upon the towns and villages in the Countrey to terrifie the King saith Major and that he might learne to know that the whole Kingdome did not altogether depend upon him but upon the good counsell and mature advice of the Nobility And Boetius writes that the convention being dissolved there followed rebellion of some of the Nobility whilest they feared that they had offended the King with their free speeches determining to enterprise and do somewhat before they should be caused to suffer Such is the force of jealousie when it entereth into mens breasts And therefore it is to be eschewed with great care and the occasions thereof cut off betimes For it cometh often to passe that upon such suspitions when neither partie have had an ill meaning but have been afraid of ill and sought to prevent it such inconveniences have followed as would not have fallen out otherwise And therefore above all things assurance should be given to Counsellours and free voters that in their free delivering of their opinions they shall not offend there or if they do suspect they have offended him the suspition should be removed betimes and they put in securitie And this King David did in this matter as the most judicious of our Writers say They that had carried out against it most freely saith he hearing that the King was angry were about to have made defection whose fear when the King understood he remitting all wrath received them immediately into favour By this wise government and modestie on all sides suspition was taken away and howbeit he was offended for the time because they did not yeeld to his desire yet afterward he rejoyced greatly as certainly he had great cause to see the true and heartie affections of his subjects to their Countrey to his own bloud and the house of Bruce the uprightnesse sincerity and magnanimitie vertues requisite and necessary for Counsellours in resisting even himself for himself for his own honour and good which were both greatly interessed by this his desire if he had obtained it being so prejudiciall to his sister and her off spring who have happily succeeded yet since besides the breach of oath to his father the servitude of his Countrey subjecting it to strangers and the stain of his honour for ever to have been the authour of so unworthie a fact And without all doubt it was greatly against the security of his own Person in regard of the ambition of his designed Successour and Heir King Edward and his impatiencie to abide Gods leasure who in a colder hope had used indirect means to make away Thomas Randulph What would not that man have attempted for a certain possession And what miserable case had the Person of this good King been in if he had gotten his own will if his will had been accounted as a Law by these his subjects A notable example to Counsellours of freedome where their Princes good and the good of their Countrey doth require it to Princes of modestie in opposition made to that which may be their will for a time and whereunto for the present appearance they may be verie bent A happy King that can so dispose himself not to be wedded to his own affections onely Or if not so yet happy is hee that hath such Counsellers who will resolutely remonstrate the right and stand to it by which means he may be brought to examine his own affections to see the errours of them and rejoyce thereafter that he did not what he most desired Certainly this King hath rejoyced at it all the rest of his dayes living in great quietnesse some foure or five yeares There was not any grudge heart-burning or suspition after this between him and any of them such was the integritie of heart on both sides and so it should be in reconcilements otherwise enmities must be perpetuall or would be so if it were not hoped that the reconciliation would bee sincere and entire Nay where it is not so that peace is worse then any warre and nothing else but a snare to entrap men King David died in the Castle of Edinburgh in the Towre which he himself had caused build and is called from his name Davids Towre in the yeare 1370. the nine and thirtieth yeare of his reigne and was buried at Holyrood-house After his decease there was a Convention of the States at Linlithgow to have Crowned Robert Stuart son to Marjorie Bruce King Roberts daughter Thither went the Earle of Douglas and did claime the Crowne where he was so strongly accompanied that they feared hee would have taken it by force if it were not given him voluntarily He alledged that he was to be preferred before Robert Stuart because his right was derived both from Balliol and Cummin Now for the better understanding of the ground of his claime wee must remember that King Alexander the third dying without heires the title of the Crowne was devolved to David Earle of Huntington brother to the said Alexanders Grandfather King VVilliam This David of Huntington as Histories relate had three daughters Margaret Isabel and Alda or Ada. The eldest Margaret was married to Allane Lord of Galloway Isabel the second to Robert Bruce called commonly Robert the Noble the third Alda or Ada to Henry Hastings whose
Posteritie doth still yet happily with good report possesse the Earledome of Huntington This Alane Lord of Galloway had by his wife Margaret eldest daughter to David two daughters as is most commonly reported Dornagilla and Mary Dornagilla his eldest daughter was married to John Balliol father to that John Balliol who was afterward Crowned King of Scotland Mary his second daughter was married to John Cummin Earle of Marre and by her Lord of Galloway called Read John Cummin slain by King Robert Bruce at Dumfrees Some write that this Alane had three daughters and that the eldest was married to one Roger Earle of Winton of whom seeing we have no mention in pretension to the Kingdome it is apparent that either there hath been no such woman or that she hath died without children Buchanan sayes he had three daughters at his death in the life of Alexander the second Also Boetius in his thirteenth book fol. 294. saith the same and calleth this man Roger Quincie Earle of Winton who saith he was made Constable for his father in law Alane and continued in that Office untill the dayes of King Robert Bruce and then being forfeited for treason the Office of Constable was given to Hay Earle of Arrall hee sayes also that John Cummin did not marry one of Alanes daughters but one of this Quincies Earle of Winton who had married the said Alanes eldest daughter which is carefully to bee marked Hollinshed sayes the same in his Chronicle of Scotland and calleth him Roger Quincie John Cummin had by Mary his wife one onely daughter called Dornagilla who was married to Archbald Douglas slain at Halidon hill father to this Earle William of whom wee now speake whereby hee was Grandchild to Mary and great Grandchilde to Margaret David of Huntingtons eldest daughter and by consequent reckoning from David of Huntington his daughter 1 Margaret 2 her daughter Mary 3 Martes daughter 4 this Earle William is the fourth person On the other side for Robert Stuart reckoning likewise from the said David of Huntington his daughter 1 Isabel her sonne 2 Robert Bruce Earle of Carrict 3 his sonne King Robert 4 his daughter Marjory 5 her sonne Robert Stuart is the fifth person which is a degree further then the Earle of Douglas who was in equall degree with Marjory his mother This reckoning is not unlike that whereby Robert Earle of Carrict did claim it before when he contended with Balliol for Bruce was a Male and a degree neerer equall with Balliols mother and this Earle was also the Male and a degree neerer then Stuart equall with his Mother and besides all this he was come of the eldest of Davids daughters which Bruce was not This was the ground of his claim but finding his pretension evill taken and disliked by all the Nobility and disputing that which had been decided long before in favour of King Robert Bruce who had been confirmed King and to whom Balliol had renounced whatsoever right he could claim to whom also and to his posterity they all and Earle Williams owne predecessours had sworn obedience and continued it the whole time of his life and of his sonne David the space of 64. yeares To which Robert Bruce and not to David of Huntington Robert Stuart was to succeed wherefore the Earles chiefest friends George and John Dumbars Earles of March and Murray his brothers in law by his first wife and Robert Ereskene his assured friend keeper of the three principall Castles in Scotland Dumbartan Stirlin and Edinburgh disswaded him from it And so he was contented to desist and joyning very willingly with the rest of the Nobilitie accompanied him to Scone and assisted at his Coronation being no lesse acceptable and commended for his modest acquiescing then he had been before displeasing for his unseasonable motion For the which in token of his good will and that hee might so much the more tie the Earle to him the new King bestowes two very honourable gifts upon him His eldest daughter Euphane on the Earles son James that failing heires Male the Crowne might so fall to his house The other benefit was bestowed upon the Earle himselfe the marriage of Margaret Stuart Countesse of Marre and Angus daughter and heire to Earle Thomas This Countesse of Marre and Angus did beare to this Earle George Earle of Angus that was married to one of King Robert the thirds daughters as we shall see in the house of Angus It is knowne that these two lived after from thenceforth in good friendship as Prince and Subject without suspition grudge or eye list on either partie for neither did the King remember it as an aspiring whereby to hold a continuall suspicious eye over him neither did he feare the King as jealous of it or as esteeming that he had suffered vvrong in the repulse nor seekking any means to prosecute it further laying aside all quarrells vvith the cause in sinceritie on both sides This should be the practice of all honest hearts and is the onely mean to end all debates entertain peace and keepe humane society farre contrary to this novv called vvisedome of dissidence distrust jealousie curbing and keeping under those vvith vvhom vvee have had any difference vvhich is the onely vvay to foster variance and to make enmitie eternall For trust deserveth truth and moves a man to deserve that trust and to be vvorthy of it Time vvins and allures even the wildest minds of men and also of beasts even of fierce lions if it bee not a monster in nature or worse then a monster one amongst a thousand which is the onely true and solid policie that makes the hearts of men ours for men must be led by their hearts and by no other way and so imployed or else let no man thinke ever to make any great use of them King Robert after his Coronation made divers Earles and Barons or Lords and Knights amongst whom James Lindsay of Glenaske was made Earle of Crawford This same yeare the peace with England was broken which had been made with King David at his releasing from captivitie for foureteene yeares and had now continued not above foure or five yeares onely The occasion of it was this there is a yearely Faire in Roxbrough and some of the Earle of Marches servants going thither were slain by the English that kept the Castle thereof When the Earle of March craved justice and could not obtain it the next yeare when the Faire day came again hee having gathered a sufficient power of men invaded the Towne slew all the Males of any yeares and having rifled it and taken a great spoil and booty he burnt it to the ground We reade that a good while after this the Earle of Northumberland and Nottingham set forward toward Scotland with an army of three thousand men at armes and seaven thousand archers and sent forth Sir Thomas Musgrave with three hundreth speares and three hundreth archers to Melrosse to trie what hee could learne of
the Scots in those parts with whom the Earle of Douglas encountring tooke Sir Thomas himself a hundreth and twentie prisoners besides those that were slain The same yeare 1380. the Earle Douglas entred England with twentie thousand men and went to the Faire of Pennure and having taken all the goods that were there he burnt the Towne Hollinshed in his English Chronicle speaking of that journey in all likelihood saith they brought away fouretie thousand cattell and were assaulted by the way but came into Scotland with the prey having lost some few of their men he sayes the occasion of it was because the men of Newcastle had taken a Scottish ship well known to be a Pirate but very rich worth seaventy thousand pound whereat the Scots being angry and offended made this incursion About this time the Earle of Douglas intreateth for mercy to James Lindsay Earle of Crawford who had been banished a certain time before for killing of John Lyon sonne in law to the King and Chancellour as some call him or Secretary as others hee was the first of the name of Lyon of whom the house of Glammes is descended This Lyon was a young man endued with all the naturall gifts of body and minde that could be Hee was comely in personage well bred and of a good carriage winning behaviour which made him to be wel liked of of all men and in speciall by this James Lindsay who received him into his traine and made him his Secretarie By this occasion being often at Court the King tooke notice of him and liking his deportment and upon Crawfords commendation tooke him into his service and made him his Domestick Secretary It fell so out at last that the Kings daughter by Elizabeth Moore fell in love with him and was made with childe by him which he revealed to the Earle of Crawford The Earle fearing that the King would take the matter heavily and hainously and use the young man hardly devised this way for his safetie hee causeth another Gentleman of his acquaintance to take the blame on him and to absent himselfe as guilty and then being very familiar with the King deals with him to bestow his daughter seeing shee had thus falne on John Lyon and to give him the lands of Glams with her which was done accordingly He got also for his coat of Armes the flowre de-luce field argent and a Lion azure with a double treasure and a womans head for his Crest What unthankfulnesse the Earle of Crawford did finde in him afterwards or did apprehend and conceive it is not particularly set downe but finding his owne credit with the King to decrease and John Lyons to increase and taking Lyon to be the cause thereof esteeming it great ingratitude after so great benefits he tooke it so highly and with such indignation that finding him accidentally in his way a little from Forfaire he slew him very cruelly and fearing the Kings wrath fled into a voluntary exile and so he remained certain yeares until at the Earle of Douglas intercession the King suffered himself to be so farre entreated as that he was restored obtained pardon and received into the Kings favour What interest the Earl of Douglas had in it and what friendship with the Earl of Crawford or what pitie of his afflicted estate or commiseration of him or weighing the cause that drew him to so hard a fact as great men will regard one another where they think they have been evill requited by them to whom they have been beneficiall or how necessary the presence of so worthy a man was for the King and Countries present estate it is hard to conjecture but this is cleare that the Earle of Douglas hath beene not a little respected and accounted of at that time seeing at his sute the King consented to forgive the murther of his owne sonne in Law and to receive the Authour thereof into favour The yeare following which was 1381. there ensued a truce between the two Countries for three yeares There met for concluding of this truce John of Gant Duke of Lancaster who was Uncle to King Richard the second with some other Lords of the English side and for the Scots the Earle of Douglas and March. In the very time of their meeting and treatie both parties were informed of the insurrection made by Jack Straw in England and both dissembled the matter untill the truce were agreed upon Then when all was ended the Earle of Douglas with a generous wisedome farre from that which is now in vogue and request addrest himself to the Duke of Lancaster and told him that from the very first beginning of their conference hee was not ignorant in what estate the affaires in England were but that they were so farre from catching hold of any advantage of the time and from making either of peace or warre accordingly that they had the rather consented to the truce because of the troubles in England And for your selfe saith he if it please you you may remain here in Scotland untill these tumults bee setled or if you had rather return home you shall have 500. horse to accompany you and to set you safe in what place in England you please The Duke thanked them for their courtesie but thinking that hee needed it not at that time made no use of either of their offers But afterwards being on his journey home when he found that they shut the gates of Berwick against him and would not receive him into the Towne he came backe againe and was conveyed to Haliroodhouse by the Earle of Douglas and his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway and remained there till matters were composed in England After the truce was expired Archbald Lord of Galloway assisted by his brother the Earle of Douglas and by the Earle of March wonne the Castle of Lochmabane as we shall heare in the life of the said Archbald Upon this the Duke of Lancaster by way of revenge made an incursion upon Scotland in which having rifled Edinburgh and wasted the Countrey he returned home And he being gone the Earle of Douglas tooke in all the Castles and houses of strength in Tivedale which the English had kept since the battell of Durham Roxbrough onely excepted and purged that Countrey of Brigands and Robbers who had in time of the warre beene very licentious and bold This was the last work of this Nobleman worthy say our Writers of his house and Predecessours for he died soone after of a Fever in the Castle of Douglas and was buried in Melrosse in the Abbey in the year 1384. as they reckon and is likely for his sonne James is stiled Earle in the yeare 1385. March 20. Of what age he was at his death it cannot be certainly collected but from his fathers death at Halidoun hill we have 51 yeares after he began to come upon the stage and appeare in businesse and the affaires of his Countrey 30. yeares at least or
40. since we account that he came home before the battell of Durham He was a man without question of exceeding great valour whom even the English Writers spare not to call one of the most valiant personages in his dayes within the Realme of Scotland And certainly his actions beare no lesse even as they are summarily set downe But if all had beene particularly described with the full circumstances it would have beene farre more cleare And not onely his valour would have appeared but his wisedome also travell and diligence which he must needs have used in recovering of so many Countreyes and Castles as he is recorded to have wonne and in so many yeares as he was employed in continuall action ever victorious without mention of any repulse overthrow or evill successe where himselfe was Conductor and we may say nor elsewhere safe at the battell of Durham Now all is involved in generall and rowled up in grosse expressing little or nothing of the accidents or particular wayes of his exploits onely they tell us this road he made and these Castles he wonne and tell the event indeed to have beene successefull but no more This good fortune as men call it though it be commended and commendable in Leaders yet it is seldome alone but accompanied with vertue to which it gives the lustre and without which he could never have atchieved such enterprises The love he carried to his Countrey and to the libertie thereof needs no declaration Those his travells declare it which could have no other end chiefly that act of withstanding King David in bringing in a forraine King with such resolution even to the discontentment of his Soveraign to whom otherwayes he had beene ever most obedient with the hazzarding of his person and estate In which opposition if we weigh it narrowly how many vertues doe appeare An unspeakable love to his Countrey with such hazzard freedome of minde and uprightnesse farre from flatterie or any dissimulation not following his Princes humour or soothing him in his present disposition but regarding vvhat vvas most for his good and honour vvhat best for his Countrey and vvhat the King vvas like to acknovvledge best for him vvhen he should be out of that fit We may also see in it a strange magnanimitie and courage in his resolving as he did vvithout all doubt to part vvith all that the vvorld could affoord and vvhatsoever is deare to men in the vvorld rather then not to maintaine that vvhich he accounted to be right his life lands dignities honours and all such things both for himselfe and his posteritie For what was that banding for it but a plaine opposing himselfe to the power of both the Kings Scottish and English the Suiter and for whom it was suited who questionlesse would both have concurred in that cause and what could the consequent of opposing then be other then the losse of his life lands and all or what other hope could he have and what meanes to double it out The more is his constancie remarkable that never yeelded up that disposition As for his wisedome it is included in all these things and doth shine in all his actions which without it could not have beene performed Likewise in that favour which was borne unto him by men the causes of favour are employed and such qualities and vertues are apt to gaine and procure affection to wit gentlenesse meeknesse sobernesse liberality and the like his generosity and courteous humility in his speech which are the true and onely meanes of acquiring the good will and hearts of men his generous minde and courteousnesse appeared in his speech and carriage towards the Duke of Lancaster his justice in pacifying the Countrey and purging out the theeves a worthy catastrophe of so well an acted life Some may think him ambitious in standing for the Crowne but if he thought he had right what could he doe lesse it was no ambition to seek what was his due And there was as great appearance of right on his side as might have deceived a better Lawer than he was Yet let it be his ambition and that he was not so ignorant but that he knew where the title was have not many dispenced with great duties in that case And is it not thought halfe dutie not to be over precise in dutie and half justice not to look too narrowly to justice Si violandum est jus c. If law or lawfulnesse should be broken where should it rather be broken then for a Kingdome which is not so much the saying of one man as the tacite opinion of almost all men as appeares by the approbation of themselves and all others after they have gotten it It were to be wished that errour were away and men saw as well the inward thornes as the outward pearles of the Diademe that they might let it lye at their foot and not take it up though they might have it for the lifting but that will be called a Stoicall Philosophy and even the Stoicks are thought to have much adoe to keepe themselves in that moderation Neither doe men beleeve them when they say they doe it in lesser matters where they may attaine them and what they lack is thought to be for want of power and dexteritie to compasse and obtaine not of judgement to contemne or neglect What could the Earle Douglas then doe who was not so well school'd or skill'd who had honour and glory for the great objects of his intentions which is the objects of these great spirits and many think it should be so So that in regard of this common opinion of men and the instructions of that age yea of all ages even of this age almost in such military men or politicke wise men who are not pedants as they call them or Theologues to give them the best name men terme them with I thinke it not so strange that he insisted as I marvell that he desisted so soone and easily neither can I so much dispraise his motion as I have reason to commend his modestie For his motion belike hath not beene immodestly moved or too vehemently pressed that he gave it soone over farre from the unbridlednesse of turbulent mindes that would rather have moved heaven and earth as we say to have come to their purpose and have cast themselves their Countrey and all into confused broillerie and into forraine hands and power nay which is more and worse then meerely forraine into English our enemies which would be flat slaverie as both the Balliols John and Edward had done before him and the last of them on no better nay not so good a ground Wherefore if we will needs call it ambition yet certainly it hath not beene of the worst sort thereof neither unruly nor immoderate but by the contrary very sober and temperate and such as may well fall and often doth fall into the best and greatest spirits that are not brought up and deeply instructed in the inmost and profound
castle But when they intended to goe on further the continuall rain that fell in great abundance being in Autumne did so spoile the wayes and raise the waters and wet the Souldiers with their armour that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Countrey entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot and 8000. horse and used all sort of Hostilitie in the Merse and Lowthian not sparing the religious houses and persons such as Newbotle Melrosse and Dribrough with the Monkes thereof The French Admirall better remembring and more carefull of his Masters directions then considering what was fit to bee done dealt earnestly with the Earle of Douglas to give him battell But the Earle knowing better and regarding more the good of his Countrey and weighing with judgement the English power and forces would no wayes listen to him he told him it was not for want of affection to doe the King of France service that he refused to fight but in respect of the unequall number and appointment of the Armies at that time And that he might the better see the English forces he tooke him up to a hill from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order which when the Admirall had seen and considered thereof hee easily yeelded to the Earles opinion Hollinshed setteth downe the oddes saying that the Scots and French were not above 8000. speares and 30000. of all other sorts and the most part of those not well armed where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse and 60000. Archers which are 2000. horses fewer then our Histories do reckon In this inequalitie therefore being no lesse a wise Conductour then a valiant Warriour he resolved not to hazard a battell but determined to take another course which he did for he entered England on that quarter which was furthest distant from the English Army and wasted Cumberland and the adjacent Countrey neare to it The King of England being advertised hereof purposed to have followed him and forced him to fight but being better advised and put in mind no question of what had befallen his Grandfather Edward the third at Stanhope Parke against good Sir James he altered his purpose and marched the readiest way home And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countreyes they returned without encountring or fight of other In the return the Earle Douglas perswaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring and so they sat downe before it but it did not continue eight dayes ere they raised the siege The cause was a reasonlesse demand of the Frenchmen who would needs have the Castle to bee given to them and to belong to the King of France when it were wonne from the enemy This demand did so offend the Scots that they could by no means heare of it and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the warres who rob and steal and use all manner of force and violence there arose many times great strise and many quarrells between the Country people and them for the Country people watched them when they were alone or but few together and sometimes robbed them of their horses sometimes of their valises and luggage sometimes they hurt and at other times slew of them The French Commanders complained to the Kings Councell and the common people answered that they had received more losse and hurt by the French who professed themselves to be friends then they had done by the English who were sworne enemies And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no wayes be suffered to goe home untill they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done The Earle Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aide Scotland was willing partly to bear with their faults as proceeding from an evill custome and form used at home in France and therefore interposed himself to have mitigated the people but could hardly pacifie them yet at last with great instancy and entreatie being greatly favoured and generally well beloved and popular hee obtained that the common Souldiers and the Army should be suffered to returne into France and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still untill satisfaction were made for the losse they had sustained And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied who had then sent for them and withall order taken with the dammage done by them This was the aide and this was the successe of the help received from France now the second time It was very small before and it is now to very little purpose more hurtfull and troublesome to the Countrey then of importance against the enemy After their embarking the Scots remained still in England the space of two moneths and then the English having withdrawne and conveighed all the victuall out of the way they returned into Scotland And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to forrain aid without which there greater enterprises were ever performed neither was there ever either by these or by others before or since though we looke over all Histories any great exploit atchieved All the help they ever got was onely in the besieging of some Townes at some happening times and some such trifles scarce worth the naming in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Countrey which I remark again and commend to the Reader to be truely considered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants from that obloquie and unequall judgement of such as diminish and impair it who cannot but know that it was never forraine forces as is wrongfully surmised but the vertue and valour of their Predecessours that hath preserved the honour and liberty of their Countrey all manner of wayes and that any one man amongst diverse of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause then the force of France if it were put all together did ever to this houre The yeare following the Earle of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earle of Fise and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle entered into England with an Army of three thousand men passing the water of Solway so secretly that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden that the people had no leasure to convey their goods out of the way Wherefore having for the space of three dayes gathered together a rich bootie they returned home through Cumberland Westmerland and Northumberland into Scotland again without any encounter Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earle of Fise made a road into England in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland which did great harm in the Merse and occasioned that notable battell of Otterburn
hee left behinde him an honourable memory of high Prowesse and noble valour shewed in many enterprises by him happily atchieved for the good of his Countrey In Piety hee was singular through his whole life and most religious according to those times He did very much honour and reverence all religious persons for whose use he founded the Colledge of Bothwell Out of his zeal and sincerity he expelled the Nuns of the Abbacie of Lincloudon and changed it into a Colledge of Clerks because the Nuns saith Boetius kept not their institution of their order and Major saith it is to be presumed that they kept not their Chastitie otherwise he could never have thrust them out And in this he commendeth him as having an eye to Religion and a speciall care of the pure and sincere worship of God as his onely end and intention As for his prudence and providence it appeareth that he did greatly encrease his Revenues and enlarge his Dominions hee was trusty and faithfull in his promises and carried a minde free from all ambition and vain glory All vertues greatly to bee accounted of and imitated of all Of Archbald the third of that Name and thirteenth Lord the fourth Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale first Duke of Turrane Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald the Grimme succeeded his second sonne named also Archbald he was married to Margaret daughter to King Robert the third and second of the Stuarts She lieth buried in the Church of Linclouden with this inscription on her Tombe Hic jacet Margarita Scotiae regis silia Comitissa de Douglas vallis Anandiae Gallovidiae Domina Herelies Margaret daughter to the King Countesse of Douglas Lady of Annandale and Galloway He had by her two sonnes Archbald to whom Thomas Flemine Earle of Wigton resignes the Earledome of Wigton and he is entitled during his fathers life time Archbald Earle of Wigton his other sonne was James Lord Abercorne called grosse James Hee had also two daughters Margaret married to Sir William Sinclair Earle of Orkney who was fifth in line from the Earle of Saint Clarences second sonne that came first out of France and was sonne to Giles or Egidiâ—… Douglas daughter to the Earle of Niddisdale Elizabeth was the other who was married to John Stuart Earle of Buchan second sonne to Robert the Governour afterward Constable of France her dowry or portion given with her in marriage were the lands of Stuarton Ormeshugh Dunlope Trabuyage in Carrict by resignation This Archbald is hee who was called Tine-man for his unfortunate and hard successe he had in that he tint or lost almost all his men and all the battels that hee fought This nick-name or cognomination in the old manuscript of Sir Richard Metellan of Lithington giveth to Archbald slain at Halidoun hill and calleth this Archbald one eye for distinction because of the losse of his eye in a battell against Percie But that surname of Tyne man cannot bee given so conveniently to the former Archbald who lost onely one field and himself in it whereas this man ever lost his men himself escaping often hee is distinguished also from others by the Title of Duke of Turrane But however he be named it is true that no man was lesse fortunate and it is no lesse true that no man was more valorous as will appeare by the History At his beginning to bee Earle a little after the decease of his father in August 1409. Henry the fourth of England entered Scotland with an Army and came to Edinburgh where he besieged the Castle in the which the Duke of Rothsay Prince of Scotland and with him the Earle of Douglas were The Governour of Scotland raised an Army to have given him battell and was come to Calder-more but went no further and there disbanded his Army The English Histories say that the Governour sent word to the King of England that if he would stay for him but sixe dayes onely he would give him battell and that the Herauld got a silke gowne and a gold chain for his newes from the King but the King having stayed twice sixe could heare nothing of his coming The cause of the Governours slacknesse is given out by some to have been the desire that he had that the Duke of Rothsay might perish and be taken out of the way that he himself might come to the Crown Now as all do agree that he had these ambitious thoughts so Major sheweth that there was also some other particular between them whereof he relateth the occasion to have been this There was one John Râ—…morgeny who first laboured to perswade the Duke of Rothsay to cause slay the Governour and then when he could not prevail with him to wrong his Uncle he dealt with the Governour to cut off the Duke his Nephew as one that would ruine him if ever he should come to be King This Remorgeâ—…y was seconded by Lindsay who was upon the plot with him and helped it forward upon malice against Rothsay who had betrothed his sister and rejected her as he had done to the Earle of Marches eldest daughter This seemeth not to be unlikely and giveth some further light to the History as containing the cause of the Governours not releeving the Castle of Edinburgh It is also a remarkable example of crafty Counsellours who are to be noted and avoided And I marvell much how it hath escaped the diligence of our best Writers I thought it not to be omitted in this place as an instance of feare concurring with ambition in the Governour and indeed these two are commonly joyned together and take matter each of other Ambition bringeth feare with it and feare spurreth forward ambition toward that it aimes at as being not onely honourable but necessary and the onely meane to secure a mans selfe especially where it lighteth upon such Counsellours as these were to blow the fire whereof Princes had need to be aware and stop the entrie to the first motions thereof The blacke booke of Scone saith that Henry the fourth acknowledged himselfe to be semi Scotus de sanguine Cumini halfe a Scot of the bloud of the Cummins and that he tooke the most High to witnesse that he was not come to hurt the Countrey but onely to have reason of some of the Nobilitie who had written to the King of France that he was a Traitour in the superlative degree which letters his men had intercepted and to trie if the Authours of these letters durst fight it with him The Manuscript saith that he was disappointed of his purpose notwithstanding for he thought to have taken the Castle of Edinburgh and to have made Scotland subject to him thereafter but it being valiantly defended by the Earle Douglas he was constrained to rise from before it with great losse and discontentment and no great credit especially for that the winter drew on apace having sat downe before it about the end
because there were no other or because they have not beene carefull to set downe the true cause I know not But if this were indeed it is so memorable that it deserveth not to bee passed over with a dry foot as wee say and without observation For who can but wonder at so rare a fact betwixt a father and a son as the like is not extant elsewhere in any Record or History and hath not beene heard of I thinke since the world stood That a man to spite his sonne should quite a Kingdome whereof hee was possest and saw no other appearance but to enjoy it still I confesse there hath beene much unnaturall unkindenesse in the world whereby they have procured the death and destruction of those whose safetie they were tied by the bonds of nature to maintain but that hath beene for their owne honour and dignity to obtain the place or continue in it which men doe so much aspire unto but that their unnaturall despight should reach so farre as to undoe themselves and to quite a Kingdome for obtaining and retaining whereof ambitious men turne the world upside downe onely to satisfie a passionate humour or malice conceived against their owne childe let him that can parrellel it and put this up in his note booke for a second instance at least It was for love of his Cousin for respect to equitie out of duetie to God and love of his Covntrey which he saw hee himselfe could not and his son would not govern rightly and therefore thought fittest to resign it to him that both could and would doe it it was a good sober wise and worthy thought But then our Writers doe him wrong that never signifie that such was his minde no not in the least word and mention onely his owne anger and the instigation of Coline Campbell a chiefe man in Argyle who blew the coale out of a private spleene against Walter who had done him some injury but however it were whether his spight moved him to do justice or desire to do justice caused despight he threatned to do it to his sonne and performed what he threatned for he sent Ambassadours into England to have the King released of which this Archbald was chief about the time of his very first coming to the Earledome He with his two Colleagues William Hay Constable and Henry Bishop of Aberdene carried the matter so wisely that they brought it to a conclusion which was the more easily effected because King James married a Lady of England without portion which they thought would move him to forget any wrong he had received by their injust detention The Ambassadors also condescended upon a ransome to be payed though none were due from him who never was lawfull prisoner So at last hee was released came home and was crowned King the 22. of May 1424. We have heard hitherto the rise of the house of Douglas and the continuall increasing thereof by their great deserts with the approbation and applause of all men with the good will and liking of their Princes for the space of many yeares their Princes delighting to imploy them and they endeavouring to serve their Princes and their Countrie to the uttérmost of their power with a good harmony and happy agreeing on all sides Let us now bee contented from henceforth to find the world to bee the self still that is rolling and tumbling by perpetuall vicissitudes and changes for though this house shall yet grow up and to a higher pitch then ever yet this concordance shall not continue so full but shall beginne to have some jarring their Princes being jealous of them they standing in feare of their Princes sometimes in favour sometimes out of favour sometimes imployed and sometimes neglected having mens affections sometimes towards them sometimes averse from them liking and disliking by turnes and fits They also for their parts were now well-contented then malecontented now dealing in affaires then withdrawing from all medling in State businesse from whence did spring discords imprisonments banishments slaughters which things beginning in this mans time at his committing strangenesse and discontents continued in the next and proceeded in his sonnes time to his putting to death and was transferred as hereditary to his successours with many interchangings of smilings and frownings of fortune and Court which at last ended in that fearefull catastrophe of the finall ruine of this flourishing family in the yeare 1483. which troubles continued the space of 59. or 60. yeares beginning at King James the firsts return into Scotland For the very first yeare of his reigne this Earle Douglas is committed to ward but is soone released and then within some few yeares was committed again For his first commitment there is no cause thereof recorded onely the time thereof doth furnish some matter of conjecture together with other circumstances set downe As for the time it was when Duke Murdocke and his sonnes Walter and Alexander and their Mother and her Father Duncane Stuart Earle of Lennox were committed The circumstances are that he was not alone but with him twenty foure Earls and Barons were committed likewise amongst whom there were some of the Kings owne speciall friends and kindred as William Earle of Angus who was the Kings sisters sonne and so Duke Murdokes Cousin The Earle of Douglas was also allied with him for Robert the Governours son John Earle of Buchan had married Douglas sister and there had been cor-respondency and friendship betwixt the Governour and Archbald the Grimme as also Archbald Tyne-man this Earles Father and Grandfather and Buchan and this Earle had been fellowes in Armes together in France at Baugue as also Buchan and Archbald Tyne-man were slain together at Vernoill Likewise the Earle of March who had been restored by Duke Murdocks Father and had kept good friendship with him and his sonne after his restitution Robert Stuart of Roth-house Stuart of Dundonald John Stuart of Carden being also of the name of Stuart and all in some neernesse of blood to Murdock as the King himselfe also was The rest Hepburn of Hailes Haye of Yester Ramsay of Dalhousie Haliburtoâ—… of Dirleton we finde to have beene dependers of the houses of Douglas and March and the rest also Walter Ogilbe Alexander Setton or Gordon Haye Arroll Scrimger Constable of Dundee have beene friends and followers of the house of Douglas as wee find they did assist and accompany them in diverse battells and have also perhaps had some friendship with the Duke or his Father in law as commonly the Nobilitie are allied and of kinne one to another Who therefore thought they were willing that their lawfull and rightfull Prince should enjoy his owne place would not agree so easily to the putting to death of those whom the King was resolved to make out of the way Now what it was that moved the King to this course whether desire to be revenged of the cruelty of Robert the Governour their Father toward David D.
then if he had been onely accompanied by Creighton and Levingston and such new men who were but new and mean in regard of him as then but growing under the Kings favour And so it is indeed the Prince honoureth his worthy Nobles by his favours to them and they grace adorn and decore and give a lustre and splendour to him and his Court by their presence and attendance thereat And it is wisedome so to esteem and so to use them and happy are they on both sides and happy is the Countrey where they thus agree and concurre This was he in the yeare 1430. in October released out of prison and this solemnity being ended hee past into France and was installed in his Dutchie of Turrain whether he went thither for that onely or if hee used that fairest colour of his absence that he might not see the government which hee disliked and in which hee had no employment I leave it yet his going thither gave others occasion to grow great and to be employed especially the house of Angus which was at last the overthrow of his house So as the honour and profit they had in France may have been said to have beene their wrack in Scotland what by the envie of their greatnesse what by their absence from home as hath beene said So uncertain are the affaires of the world neither is there extant any mention of his actions in France though at that time from 1430. till 1437. the warres were very hot there King Henry the sixth of England being brought over in person and crowned in Paris It is attributed to the Earle Douglas that he moved the King of France to require King James his daughter Margaret in marriage to his sonne afterward Lewis the eleventh and that he met her when she landed at Rochel and was present at her marriage He remaineth there untill the yeare 1437. in which the 21. of February King James was slaine at the Black friers in Saint Johnstoun by Patrick Grahame and Robert Stuart at the instigation of Walter Stuart Earle of Athole the Kings fathers brother by the Earle of Rosses daughter who pretended to be the rightfull heire to the Crowne and that he was wronged and defrauded by the sonne of Elizabeth Moore who was onely a Concubine as he alledged This posterity of Elizabeth Moore he had craftâ—…ly caused to destroy one another the Governour Robert to destroy David Duke of Rothsay and now King James Davids brother to destroy the house of the Governour D. Murdock and his children And thus causing the King to spoâ—…e and weaken himselfe by cutting off his friends none being left alive but the King and his onely sonne a childe of six yeares he was emboldened to put hands in the King also so much the rather because he knew that many of the Nobility were discontented what with being imprisoned what with being endamaged in their goods lands and rents what with putting to death of their friends So that he hoped that they would be wel contented with the Kings death at least they would not take great care or paines to be revenged thereof which things if the Earl Douglas foresaw and being grieved therewith admonished the King thereof or caused any other to warne him that these courses were not for his good this event sheweth he did the part of a faithfull Subject Friends and Counsellour However it was not so well taken by the King at that time as being contrary to his humour and present disposition He did wisely also to withdraw himselfe seeing he could not help things as he would have gladly done Now that the King was dead he returns home and was present as some think at the Coronation of his sonne James the second who was crowned at Edinburgh the tenth of March 1437. not a moneth or no more then a moneth after the death of his father where it is to be observed that either the death of the King is not rightly said to be in the yeare 1437. in February in stead of 1436. or else they reckon the yeare from the first of January which was not the custome then And yet Buchanan meanes so for he sayes he was slaine in the beginning of the yeare 1437. in February which makes me think the Earle Douglas hath not come in time to the Coronation seeing he could hardly have used such diligence to have had notice of the Kings death made himselfe readie and come home out of France in so short a space though the winde had favoured him never so much However through his absence his adverse partie and faction had gotten such possession of guiding State affaires in the late Kings time and had so handled the matter that he was no whit regarded nor was there any account made of him He was not admitted to the managing of any businesse of the Common-wealth or any publick place or Office therein Creighton and Levingston the one made Protectour or Governour the other Chancellour did all according to their pleasure Our Writers say that the reason hereof was because the Nobility envied the greatnesse of Douglas which was suspected and too much even for Kings How pertinently either they write so or the Parliament thought so I referre it to be judged by the indifferent He was farre from the Crowne to which he never pretended title his predecessours had quit all pretension title claime or interest thereto in the time of K. Robert the second he that did claime it and gave over and all his posterity after him had ever behaved themselves modestly they had submitted themselves to all government even to be ruled by them who were but Governours onely and not Kings Robert and Murdock as obediently in every thing as any of the meanest of the Nobility and had never given occasion of any suspition to any man nor taken upon them any thing beyond or above the rest unlesse it were they tooke greater paines in defence of the libertie of the Countrey in which they spent their lives under their Kings And this same man in the late Kings time had behaved himselfe most humbly going to prison once or twice and obeying his Soveraign in all things without the least show of discontentednesse farre lesse of opposition So that whatever hard opinion either the King had taken of him or any man had put into the Kings head hath beene without his deserving who if he had beene that way disposed how easily might he have troubled the Governour and the whole Countrey But suppose they did suspect and were jealous of his greatnesse though without a cause what moved them to neglect and passe by the rest of the ancient Nobilitie was there none of them fit for those places where was the Earle of March a valiant man and of an ancient stocke Where was the Earle of Angus the Earle of Cassils and divers others They will say that Creighton and Levingston were wise men But were they the onely wise men were there no more
they are to bee found in our Histories but in a word you shall finde nothing but pretexts of the Common-wealth of the Publike peace the good of the King and the well being of all honest men which is all joyned and depends upon them and their well being forsooth That hath been still their scope that hath beene the aime of all their intentions no particular no ambition no avarice onely love of those things which were common and profitable unto all and because in them all did lie and subsist in their standing honest men did stand and by their ruine honest men did fall nay the King and Countrey were ruined For this cause and for no other that the Countrey might bee well that wickednesse may bee bridled they forgive one another avouching that their discords arose onely from diversitie of opinion and judgement while as both seeking the common good one thought one forme the best for it and the other another form to bee best for it and the other another forme which if it were true let what hath been said above beare witnesse It would make a man to loath speaking vertuously to see vertue by them so farre abused yet the old Proverb might have warned them Oportet mendacem esse memorem and sometimes a liar will speake truth is verified in them They confesse their ambition and striving for honour and preheminence they are ashamed to say for goods and riches but it was no lesse true and both were alike faulty and they exhort one another and promise to amend thereafter by a better strife who should be most moderate and just But they were as true in keeping that promise as they were in their discourse what was past When the Foxe preacheth take heed of the hens saith the Proverb we shall see notable moderation and justice such as the world hath scarce seen the like example of treacherous tyranny This is the sum of these jolly men harangues The conclusion is a new friendship if falshood be friendship or rather a conspiracy against the Countrey and directly against the Noblemen who their conscience telleth them hate them as new men lifted up to the highest degree as they grant themselves and that was reproach enough to the Nobility and an argument of their unworthinesse But they might have said as truely that they were hated for abusing the King and Countrey for their private advantage under pretext of the common wealth which whether the whole Nobility resented or not we cannot tell for there is no mention and it is a wonder if they did not yet it would seem they did not they had stouped and taken on an unworthy yoake of slavery But what ever the rest did there was one that was a sore thorne in their foot and moate in their eye it behoved to be pluckt out The Earle of Douglas was of the old spirit of the ancient Nobilitie he could not serve nor obey but whom he ought and the lawfull commanders lawfully commanding for his honour and utility whereof they were neither Such a spirit is unsufferable under these new conspiring Tyrants he will not acknowledge their authority his father had told them their holy dayes name himselfe tooke them for his enemies But how shall they doe with him hee is not easily to bee dealt with they must have muffles that would catch such a cat Indeed he behaved himselfe as one that thought he would not be in their danger hee entertained a great family he rode ever well accompanied when he came in publike 1000. or 2000. horse were his ordinary train He had great friendship and dependance of old he had been carefull to keep them and had also increased them and conciliated many new followers and clients by his beneficence and liberality and his magnificence which was answerable to his place suitable for an Earle of Douglas and Duke of Turrain which Dutchie he had obtained himself to be invested in as heire to his father having sent Malcolme Lord Fleming and Sir John Lawder of Basse or Haton as others say into France for that purpose and was well accepted of in remembrance of his father and grandfather he had all his affairs in singular good order he had his ordinary Councell and Counsellours for guiding his affaires he dubbed Knights also as he thought men worthy which power and priviledge he did not usurp out of pride nor take upon him by imitation to counterfeit Kings as some would insinuate but by vertue of both his dignities of Duke and Earle And although he were but fourteen yeares of age at his fathers death in the yeare 1438. or 39. and was put to death in the yeare 1440. not having attained to fifteen or sixteen or little above at the farthest yet in this his port and behaviour did not onely appeare the sparks of a great spirit but also of such wisedome and providence as could scarce bee looked for from so young a man This galled them so much the more to thinke if that fruit should come to ripenesse at any time how poysonable or rather how great a counterpoyson it would prove to their greatnesse But here the skinne of the Lion would not serve their turne he was too hard for them to deale with by force they doe there sow that on that of the Fox The occasion fell out thus During the time of the jarres betwixt themselves the common affaires were neglected between stooles and partly because they could not being but meane men of small power partly because they cared not to prevent or to amend things many insolencies were committed without redresse The men of the Isles had come into the main land had put all to fire and sword men women and children young and old farre and wide omitting no kinde of example of avarice and cruelty and that not onely on the Sea coast but in the Lennox also out of the Isle of Loch-lomond called Inch-mertin they had made an appointment with a Gentleman named John Calhoon Laird of Lusse as if it had been to end some businesse and slain him the 23. of September with many such things and many fowle facts had beene done in divers parts of the Countrey Likewise Sir Allane Stuart of Darnelay was slain at Paselay by Sir Thomas Boide and again Sir Thomas Boide was slain by Alexander Stuart of Belmot brother to the foresaid Sir Allane and his sonnes through which there arose great troubles in the west parts of the Countrey and Kingdome The Borderers had not been idle who living under the Earle Douglas and being his followers or retainers what they did was interpreted to be done by his allowance And at a Convention in Edinburgh many complaints were given in against him but never a word spoken of the taxe of Isles men never a word of Levingstons and Creightons own doings who had warred one upon another not a word of any other slaughter or bloudshed but as though nothing were amisse in the Countrey but what was done by
estates had placed at the rudder of the Common-wealth that he would labour to transmit his so great Patrimony acquired by the vertue of his Ancestours and with spending of their bloud to his Posterity even so as he had received it that hee would be carefull to keepe the name of Douglas which was no lesse illustrious and renowned for their faithfulnesse then their deeds of armes not onely from the foule blot of treason but even from all stain of suspition or aspersion thereof that hee himselfe would abstain and cause his men to abstaine from wronging the poore people that hee would put from about him theeves and robbers finally that in time to come he would set himselfe to maintaine justice that if hee had offended any thing in times past it might be imputed not to his naturall disposition but to ill counsell and that infirmity of his youth penitency would be admitted and accepted as innocency Venemous Viper that could hide so deadly poyson under so faire showes unworthy tongue unlesse to be cut out for example to all ages Let not the Poets bee thought fabulous who have transformed men into beasts loe a beast composed of many beasts a Lion a Tiger for cruelty of heart a Waspe a Spider a Viper for spight malicious poysonablenesse a Foxe and Camelion for falsehood and doublenesse a Cockatrice and Crokodile and whatsoever nature hath brought forth that is deceitfull and hurtfull a sweet singing Ciren enchanting the outward sences to the destruction of the listner so much the more odious that it was in the shape of a man and the more detestable that it durst so pollute the image of God so abuse the glory of man the speech of the tongue therefore given him beyond the beast that he might imploy it well to informe aright to speake truth and to do good to others The honest heart of the hearer that knew what he spake was right and intended to follow so good counsell taketh all in good part beleeveth the speech for the truthes sake the man for his speeches sake And who could have done otherwayes who would not have thought that he who knew so well what was right would have had some regard to doe right shall we account it childishnesse that he accounted so of them and suffered him to be so deceived nay hee could not keep himselfe undeceived Good men and wise men have often been deceived both in sacred and prophane Histories We must not impute it to childishnesse in Abner that Joab stabbed him under trust but esteeme it vile treachery in Joab of whom David sayes Hce dieth not as a foole dieth howbeit his hands were not bound but as a good man falleth before a wicked man that is by treason which no man can eschew It is said that his friends seeing so extraordinary entertainment so faire language above measure so humble behaviour and withall so many messages at every step almost betwixt the Governour and the Chancellour tooke some suspition of ill meaning and that there arose first a still murmure through the whole company thereafter some began to admonish him that if he would persist to goe on he would send back his brother David being mindefull of a precept of his fathers That they should not come both together into one place where themselves were not masters lest they should endanger their whole family at once The unwary youth unwary indeed but what warinesse could he have poore innocent and very well inclined even angry with his friends stayed those murmures by a plain commandment and assured his friends thus That he knew well it was a perpetuall pest of great houses that they had ever about them some men that were impatient of peace who made gain of the perils travels and miseries of their Lords and Patriarkes and because in peace they were restrained by the bridle of the law they were ever stirring up strife and sedition that in troubled times they might have greater scope and liberty to their wickednesse As for himself hee reposed more upon the known wisedome and prudencie of the Governor and Chancellour then to give eare to their suspicious surmises This speech thus uttered testifying both an acknowledging of the evill past and a resolution to amend was it not sufficient to have purged whatsoever errour had been or might have been thought to have escaped him before And certainly it would if these men had regarded Justice or the good of the Common-wealth and had desired to reclaim him from his errours and winne him to his Countrey But his so full confidence thus reposing on their credit was it not enough to have tied them to have kept their credit If there had been any spark of humanity or nature of man left in them and if they had not beene worse then savage beasts Trust deserveth that we should prove worthy of that trust and credit procures keeping of credit where all humane nature is not extinct and even simplicity deserveth favour and pitie Neither can a man that is not altogether given over and hath not sold himselfe to wickednes choose but favour it and have compassion of it yea though he had been otherwise disposed in the beginning it would even move any mans heart that were indeed a man and not changed into a beast to favour and commiserate and would have tamed and calmed any former discontentment and have wrung from them any evill intention which they might perhaps have conceived before However this noble youth goeth on in the innocency of his heart and that the more quickely to cut off all occasion of such speeches and with his brother and with a few other principall friends goeth directly to the Castle being led as it were and drawne by a fatall destiny and both enter and so come in the power of those their deadly enemies and fained friends At the very instant comes the Governour as was before appointed betwixt them to play his part of the Tragedy that both might bee alike embarked in the action and beare the envie of so ugly a fact that the weight thereof might not lie on one alone yet to play out their treacherous parts they welcome him most courteously set him to dinner with the King at the same table feast him royally intertain him chearfully and that for a long time At last about the end of dinner they compasse him about with armed men and cause present a bulls head before him on the boord the bulls head was in those dayes a token of death say our Histories but how it hath come in use so to bee taken and signifie neither doe they nor any else tell us neither is it to be found that I remember any where in any History save in this one place neither can wee conjecture what affinity it can have therewith unlesse to exprobrate grossenesse according to the French and our owne reproaching dull and grosse wits by calling him Calves-head teste de Veau but not Bulls head So that by
this they did insult over that innocencie which they had snared and applaud their owne wisedome that had so circumvented him a brave commendation indeed and an honest yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way that they might worke out their treason untill he were within their thongs but being now within the Castle and fully in their power I wonder what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table and from thence to bring him to the shambles what could have beene their intention might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber might they not have carried him to the place of execution what needed all this processe what needed they to have let him see the King at all It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable but that they tooke occasion to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it but our Writers are cleare against that and say onely it was pre-concluded when he was written for It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the matter or to transferre it altogether upon the King but he was too young and purges himselfe by disproving of it So that I can see no other reason of it but as the Lion with his prey or to use a more base yet a more familiar example and the baser the fitter for them as the cat with the mouse which she might devoure immediately yet it pleaseth her to play a little with it So they for their greater satisfaction and contentment delight to play out their Sceane so strangely notwithstanding that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some mystery and deeper reach then ordinary which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly and mischantnesse that I can no wise sound it unlesse it were that the Noblemans place and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre as to make them leave off the enterprise yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution and wrung out this confession of his worth as all the actions of wickednesse and all wickednesse in the acting are full of contradictions as this same is most clearly for if this Nobleman was guilty of death why is he brought into the Kings presence why is he set at his table If he was not guilty why was he put to death So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep conformity either in a lie of actions so to speake or in a lie of words In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled This action is a lie for it saith he is guilty of death but their welcomming of him their setting of him at the table with the King and their feasting sayes he is an innocent Noble worthy man Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe as it is uniforme it floweth from unitie tendeth to it and endeth in it and keepeth the taste of the fountain from which it cometh So they having given this confession of his worth and again by that ominous signe contradicted their confession must needs be false witnesses however it go The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing or astonished with it as an uncouth thing upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table which should have beene a Sanctuary to him And so without regard of King or any duty and without any further processe without order assise or jurie without law no crime objected he not being convicted at all a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth a Nobleman of that place a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation a guest of that acceptation one who had reposed upon their credit who had committed himselfe to them a friend in mind who looked for friendship to whom all friendship was promised against dutie law friendship faith honesty humanitie hospitalitie against nature against humane society against Gods Law against mans law and the law of nature is cruelly executed and put to death They in despight as it were spitting in the face of all duty and honesty proclaiming as farre as lay in them there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken and prest downe might also runne over all this was done as it should seem without the consent nay against the will of their King and Soveraigne who wept at their execution and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy as they call him during whose life say they hee needed never to looke for peace whereas they themselves were his chiefest enemies and greatest traitours to him and besides him to God and nature and to the office of Justice which they bore bringing a blot on the one and the other and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne so farre as lay in them This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours stripping it naked of all farding though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice to equity to common peace or Common-wealth that thought it better to root out such a plant then to dresse and to cherish it to ruine such a house rather then to gain it which they never would have done if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good having here so terribly belied it neither should any man speake of it indifferently without a note of detestation neither extenuate it by the Earles simplicity which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie and cruelty If this were the wisedome whereof they had purchased an opinion and name under the former King James the first and if they had practised such things as this it hath been a bitter root and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit and hath in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death and the emboldning of his enemies unto it as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them and barres to their absolutenesse which is it
for better times when the Captain of theeves being removed from the Kings side which they had of times done before they would approve their innocency to the King and all honest men These reproaches and brags touched and were meant of the Earle Douglas Him it was they called Captain of theeves because of the border men of whom many were his followers That they removed him often before was idle boasting for he had abstained to come to the King so long as the King was in their custody so long as he was in the Castle of Edinburgh where they might have murthered him as they did his Cousins That he was their enemy he denied not and had just cause so to be but to take that excuse from them he gave them assurance he should not proceed against them any wayes but by order of law and offered for that purpose to goe from Court till they should come to it in safetie And to meet their reproach of captain of theeves and their boasting of the just administration of their Offices hee was ready to prove that they themselves were theeves that they had stollen the Kings revenues and distributed to their friends and converted them to their owne particular use and that they had traiterously against justice murthered his Cousins whereof he besought the King to grant him justice and so a new charge was given out and another day appointed for them to compeir Which being come and they not compeiring they were denounced rebells in a Convention kept at Stirlin the fourth of November and their goods and moveables confiscated Thereafter John Forrester of Corstorphin a depender of the Earle Douglas is sent with a power of men to intromet with their goods who having received their houses some he razed some he manned with new forces and provision and so without resistance he returned laden with great spoil Hee was scarce retired when Creighton assembled his friends and followers so suddenly as none could imagine furrowed the lands of Corstorphin together with the lands of Strabrock Abercorn and Black-nesse and amongst other goods he drave away a race of mares that the Earle Douglas had brought from Flanders and were kept in Abercorn doing more harme then he had received This may seem strange to any man neither do our Histories sufficiently cleare it either where he got these forces or whither he carried the goods They insinuate that he was aided and assisted under-hand by Bishop Kennedie and the Earle of Angus and Morton Angus was the Kings Cousin germain sonne to his fathers sister and by her brother to the Bishop Morton had married the Kings owne sister But of these the Bishops power lay beyond Forth for he was Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the Earle of Angus further beyond Tay so it is hard to conceive either how they could suddenly assemble to their folks or that they could conveene many except such as Angus had on the South side of Forth in Liddisdale Jedward Forrest and Bonkle likewise Mortons lands and friends were most part on the same side of Forth to make assistance against the Earle Douglas But how ever apparantly they did it not openly and this it was against order against authority and against Law and if the Earle Douglas had done it it would assuredly have been called an open Rebellion against the King theft oppression presumption arrogancie insolencie and faction as we heard it was before when he contemned the Governours onely and as it will be called perhaps hereafter If men alledge that the King was guided with the Earle Douglas counsell and his name used to a particular onely tell me I pray you was there ever any thing more formally than this against Creighton And if the Earle Douglas his particular was in it what then how many actions of justice are otherwise done without instigations of private men without the mixture of their cause without their particular suiting and particular insisting and if it be lawfull to any to seek justice for his own particular the Earle Douglas his particular was such as very well became him to insist in the wrong so manifest the murther so vile and traiterous And if that which is done against the lawes shall not be accompted wrong nor esteemed to touch the King because parties have their particular in that law none or few things shall be accounted to be done against the king or against law for there is almost ever some particular joyned and the same hath been and wil be the Earle Douglas his case This therefore cannot be accounted innocencie yea no lesse then open violence and plaine rebellion and presumption against the Earle clad now with justice and lawes and against the king as protector and Patron of justice No marvell then if the Earle Douglas was offended herewith both for his own cause whom the losse touched so neere and for such manifest contempt of the King and if therefore he seeke to be avenged thereof But there was a different forme to be used according to the different actours of which we see there are two sorts Creighton and Levingston were open enemies open actours they themselves obnoxious to the law against them the law will strike and so he proceeded with them he besieges openly Creighton in the Castle of Edinburgh and no question he had taken from him before whatsoever was without it The others not open enemies and actours themselves they were but secret stirrers up abetters and assisters of his enemies and among them Bishop Kennedie was the chiefe plotter and deviser the law could not well be had against him he must be met with in his owne way he had done besides the law he must be met with besides the law he had done disadvowedly he must be met with disadvowedly Therefore he writes to the Earle of Crawford who with Alexander Oglebee of Innerwharitie gathered a great hoast entred life and without resistance spoiled the Bishops lands either because they could not get himself or because they had a greater minde to the bootie then to the quarrell The Bishop using his own weapons curseth them but they made small reckoning of his curses Neverthelesse shortly after there fell variance between Crawfords eldest sonne the master of Crawford and the Oglebees about the Bailliarie of Arbroth for the Monks had given it from the Master to Innerwharitie and hereupon having assembled their forces on both sides they were readie to fight it out But the Earle of Crawford having gotten advertisement came into the field to have composed the busines and trusted they would have respected him and not have offered him any violence he entred in between the two parties where having stayed his sonnes companie he was going over to speak with the Oglebees to have brought matters to a parlee and treatie In the meane time one that neither knew what he was nor what his intent was runnes at him with a spear and slayes him hereupon the battells joyning the victorie fell to the
Master of Crawford there being 500. slaine of the Oglebees side Alexander Oglebee taken and the Earle of Huntly escaping on horsback This victorie was obtained chiefly by the valour of the Cliddisdale men of whom the Earle Douglas had sent about 100 to assist the Master of Crawford This Master of Crawford was now Earle his father being slaine and was called Earle Beardie of whom there will be mention made hereafter he being that Earl with whom Douglas is said to have entred into league though we see there was friendship betwixt them now the Earles Ladie Beatrix being a sister daughter of the house of Crawford besides the old friendship that had been ever since the first Earles time betwixt the two houses In the mean time the siege of the Castle of Edinburgh where Creighton was shut up had now continued some six or seven moneths from the midst of July as appeareth unto the beginning of February in the next year for there being a Parliament called to be held at Perth it was removed to Edinburgh that the siege might not be interrupted and sate down in the beginning of February 1445. The siege lasted two or three moneths after which makes in all some nine moneths or thereby at last both parties the besieger and the besieged being wearied the Castle was surrendred to the King on condition that Creighton should be pardoned for all his offences which he had committed against the King and should be suffered to depart life safe which was granted unto him Our Writers term them the offences which he was said to have committed against the King As if they should say There was no offence indeed done to the King And more plainly a little after as in all contention he who is most strong would seem to be most innocent which sayings are to be judiciously considered and accurately weighed whereof we have spoken before But if they will needs have it so we will not be contentious Thus Creighton not so much hurt as terrified escaped due punishment by meanes of the Castle which could not easily be taken but by composition Whether this was through the impatience of the Earle Douglas that would not take leasure to wait on the siege untill they should have been forced to yeeld for want of victuals Or whether Creighton hath had some secret friends at Court who did make use of this occasion to work his safetie there is no mention But Levingstone leapt not so dry-shod being no lesse guilty of his Cousins murther The Earle had bent his just indignation against him also and caused summon him to the Parliament of Edinburgh together with his sons James and Robert Levingstons this Robert had been Thesaurer and David Levingston his Cousin His friends also Robert Bruce of Arth with James and Robert Dundasses The Lord Levingston himself with the two Dundasses were convict forfeited and condemned to perpetuall prison in the Castle of Dumbarton The other three James and Robert his sons and David his Cousin and Bruce also were execute What the crimes were that were laid to their charge whereof this difference of punishment did arise it is not written either by the old or late Historians This appears that it hath been no particular of the Earle Douglas of which the father was most guiltie and that their Processe hath not been guided and ruled by him nor framed according to his spleen which would have aimed most at the old man as accessary to the death of his Cousins whereas we see he escapes with imprisonment onely His sons are hardlier used being put to death So that it must needs have been for some other crime whereof the acts of Parliament that are extant in print makes no mention or particular relation as the forme is and James Levingston in his speech at his death purgeth himself as free of all true crime what by being innocent of some having obtained a remission of others yet he mentions not what was alledged against him wherefore we must leave it as uncertaine Some conjecture that it was for keeping of some castles and strong houses and not rendring them to the King being summoned against an act of Parliament made by Creighton before by which act Creighton also himselfe was forfeited afterward but we know no ground for that opinion They alledged also another act which only is extant the other not being extant and may seeme to sound something that way made in the second Parliament in the yeare 1488. against the re-setting of rebells in castles which imports no keeping of houses after they be charged or summonedto render by the Kings officers but only commands to arrest their persons or to take surety and baile for them that they do no harme Neither is there any penaltie much lesse forfeiture annexed thereto only it sayes they shall be forced and constrained to do it This execution of the Levingstons is cast into the yeare 1447. after that Queen Marie the Duke of Ghelders Daughter was married to the king at which time it is said that Creighton was also forfeited notwithstanding he had been Embassadour in procuring and making that marriage The cause of his forfeiture is given out to be the keeping of the castle of Creighton when it was summoned and charged by an Herauld of armes according to by vertue of the same act forsaid But we have already spoken of that act and we finde no mention of any Parliament that year Neither from the year 1443. until the year 1449. wherein he should have been forfeited And this we observe that judgment may be adhibited in the reading of those and such like things however Creighton thus dashed the Levingstons some executed some imprisoned forfeited and condemned there seemed to be some compensation of the murder of his Cosins also their assister Bishop Kennedie received his part so it is said that he had much ado to save himself by leaving his goods a prey to them that pleased to take them These things are imputed to the Earle Douglas as faults why I cannot tell unlesse we require of him that exact philosophicall disposition to be free from all humour of revenging which few have brought with them that have been conversant in the affaires of State or common wealth No not these who have been accounted as Philosophers and that very precise ones such were both the Catoes whose common ordinary course was to be avenged of their enemies by publick accusations and pursute of law wherein if there be a fault let there be no law that permitts it yea that allowes it and exhorts unto it it is recorded of Cato called Censorius that having met a young man in the street who had accused his fathers enemie and gotten him condemned he cherished him and embraced him saying It was farre better so to celebrate the funerall of his father with the teares and condemnation of his adversaries than to sacrifice with kids and Lambes It is naturall to men to resent injuries and as
interessed that such kinde of justice best became him his enemies at Court tooke hold of it aggravating it to the King an insolent fact against law and custome and however Colvill had deserved it which they could not deny yet it was a perillous example prejudiciall to all order and to the King to whom the punishing of such things belonged So that the King became highly offended therewith Hereupon the Earle Douglas partly to give place to his Princes anger partly upon some remorse as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter but as his enemies did interpret it to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations Before hee tooke his journey having a care of his house and being out of hope to have children of his owne as having been seaven or eight yeare married without children he procured his second brother James to be received by the King and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen such as the Lord Hamiltoun Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant and Forbesse also Calder Urwhart Cambell Fraiser Lawders of Crumartie Philorth and Basse Knights with many other Gentlemen of great account Hee went first to Flanders and from thence by land to Paris where he was honourably received by the King of France whom some call Lewis the eleaventh but it must needs be Charles the seaventh who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge and his Grandfather at divers times and at last for spending his life for him at Vernoile was not yet worne out of Charles his memory in regard whereof and for the place he carried and the publick League between the Countreyes he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome which was filled with the expectation of his coming He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George a young man who was there at Schooles and of whom there was great expectation but he died by the way to his great griefe he is said by the manuscript to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome Buchannan also saith it perhaps following the manuscript but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript in the life of their father to have beene Bishop of Dunkell and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission after his brother who had no children For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren worthy men should have been preferred before them while he was but yet a childe at school While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage his enemies slept not at home but taking the opportunitie of his absence did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man to complaine to the King alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglas dale and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge for the actions perhaps of his dependers and clients or at least for such things as his Lord had neither commanded neither happely heard of Siminton looking for no equitie at their hands who moved such a citation choosed not to come into judgement suffering things to passe rather for non-compeirance than to compeire not knowing the state of things nor how to answer having neither knowledge of them by himselfe nor direction nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort and called it contumacie and what grievous name they could devise So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King and telling the King that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie and despised by every base fellow That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort That by impunitie new doores were opened to new misdoers with such other speeches in the most vehement maner they could to have dipped the King in bloud and cut off all hope as farre as in them lay of reconcilement betwixt them But he not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike and taken impression in his minde was not moved with their speeches in that high nature but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods but not to meddle with any mans bloud wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers But hee who could neither answer without information nor satisfie without direction humbly besought his Majestie that since he had not information and could not answer being but a servant and unacquainted with businesse seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents but onely commander of his servants it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned whom he expected within few moneths who he doubted not both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint and satisfie sufficiently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man This seemed most reasonable that the Earle himselfe should be heard first and not condemned unheard and in his absence and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay Wherefore the King condescended to it and yet not withstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas being Chancellor for the time to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas to satisfie Complainers therewith but it was to no purpose for hee was eluded and almost mocked by the tenants He alledged and reported to the King that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond that he was so frustrate for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence and he greatly disdained that Orkney being so neare of bloud and alliance to them should have undertaken that charge The King irritated herewith as a contempt of his authoritie caused Heraulds to be directed or Pursevants to summon all
of the name of Douglas and their favourers to compeire upon a certaine day and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes which being expired and none compeiring they were denounced Rebels Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway where at his first entrie having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths a small number of his hoast whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through strait places were beaten backe upon the King not without some disgrace The king moved with great indignation hereat went and assaulted their chiefe fortes And first he tooke the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travell thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men the Castle of Douglas which he razed to the ground He commanded the Farmers Tenants and Labourers of the ground to pay their Meales to his Collectours untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods These things being reported thus as they were done to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome moved him greatly and greatly astonished them that were in his company so that many withdrew themselves fearing what it might turne to and he with the few that remained with him made what haste they could homeward As hee came through England hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there but when hee approached neere to the borbers of Scotland hee stayed a little time and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him which when hee found to be placable hee returned home was kindely received and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons especially the men of Annandale who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties This when hee had faithfully promised to performe hee was not onely received into his former place of favour but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies and gave them power so farre to prevaile as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him even to the casting downe of his Houses and intrometting with his Revenues This notwithstanding was either his wisedome or the account and respect of his place and person that the King who had done him such harme and disgrace could bee contented so to forget it receiving him so farre into favour and advancing him whatever blame or imputation may bee laid upon him for his journey which was so rashly taken on and which had so dangerous a sequell yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended and his dexteritie whatever it were acknowledged to have beene great which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe for the more perfect understanding of the History but we must beare with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them Now what ever wisedome though undescribed in the particular may appeare to bee in this as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after in his journey to England For without acquainting the King hee went to the Court of England and had privie conference with that King and Queene hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland and not restored by the Wardens of England but this cause the lighter it was the greater suspition did it move in his owne King who could not thinke it probable that hee being of that place of that courage of that nature would upon such an occasion onely take such a journey The true cause is thought to be that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie with whom he was then in hard termes the warres of the house of Yorke beginning to spring up which increased afterward so mightily and prevailed to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome This the Queene of England either foreseeing or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before to strengthen them by his help and appointed him to return for performance and perfecting of all conditions of agreement But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie and so Douglas was not employed being prevented by death which fell out shortly after this or because they were not fully agreed is uncertaine Neither is it specified what the conditions were onely it is conjectured that they were the same or such like as the same King Henry the sixth granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third which if they were they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland as shall appeare there yet being done without his knowledge it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it by his owne meere motion or to his enemies so to construct it to the King and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to Of both which he ought to have beene warie and not to have given such ground to the one or to the other by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England it is not certaine and our Writers seeme to say the contrary yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland and shee thereupon interceded for him it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her and so the King also with the truth of the whole businesse which whether the King did not beleeve or if his jealousie remained not the lesse and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase of the Earles greatnesse who he thought was greater already then was safe for a King hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles but he tooke from him the Office of Lieutenant and all other publicke charge that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England or at least not so able to aid him and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence Hee restored also his old enemie Creighton to the Office of Chancellour and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes but disgraced at his Princes hands both by being himselfe depressed and his enemies advanced he was incensed against all the Courtiers taking all to proceed from their instigation But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton both as the ancient enemie of his House and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by
him as an oversight onely which the King had apparently tried and found to bee nothing else hee had beene vehement in the revenge of the murther of his Cousins and servant John Auchinleck but that though vehement was not injust and therefore wee finde him never charged with it as injustice hee had against equitie executed the Lord Harries yet hee had done it legally and by forme and order of Law whereof the particulars not being perfectly knowne the judgement is difficult yet is it not for any thing wee see any way to bee excused The execution of the Tutor of Bombee was very good justice and irreproveable though it bred him most hatred and ill will at Court Other particulars are not mentioned Onely they say that hee bore with theeves to have their assistance An ill and unwise course and ever pernicious to the users of it for harming of such as they hate A farre worse and unworthy fact unfit for a generous minde to companion it selfe with them whom hee should punish and to participate of the guiltinesse hee should correct But how farre he went in this point is not certain at least is not specially set downe and as for the speeches of his enemies reproching them unto him in the hatefullest sort all must not bee taken for truth they say All agree that he was a man of great power great policy great performance and execution and greater expectation in whom the name of Douglas rose to the greatest toppe of height and with whom it began to fall which was afterward accomplished in his successour as shall bee said he was slain the 13. of February 1452. esteemed to have beene Fastings-Eve or Shrove-Tuesday after the Romane supputation or in the yeare 1451. as Major reckoneth it according to the account of Scotland He was Earle the space of nine yeares or thereabout but left no children behinde him Where he was buried or what was done with his body there is no mention made in History Me laetho ante diem Chrightonus Rexque dedere Ille necis causam praebuit esse manum By Crighton and my King too soon I die He gave the blow Crighton the plot did lay Of James the ninth and last Earle of Douglas the eighteenth Lord sixth Duke of Turraine and fourth James who died in Lindores WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers his enemies to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crowne by the making away of him whom they made the King to thinke so great an enemy to him It was so farre from producing that effect that by the contrary there was nothing nearer then that it should have been the very occasion of spoyling him thereof for the Earle Douglasses friends who before tooke Creighton and his faction onely for their enemies Now they take the King for their enemy They who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King or that it was his doing now they impute them to him They who before were onely male-contents and within the bounds of obedience and had a good opinion of the King now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man They who before contained themselves in civill termes now become open rebellious and whereas they had good hope and looked for reconcilement now cast off all hope thereof and matters becoming irreconcileable all love and regard all reverence their hearts being laden with the injury with the dishonesty with the horrour of it they burst forth into all outragious words and deeds things coming to that point that they could not bee ended but by the destruction of one of the parties Either they behoved to ruine the King or behoved to be ruined by him And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings by all appearance the power of the other party being so great their minds so inflamed their anger so incensed against him neither the party onely but the people in generall detested the fact and the horriblenesse of it in such sort that hee was put by all his shifts and driven to such a point of despaire as to thinke of leaving the countrey and going by sea to France For though the Earle himselfe was dead yet had he left behinde him in the towne of Stirlin foure brethren that were come thither to accompany him The eldest of these James was provided to the estate three yeares before by the Kings consent upon the occasion of Earle Williams going to Rome in the yeare of Jubile to succeed to his brother after his decease He therefore with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause having heard the report of Earle Williams being stabbed in that manner being astonished with these sudden and unexpected newes first ranne and tooke armes with great haste and tumult but having contained themselves and commanding their companies to be quiet every man keeping within his owne lodging for that night upon the morrow they assembled together in counsell and according to the defuncts ordinance and the Kings consent obtained thereto before they acknowledged James lawfull heire and successour to his brother William Then he with many vehement and bitter words inveighing against the treasonable perjurie of the King and Courtiers exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle Send sayes he for your friends and followers from all quarters and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are onely valiant in perfidiousnesse while as yet they waver being uncertaine in their resolutions and tremble with the guiltinesse of so horrible a fact They who were present praised his pietie towards his dead brother and also his courage but because they were come in a peaceable manner and unprovided of things necessary for so great a worke they abstained from the siege which if they had as the Earle gave advice resolved upon and fallen to presently while the odiousnesse ef the fact was yet greene and fresh before the eyes of men the King and his partners being unprovided and unforeseene in any certaine course of their affaires as neither able to consult nor to meet for consultation the Castle being inclosed which being also as it is to be supposed not well victualled for a siege the King could hardly have escaped their hands Neither was the matter so difficult for them to have remained and sent for the rest of their friends and any provision which they needed who might have come to them within five weekes as they did themselves returne in that time having given the King so much leasure to advise and prepare for them Neither could the King for all that he had that space and time finde any meanes sufficient to match them For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part and departed to their houses and taken full advice concerning all things they returned the five and twentieth day of March where all the way as they
wherefore the said Thornton was taken by the Kings Officers and executed These things being not yet fully settled did greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Moâ—…se which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by George Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the sorrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennedies and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the foresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Lochmabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have beene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did any thing that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fistie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that he discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King
James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from me betaking themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they used ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stisl behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was
Robert Douglas of Loghleven and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie suretie for it Her mother gives her bond for their relief To return to Earle George we finde that he was a man very well accomplished of personage tall strong and comely Of great wisedome and judgement He is also said to have been eloquent He was valiant and hardie in a high degree His father carrying the name of George also we saw how by his mothers help he raised and advanced the house many wayes almost doubling the estate of it as it was before him this man reares it up a great deal higher upon the ruines of the house of Douglas yet doth he also diminish his own patrimonie and revenues of Angus whiles to gain service and dependancie he bestowes liberally chiefly his lands of Angus for he redacted the greatest part thereof from propertie to superioritie onely there being above 24. Barons and Lords in Angus that hold their lands of the Earles of Angus His determination was fully to follow the King though against his Chief and Cousin But the King who had espoused the quarrell and made the Earle Douglas party was nearer to him in bloud and therefore reason inclined his minde more to him Besides he was a King duety required his assistance Hope also swayed the ballance greatly There is hope of a Kings liberality chiefly when Lands come in dealing and parting And he being a Douglas and the Lands having belonged to a Douglas he had great probabilitie to expect a large share in them For to whom could they be given so justly and pertinently His brother Bishop Kennedle could well egge him on There was no hope of rising for him that huge tree of Douglas standing which over-topt all others and over-shadowed the whole borders and almost the whole Kingdome He was younger this Bishop than Angus but wise vertuous learned and of authority Experience also had given occasion of late to think that the house of Douglas drew all to themselves The maiden of Galloway the Earle of Wigtons daughter was thought fittest to have been matched to some other Douglas being near to the Earle as was thought then and the house too great already in the Kings eyes not to be augmented But he would none of such wisedome he marrieth her himself and disappoints them all who could look for any rising by these mens means Or in their standing in such greatnesse yet the cause seems to go higher than the Kings cause For even when the Earle of Douglas had the Kings authority on his side and Creighton was denounced Rebell Angus assists Creighton against the Kings authority Wherefore in all likelihood the course hath begun in King James the firsts time Then hath the house of Angus entred into friendship with Creighton in the dayes of William Earle of Angus which hath continued in the time of Earle James his sonne whose Lands Robert Fleming therefore did burn and spoile in the Baronie of North-Berwick And now that course begun then is here prosecuted by Earle George to the utmost point A pitie of such dissention in these houses or one house rather against which if it had not been thus divided in it self their enemies could hardly have prevailed For it cannot be denyed but the house of Douglas had great wrong and was treacherously dealt with by Creighton neither did it ever intend any thing against the King but the King was drawn to the partie against it though in the good cause of it it committed errours it is to be pitied and lamented for who doth not Also George Earle of Angus declares not himself openly against the house of Douglas for a time The support that he is said to have given to William Creighton is said to have been done covertly at the spoiling of Strabroke and Abercorne Neither after that untill such time as the King declared himself openly slew William Earle Douglas at Stirlin and made open Warre against James who succeeded to him Then he also declared for the King and bent his whole force and power to aide him He had that same year before 1452. the 24. of May taken a course for keeping good order in his Countrey of Liddesdale and to keep his Castle of the Hermitage safe for him and that his folks should do no hurt to others nor receive any of the enemies He had for that purpose made Sir Archbald Douglas of Cavers Sheriffe of Roxbrough and William his sonne Bailiffs of Liddesdale and keepers of the Castle who undertook and bound themselves to do what we have said for which he allowed them a large recompence and reward as the Indenture thereof yet extant doth testifie He is stiled in it Warden of the east marches William Earle of Douglas being then alive Some give unto him the honour of the battell in which the Earle Douglas was defeated in Annandale where the Earle Murray was slain and Ormond taken in the year 1455. Others attribute all to the Lord Carlile and Johnston But however that was in the year 1457. he defeated the said Earle and Henrie Percie Earle of Northumberland on the east border which was his wardenrie in a bloudy battell For the Earle of Douglas and Northumberland a fatall Warriour to the Douglasses having conveened an Army and come to the Merse began to spoile and burn the Countrey But the Earle of Angus set upon the Forragers and drave them to the hoast The Earles moved with this indignitie though many that were gone out to forrage were not yet come in advanced and presented him battell which he also accepted After a sharp conflict on both sides with a greater courage and spite than strength the victorie which a long time was doubtfull which way to incline at last fell to the Earle of Angus not without some losse The number of the slain was equall but the English were put to flight and many of them made prisoners A chief cause of this defeat was the suddennesse of the enemie in giving battell and his not staying for the rest that were abroad and had been sent out to forrage the Countrey For they being laden with bootie when they heard the noise of the fight were so farre from coming to succour their fellows that for fear of loosing what they had gotten they took their way directly home into England This victorie did not a little recreate the King being wearied both with civill and forraine Warre For this service which was exceeding pleasing and acceptable the King gives him a new Charter of the Lordship of Douglas upon a resignation which he had gotten before when the Earle Douglas was forfeited What other Lands he got we have no speciall mention So the Earle Douglas being now forfeited his brother slain himself banished and with small either effect or effort entertaining hostility by small incursions rather than doing any thing for the advancing of his main businesse the face of the world was quite changed The Earle of Angus was now made Lord of
Douglas and howbeit he came somewhat short of that huge greatnesse and puissance of the former yet was he nothing inferiour in place of authority in credit and account in action and employment as we said in the beginning Nothing was done but by him and under his shadow Bishop Kennedie had the greatest vogue he upheld the Bishop by his power and by him men did come to finde favour and did seek to have credit We will set down two examples for all the rest but those remarkeable and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been The one is of our own Nation the other of a Forrainer The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithfull franke and forward friend for the Earle Douglas so long as he was a friend to himself by any action He leaving himself Hamilton also lest him I mean seeing the Earle had lost that so fair occasion if not to cast the Dice for the Crown as the Lord Hamilton said to him yet to cast the Dice for the victory and to give or take conditions of peace which he had at Abercorne being moe in number than the King the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this that same night He was received by the King but not greatly credited for he was committed to Rosselin a Castle then of the Earle of Orkneyes and afterwards say our writers freinds interceding for him he was released out of prison and received into most inward friendship Thus farre they go but what friends these were or how the friendship was made they do not tell The Earle of Angus evidents tell us and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office For whether before to move him to intercede for him or after in token of thankfulnesse though it be most likely it was after because it is done at Tantallon which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin he giveth to this Earle George a memorable remembrance He I say being a noble man and a notable active man besides gives him his bond of service or Manreid and that in ample forme and submisse terms excepting none but the King and Queen And that I may not seeme to speak without a warrant in so great a matter scarce to be beleeved of some and that I do rather amplifie things than set down the naked truth I will set down the very words of the band as it is extant in the hands of the Earle of Angus which now is copied word by word that every man may judge of it as he thinks good Be it knowne to all men by thir present Letters me James Lord Hamilton c. to be comen and by these presents to become Man of speciall service and retinue for all the dayes of my life-time to an high and mighty Lord George Earle of Angus Lord Douglas and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland foregainst England Before and against all them that live or die may mine allegeance to our soveraigne Lord the King and my band of service to our soveraigne Lady the Queen Mary now present allanerly out-tane Promising all and sundry dutifull points in bands of retinue contained to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid as eâ—…eirs for all the said time In witnesse of the which thing I have gard set my seale At Tantallon the 13. day of the moneth of May the year of our Lord 1457 c. It hath been no small matter nor small authoritie of him to whom it is given that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand or expected to receive some I take it that he hath procured his libertie and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of to be of the Kings inward friends I suppose also that kinred hath been of some moment to move him to it The reason of my conjecture is because we have heard before that Elizabeth sister to Margaret Countesse of Marre and Angus and Grandmother to this Earle George was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow as some call him by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her and the Earle of Angus and he Cousins twice removed or fourths in kin as we speak But this I referre to them that have the monuments of that House However what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof than what is here done to the House of Angus Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it It is but folly to think so Houses have their beginning and grouth Mine to day thine to morrow This same Lord Hamilton by these beginnings within a few years 17. or 18. at most shall lay such grounds of greatnesse as shall lift his House above any subjects to the very top of all so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posteritie and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governour Let us remember the changes of the world and the vicissitudes of Fortune and let every man bear with patience and hear with calmnesse either what he is now or what he was before And this for the first domestick witnesse of honour and authoritie credit and greatnesse of the House of Angus in this mans person The other amongst Forrainers was greater which is this The King of England Henry the sixth being overthrowne and put out of his Kingdome and Countrey of England by the Duke of York Edward the fourth he and his son and his Queen being come into Scotland for refuge he indents with George Earle of Angus for his assistance to help to restore him to his Kingdome and bindes himself to give unto George Earle of Angus and his heires Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber worth 2000. Marks sterling of yearly rent 2. That he should erect it in a Dutchie and infeâ—…t the said Earle therein in as free Knight-service as any Land in England and that the Earle and his heires should be Dukes thereof 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England it should be lawfull for the said Earle to repaire to England to his Dutchie or to Court or where he pleased with an hundred horse in train 4. And that if there happened to be warre betwixt the Countreyes it should be lawfull for him to send 24 armed men who should be under the King of England his protection to gather and up-lift for his use the rents and revenues of the said Dutchie 5. That it should be lawfull for him during the warres between the two Countreyes to serve the King of Scotland which should no wayes prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands neither should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England or any
there is not such a piece to be found as is his Prologue to the 8. Book beginning of Dreams and of Drivelings c. at least in our language The fourth son was Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie who married a daughter of one Little in Edinburgh He had by her Archbald of Kilspindie who was Provest of Edinburgh in King James the fifth his minoritie and was married to the Earle of Crawford his daughter by whom he had first Patrick secondly Alexander and thirdly James Patrick was married to one Murray a daughter of the house of Balbaird by whom he had William After that he married Agnes daughter to the Lord Gray and had by her two sons and two daughters And thus much of his sons His daughters were first Marjorie married to Cudbert Lord of Kilmaers in the year 1491. Her portion was 1700. Marks Secondly Elizabeth married to Robert Lile Lord Chief Justice Her portion was 1000. Marks whereof 100. pounds was to be payed at the first Terme and then 50. pounds termely till all were payed It is with dispensation which is a signe that they have been in kin before the year 1493. Thirdly Jennet whom we finde contracted to Robert Lord Harris in the year 1495. Novemb. 22. to be married and that he shal divorce from the wife he had so soon as can be That she in the mean time shall not marry elsewhere For which cause she is infeft in his Lands of Tarrigla with the Kings confirmation past thereupon the same year and day Her portion is that the said Earle then Chancellour shall procure his Lands to be new holden of the King This fact for a man to contract to part with the wife he hath and marry another as it is harsh to conceive so being done so solemnely by such persons we must suppose it had sufficient and honest grounds For certainly the Earle of Angus being withall Chancellour for the time needed not to hunt after unlawfull or unseemly marriages for his daughters Some reckon a fourth daughter whom they name not but say she was eldest and married to the Earle of Montrose this Earles great Grandfathers father but because I have not seen any monument of her I reserved her to the last place He had also sundry bastard sonnes after his wifes death First William of the Parkhead of whom the house of the Parkhead is come and the Lord of Torthorrell by his mother Secondly James of Tod-holes And thirdly one that they say was gotten in Glenbarvie born after his decease But this seemes to be false because they affirm commonly that after the field of Flowdon where his sonne George was slain he went into Galloway to Saint Maines and lived the space of a year an austere life Then he was not thus incontinent if that be true neither came he to Glenbarvie seeing he lived in Galloway He had also a base daughter And thus much of his children To come to himself we have heard how his father Earle George raised the house of Angus to such greatnesse of credit and authoritie that it was become not much inferiour to the house of Douglas to which it had succeeded Archbald his son did no way diminish it But when he came to be of years fit for managing affairs he so behaved himself and gained so good opinion of his wisedome and courage that the whole burden of the estate of the Countrey did lye upon him alone And for that cause chiefly he is commonly designed by the epithete of The great Earle of Angus For as touching his Lands and Rents we finde no great augmentation of them save that he provided his children well If we consider the means it hath been his own worth and sufficiencie that hath brought him to it for he began indeed his marriage with Court as a fit mean whereby to rise but that lasted but short while as we have heard The Court changing it was rather a mean to have wrought him discredit Notwithstanding of which and though he was young himself we finde nothing but that his businesse went right He got his own wardship even when his alliance were at the hardest pinch that same very year that Thomas Boyd had his wife taken from him and married to another His successe in the marriage of his sisters doth also show the same Neither hear wee of any hard effect that their dis-courting did produce toward him It was he that was the chief actor in taking order with Robert Cochran and the other Courtiers that did abuse the King and Countrey He propounds the matter to the Nobilitie he opens up the estate of things he puts hand to work and executes what was concluded The rest consent and follow he goeth before in every thing And even then when he did all this he was of no great age not above five and twentie and yet his credit power and authoritie was able to go through with it The History is written at length in our Chronicle we need do no more but transume it Neither is it necessary that we do that to the full it will suffice to set down onely what is requisite for laying open the occasion and circumstances for clearing of the fact that the Reader may the better discerne the right from the wrong which otherwise lye confused Thus it was King James the third of that name a man of a great and high spirit and of a hastie nature and prone to anger and such a one as would not suffer patiently his own judgement to be contradicted could not away with that freedome of speech which he found in his Nobilitie wherefore hee made choice of such to be about him as would not correct but approve all his sayings and who would not offend him by gainsaying but did curie-favour by soothing of him and who with flattering admiration did extoll all that he said or did Wherefore excluding the Nobilitie he was wholly at the devotion of a few of his servants with whom he advised and consulted of all busines and either followed their opinions or made them to consent and execute his will Thus he began to do about the year 1474. having after his marriage in the year 1470. addicted himself most part to his domesticke and private pleasures seldome coming abroad or giving time to the affaires of his Kingdome He had gotten about him base men both in place and worth whom he had advanced to honours and nobilitated Amongst these there was one Robert Coghran a Mason by his trade whom he made Earle of Marre An English singing man called William Rogers whom he honoured with Knight-hood with diverse others of meane rank and qualitie whose chief commendation was that they were impudently wicked and villanous This Rogers is thought also to have been his Pander and an enticer of him to lewdnesse and wronging his Queen Amongst these base men there was one Gentleman of good birth but he seeing the Kings inclination had set himself fully
The rest were led forth and accused 1. Of causing kill the Kings brother John 2. Of inciting the King and animating him against his other brother Alexander Duke of Albaine so as to banish him 3. Of sowing dissention betwixt the King and his Nobles 4. Of drawing him to superstition witch-craft and magick to the offence of God and slander of Religion 5. Of perswading him to coyne a certain kinde of brasse coyne of no value which the people called the black coyne which fact of all other was most odious to the vulgar For hereupon had ensued great dearth of corns and victuall while as the owners did choose rather to suffer their graine to rot in their Garners then under the name of selling to give them to the buyers for so they thought it to be a gift and not a sale Their accusations were no sooner read but all cryed out against them and so they were condemned to be hanged over the bridge of Lawder That sentence pronounced was so acceptable to all that heard it that they ran and brought their horse halters and bridle reines to serve for ropes and strive who should have the honour therein the whole Army and Nobilitie concurring and assisting at their execution And thus they did remove those men whom the good of the King of the Nobilitie and whole Countrey required necessarily to be removed from their Prince Yet it was done with as great respect to himself as it could be in such a case where matters were to proceed contrary to his minde They offer his person no violence they do not mis-behave themselves in words they are carefull it be not done by any in a tumult and therefore come accompanied with the fewer number They grant his desire when he did interceed for one of the guiltie which shewes how willing they would have been to have granted the test also if it could have been done safely A very remarkable and rare example of carefulnesse of the Common-wealth joyned with all modestie love and dutifulnesse towards their King Their behaviour was just such as Lawyers prescribe in such cases who accounting the person of the Prince sacred and not to be touched any way do allow that their wicked counsellours and abusers only be taken order with where the good of the Countrey enforceth it Wherein the Earle of Angus being the principall actour the chief commendation thereof can not be taken from him the praise I say not onely of wisedome in propounding and perswading of courage and resolution in under-taking but also of discreet moderation and dutifull regard to the King in performing of this action without tumult or uprore Happie had the King been if he could have taken it up rightly and as he saw how far his wicked abusers were hated he had also read their love and regard of his person that appeared in every act of this Tragick Comedie written in fair and Capitall Letters He made show as if he had taken all in good part but it was not in sinceritie He accounted it high treason and rebellion and set his minde wholly on revenge He saw what was done to his Courtiers but he would not see the respect carried to himself for upon this occasion the Army dissolving so soon as he came to Edinburgh and found himself at libertie he retired to the Castle with a few of his familiar friends as not daring to trust his Nobilitie Which when they perceived they had their private meetings and consultations apart Hereupon his brother Alexander moves the King of England to send an Army with the Earle of Glocester hoping to do somewhat for himself And so he doth for the Nobilitie sent for him and made him chief man of the party under the name of Generall Lieutenant of Scotland The King remained in the Castle from whence he is brought out and restored to his own place his brother endeavouring by modestie to approve his uprightnesse and banish all jealousies by his actions But all would not do he continues his jealousie and the effects of jealousie an evill minde and ill-will Intends to make him away some say by poison whereof he being advertised with-drawes himself again into England and that he might be the more welcome thither he put the Castle of Dumbar into their hands Neither doth he bear any better minde toward the Nobilitie but still intends their ruines making up a heap of crimes calling all their proceedings and actions rebellious And after a short while the Courtiers began to follow the foot-steps of those that had gone before them and nothing terrified with the example of their end began to trade the same path that they had done John Ramsay who was pardoned at Lawder procured an edict from the King that none but he and his followers should go armed in those places where the Kings Court did converse The King thought it was hard for him to deale with them all at once therefore they must be divided For this effect he insinuates himself and becomes very familiar with a part of them and advanceth them to honours He makes the Earle of Crawford Duke of Monrosse a great and powerfull man But who was so sit for his service as the Earle of Angus he makes as if he were fully reconciled to him hath him continually about him countenanceth him every way communicates with him his most secret affairs some say he made him Chancellour but the Chancellour Andrew Stuart Lord of Evendale was even now living at the coming in of Alexander Duke of Albanie neither hear we of his death neither do we finde in old Evidents that the Earle of Angus is entituled Chancellour before 1493. which is after this Kings death in King James the fourth his time though we have Evidents of the year 1488. and 89. To him the King opens his mind so far as finding that the principal of the Nobility were in Edinburgh the K. sends for Angus to the Castle tells him that now he hath a fair occasion to be avenged of his enemies that he would cause seize and apprehend them for if the Leaders and Chief of the Faction were once cut off the rest would not dare to stirre that if he should neglect this opportunitie he could hardly look for the like hereafter Some say that he purposed to have invited them to a supper in the Castle and so to have laid hands on them others say that he meant to have caused take them in their lodgings in the night which is not unlikely The Earle of Angus though he were no very old Cat some 31. or 32. if that was 1486. as it should seem yet was he too warie and circumspect to be drawne by a straw He knew himself to be as guilty as any of them and as much hated for his guilt But he was now within the Castle and had need to carry himself wisely To refuse might endanger his life to consent he could not it was so grosse and foule Wherefore he frames
father the Earle of Ormond and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either the English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth
without desert or that it hath been ignorance in King Henry her brother a forrain Prince ill informed Let us therefore hear such witnesses as were not blinded either with womanly affection or with the ignorance of a stranger such as were unpartiall and who had neither fear nor hope love or hatred which are the common causes of partiality These are ourhistories which if they record truth as they are recorders of truth if there was any more worthy or before him in any good quality then let it be accounted folly in her and weaknesse in her brother What do these our Histories then say First of his place and descent they say he was the first of the youth of Scotland for Nobility Lo here is one good quality and that a very main one wherein her choyce and her brothers approbation are justified and he shown to be worthy nay most worthy by his place and birth whereof we have said enough heretofore But let that be thought of no moment or value if there be no more What say they next What of himself In himself in his personage The first of the youth of Scotland for favour and comelinesse of personage I dare not consent to them that make no account hereof It hath ever been in account men have thought it worthy whereon to bestow a Kingdome It is yet regarded it affects all humane creatures and moves us whither we will or no They say that beasts discern it not I doubt of it though we are not able to discern their discerning of it But let them be beasts that do so And let this also be nothing in him if there be yet no more in him if there be no qualities joyned to it which it gives lustre to as gold to a Diamond Let it be as in all men and women like a ring of gold on a Swines snout ill placed and matched unseemly and unworthily Yet it is gold and gold is ever precious and to be desired although the Swines snout of ill conditions be not worthy to be so fairly and finely deckt or adorned What are then his other properties and qualities of minde and man-hood soule and body which is the third point The first and principall say they of the youth of Scotland in all good exercise knowledge cunning skill and understanding belonging to a man of his place for I doubt not there were many more cunning Clerks than he yet not more sufficient in uprightnesse honest vertue dexterity and good addresse both in politick matters belonging to the good government of the Countrey and Gentleman-like exercise becoming his estate for body or minde for peace or warre What particulars they are we shall see in his particuliar actions viz. valour and true courage with love and kindnesse to his Countrey hereditarie properties from the very root of which he is sprung Also wisedome and magnanimity truth and uprightnesse in words and actions with others which will appear as the occasion occurres And so we have him by these testimonies thrice that is every way first or chief and principall 1. Chiefe in Nobility beyond all 2. Chiefe in personage beyond all 3. Chiefe in vertue and all good arts for so is the word or qualities beyond all Worthy therefore whom the Queen should have preferred and made choyce of to be her husband beyond and before all Worthy of whom should descend that race of Kings so Noble beyond all Which as it honours him so doth it not disgrace or disparage that Noble and Princely race to be come of such an one in his person of such stock in the whole race and descent of that whole Family so noble so worthy and heroicall every way Not so much private in place as Princely in worth all vertue and magnanimity though otherwise Subjects And thus the honour of the house doth rise in his person whom we see accounted by all every way honourable honourable by bloud honourable by vertue honourable by marriage honourable by affinitie and alliance honourable by progenie and posteritie honourable by all actions by all valiant and alwayes worthy acts As for his greatnesse and puissance we finde it at his entry and beginning matched yea over-matched by the Lord Hume Chamberlaine But in end harderto be matched by any nay matching almost what should not be matched in any sort where with no Subject should match himself Which however good or evil it be in using yet it is greatnesse to have done so To come to his particular actions The first we finde is his marriage which is not indeed to be attributed to his prudencie or his purchasing yet is it the effect of his worth She affected him and he had reason not to refuse the party Her brother King Henry consents and writes lovingly to them both He had his own particular end which was to counterpoize or weigh down the French faction and to hinder the incursions of Scotland by his means some say also to stay the Duke of Albanie from coming home to be Governour but that was not yet motioned And though that were his end yet the other was the end of his desire to stay Albanie and his main scope for all that he aimed at by staying of him was but to stay the Scottish warres which he by his coming was like to set on foot Things fal out contrary many times to mens intentions This marriage brought in the Duke of Albanie and by him had strengthened the French if he had guided wisely kept the hearts of men in Scotland and entertained his home-bringer the Chamberlain and given him a thankfull meeting for that work But there is a providence if men would observe This plot fails King Henry that fails the Chamberlain this fails the Duke of Albanie The King hopes to hinder the French by this marriage it furthers them to be all the guiders being brought in by the Chamberlain The Chamberlain looks to be rewarded he hath his head stricken off The Duke thinks that the Chamberlains death shall breed him all quietnesse ease and power it looseth him the hearts of all men and at last his office The working of these things was thus The Queen was by the King her husbands testament left Regent during her widow-hood That lasted not long from the 25. of September untill the next Spring was ended say some others say untill the 6. of August almost a year Then she marrieth and so fals from that charge The Earle of Angus did labour to have it continued and used a strong motive which was that so the peace should last with England which was both profitable and necessary The Queen during her Regencie had procured it She had written to her brother that he should stay the war and abstain from troubling his Nephews Kingdome troubled already too much with factions within it self He had answered her that he warred against the Scots when they made war against him and that he would keep peace with them when they kept peace
right and reason Gawin Douglas had gotten possession of the Castle and had put servants into it but the Priour was stronger about the town and findes a mean to thrust them out Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed He workes wisely having been born under the Lord Hume he flees to him as his Patron agrees with him as a friend and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David He doth his turne proclaimeth his Bull but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point to take composition the Bishoprick of Murray and 3000. crownes by year and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions So he agrees with Foreman but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume and despites him with such malice because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse and aspiring that he thought there was no way to secure himself and his Government but by ridding the Countrey of them both Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him and finding by his neglectfull carriage and cold entertainment the little good-will he bare him repenting too late his forwardnesse in his election and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him though he had contemned his counsell yet now seeing no other remedie went to him and the Queen his wife condemning his fact and regrating the present estate of the King and Countrey and advised them to flie into England with the young King When the Governour had notice of this consultation he used such diligence and expedition that coming to Stirlin unlooked for he surprized the Queen and removing her and the Douglasses from about the King he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ercskin and other three Noblemen Hereupon the Queen and Angus as also the Lord Hume and his brother William with-drew themselves into England and the Governour upon their departure sent Ambassadours to King Henry to clear himself that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him or leave their Countrey He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction in such wayes that they beleeving and desiring to live at home returned all of them save onely the Queen who being then near the time of her childe-birth remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas Then assoon as she was able to endure travell she went to London where she was kindly welcomed and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry and her sister Mary Queen of France and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions and new causes of distrust arising dayly could not be quieted by their return nor the Queens absence neither could he think himself bound by promises Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to Angus was committed to prison John Lord Drummond his Grandfather or mothers brother David Panetier Secretarie to the late King were likewise laid fast Alexander Lord Hume and his brother William were executed their goods confiscat their lands forfeited and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh called the Nether-Bow Being thus rid of the Chamberlain he did much fear the Earle of Angus whom he left to governe in his absence for he went into France but joyned with him the Earles of Arran Argyle Huntley the Archbishop of S. Andrews and Glasgow together with a Frenchman named Antonius Darsius commonly known by the title of Sieur de la Beaute To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar the Shires of Lowthian and the Merse where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn occasionally in the year 1517. the 18. of September For this Sir David was out-lawed his house seized and Sir George Douglas Angus brother suspected to be accessarie imprisoned in Garvet Castle they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it though falsely because Sir David had married their sister Alison Not long after this there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt the Earle of Angus and the Earle of Arrane There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest the Earle of Angus his Lands but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and priviledge of doing justice and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste not for any particular relation or because he thought his right was good but onely in opposition to Angus whom he hated inwardly What the cause of his hatred was we hear not and they had been good friends before Arrans base sonne James Hamilton as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him killed five or six of his company took thirty men and horses and pursued himself so near that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie This fact was imputed to Angus on whom Summervale did for the most part depend men thinking that it was done by his direction But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles that man had ever a particular feude with the Hamiltons But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces if he had suspected any ill meaning from them or known any such deserving in himself Besides they having so just cause they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfaction of the Earle by order of law if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it and not have taken this violent course Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext Hereupon however in the year 1520. the 27. of April a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie the Earle of Angus his uncle or Consin-German rather was Provest the Hamiltons refused to come thither alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town where he was Provest Archbald to cut off their excuse and that he might not hinder publick businesse laid down his office voluntarily and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh Then they came to the City and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended and weakly guarded his friends not being yet conveened they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier-Winde this Beton was also Chancellour and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus alledging that his power was so
Douglasses abstaine from all administration and handling of publick affairs and that none of them or their dependers come within twelve miles of the King under pain of death This Edict being brought to them as they were on their way toward Stirlin many of their friends advised them to go forward but the Earle himself and Sir George resolved to obey and perswaded the rest to do so A dutifull and wise resolution if there was not sufficient power with them to go forward which others that counselled them to go on have thought sufficient And if withall they had resolved to lay down their necks under the yoke and beare whatsoever should be laid upon them But that they did not resolve to do as appeareth afterward therefore they lost here also the occasion which might have procured them peace on better and more equall termes They returned to Linlithgow to remain there till they should hear farther from Court This their retiring and not going forward to Stirlin is such an over-sight as a man could scarce have looked for at so wise and resolute heads and hands But where ruine is determined wisedome is taken from the wisest and hearts from the hardiest They will disobey more out of time hereafter The King makes use of that respit of time assembleth more and more Forces summonds a Parliament in September They go to Edinburgh and assemble also their friends more fully Both parties aimed more at their own security and to defend themselves than to offend the other yet they give place again and the second of August leave the City which day the King entred with displayed banner from thence by entreatie of friends he sent conditions to them which if they would obey there was some hope showne of clemencie and gentle dealing towards them These were That the Earle of Angus himself should be confined beyond Spey and his brother Sir George together with his uncle Archbald of Kilspindie should go to prison to the Castle of Edinburgh But they rejected the conditions and thereupon were summoned to compeare at the Parliament in Edinburgh the sixth of September In the mean while their Offices are taken from them the Chancellorship from the Earâ—… which we hear not when it was given to him Archbishop Beton had been Chancellour in the Governours time he had consented to the Triumvirate and afterward had left and forsaken them Then hath it been taken from Beton as far as we can conjecture and given to Angus It was now given to Gawin Dumbar the Kings Pedagogue in law matters one who was no ill man but who was thought to be a greater Schollar than wise and prudent for government The Thesaurers place was taken from Kilspindie and given to Robert Carnecrosse a man better knowne by his bags of money than for his vertues Thus driven to their last hopes they labour to hinder the meeting of the Parliament by taking of Edinburgh where it was to sit and from whence the King was returned to Stirlin For this end they send Archbald of Kilspindie with some troops of horse to assay what he could do A poor shift if they had gotten it But the King had prevented them and sent thither Robert Maxwell who with his friends and dependers assisted by a great number of the Commons excluded them and with watch and ward kept the town till the Kings return Hereupon Angus retired to his house at Tantallon The day of the Parliament being come they were cited accused condemned and forfeited the Earle Sir George Kilspindie and Drummond of Carnock The main cause and clearest evidence given in against them was that the King swore he was ever in fear of his life so long as he vvas vvith them It is strange that his feare should have seemed a sufficient cause and evidence of forfeiture Their absence was no cause for they were prohibited to come vvithin 12. miles of the K. they had forgotten to release them from that command interdiction Sir John Ballandine who was then one of their dependers afterward Justice-Clerk knew it well and did freely and courageously protest in open audience that nothing done there should be hurtfull or prejudicial to the Earle because he had just cause of fear so of his absence which should be declared in the own time which was both an honest part toward his patron and a wise and stout part in it self Upon this protestation the forfeiture was reduced seventeen years after this But for the present it goeth on and an act was also made against such as should receive them that they should be liable to the same punishment of forfeiture Soon after this William Abbot of Halyroodhouse Angus his brother died through sicknesse which he had contracted by grief and sorrow for their estate The rest seeing no appearance of pardon make now for open violence Who can think but it was as unfit now as fit to have used it when they stayed from going to Stirlin But then they have had hope of more favour which hath marred all their course Better late wise than never time was driven but they counted it not lost because by their so long patience they had given proof of their goodwill now they will shew their enemies what power they had then and that it was willingnesse not weaknesse made them to forbeare doing more than they did They burn Cowsland and Cranston and daily rode about Edinburgh in view of the City so that it was in a manner besieged the mean sort suffering for the faults of the great ones By this their proceeding the theeves and broken men of the borders and elsewhere whom they had before restrained in their government loosed from all fear of them waxed bold to come out of their lurking places and greatly molested the Countrey people about them Many outrages were committed by many in many places oppression theft murders and robberies All was imputed to the Douglasses and called their doing by the Courtiers thinking thereby to please the King well There was a Ship called the Martin which being loaden with rich Ware brake about the Skate-raw and the common people came and took away the goods from the owners this was laid also upon them and their faction and followers though nothing of it came to their use unlesse it were that some of their stragling horsemen happening to be there at that time might perhaps get their share with others About this time the King resolves to besiege Tantallon Castle in Lowthian some sixteen miles from Edinburgh and for that purpose causes bring Ordinance Powder and Bullet from Dumbar which was then kept by the servants of the late Governour the Duke of Albanie as a portion of his patrimony There was in Tantallon one Simeon Penangoe with a competent number of men well furnished and provided both of Victuals and Munition The Earle himself remained at Billie in the Merse within his Baronie of Bonkle not willing to shut himself up
Belfoure whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof and who had been his intimate friend and privie to all his secrets But upon some distaste or distrust Bothwell had sought to put him out of the place which he finding had made himself full Master thereof and he was now entred in termes of agreement and capitulation with the Lords to put it into their hands but had not yet concluded and transacted with them There were in the City at this time of the other party John Hamilton Bishop of S. Andrews the Earle of Huntley and the Bishop of Rosse John Lesly These when they heard that the Lords were come into the Citie came forth into the Street hoping the Citizens would assist them and help them to expell the Lords but when they saw that few or none did resort to them they fled to the Castle where they were received the Captain thereof not having as yet agreed with the Lords and some few dayes after were let out at a posterne and so escaped In the mean time the Queen had sent abroad to assemble her forces There came to her out of Lowthian the Lords Seton Yester and Borthwick small Barons Waughton Basse and Ormeston Out of the Merse Sir David Hume of Wedderburne with his Uncle Blackader notwithstanding their Chief the Lord Hume and his Cousin German Morton were on the other side Besides these they had 200. hired Souldiers under the leading of Captain Anstrudder mounting in all to 2000. and 500. with these they set forward from Dumbar with intention to go to Leith that so they might be nearer the enemy and lose no opportunity of taking advantage of them A wrong course and ill advised Whereas if they had but stayed a space in the Castle of Dumbar the Lords not having sufficient forces to assault them there nor Ordnance or any other necessary provision for a seige had been constrained to disperse themselves and retire home to their own houses Which if they had done they might easily have been overthrown being separated and scattered before they could have joyned their forces again But there is a directour of all things who had not ordained that Bothwell should prosper in his wayes which fell out also by his own temeritie and the counsel of Master Edmond Hay his Lawyer who is said to have advised him thus alledging that the Lords neither would nor durst abide their coming but would presently flee upon the first noise of their approach and that if they did but once shew themselves in the fields the Commons would all come flocking to them But it fell out clean contrary for neither did the people concurre with them because they hated Bothwell and the Lords having once taken Arms were enforced by necessity to fight for their own safety Their number was about some 2000. most part Gentlemen of good quality and ranke of the which the chief were Morton Marre Athole Glencairne Montrose the Lords Hume Lindsay Ruthven Semple and Sanwhere Small Barons Cesford Drumlenrigge Tillebardine Grange They had no Artillerie neither any Musketiers save a few from Edinburgh They caused to be drawn on their ensignes the late King lying dead and his young son the Prince James sitting on his knees with his hands heaved up to Heaven with this Motto Judge and revenge my cause O LORD While they were in Edinburgh word was brought to them about midnight that the Queen and Bothwell were come to Seton and Salt-Preston within six miles of them Whereupon they made haste and having armed went speedily toward Muscleburgh lest the enemie should seize the Bridge and Foords of the River which was within two miles of Preston So having passed it without disturbance a little after the Sun-rising finding that the enemy did not stirre they took their refreshment and broke their fast at leasure Not long after those whom they had sent before to currie the fields and to give notice what the enemie was about having perceived a few horsemen without the village drove them back again but not daring to follow them for fear of some ambuscade could learne nothing else save that the enemie was ready to march Hereupon the Lords also began to set forward toward them and being now without the Towne of Muscleburgh they perceived the enemy ranged in order of battell all along Carburie hill ready to encounter them The hill was steep and the ascent difficult on that side wherefore they turned a little to the right hand where they might with more ease and lesse disadvantage ascend the hill being there much plainer and the ground more levell This deceived the enemy who seeing them turn aside supposed they had fled to Dalketh which belonged to Morton and lay on that hand But they being come where they would have been set their men in order having the Sun on their backs and in the face of the enemie which was no small advantage for the day was exceeding hot being the fifth of June 1567. besides the Townes-men of Dalkeeth did furnish them sufficiently with drink together with other villages that lay on that hand But on Bothwels side it was not so there was no such alacrity and readinesse in the people to supply them no foresight in themselves to provide no chearfulnesse in the Army but most of them wavering between their duty to the Queen and their suspicion of Bothwels guiltinesse Yet did they not offer to forsake her neither would they have done it for anything we hear of if Bothwell durst have stood to it But his self-accusing conscience struck his minde with such terrour and dread that knowing what he had deserved he judged other mens mindes to be accordingly affected toward him and seeing head made against him beyond his expectation he began to doubt of the fidelity of those that were come to take part with him Especially he distrusted Sir David Hume of Wedderburne in regard of his friendship and Kinred with the Lord Hume and Earle of Morton Wherefore he moved the Queen to ask him whether he would abide constantly by her and performe his part faithfully He answered freely that he was come to serve her as his Soveraigne out of duty and in sincerity which he would do to the utmost of his power against whomsoever without respect of whatsoever friendship or kindred with any Blackader said the like and added withall speaking to Bothwell I wish my Lord you stay as well by it as we shall That which made them the more to fear Sir David was because a servant of his as he went to drink at a well not farre from the enemie was taken and brought to Morton who hearing whose man he was dismissed him and bade him tell his Master from him That if he were the man he should be he alone might put an end to that dayes work which is like enough he might have done if either he would have revolted to the Lords or forsaken Bothwell and gone home The rest of the Nobles and
but how uncertaine and unsure a prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controversie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. The Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that
one at once and that very slowly whereby the Enemie had time to flee safely And now many that before kept within doores for fear began to creep out of their corners and come forth to the Street and joyne themselves with the Earle of Marres men so that the case was quite altered For the Victours and Conquerours leaving their prisoners and their spoyle fled for life to save themselves and divers became prisoners unto their prisoners namely those who had taken Morton and Glencairne The Regent was taken by David Spense of Wormiston who was himself killed while he laboured to save the Regents life and the Regent also received his deaths wound They might have utterly destroyed the Enemie but that at their first entry the Tividale men had taken away all their horses so that they could not pursue them And so they escaped we may say on both sides for both were victorious both were vanquished in a few houres space A rare and remarkable example how available and of what moment it is to use diligence and expedition and how dangerous in time of Warre to be negligent and secure But especially this accident doth make good that often repeated observation of that great Warriour Julius Caesar Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest that in all the exploits of Warre fortune hath great power either to frustrate or make successefull But what he cals fortune we know to be providence and ought so to call and acknowledge it which turnes the wheele of humane affairs beyond and contrary to their expectation If we may judge of the justice of the cause by the perpetuall successe of the maintainers and by their meeknesse and moderation therein the Kings side have had the better and the juster The Regent died that same night and was buried in the Chappell of Stirlin Castle with such solemnitie as the Town and time could afford The Grand-father being dead the next Regent was Marre being chosen the 8. or 9. of September the same year 1571. There were three put on the list Argyle Marre and Morton It is strange they should have made Argyle one who had been all this while on the contrary faction and was now but a reconciled Enemy at most unlesse they were sure how to carry it Many thought Morton should have been the man but he nothing ambitious of the title which was but matter of envie helped to cause Marre be chosen who was a very sufficient and trusty Nobleman able to discharge the place and who had the Kings person in keeping within the Castle of Stirlin The main thing that he did in his Regencie was that he conveened the Countrey and lay about the Town but wanting Artillerie to batter it he returned again to Leith where having divided the Kingdome into quarters he appointed the severall divisions to come to him by turnes with whom having broken the Mils about Edinburgh he placed Souldiers in the villages and Gentlemens houses about it to hinder all kinde of provision from it In the South parts of the Kingdome Balcleugh and Farnihaste did molest the Kings side especially the town of Jedburgh Wherefore Morton both for this cause as also for a particular against Farnihaste who claimed to be Bailiffe of Jedward Forrest which belonged to the Earle of Angus by inheritance sent for the chief Gentlemen of the Merse and desired them to subscribe a Band by which all those that were by name insert therein did binde themselves to assist other and all of them to aid and assist the Warden Sir James of Coldinknows In this Band were contained the townsmen of Jedward the Laird of Badrule together with the Trumbles and Rutherfords and divers others The first that wascalled they being all assembled together in Mortons lodging at Leith was Sir David Hume of Wedderburne who flatly refused to subscribe it but said Hee was ready to serve the King as became a faithfull Subject so farre as hee was able but that hee would not binde himself in any Band to any man further than hee was already bound in duty especially such men with whom he would not enter into any societie fellowship or combination He understood chiefly the Trumbles and Rutherfords which names were infamous and most of them reputed theeves and Badrule a notorious one Morton seeing him thus resolute lest the rest might by his example refuse likewise caused him go aside into a back-room and called in the rest The first of which was Patrick Hume of Polwart who hearing of the Trumbles and Rutherfords refused also to be joyned with them or to subscribe When Morton asked him his reason he answered roundly Because sayes he it may be some of these men have helped to steal Wedderburnes cattell And hath Wedderburne any cattell stollen from him sayes Morton Yes my Lord answered the other that he hath He did not tell me so much sayes Morton But it is true my Lord saith Polwart Well sayes Morton will ye subscribe this Bond I cannot my Lord saith he as the case stands If you do not saith he you shall do worse Worse my Lord saith the other nay rather than do worse I will do it No but saith Morton I do not mean to compell you No but my Lord saith hee you have said enough and so he signed it accounting it threatning and compulsion and so himself no whit bound by his subscribing The rest of the Gentlemen being called seeing Polwarts hand at it made no more scruple but set to theirs likewise After this Morton went to dinner and being set hee remembred himself and sent one to call Wedderburne out of the back-roome and when hee came he asked him Why he did not come to dinner I was saith he lawfully committed my Lord and I would not break prison but stayed till I was lawfully released These dealings made some that were rigid censurers think hardly of Morton that hee would use such infamous men and tolerate them for his own ends especially being a publicke person and in the place of justice Yet others did excuse him as being necessitated thereunto by the times there being no other way to counter-poyse the power of Farnihaste and Balcleugh but by these Trumbles and Rotherfords alledging withall that it is not fit or possible to observe those Schoolrules precisely in Politick affairs which it seemes hath been his opinion also In February Morton being absent in S. Andrews about the installing of his Archbishop Master John Douglas those in Edinburgh watching and laying hold on this opportunitie went forth and setting fire in the town of Dalkeith burnt some twenty houses thereof and having spoyled and pillaged it returned safe to Edinburgh There was little otherthing of moment done by either side during Marres time And now by the Garrisons which lay about Edinburgh hindering Victuall to be brought to them their scarcitie increased so much that they sent to procure an Ambassadour from France and another from Queen Elizabeth to mediate a
shoulder a long time without knowing who he was at last going away to bed again he perceived it was he and smiling said to him GOD make you a good man and so went his way From thence forward John conversed in publick and came ordinarily into his sight and presence without being challenged as if he had been formally released from his banishment The Earl of Angus himself had his own discontents and thought him too carefull to preferre provide for his natural sons and not so careful of him as he should have been Besides these that thought themselves dis-obliged he had professed enemies that hunted for all the advantages against him they could devise at home the Castle faction Master John Metellane Sir Robert Melvin Pittadraw and abroad in France the Lord Seton Farnihaste Waughton who was not very busie the Bishops of Glasgow and Rosse Ambassadours and Agents for the Queen These things like warts or freckles in a beautifull body seemed to stain the lustre of his government and though they may be thought but small slips and weaknesses yet they made impression in the mindes of some and in the own time brought forth hard effects albeit in respect of his place wisedome and power like slow poyson they were long ere they did shew forth their operation There fell out a businesse in the year 1576. the 7. of July which men looked should have brought on warre with England Sir John Forester Warden of the middle March in England Sir John Carmichael Warden for Scotland met for keeping of the Truce at a place called The Red Swire There the Scottish Warden desired that one Farstein an English man who had been filed by a Bill of goods stolne from Scotland should be delivered as the custome was to the owner of the goods to be kept by him untill he were satisfied for them The English Warden alledged that the man was fugitive and so the Warden was not bound to answer for him or deliver him but the party endammaged was to seek redresse of any that should be found to receive or harbour him in their houses Sir John Carmichael taking this not to be spoken in sinceritie but for a shift to frustrate justice urged and pressed the matter more hardly desiring him to speak and deal plainly without sparing any man for fear or favour but regarding onely what was just and right according to equitie and reason Sir John Forester thinking himself taxed of partialitie beganne to bee angry and in a contemptuous manner bad Carmichael match himself with his equalls and not with him who was above him both in birth and quality and therewith hee rose up from the place hee sate in and walked a little away from thence The English Borderers chiefly they of Tindall being all Bow-men when they perceived their Warden displeased glad of occasion to trouble the Peace sent a flight of arrows amongst the Scots whereby they killed one of them and wounded diverse The Scots who looked for no such thing and were gone some to Cards and some to other Pastimes being scattered here and there fled at the first many of them At length some few about twenty persons taking courage and calling to the rest to stay and stand to it they joyned together and charged the English so fiercely that they slew divers of them amongst whom was Sir George Heron a worthy Gentleman and well beloved of both the Countreyes whom they would have been loath to have hurt if the heat of the conflict had not carried them to it unawares Sir John Forester and the Gentlemen that were with him were taken prisoners and brought into Scotland to the Regent He entertained them kindely and honourably but detained them as lawful prisoners and breakers of the Peace till the Queen of England sent for them It was expected that this should have bin an occasion of warre but the Regent was nothing afraid of the matter He knew them and they him he entertained friendship with them after his wonted manner and sent many Scottish Falcons for a present to the Courtiers of England whereof one made a jest saying That hee dealt very nobly and bountifully with the English in that he gave them live Hawkes for dead Herons alluding to Sir George Heron who was slain The businesse came to a treatie and the Regent came in person to Foulden in the Merse where the English Commissioners met him They agreed on these termes That the goods should be restored and for satisfaction and repairing of the Queens honour Carmichael should go to London and come in the Queens will He went as far as York where being come the 26. of September he was detained there some five or six weeks and so was dismissed Concerning restitution of the Goods the Regent caused make a Proclamation by which he commanded all that were on this side of Forth to come to him at Edinburgh the 8. of October with provision of victuall for twenty dayes intending to go to the Borders But he continued or adjourned the diet till he should give new advertisement for the Borderers ceased from their stealing and took order for restoring what they had taken Afterward he held Justice-Courts at Peebles and Edinburgh which was interpreted to be done more for getting money than doing of justice The townsmen of Edinburgh were especially aimed at most carefully summoned yet they were continued and cast overto another time only they paid a thousand marks Scottish for Bullion which the Merchants are bound to furnish to the Mint but had neglected to do it During the time of his Regencie he met with one private conspiracy of which John Semple son to the Lord Semple was author upon what ground or motive I know not It was revealed by one Gabriel Semple who being confronted with John before the secret Councel avouched it and offered to make it good by combate But it needed not for John confessed it and was thereupon condemned to be hanged quartred and drawn Yet when his friends interceeded for him the Regent nothing bloud-thirsty did onely send him to the castle there to remain during pleasure which not being declared he was kept there during his Regency after which he was set at liberty In the year 1577. the 4. of March the Nobility assembling at Stirlin concluded that the King should take the government into his own hands and should be guided by a Councell and the Regent deposed No cause was given out nor could there be any sufficient reason pretended The King was not yet 18. years of age which was the time limited and set down in the Act of the Queens dimission for him to be governed by Regents At most he was but 11. or 12. years old When these newes were brought to the Regent at Dalkeith being astonished therewith he came to Edinburgh but little countenance was made to him by the townsmen few came from the countrey no Baron almost of note save Wed derburn none of the Nobility
there were manythat could did distinguish and separate the Kings cause from the Courtiers and did shew that as they hated them so they loved him Especially the Ministery who at a Generall Assembly held at Edinburgh in November appointed a generall Fast to be kept throughout the whole Kingdome and gave out the reasons thereof to be first The abounding of wickednesse secondly The danger of the Church thirdly The danger of the King fourthly The danger of the Common-wealth which all were meant did directly point at the rulers of court chiefly through their wickednesse Atheisme want of Religion Godlessenesse Popishnesse or Libertinisme avarice aspiring Who being sole said they or chief about the King under the shadow of his authority first do trouble the Ministery secondly seek to pervert his Majestie and draw him if it were possible for them to the same contempt of Religion that so in time he might become a persecuter and enemie to the Church and overthrow it altogether thirdly do tread under foot the Common-wealth of this Countrey by banishing the best of the Nobility who do love God and the Church best and are best affected toward the Kings welfare that they in the meane time may possesse and brook their Lands and Inheritance And fourthly who suffered murther oppression witch-craft whooredome and many other sinnes to passe unpunished and uncurbed This Fast continued the space of a Week including both the Sundayes The Courtiers notwithstanding of this contemning and slighting all admonitions kept on their own wayes and course of committing banishing discrediting and weakening of all such as they thought did favour the Nobility and were not forward enough to further them and advance their faction They ingrossed all places of power and authority to themselves dis-armed dis-abled and diminished all others and even derided them Of which dealing I will recompt one example amongst many I have made mention above how some discord and variance fell out betwixt Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling and the Earl of Gowrie Hereupon Gowrie to match Pitcairne had reconciled himself to the Courtiers and was thought to side with them and especially to be very intimate with Colonell Stuart Pitcairne laboured to out-shoot the Earle in his own Bow and for that end sues to the Colonel for his friendship which because he knew that it was vendible he sent him the price thereof according to his estimate in gold The Colonell liked the mettall but not the condition and therefore he kept both his friendship and the gold to himself and having shewed it to the King and Gowrie deriding him said that the Abbot had sent him that to draw the King to favour him and thus was he flouted and wiped clean of his Moneyes William Douglas of Logh-leven was confined in the Merse for no other fault but because he was a Douglas and an upright honest man as any was in the Kingdome Sir George Hume of Wedderburne because he was in Kinne and a friend of the Earle of Angus was sent prisoner to the Castle of Downe beyond Forth Sir James Hume of Coldinknows was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle was like wise imprisoned and Master John Colvill brother to Cleish had been served in the same kinde if he fearing their rage had not prevented it by fleeing Many others were used after the like sort it being a sufficient crime to favour any of the discourted Noblemen Last of all a Proclamation was made wherein the Fact at Ruthven was condemned as foule abominable and treasonable and all the actors therein or favourers of them were commanded to depart from Edinburgh and not to come hear the place where the King was or should happen to be under the pain of death The Earle of Gowrie had taken a remission for it but it served not his turne nor did him any good at all for he was particularly charged to go off the Countrey and not to remain in Scotland England or Ireland with a non obstante notwithstanding any remission obtained before And to secure themselves yet further they prohibited all men to carry Pistols except the Kings Domesticks and his Guard They brought home also into Scotland Lodowick Duke of Lennox son to Obignie being then but a child to strengthen their party and to tie the Kings affection so much the more to them He was restored to his fathers estate as a part thereof to the Lordship of Dalkeith This being Angus his inheritance they thought it would engage the Duke in a perpetual enmitie with him as it is ordinary for a man to hate him whom he wrongs On these the like grounds they established to themselves in their own conceit a perpetuall safe estate which they had so fastned and linked with the Kings that neither could be brangled without the shaking and over turning of the other But these courses produced a quite contrary effect even then wrought such disposition in men as did at last over-throw all their plots and themselves withall So frail and so unsure a foundation is iniquity For Angus as he was altogether innocent of any thing that could be alledged against him even in their own judgements so was he universally beloved of all by an hereditary popularity from his Auncestours and more for his own known vertues and therefore being thus wronged in his person and in his inheritance he was pitied of all Marre in like manner being descended of an honourable ancient faithfull and loyall race of Progenitours as also for his own good parts and conditions was beloved in like sort and pitied notwithstanding that he had been an actour at Ruthven The Earle of Gowrie by the contrary was greatly hated by the Courtiers and little set by or regarded by the other partie He had assisted with his father at the slaughtering of Rizio and was the chief man and principall authour and actour in the fact of Ruthven Yet had he changed his minde and side at S. Andrews repented him of what he had done at Ruthven condemned it and taken a remission for it Now being casten off by the Court and commanded to depart off the Countrey he repents him of his repentance and condemnes his condemning and would if he could salve all again by his recanting and retracting of this last act But as the committing of the fact had made him to be hated by the Courtiers so his condemning of it had brought him to be suspected of the Noblemen He had condemned himself and did deserve to be condemned either for that he had done at Ruthven or for his condemning of what he did then and taking a remission for it He had given a colour to the adverse party to condemne it by his confession and example and had furnished them with that argument whereby to presse the condemning of it upon the Ministerie or others For that was their maine argument and the string they most harped on Gowries confession of a fault and remission
out of any treasonable or malicious intention or out of arrogancy pride or presumption The French Proverbe taketh place Il faut passer par la there was no other way besides no audience no accesse could bee had to him by any other means So they conclude to joyne their pains and to partake of the perill The way resolved upon was to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces there to supplicate the King and to make their declaration to the Countrey to intimate their grievances and desires with all respect to his Majestie and with all evidence and plainnesse against the Courtiers For this end the Earle of Marre and Master of Glams should bee sent for and first finde meanes to take in the Castle of Stirling an easie taske for the Earle of Marre to performe having his friends lying near to it and the Towne devoted to his service then the Earle of Gowrie should goe thither who lay nearest to it together with the Earle of Athole the Lord Oglebie the Drummonds and the Murrayes Next to him the Earle of Angus from Brechin to whom his friends would repaire out of the South parts the Merse Liddesdale and other parts The Earle Bothwell my Lord Lindsay and diverse others of the Nobilitie were also on the party and had promised to joyne with them Being once Conveened and having the affection of the Ministerie and Burrowes they hoped to bee strong enough against these new mens owne power assisted onely by their particular friends If the Kings name were used against them there behoved to bee a Convention of the Nobilitie and Barons who would heare the Cause judge impartially and informe the King truely without slattery or feare of the courtiers whom they hated neither could they doubt of his equitie and tractablenesse when hee should understand how things were So the businesse should end without bloud and have a good and happy issue And if the worst should come yet were it better to die noblely in the field then to bee hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Executioner Thus did they propose but God did dispose of things otherwayes Men know not the Councell and secrets of the Almightie whose determination doth onely stand and come to passe He had not ordained that they should execute their designs nor that they should die in the quarrel it was to be done by another way and at another time the cup of their iniquitie was not yet full against whom they tooke armes Wherefore they were disappointed at this time which fell out thus The Earle of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Countrey within fifteen dayes Hee shifted and delayed this affrighted the Courtiers or gave them occasion to seeme affraid and to put the King into a feare and suspition that there was some enterprise in hand against him whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keepe a watch about the Pallace Gowrie made shew as if hee had intended to obey the charge contrary to the advice of his associates and that they might beleeve that his intention was reall hee goeth to Dundie causeth provide a ship and make all things ready so that the Courtiers were not more affraid that hee would stay then his Partners were that hee would hoise saile and bee gone Especially the Earle of Angus distrusted him and was jealous of his dissimulation being uncertaine whether it were with the Court or with them that hee did thus dissemble At last having trifled out the time till mid Aprill Colonell William Stuart came to Dundie and having a small company with him setteth upon him at unawares and made him save himselfe in his lodging Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships which lay in the Haven being aided by the Townesmen to whom hee had brought a Commission and warrant from the King hee began to batter the house whereupon it was rendered and the Earle taken prisoner By chance as this was in doing a servant of the Earle of Angus coming from Dalkeith by Dundie and having seene all that had happened made haste and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night where hee gave his Lord notice of what hee had seen Hee arose presently being much moved therewith and sending for the Gentleman whom hee had imployed to trie his minde before made a heavie moane bewailing the overthrow of their cause and of themselves Then hee asked his opinion what hee thought of it and first told his owne that hee thought it could bee nothing else but deceit and collâ—…sion which hee had ever feared and was now evident that his going to Dundie contrary to his advise had no other end but this and that his lingering proceeded from the same ground For said hee how could the Colonell undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men if hee had not himselfe beene willing to bee taken If hee doubted or distrusted the towne of Dundie why did hee commit himselfe to them or come in their power Why did hee not stay at Perth where hee was out of all danger till the time appointed were come Doubtlesse hee hath betrayed us all and hath collâ—…ded to suffer himselfe to bee taken so to colour his unfaithfull dealing with us It was answered that hee could not approve his coming to Dundie which hee ever disliked and had laboured to disswade him from it but could not prevaile yet it seemed a hard construction to thinke that hee came thither of purpose to act a sained apprehending that his slownesse and lingering was well knowne to bee his naturall disposition being another Fabius Cunctator in that point which hee had often found by former experience and often contested with him for it But to thinke him false in such a degree or to imagine him to bee so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers with a crime lying on him though but counterfeited it was such a point that for his owne part his opinion was that he durst not do it lest they should make use of it for his ruine and convert a colluded crime into a true dittie and so worke his death But this could not satisfie the Earle of Angus but still hee kept his opinion that there was no realitie in that act of Gowries apprehending And hee was the more confirmed therein when he heard that the Colonell carried Gowry to the houses of his owne especiall friends such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes whose sonne offered to set him at liberty and to take him out of the Colonels hands and to goe with him himselfe which hee refused to doe Angus passed the rest of that night in great solicitude and feare lest hee himselfe should bee assailed and taken after the same manner which had beene no hard matter to performe hee having but a small family and the Castle not being furnished with Armes the Earle of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers and that whole Countrey being
After my departing from Linlithgow I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlâ—…sly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Post script THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne sister sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie
nation Hee is mentioned in the particular Story of that Maiden and in the Annales Ecclesiae Aurelianensis auctore Carolo Sanseye Aureliano Wherefore in the principall Church in Orleance called Saint Croix there is Masse said for the soules of the Scots dayly that were slain there But to return The Duke of Turraine being thus slain was buried in the Church of Tours called Saint Gratians the 20. of August in the yeare 1424. whose coat of armes was to bee seen long agoe upon the gates of Tours Hee was a man no where branded for any vice and of unquestioned valour for so much as belonged to his own person equall to any that were before him Neither can I see any evident fault in his conduct and leading It is true Major taxeth him as unskilfull and unfit for matters of warre though hee gives him a large commendation of courage and personall valour But he seemeth to have grounded his censure more upon the successe then upon his actions to which we will answer with the Poet Careat successibus quisquis ab eventu c. Or if that will not serve we wil choke him with the French Proverb Le clerc aux armes he is not a fit judge of such things But we have to do with a more judicious indeed who glanceth at no lesse for speaking of his father Archbald the Grimme he saith that Chivalry stood in him as though hee would have said it fell also with him which seemeth to prejudge this his sonne Tine-man if not in his valour which no man can call in question yet in his conduct and leading which is the chiefe propertie and qualitie of a Generall and Commander Of which judgement questionlesse the ground is the same his hard successe in his interprises And there is no reason that hee should be thought so of for it if there be no other cause of evill successe But if there may bee some other reason and if many well guided Armies and interprises have mis-carried which none will deeme there is no necessity nor just cause why he should be double burthened both with ill luck and the blame of it unlesse it be shewed where and how he erred which neither hee nor any other Historian doth Wee must therefore absolve him as free from this imputation seeing they do not make it to appeare that hee was guilty of any errour or oversight either at Homildon Shrewsberry or Vernoill On the contrary his warinesse and circumspection may sufficiently appeare to the attentive and judicious Reader Let not then his praise be lessened or his glory eclipsed by his crosse fortune nor himselfe esteemed any whit inferiour to his Predecessours Nay hee deserveth to have so much more praise as that his worth doth shine through the thick cloud of the frownings of fortune whereas their glory is increased and lustred with the beams of a prosperous issue in their exploits Archibaldus Duglassius Dux Turronensis Johannes Stuartus Buchaniae comes ad Vernolium coesi Gallia vos titulis vos gallica regna trophaeis Auxistis meritis utraque regna cluunt Tertia si invideant quid mirum ingentia damna Queis data Saxonidum dum cecidere duces Desine lingua procax verbis incessere Testis Gallus adest servat tot monumenta ducum Et vos aeternum memorabit Gallia cives Grata suos titulos quae dedit tumulos Johan Johnston Heroes Archbald Douglas Duke of Turraine and John Stuart Earle of Buchan his son in law Constable of France killed at Vernoill France gave you Titles you it Trophies gave Both Kingdomes mutuall obligation have If the third envi'd it their losse receiv'd Might well excuse them being oft bereav'd Of their most ancient Leaders no bold tongue By base detraction can have power to wrong Your merit and the French will witnes beare To whom your memory shall still be deare Their gracefull Monuments the same expresse As do the places you did there possesse Archbaldus Dux Turonensis c. Bis victus captusque amisso milite caesus Denique cum sociis Vernoliae occubui Dura meis raro affulsit victoria signis Nostra tamen nusquam sunt data terga fugae Semper at ingentes haec dextra liquit acervos Hostibus semper maxima damna dedit Hinc fortis magnisque ducis veracibus urnant Me titulis nec non hostis ipse colit In me virtutem videas verumque laborem Fortunam proprio quis regat arbitrio Discite ab eventu qui censes facta virosque Exemplo non sic esse notanda meo Archbald Tine man Duke of Turraine Twice with my Armies rout I lost the field Now with my friends I am at Vernoil kill'd My labours hardly met with victory Yet did I never stay behinde nor flie But kill'd my foes on heaps my valiant arme Did ever bring revenge and equall harme Hence was I honoured as most fit to be A Leader courted ev'n by th' enemy In me you may the hight of worth behold But ah who in his power can Fortune hold O! you who from th' event your censures take Disprove your selves and me the instance make Of Archbald the fourth of that Name the foureteenth Lord and fifth Earle of Douglas he was the first Earle of Wigton Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale the second Duke of Turraine Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald Tine-man succeeded his eldest son Archbald he had to wife Mauld Lindsay daughter to David Earle of Crawford hee was married at Dundee with great solemnitie and pompe This alliance hath been the occasion of Crawfords going with him into France as wee told before and the ground of that friendship that was betwixt Earle William slain at Stirlin and that Earle Crawford whereof wee shall heare more of hereafter It appeareth also that there hath beene continuall friendship betwixt these houses from the first Earle Douglas time who procured a pardon for Crawford who had slain John Lyon His children were William David and a daughter named Beatrix The time that he possessed the Earledome of Douglas from his fathers death in the yeare 1424. untill the year 1439. is fifteen yeares all the time of King James the first and about two yeares in the minority of King James the second So that the estate of the Countrey may easily bee knowne if wee call to minde what hath beene said of the death of King Robert the third and of Robert the Governour to whom his sonne Murdock did succeed in the government before the King came home out of England This Murdock when hee had governed or rather misgoverned some three yeares or foure being provoked by an insolent fact of his eldest sonne Walter who to despight his father had wrung off the necke of a Hawke which hee loved determined in revenge hereof to send and fetch home the King out of England and to possesse him of his Kingdome No other motive we reade of to induce him to this whether it bee
commemorating the good offices done by his Predecessours that he acknowledged that whatever had happened to him had happened by his owne default whatever life or fortune he should have thereafter he would owe it to the Kings clemencie These and such like speeches moved the Noblemen that were present especially the Gentlemen of Angus who although they had always followed the King yet were loath that so ancient and noble an house should perish chiefly Archbishop Kennedie howbeit he had received many injuries of Crawford or his father yet considering of what importance it was to the King to have his owne forces increased by this accession and his enemies diminished and weakned by want of so great a man dealt earnestly with the King to receive him into his wonted place of honour and favour Neither was the King difficult to be entreated but graciously pardoned him and restored him to his former condition both of goods and honour onely admonishing him to doe his dutie in time to come It is reported that the King being defirous to performe his promise which was to raze the house of Phineavin the chiefe Mannour of the Earle Crawfords and to make the highest stone the lowest he went up to the top of the house and according to this promise threw down a little stone which was lying loose above the built worke to the ground which is to this day kept in an iron chaine for a Monument and memoriall of this action Some also write that the King tooke from him the lands of Badenoch and Loquhabre and gave them to Huntley for the lands which he had distributed at the field of Brighen as also the second place in Parliament and honour of bearing the Scepter Crawford died within six moneths of a burning feavour at Phineavin and was buried in the Gray Friers at Dundee in the Sepulchre of his Progenitors The Earle Douglas informed hereof and seeing his forces decay daily and the Kings daily growing greater he thought he would goe trie what succour or support he could have out of England and for that effect he sent James Hammiltoun of Cadyou to K. Henry to desire his help in this estate King Henry considering and thinking the occasion fit for him to encroach upon Scotland perswading himselfe that the Earle Douglas his passion of revenge on the one part and the necessitie of his estate on the other two powerfull perswaders to move men should drive him to accept his help on whatever termes was content to aide him upon this condition that he should become his subject sweare himselfe English and so to continue for ever and for better assurance hereof should put into his hands such Strengths and Castles in Scotland as he had in his custodie Unto this Douglas replied very generously and honestly That hee would never leave such a blot upon his house and would rather choose to die by what ever hand then commit such a crime against his Countrey for a fault done by the Prince and some particular men onely whereof he hoped to be avenged without that shame This being so honest a part and testifying so honest a heart as some of them have not had the like even of those who pretended to be Kings themselves some of whom have not refused to render themselves and their Kingdomes to the English servitude to be avenged of their enemies and to obtaine the Crown for themselves is too lightly overpassed by our Writers without the due testimony approbation and praise that it well deserveth Besides there can hardly be a clearer argument of his not affecting or aiming at the Crowne which his brother and Predecessours were charged with and traduced to the King for had he beene that way set he would have accepted of the proffer of England and made use of their help which questionlesse these Kings would not have denied him according to their ordinary practice And how many are there that would have forborne in such power and upon such an occasion for although he seems to have no colour of title to the Crowne yet men that aspire to it doe seldome want their pretences when they have power to search it So that the greater is the pitie in so moderate prosecution of such a quarrell that the event should have beene so hard on his side which appeares yet better in that which followed So left thus to himselfe by the instigation of his partners and namely of James Hammiltoun of Cadyou hee gathered together his friends and followers to raise the siege of Abercorne which the King had beset and lay before it in his owne person And when hee was come within five miles or as others say within sight of the besiegers they looked assuredly that he would and that hee had resolved to fight because he put his Army in order of battell and being very ready for their part and forward Cadyou also exhorting him thereto that he would end these warres with a notable victorie to his perpetuall praise or with an honourable death as became his house that he would vindicate himselfe from those miseries and contumelies he utterly refused to fight though he were more in number saying plainly his heart would not suffer him nor serve him to fight against his Soveraign Wherby it may be conjectured as saith the Manuscript that his meaning was only to have terrified the King and brought him to some reasonable conditions of peace But there wanted intercessours to deale betwixt them partly because all were ingaged to the one or other side partly for that they beleeved that he still persisted in his former opinion of distrust and indignation and so nothing was done therein by any Others interpret it to have bin cowardize or faint heartednesse and lack of courage for their words import so much a fault that was incident to few of that stock and we never finde it imputed to any of them against England or against any other private enemie neither to this man elsewhere but only at this time And we heard how after the killing of his brother his courage is commended together with his piety The reason of it hath been this then while his anger was recent and green against the authors thereof he could have done any thing to have been avenged now time having taken away the edge of that disposition when he considered it was his King he had to do with whose hand the Courtiers his enemies had onely borrowed his naturall affection and regard of a subject toward his Prince was returned and by peece-meal had taken possession of his heart again as the own proper lodging where it had been harboured ever before Certainly this refusall to fight now and his former rejecting the King of Englands disloyall conditions of help have proceeded from one and the same disposition of minde Wherefore seeing that ought highly to be praised I see not how this can be condemned at least how they can condemn it that do so highly respect that high place of Kings
The word also will import not altogether flat cowardise but a natural sluggishnesse want of action whereof cowardise is sometimes the cause but not alway though they concurre often But there is another affection that makes men slack in action which proceeds not either of sluggishnesse or cowardise but of irresolution when a man swiming betwixt two opinions resolves not fully upon either and this seemes to have beene his disposition A great impediment in his actions and at least in this last point of such importance the cause of his ruine while neither his heart could suffer him to betake himself against his Prince whom naturally he affected neither could he digest to forget the fact done or after it to commit himself to the doer Which disposition though it have brought out the like effects as cowardlinesse and sluggishnesse are wont to do to wit lingring and eschewing of the battell yet this did not proceed in him from either of these two but had the originall from a very honest minde to his dutie His love to his Prince strove and fought with another dutie which was his love to his dead brother or to his owne honour Out of which whileas he either cannot or occasion is not offered to extricate himselfe and winde out a full resolution he suffered himselfe to be carried unto that which he was most inclined to his love to his Prince and thereby he slipt and let slide through his fingers as it were this faire occasion which was then offered unto him of no lesse in the judgement of his friends then the casting the dice for the Crown And so James Hamilton told him that the occasion was such that if he did not lay hold of it he should never finde the like again he told him withall that his want of resolution would be his overthrow as it was indeed For James Hammiltoun himselfe left him that same night and went to the King of whom hee was so honourably and well received that others thereby were encouraged to come in also Yet others write that he was committed to ward in Rosseline for a certaine season and afterward releeved at the entreatie of George Douglas Earle of Angus However by his information to the King of the estate of the Earle Douglas his Armie how forward they had beene to have fought and how discontented and discouraged they were with his lingring how the greatest motive that kept them with him was their doubting of pardon for their former offences the King caused make a Proclamation that whosoever would come unto him and forsake the Earle Douglas should have free remission for all that was past providing they came within 48. houres This being published the most part of the Earls Armie left him so that there remained not ere the next morning with him above 2000. men whereby he was constrained to leave the fields and his friends and servants that were in Abercorne to be cruelly slaine and executed for the Castle was taken by force and demolished to his no small reproach in that he was so irresolute and had not by some meane or other procured at least some honest composition for himselfe and them or else to have adventured all Where if he would not have taken the Kingdome in case of victorie yet might he honourably have set downe conditions of peace or if he had lost the field he could not have lost more then he did for by these meanes abandoned of all he was constrained to flee unto England In the yeare 1455. having gotten together a small company of men he returned into Annandale thinking to have found some friends in those quarters which were his own lands before but there he was encountred by the Kings followers especially by his own kinsman but the Kings Cousin George E. of Angus as some write who defeated him His brother the Earle of Murray was slain in the field and his other brother the Earle of Ormond was hurt and taken prisoner after his wounds were cured being brought to the King he was executed with greater regard to this last action then respect to his victory obtained not far from the same place at Sark against the English Magnus with the red main their insolent Champion which was so greatly praised by the King before and so acceptable to all Court and Countrey Such is the course and vicissitude of all humane affaires We heare of one onely sonne of Ormonds named Hugh Dean of Brichen of whom we shall speake somewhat hereafter in the life of Archbald Earle of Angus who was Chancellour of Scotland His takers were the Lord Carlile and Johnston of Johnston to whom the King gave in recompence the 40. l. land in Pittinen upon Clide to each of them a 20. l. land thereof The third brother John Lord of Balvenie escaped in a wood and the Earle himself by flight got him to Dunstaffage where finding Donald Earle of Rosse and Lord of the Isles he incited him to make war against the King in his favours and after he had ingaged him therein he withdrew himselfe again into England This is noted to have beene in the yeare 1455. after which there was a Parliament called about the fifth of June or August as the Acts beare wherein he and his brother John and his wife Beatrix were againe forfeited and their lands of Galloway annexed to the Crowne This Beatrix who had beene his Brothers wife and whom he had used and kept for his owne wife for certaine yeares came to the King and excused her selfe as being a woman and compelled to doe what she had done The King received her into favour and married her to John Stuart his halfe brother by the mother and gave her the lands of Balvenie This John was afterward made Earle of Athole in King James the thirds time he had by Beatrix two daughters onely the eldest of which was married to the Earle of Errole This is cast in by some in the next yeare following The Earl Douglas abandoned on all hands travelled with Donald of the Isles Earle of Rosse conforme to their old band made with Earle William to assist him and renew his claim to the Isles Hereupon Donald wasted Argyle Arran Loquhaber and Murray took the Castle of Inner-Nesse burnt the towne and proclaimed himselfe King of the Isles but his wife who was daughter to James Levingston and had beene given to him in marriage at the Kings desire of purpose to retain him the better in duty when she saw she could neither prevaile with him in that point and that besides she was but contemned by him and the barbarous people that were with him she left him and came to the King who received her very gladly About this same time Patrick Thornton a secret favourer of the Earle Douglas his faction though he had followed the Court a long time slew John Sandilands of Calder the Kings Cousin and Alane Stuart also upon occasion at Dumbartan These two were of the Kings side