Gentlemen with a number of old Captaines of warre who often made sallies forth upon the enemies as wee shall speake of hereafter which was not done without slaying many as well on the one side as the other For the most part all our wounded people dyed and it was thought the medicaments wherewith they were dressed were poysoned which caused Monsieur de Guise and other Princes to send to the King for mee and that hee would send me with Drogues to them for they beleeved theirs were poysoned seeing that of their hurt people few escaped I doe not beleeve there was any poyson but the great stroakes of the Cutlasses Musket shot and the extremity of cold were the cause The King caused one to write to Monsieur the Marshall of S. Andrew which was his Lievtenant at Verdun that hee found some meanes to make me enter into Mets. The said Lord Marshall of S. Andrew and Monsieur the Marshall of old Ville got an Italian Captaine who promised them to make me enter in which he did and for which hee had fifteene hundred Crownes the King having heard of the promise which the Italian Captaine had made sent for mee and commanded me to take of his Apothecary named Daigue such and as many Drogues as I should thinke fit for the hurt who were beseiged which I did as much as a post-horse could carry The King gave me charge to speake to Monsieur de Guise and to the Princes and Captaines who were at Mets. Being arrived at Verdun a few dayes after Monsieur the Marshall of S. Andrew caused horses to be given to mee and my man and for the Italian who spake very good high Dutch Spanish and Walon with his owne naturall tonguâ— When we were within eight or tenne Leagues of Mets wee went not but in the night and being neare the Campe I saw a league and a halfe off bright fires round about the Citty which seemed as if all the earth were on fire and I thought wee could never passe through those fires without being discovered and by consequent be hanged and strangled or cut in peeces or pay a great ransome To speake truth I wished my selfe at Paris for the eminent danger which I foresaw God guided so well our affaires that wee entred into the Citty at midnight with a certaine Token which the Captaine had with another Captaine of the company of Monsieur de Guise which Lord I went to and found him in bed who received me with great thankes being joyfull of my comming I did my message to him of all that the King had commanded me to say to him I told him I had a little letter to give him and that the next day I would not faile to deliver it him That done he commanded mee a good lodging and that I should be well used and bid mee I should not faile to be the next day upon the Breach where I should meete with all the Princes and divers Captaines which I did who receaved me with great joy who did mee the honour to imbrace me and tell me I was very welcome adding withall they did not feare to dye if they should chance to be hurt Monsieur de La Roch upon Yon was the first that feasted me and inquired of me what they sayd at the Court concerning the Citty of Mets I told him what I thought good Then presently he desired mee to goe see one of his Gentlemen named Monsieur de Magnane at this present Knight of the Kings order and Lievtenant of his Majesties Guard who had his Leg broken by a Cannon shot I found him in his bed his Leg bended and crooked without any dressing upon it because a Gentleman promised him cure having his name and his girdle with certaine words The poore Gentleman wept and cryed with paine which he felt not sleeping either night or day in foure dayes then I mock't at this imposture and false promise Presently I did so nimbly restore and dresse his Legge that he was without paine and slept all night and since thanks be to God was cured and is yet at this present living doing service to the King The said Lord of the Roch upon Yon sent me a Tunne of wine to my lodging and bid tell me when it was dronken hee would send mee another That done Monsieur de Guise gave me a list of certaine Captaines and Lords and commanded me to tell them what the King had given me in charge which I did which was to doe his commendations and a thanksgivng for the duty they had done and did in the keeping of the Citty of Mets and that he would acknowledge it I was more than eight daies in acquitting my charge because they were many first to the Princes and others as the Duke of Horace the Count of Martigues and his brother Monsieur de Bauge the Lords Montmorancy and d'Anville then Marshall of France Monsieur de La Chapel Bonnivet Caroug now Governour of Rohan the Vidasme of Chartres the Count of Lude Monsieur de Biron now Marshall of France Monsieur de Randan the Rochfoucaut Boxdaille d'Etrez the yonger Monsieur de S. Iohn in Dolphiny many others which it would bee too long to recite and chiefely to divers Captaines who had very well done their duty in defence of their lives and Citty I demanded afterwards of Monsieur de Guise what it pleased I should doe with the Drogues which I had brought he bid me impart them to the Chirurgions and Apothecaries and chiefely to the poore hurt Souldiers in the Hospitall which were in great number which I did and can assure you I could not doe so much as goe see them but they sent for mee to visit and dresse them All the beseiged Lords prayed mee carefully to sollicite above all others Monsieur de Pienne who was hurt at the breach by a stone raised by a Cannon shot in the Temple with a fracture and depression of the bone They told mee that presently when hee received the stroake hee fell to the earth as dead and cast blood out of his mouth nose and eares with great vomitings and was foureteene dayes without speaking one word or having any reason there happened to him also startings somewhat like Convulsions and had all his face swell'd and livid Hee was trepan'd on the side of the temporll muscle upon the Os Coronale I drest him with other Chirurgions and God cured him and is at this day living God be thanked The Emperour caused battery to be made with forty double Cannons where they spared no pouder night nor day Presently when Monsieur de Guise saw the Artillery seated to make a breach hee made the nearest houses to be pulled downe to make Ramparts and the posts and beames were ranged end to end and betweene two clods of earth beds and packs of wooll and then other posts and beames were put againe upon them as before Now much wood of the houses of the suburbs
peeces of battery whereof the greatest part was flawed and broken I came backe also by Theroüenne where I did not see so much as stone upon stone unlesse the marke of a great Church For the Emperour gave commandement to the country people within five or six leagues about that they should empty and carry away the stones in so much that now one may drive a Cart over the Citty as is likewise done at Hedin without any appearance of Castle or Fortresse See then the mischeefe which comes by the warres And to returne to my purpose presently after my said Lord Vaudeville was very well of his Vlcer and little wanted of the entire cure which was the cause hee gave me my leave and made me be conducted with a Passeport by a Trumpet to Abbeville where I tooke post and went and found the King Henry my Master at Auâ—imon who received me with joy and a good countenance He sent for the Duke of Guise the high Constable of France and Monsieur d'Estrez to understand by me what had past at the taking of Hedin and I made them a faithfull report and assured them I had seene the great peeces of Battery which they had carried to S. Omer Whereof the King was very joyfull because hee feared least the enemy should come further into France He gave me two hundred Crownes to retire my selfe to my owne house and I was very glad to bee in liberty and out of this great torment and noise of Thunder from the Diabolicke artillery and farre from the Souldiers blasphemers and deniers of God I will not omit to tell here that after the taking of Hedin the king was advertised that I was not slaine but that I was a prisoner which his Majestie caused to be written to my wife by Monsieur du Goguier his cheefe Physition and that shee should not be in any trouble of mind for me for that I was safe and well and that he would pay my ransome The Battell of S. Quintin 1557. AFter the battell of S. Quintin the King sent me to the Fere in Tartemis toward Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon to have a Passeport by the Duke of Savoy to goe to dresse Monsieur the Constable who was grievously hurt with a Pistollshot in the backe whereof hee was like to dye and remained a prisoner in his enemies hands But the Duke of Savoy would never give consent that I should goe to the said Lord Constable saying hee should not remaine without a Chirurgion and that he doubted I was not sent onely to dresse him but to give him some advertisement and that he knew I understood something else besides Chirurgery and that he knew me to have beene his prisoner at Hedin Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon advertized the King of the Dukes deniall by which meanes the King writ to the said Lord of Bourdillon that if my Lady the Lord high Constables wife did send any body of her house which was an able man that I should give him a letter and that I should also have told him by word of mouth what the King and Monsieur the Cardinall of Lorraine had given me in charge Two dayes after there arrives a servant of the Lord Constables Chamber who brought him shirts and other linnen for which the sayd Lord Marshall gave Passe-port to goe to the sayd Lord Constable I was very glad thereof and gave him my letter and gave him his lesson of that which his Master should doe being prisoner I had thought being discharged of my embassage to returne toward the King But the sayd Lord of Bourdillon pray'd me to stay with him at the Fere to dresse a great number of people who were hurt and were thither retired after the battell and that he would send word to the King the cause of my stay which I did The wounds of the hurt people were greatly stinâ—king and full of wormes with Gangreene and putrifaction so that I was constrayned to come to my knife to amputate that which was spoyld which was not without cutting off armes and legges as also to Trepan diverse Now there were not any medicines to be had at the Fâ—re because the Chirurgions of our Campe had carried all with them I found out that the Chariot of the Artillery tarried behind at the Fere nor had it yet beene touched I prayd the sayd Lord Marshall that he would cause some of the drogues to be delivered unto me which were in it which he did and there was given to me one halfe onely at a time and five or sixe dayes after I way constrayned to take therest neither was there halfe enough to dresse so great a number of the people and to correct and stay the putrifaction and to kill the wormes which were entred into their wounds I washed them with Aeyptiacum dissolved in wine and Aqua vitae and did for them all which I could possible yet notwithstanding all my diligence very many of them dyed There were Gentlemen at the Fere who had charge to finde out the dead body of Monsieur de Bois-Dolphin the elder who had beene slaine in the battell they prayed me to accompany them to the Campe to finde him out amongst the dead if it were possible which indeed was impossible seeing that the bodyes were all disfavoured and overwhelmed with putrefaction We saw more than halfe a league about us the earth covered with dead bodyes neither could we abide long there for the cadaverous sents which did arise from the dead bodyes aswell of men as of horses And I thinke we were the cause that so great a number of flyes rose from the dead bodees which were procreated by their humidity and the heate of the Sunne having their tayles greene and blew that being up in the ayre made a shaddow in the Sunne We heard them buzze or humme which was much mervaile to us And I thinke it was enough to cause the Plague where they alighted My little master I would you had beene there as I was to distinguish the ordures and also to make report to them which were never there Now being cloyed and annoyed in that Countrey I prayd Monsieur the Lord Marshall to give me my leave to be gone and that I was affrayd I should be sicke by reason of my too great paines and the stinckes which did arise from the wounded bodyes which did almost all dye for what diligence soever was used unto them He made other Chirurgions to come finish the dressing of the sayd hurt people and I went away with his good grace and favour He wrote a letter to the King of the paines I had taken with the poore wounded Then I returned to Paris where I found yet many Gentlemen who had beene hurt and were there retired after the battell The Voyage of the Campe of Amiens 1558. THe King sent me to Dourlan and made me to be conducted by Captaine Govasâ— with fifty men in armes for feare I should be taken by the enemies And
of the hippe which fractured and broke the Os femoris in divers places from whence divers accidents did arise and then death which was to my great greefe The day after my arrivall I would goe to the field where the battell was given to see the dead bodyes I saw a league about all the earth covered where there was by estimation five and twenty thousand men or more All which were dispatcht in the space of two houres I would my little master for the love I beare you that you had beene there to recount it to your schollers and to your children Now in the meane time while I was at Dreux I visited and drest a great number of gentlemen and poore Souldiers amongst the rest many Swisser Captaines I dressed 14 in one chamber onely all hurt with Pistoll shot and other instruments of Diabolicall fire and not one of the foureteene dyed Monsieur the Count of E◠being dead I made no long tarrying at Dreux there came Chirurgions from Paris who performed well their duty toward the hurt people as Pigray Cointeret Hubert and others and I returned to Paris where I found diverse gentlemen wounded who had retired themselves thither after the battell to be drest of their hurts The Voyage of the battell of Moncontor 1569. DVring the battell of Moncontour King Charles was at Plessei the Towers where he neard they had wonne it a great number of hurt gentlemen and Souldiers with drew themselves into the Citty and suburbes of Towers to be drest and help◠where the King and Queene Mother commanded me to shew my duty with the other Chirurgions who were then in quarter as Pigray du Bois Portail and one named Siret a Chirurgion of Towers a man very skilfull in Chirurgery and at that time Chirurgion to the Kings brother and for the multitude of the wounded wee were but little in repose nor the Physitions likewise Count Mansfield Governer of the Duchy of Luxembourge Knight of the King of Spaines order was greatly hurt in the battell in the left arme with a Pistoll shot which broke a great part of the joynt of the elbow and had retired himselfe to Bourgueil neere Towers being there he sent a gentlemen to the King affectionately to beseech him to send one of his Chirurgions to helpe him in his hurt Counsell was held what Chirurgion should be sent Monsieur the Marshall of Montmorency told the King and the Queene that it were best to send him his cheefe Chirurgion and declared to them that the sayd Lord Mansfield was one part of the cause of winning the battell The King sayd flat he would not that I should goe but would have me remaine close to him Then the Queene Mother sayd I should but goe and come and that he must consider it was a strange Lord who was come from the King of Spaines side to help and succour him And upon this he permitted me to goe provided that I should returne quickly After this resolution he sent for me and likewise the Queene Mother and commanded me to goe finde the sayd Lord Mansfield in the place where I was to serve him in all I could for the cure of his hurt I went and found him having with me a letter from their Majesties having seene it he received me with a good will and from thenceforth discharged three other Chirurgions that drest him which was to my great greefe because his hurt seemed to me uncureable Now at Bourgueil there were retired divers gentlmen who had beene hurt at the sayd battell knowing that Mounsieur de Guise was there who had beene also very much hurt with a Pistoll shot through one legge well assured that he would have good Chirurgions to dresse him and also that hee being kind and liberall would assist them with a great part of their necessities And for my part I did helpe and ayd them in my Art as much as it was possible some dyed some recovered according to their hurts The Count Ringrave died who had such a shot in the shoulder as the King of Navarro before Roüen Monsieure de Bassompiere Colonell of twelve hundred horse was hurt also in such a like place as Count Mansfield whom I drest and God cured God so well blessed my worke that within three weekes I led him back to Paris where I must yet make some incisions in the arme of the sayd Lord Mansfield to draw out the bones which were greatly broken and caries'd he was cured by the grace of God and gave me an honest reward so that I was well contented with him and he with me as he hath since made it appeare he writ a letter to the Duke of Ascot how that he was cured of his hurt and also Monsieur de Bassompiere of his and divers others which I had dress'◠after the battell of Montcontour and counselled him to beseech the King of France my good master to give me leave to goe see Monsieur the Marquesse of Auret his brother Voyage of Flanders MOnsieur the Duke of Ascot did not faile to send a Gentleman to the King with a letter humbly to beseech him to doe him so much good and honour as to permit and command his cheefe Chirurgion to come see the Marquesse of Auret his brother who had received a Musket shot neare the knee with fracture of the bone about seaven monthes since with the Physitions and Chirurgions in those parts were much troubled to cure The King sent for me and commanded me to goe see the said Lord Auret and to helpe him in all that I could for the cure of his hurt I told him I would imploy all that little knowledge which it had pleased God to give me I went then conducted by two Gentlemen to the Castle of Auret which is a league and a halfe from Mounts in Hainaut where the said Marquesse was as soone as I arrived I visited him and told him the King had commanded me to come see him and to dresse him of his hurt he told me he was glad of my comming and was much bound to the King to have done him the honour to have sent me to him I found him in a great Feaver his eyes very much sunke with a countenance gastly and yellow his tongue drie and rough and all the body emaciated and leane his speech low like that of a dying man then I found his thigh much swelled apostemated ulcerated and casting out a greene stinking matter I searcht it with a silver probe and by the same I found a cavity neare the groyne ending in the middle of the thigh and others about the knee sauious and cuniculous also certaine scales of bones some separated others not The Legge was much tumified and soaked with a pituitous humor cold moist and flatulent in so much that the naturall heate was in the way to be suffocated and extinguished and the said Legge crooked and retracted toward the buttockes his rumpe ulcerated the breadth of the palme
of the blood descends under the Diaphragme and on the left side is conjoyned to the emulgent veine which is the way by which the matter in pleuresies and in Empiema doe manifestly empty themselves by urine and stoole As it is likewise seene the pure milke of the brests of women newly brought to bed to descend by the Mammillary Veines and to be evacuated downewards by the necke of the wombe without being mixt with the blood And such a thing is done as it were by a miracle of nature by her expulsive and sequesting vertue which is seene by experience of two glasse vessells called Mount-wine let the one be filled with water and the other with Claret wine and let them be put the one upon the other that is to say that which shall bee filled with water upon that which shall be filled with wine and you shall apparently see the wine mount up to the top of the vessell quite through the water and the water descend atraverse the wine and goe to the bottome of the vessell without mixture of both and if such a thing be done so exteriorly and openly to the sense of our eye by things without life you must beleeve the same in our understanding That nature can make matter and blood to passe having beene out of their vessells yea through the bones without being mingled with the good blood Our discourse ended I embalmed the body and put it into a Coffinne after that the Emperors Chirurgion tooke me apart and told me if I would remaine with him that he would use me very well and that he would cloath me anew also that I should ride on horsebacke I thanked him very kindly for the honour he did me and told him that I had no desire to doe service to strangers and enemies to my Countrey then he told mee I was a foole and if he were prisoner as I hee would serve the divell to get his liberty In the end I told him flat that I would not dwell at all with him The Emperors Physition returned toward the sayd Lord of Savoy where he declared the cause of the death of the sayd Lord of Martigues and told him that it was impossible for all the men in the would to have cured him and confirmed againe that I had done what was necessary to be done and prayed him to winne mee to his service and spoke better of me than I deserved Having beene perswaded to take me to his service he gave charge to one of his stewards named Monfieur du Bouchet to tell me if I would dwell in his service that he would use me kindly I answered him that I thank't him most humbly and that I had resolved not to dwell with any stranger This my answer being heard by the Duke of Savoy he was somewhat in choller and sayd hee would send mee to the Gallies Monsieur de Vandeville Governour of Gravelin and Colonell of seaventeene Ensignes of foote prayed him to give me to him to dresse him of an Vlcer which he had in his Leg this six or seaven yeares Monsieur de Savoy told him because I was of worth that he was content and if I ranckled his Leg it would be â—ell done Hee answered that if hee perceaved any thing that hee would cause my throate to be cut Soone after the said Lord of Vaudeville sent for me by fowre Germane Halberdiers which affrighted me much not knowing whither they led mee they spake no more French than I high Dutch being arrived at his lodging he told mee I was welcome and that I was his and as soone as I should have cured him of that Vlcer in his Leg that he would give me leave to be gone without taking any ransome of me I told him I was not able to pay any ransome Then he made his Physition and Chirurgions in ordinary to shew mee his ulcerated Leg having seene and considered it we went apart into a Chamber where I began to tell them that the said Vlcer was annuall not being simple but complicated that is to say of a round figure and scaly having the lips hard and callous hollow and sordid accompanied with a great varicous veine which did perpetually feede it besides a great tumor and a phlegmonous distemper very painefull through the whole Leg in a body of cholericke complexion as the haire of his face and beard demonstrated The method to cure it if cured it could be was to begin with universall things that is with purgation and bleeding and with this order of dyet that hee should not use any wine at all nor any salt meates or of great nourishment chiefely these which did heat the blood afterward the cure must begun with making divers scarifications about the Vlcer and totally cutting away the callous edges or lips and giving a long or a triangular figure for the round will very hardly cure as the Ancients have left it in writing which is seene by experience That done the filth must be mundified as also the corrupted flesh which should be done with Vnguentum Aegyptiacum and upon it a bolster dipt in juice of Plantaine and Nightshade and Oxycrate and roule the Leg beginning at the foote and finishing at the knee not forgetting a little bolster upon the Varicous veine to the end no superfluities should flow to the Vlcer Moreover that he should take rest in his bed which is commanded by Hippocrates who saith that those who have soare Legs should not use much standing or sitting but lying along And after these things done and the Vlcer well mundified a plate of Lead rubbed with quickesilver should be applyed See then the meanes by which the said Lord Vaudeville might be cured of the said Vlcer all which they found good Then the Physition left mee with the Chirurgion and went to the Lord Vaudeville to tell him that he did assure him I would cure him and told him all that I had resolved to doe for the cure of his Vlcer whereof hee was very joyfull He made mee to bee called to him and asked me if I was of the opinion that his Vlcer could be cured and I told him yes provided he would be obedient to doe what he ought He made me a promise hee would performe all things which I would appoint and as soone as his Vlcer should be cured he would give me liberty to returne without paying any ransome Then I beseech't him to come to a better composition with me telling him that the time would be too long to bee in liberty if I stayd till hee was perfectly well and that I hoped within fifteene dayes the Vlcer should bee diminished more than one halfe and it should bee without paine and that his Physitions and Chirurgions would finish the rest of the cure very easily To which hee agreed and then I tooke a peece of paper and cut it the largenesse of the Vlcer which I gave him and kept as much my selfe I prayd him to keepe promise when he should
inspiration But the first of the other muscles being as many in number which contract the Chest in expiration arising from the holy-bone and the oblique processes of the loines ascends firmely and confusedly adhering with the Musculus sacer or holy-muscle which we shall describe hereafter to the roots of the twelve ribbes imparting in the ascent a small tendon to each of them by which it drawes these ribbs towards the transverse processes and by reason of its Originall it is called Sacrolumbus that is the Holy loine-muscle The second third and fourth which we said were the oblique descendent right and transverse of the Epigrastium have beene formerly described in their place But by the way you must note that these three muscles of the Epigastrium helpe expiration rather by accident than of themselves to wit by driving backe the midriffe towards the lungs by the entrailes which also they force upwards by drawing the parts into which they are inserted towards their Originall The fifth which we called the Triangulus or Triangular may be called the Compressor of the gristles which proceeding from the inner sides of the Sternon goes to all the gristles of the true ribbes this is more apparent under the Sternon in beasts than in men though it be not very obscure in them neither For the internall Intercostall muscles in my judgement they arise from the lower sides of the upper ribbe and descending obliquely from the fore part backwards are inserted into the upper side of the ribbe next under it so that they may follow the production of the fibers of the externall Intercartilaginei as the sixe internall Intercartilaginei follow the site of the externall Intercostall proceeding from behinde forwards wherefore as well the Intercostall as the Intercartilaginei every where intersect each other after the similitude of the letter X. I know some have written that the internall muscles whether intercostall or Intercartalaginei ascend from the upper sides of the lower ribbe forwards or backwards But if this were true it would follow that these muscles admitted their nerves in their taile and not in their head seeing the nerve alwayes goes under the ribbe and not above it The last muscle of the Chest that is the Diaphragma or Midriffe is sufficiently described before wherefore it remaines wee describe the muscles of the Loines These are sixe in number on each side three equall in thicknesse strength and situation one of these bends and the other two extend the Loines it is called by reason of the figure the Triangulus or Triangular which bends the Loines it ascends from a great part of the hinde side of the Hanch-bone into the transverse processes of the Loines and the last of the Chest on the inside for which cause it is made of fibers short long and indifferent answering to the nearenesse or distance of the said processes The first of the extenders is called the Semispinatus because even to the middle of its body it takes the originall from the spines of the holy-bones and Loines this with its oblique fibers ascends from all the said spines to the transverse processes as well of the Loines as Chest The other is called Sacer the Holy-muscle because it takes its originall from the Holy-bone or the sides thereof it ascends with its oblique fibers to the spines of the Loines and of the eleaven lower Rack-bones of the Chest CHAP. XIX Of the Muscles of the Shoulder-blade NOw we must describe the muscles of the extreme parts and first of the Arme taking our beginning from these of the Shoulder-blade But first that we may the better understand their description we must observe the nature and condition of the shoulder-blade Therefore the blade bone on that part which lies next unto the ribbs is somewhat hollowed wherefore on the other side it some what buncles out It hath two ribbs one above another below by the upper is ment nothing else than a border or right line which looking towards the temples is extended from the exterior angle thereof under the collar-bone even to the Processe Coracoides which this ribbe produces in the end thereof By the lower the underside which lies towards the lower belly and the short ribbs Besides in this shoulder-blade we observe the basis head and spine By the basts we understand the broader part of the shoulder-blade which lookes towards the backe-bone By the head we understand the narrower part thereof in which it receives the head of the Arme in a cavity indifferently hollow which it produces both by it selfe as also by certaine gristles which there fastened encompasse that cavity This kinde of cavity is called Glene This receives and containes the bone of the arme by a certaine strong ligament encompassing strengthening the joynt which kind of ligament is common to all other joints this ligament arises from the bottome of the cavity of the shoulder-blade and circularly encompasses the whole joynt fastening it selfe to the head of the arme there are also other ligaments besides this which encompasse strengthen this articulation By the spine is ment a processe which rising by little and little upon the gibbous part of the blade from the basis thereof where it was low and deprest becomes higher untill it ends in the Acromion or upper part thereof Nature hath made two productions in this bone that is to say the Acromion from the spine and the Coracoides from the upper side for the strengthening of the articulation of the arme and shoulder-blade that is left the arme should be easily strained upward or forwards besides it is fastened to the clavicle by the processe Acromion The muscles which move the shoulder-blade are sixe in number of which foure are proper and two common The first of the foure proper seated in the forepart ascends from the bones of five or sixe of the upper ribbs to the Coracoides which it drawes forwards and is called Serratus minor that is the Lesser saw-muscle which that you may plainely shew it is fit you pull the pectorall muscle from the collar-bone almost to the middle of the Sternon The other first opposite against it is placed on the fore side and drawes its originall from the three lower spines of the necke and the three upper of the Chest from whence it extends it selfe and ends into all the gristly basis of the shoulder-blade drawing it backwards it is called the Rhomboides The third from its action is called the Levator or the heaver or lifter up seated in the upper part it descends from the transverse processes of the foure first Vertebrae of the necke into the upper angle and spine of the blade The fourth called Trapezius or the Table-muscle is seated in the backe part and is membranous at the originall but presently becoms fleshy it arises from almost all the backe-part of the head from all the spines of the
were falsly suspected guilty of the same crime by the Kings Army when as they perceived all the Chirurgions labour in curing the wounds made by the Bullets shot from Rouën to be frustrated by their contumacy and maligne nature each side judging of the magnitude and malignitie of the cause from the unhappy successe of the effect in curing Even as amongst Physitions according to Hippocrates all diseases are termed pestilent which arising from whatsoever common cause kill many people so also wounds made by Gunshot may in some respect be called pestilent for that they are more refractory and difficult to cure than others and not because they partake of any poysonous qualitie but by default of some common cause as the ill complexions of the patients the infection of the aire and the corruption of meats and drinkes For by these causes wounds acquire an evill nature and become lesse yeelding to medicines Now we have by these reasons convinced of errour that opinion which held wounds made by Gunshot for poisonous let us now come to overthrow that which is held concerning their combustion First it can scarce be understood how bullets which are commonly made of Lead can attaine to such heate but that they must be melted and yet they are so far from melting that being shot out of a Musket they will peirce through an armour and the whole body besides yet remaine whole or but a little diminisht Besides also if you shoote them against a stone wall you may presently take them up in your hand without any harme and also without any manifest sence of heate though their heate by the striking upon the stone should bee rather encreased if they had any Furthermore a Bullet shot into a barrell of Gunpouder would presently set it all on fire if the Bullet should acquire such heate by the shooting but it is not so For if at any time the pouder be fired by such an accident wee must not imagine that it is done by the bullet bringing fire with it but by the striking and collision thereof against some Iron or stone that opposes or meets therewith whence sparkes of fire procceding as from a flint the pouder is fired in a moment The like opinion wee have of thatched houses for they are not fiered by the bullet which is shot but rather by some other thing as linnen ragges browne paper and the like which rogues and wicked persons fasten to their Bullets There is another thing which more confirmes mee in this opinion which is take a bullet of Waxe and keepe it from the fire for otherwise it would melt and shoote it against an inch board and it will goe through it whereby you may understand that Bullets cannot become so hot by shooting to burne like a cautery But the Orifices may some say of such wounds are alwayes blacke This indeede is true but it is not from the effect of heate brought thither by the Bullet but the force of the contusion Now the contusion is exceeding great both because the Bullet is round and enters the body with incredible violence Of which those that are wounded will give you sufficient testimony for there is none of them which thinkes not presently upon the blow that as it were some post or thing of the like weight falls upon the affected member whence great paine and stupiditie possesse the part whereby the native heare and spirits are so much dissipated that a Gangreen may follow But for the Eschar which they affirme is made by the blow and falls away afterwards they are much mistaken For certaine particles of the membranes and flesh contused and torne by the violence of the Bullet beguiles them which presently putrifying are severed from the sound parts by the power of nature and the separating heate which thing usually happens in all great Contusions But for all that these so many and weighty reasons may free the Pouder from all suspition of Poison and the Bullet from all thought of burning yet there are many who insisting upon Philosophicall arguments raise new stirrs For say they the discharging a peice of Ordinance is absolutely like Thunder and Lightning which the rent and torne clouds cast from the middle region upon the earth wherefore the Iron bullet which is shot out of the Cannon must needs have a venenate and burning faculty I am not ignorant that Lightnings generated of a grosse and viscous exhalation breaking the cloud wherewith it is encompassed never falls upon the earth but brings fire with it one while more subtile another while more gresse according to the various condition of the matter whence the exhalation hath arisen For Seneca writes that there are three severall kinds of Lightning differing in burning condition and plenty One of them penetrates or rather perforates by the tenuity of the matter of the objects which it touches The other with a violent impetuosity breakes insunder and dissipates the objects by reason it hath a more dense compact and forcible matter like as Whirlewinds have The third for that it consists of a more terrestriall matter burnes what it touches leaving behind it the impression of the burning Also I know that Lightning is of a pestilent and stinking nature occasioned by the grossenesse and viscidity of the matter whereof it is which matter taking fire sends forth so lothsome and odious a smell that the very wilde-beasts cannot endure it but leave their Dennes if they chance to be touched with such a lightening Besides also we have read in the northerne history of Olaus Magnus that in some places after a Lightning you shall finde a whole plaine spred over with Brimstone which Brimstone notwithstanding is extinguished unprofitable of no efficacie But grant these things be thus yet must we not therefore conclude that the Bullets of the great Ordinance carry poyson and fire with them into the wounds For though there be many things like in Lightning and discharging great Ordinance yet they have no similitude either in matter or substance but onely in effects whereby they shake breake insunder and disperse the bodies which withstand them For Lightning and Thunder doe it by meanes of fire and oft times of a stone generated in them which is therefore tearmed a Thunderbolt But Ordinance by the bullet carried by the force of the aire more violently driving and forcing it forwards Neither if any should by more powerfull arguments force me to yeeld that the matter of Lightning and shooting of Ordinance are like yet will I not therefore be forced to confesse that wounds made by Gunshot are combust For according to Pliny there are some Lightnings which consisting of a most dry matter doe shatter in sunder all that withstands them but doe not burne at all others which are of somewhat a more humid nature burne no more than the former but onely blacke such things as they touch Lastly othersome of a more subtile and tenuous matter whose
white and become smooth or plaine For so their eating and spreading force will at length be bridled and laudible flesh grow up in place of that which is eaten After such burning it will be good to wash the mouth with the following gargarisme which also of its selfe alone will serve to cure Aphtha's which are not maligne â„ž hordei integri p. j. plantag ceterach pilosellae agrimonia an M. j. fiat decoctio ad lb. j. in qua dissolve mellis rosati â„¥ j. diamoron â„¥ ss fiat gargarisma You may also make other gargles of Pomegranate pills Balausties Sumach Berberies red roses being boyled and dissolving in the strayned liquor Diamoroâ— and Dianucum with a little Alume For Galen writes that simple Vlcers of the mouth are healed with things which dry with moderation now Diamoron and Dianucum are such But others stand in neede of strong medicines with such like If the palate be seazed upon we must use the more diligence and care for there is danger least being the part is hot and moyst the bone which lyes under which is rare and humide may bee corrupted by the contagion and fall away and the voyce or speech be spoyled If the Vlcer be pockie omitting the common remedyes of Vlcers you must speedily beâ—ake your selfe to the proper antidote of that disease to wit quick-silver Fistulous Vlcers often take hold on the Gummes whence the roote of the next tooth becomes rotten and so farre that the acrimonie of the Sanies oft times makes its selfe a passage forth on the outside under the chinne which thing puts many into a false conceite of the scrophulae or Kings evill and consequently of an uncurable disease In such a case Aetius and Celsus counsell is to take out the rotten tooth for so the Fistula will be taken away the Gum pressing and thrusting its selfe into the place of the tooth which was taken forth and so the cause nourishing the putrefaction being taken away that is the tooth the rest of the cure will be more easy The Vlcers of the tongue may be cured by the same remedies by which the rest of the mouth yet those which breede on the side thereof endure very long and you must looke whether or no there be not some sharpe tooth over against it which will not suffer the Vlcer in that place to heale which if there be then must you take it away with a file CHAP. XVI Of the Vlcers of the Eares VLcers are bred in the auditory passage both by an externall cause as a stroake or fall as also by an internall as an abscesse there generated They oft times flow with much matter not there generated for such Vlcers are usually but small and besides in a spermaticke part but for that the braine doth that way disburden its selfe For the cure the cheefe regard must be had of the antecedent cause which feedes the Vlcer and it must be diverted by purging medicines Masticatories and Errhines This is the forme of a Masticatory rum Mastic Ê’j staphisagr pyreth an ℈ j. cinam caryoph an Ê’ss fiant Masticatoria utatur manè vesperi But this is the forme of an Errhine rum succi betonic mercurial melissa an â„¥ ss vini albi â„¥ j misce frequenter naribus attrahatur For topicke medicines we must shunne all fatty and oyly things as Galen sets downe in Method medendi where he findes fault with a certaine follower of Thessalus who by using Tetrapharmacum made the Vlcer in the eare grow each day more filthy than other which Galen healed with the Trochisces of Andronius dissolved in Vinegar whose composure is as followeth rum balaust Ê’ij alumin. Ê’j atrament sutor Ê’ij myrrhae Ê’j thur aristoloch gallarum an Ê’ij salis Ammon Ê’j excipiantur omnia melicrato â—…t trochisci Galen in the same place witnesseth that he hath healed inveterate Vlcers and of two yeares old of this kind with the scailes of Iron made into powder and then boyled in sharpe Vinegar untill it acquired the consistence of Honey Moreover an Oxes gall dissolved in strong Vinegar and dropped in warme amends and dryes up the putrefaction wherewith these Vlcers flow Also the scailes of Iron made into powder boyled in sharpe Vinegar dryed and strewed upon them But if the straitnesse of the passages should not give leave to the matter contained in the windings of the eares to passe forth then must it bee drawne out with an Instrument thereupon called a Pyoulcos or matter-drawer whereof this is the figure The figure of a Pyoulcos or matter-drawer CHAP. XVII Of the Vlcers of the Windpipe Weason stomacke and Gutts THese parts are ulcerated either by an externall cause as an acride medicine or poyson swallowed downe or by an internall cause as a maligne fretting humor which may equall the force of poyson generated in the body and restrained in these parts If the paine be encreased by swallowing or breathing it is the signe of an Vlcer in the weazon or windepipe joyning thereto But the paine is most sensibly felt when as that which is swallowed is either soure or acride or the ayre breathed in is more hot or cold than ordinary But if the cause of paine lye fastened in the stomacke more greevous symptomes urge for sometimes they swound have a nauseous disposition and vomiting convulsions gnawings and paine almost intollerable and the coldnesse of the extreame parts all which when present at once few scape unlesse such as are young and have very strong bodyes The same affect may befall the whole stomacke but because both for the bitternesse of paine and greatnesse of danger that Vlcer is farre more greevous which takes hold of the mouth of the Ventricle honoured by the Ancients with the name of the heart therefore Physitions doe not make so great a reckoning of that which happens in the lower part of the stomacke Now we know that the Guts are ulcerated if Pus or much purulent matter come forth by stoole if blood come that way with much griping for by the Pus staying and as it were gathered together in that place there is as it were a certaine continuall Tenesmus or desire to goe to stoole Now all such Vlcers are cured by meates and drinkes rather than by medicines according to Galen Therefore you must make choyse of all such meates and drinkes as are gentle and have a lenitive faculty shunning acride things for Tutia Lytharge Ceruse Verdigreece and the like have no place heere as they have in other Vlcers But when as the Vlcer shall be in the Gullet or Weazon you must have a care that such things may have some viscidity or toughnesse and be swallowed by little and little and at diverse times otherwise they will not mâ—â—h availe because they cannot make any stay in these commune wayes of breath and meat therefore they presently slip downe and flow away
but the other here delineated hath leaves like to sowes-bread or a cucumber and a root like the taile of a scorpion The figure of a certaine kind of Aconite Trees also are not without poyson as the Yew and Walnut tree may witnesse Cattell if they feede on the leaves of Yew are killed therewith But men if they sleepe under it or sit under the shadow thereof are hurt therewith and oft-times dye thereof But if they eat it they are taken with a bloudy fluxe and a coldnesse over all their bodyes and a kinde of strangling or stoppage of their breath All which things the Yew causeth not so much by an elementary and cold quality as by a certaine occult malignity whereby it corrupteth the humours and shaveth the guts The same things are good against this as we have set downe against Hemlock Nicander affirmes that good wine being drunken is a remedy thereto There is also malignity in a Wall-nut-tree which Grevinus affirmes that he found by experience whilest hee unawares sate under one slept there in the midst of Summer For waking he had a sense of cold over all his body a heavinesse of his head and paine that lasted sixe dayes The remedies are the same as against the Yew CHAP. XXXVI Of Bezoar and Bezoarticke medicines FOR that we have made mention of Bezoar in treating of the remedies of poysons I judge I shall not doe amisse if I shall explaine what the word meanes and the reason thereof Poyson absolutely taken is that which kils by a certaine specifick antipathy contrary to our nature So an Antidote or Counter-poyson is by the Arabians in their mother tongue termed Bedezahar as the preservers of life This word is unknowne to the Greekes and Latines and in use onely with the Arabians and Persians because the thing it selfe first came from them as it is plainely shewed by Garcias ab horto Physician to the Vice-Roy of the Indies in his history of the Spices and Simples of the East-Indies In Persia saith hee and a certaine part of India is a certaine kinde of Goate called Pazain wherefore in proper speaking the stone should bee termed Pazar of the word Pazain that signifies a Goate but wee corruptly terme it Bezar or Bezoar the colour of this beast is commonly reddish the height thereof indifferent in whose stomack concretes the stone called Bezoar it growes by little and little about a straw or some such like substance in scailes like to the scailes of an onion so that when as the first scaile is taken off the next appeares more smooth and shining as you still take them away the which amongst others is the signe of good Bezoar and not adulterate This stone is found in sundry shapes but commonly it resembles an Acorne or Date-stone it is sometimes of a sanguine colour and other-whiles of a hony-like or yellowish colour but most frequently of a blackish or dark greene resembling the colour of mad Apples or else of a Civet Cat. This stone hath no heart nor kernell in the midst but powder in the cavity thereof which is also of the same faculty Now this stone is light not very hard but so that it may easily be scraped or rasped like alabaster so that it will dissolve being long macerated in water at first it was common amongst us and of no very great price because our people who trafficked in Persia bought it at an easie rate But after that the faculties thereof were found out it began to bee more rare and deare and it was prohibited by an Edict from the King of the countrey that no body should sell a Goate to the stranger Merchants unlesse he first killed him and tooke forth the stone brought it to the King Of the notes by which this stone is tryed for there are many counterfeits brought hither the first is already declared the other is it may bee blowne up by the breath like an oxes hide for if the wind breake through and doe not stay in the density thereof it is accounted counterfeit They use it induced thereto by our example not onely against poysons but also against the bites of venemous beasts The richer sort of the Countrey purge twice a yeare to wit in March and September and then five daies together they take the powder of this stone macerated in Rose-water the weight of ten graines at a time for by this remedy they thinke their youth is preserved as also the strength of their members There be some who take the weight of thirty graines yet the more wary exceed not twelve grains The same author addeth that he useth it with very good successe in inveterate melancholy diseases as the itch scab tetters leprosie therefore by the same reason it may well be given against a quartaine feaver Besides hee affirmeth for certaine that the powder conteined in the midst of the stone put upon the bites of venemous beasts presently freeth the patient from the danger of the poyson as also applied to pestilent Carbuncles when they are opened it drawes forth the venome But because the small pocks and meazles are familiar in the Indies and oft-times dangerous it is there given with good successe two graines each day in Rose-water Mathiolus subscribeth to this opinion of Garcias witnessing that hee hath found it by frequent experience that this stone by much exceeds not only other simple medicines of this kind but also such as are termed theriacalia and what other Antidotes soever Hereto also consents Abdalanarach Wee saith he have seene the stone which they call Bezahar with the sonnes of Almirama the observer of the Law of God with which stone hee bought a stately and almost princely house at Corduba Some yeares agoe a certaine Gentleman who had one of these stones which hee brought out of Spaine bragged before King Charles then being at Clermont in Auverne of the most certaine efficacie of this stone against all manner of poysons Then the King asked of mee whether there were any Antidote which was equally and in like maner prevalent against all poisons I answered that nature could not admit it for neither have all poysons the like effects neither doe they arise from one cause for some worke from an occult and specifick property of their whole nature others from some elementary quality which is predominant Wherefore each must be withstood with its proper and contrary Antidote as to the hot that which is cold and to that which assailes by an occult proprietie of forme another which by the same force may oppugne it and that it was an easie matter to make triall hereof on such as were condemned to bee hanged The motion pleased the King there was a Cooke brought by the Jailor who was to have been hanged within a while after for stealing two silver dishes out of his masters house Yet the King desired first to know of him whether hee would take
of two fingers but hooked and sharpe on the sides When as the Chirurgian had carefully and diligently sought for it and could by no meanes finde it he healed up the wound but two months after this crooked head came forth at his fundament The same author telleth that at Venice a virgin swallowed a needle which some two yeeres after she voided by urine covered over with a stony matter gathered about viscous humours Catherine Perlan the wife of William Guerrier a Draper of Paris dwelling in the Jewry as she rode on horse-backe into the country a needle out of her pin cushion which got under her by accident ran so deepe into her right buttocke that it could not by any art or force bee plucked forth Foure moneths after shee sent for mee to come to her and she told mee that as often as she had to doe with her husband shee suffered extreme pricking paine i◠her right groine putting my hand thereto as I felt it my fingers met with something sharpe and hard wherefore I used the matter so that I drew forth the needle all rusty this may be counted a miracle that steele naturally heavie should rise upwards from the buttocke to the groine and pierce the muscles of the thigh without causing an abscesse Anno Dom. 1566. the two sonnes of Laurence Collo men excellent in cutting for the stone tooke forth a stone of the bignesse of a wall-nut in the midst whereof was a needle just like those that shooe-makers use the patients name was Peter Cocquin dwelling in the street Galand at the place called Maubert at Paris and I thinke hee is yet living This stone was shewed to King Charles the ninth for the monstrousnesse of the thing I being then present which being given me by the Chirurgian I preserve amongst my other rarities Anno Dom. 1570. the Dutchesse of Ferrara at Paris sent for John Collo to take a stone out of a Confectioner This stone though it waighed nine ounces and was as thicke as ones fist yet was it happily taken out the patient recovering Francis Rousset and Joseph Javelle the Dutchesse Physitians being present Yet not long after this Confectioner died by the stoppage of his water by reason of two other little stones which about to descend from the kidneies to the bladder stayed in the mid-way of the Ureters The figure of the extracted stone was this The figure of a stone taken forth of the Bladder of a Confectioner Anno Dom. 1566. Laurence Collo the younger tooke three stones out of the bladder of one dwelling at Marly called commonly Tire-vit because being troubled with the stone from the tenth yeere of his age hee continually scratched his yard each of the stones were as bigge as an Hens egge of colour white they all together waighed twelve ounces When they were presented to King Charles then lying at Saint Maure des Faussez hee made one of them to bee broken with a hammer and in the middest thereof there was found another of a chesnut colour but otherwise much like a Peach stone These three stones bestowed on mee by the brethren I have here represented to the life The effigies of the three forementioned stones whereof one is broken I have in the dissecting of dead bodies observed divers stones of various formes and figures as of pigges whelpes and the like Dalechampius telleth that hee saw a man which by an abscesse of his loins which turned to a Fistula voided many stones out of his kidneies and yet notwithstanding could endure to ride on horse-backe or in a coach John Magnus the Kings most learned and skilfull Physitian having in cure a woman troubled with cruell torment and paines of the belly and fundament sent for me that by putting a Speculum into the fundament he might see if he could perceive any discernable cause of so great and pertinacious paine and when as hee could see nothing which might further him in the finding out of the cause of her paine following reason as a guide by giving her often glysters and purgations hee brought it so to passe that shee at length voided a stone at her fundament of the bignesse of a Tennis ball which once avoided all her paines ceased Hippocrates tells that the servant of Dyseris in Larissa when shee was young in using venery was much pained and yet sometimes without paine yet shee never conceived But when as she was sixty yeeres old she was pained in the after-noone as if she had beene in labour When as she one day before noone had eaten many leekes afterward shee was taken with a most violent paine farre exceeding all her former and she felt a certaine rough thing rising up in the orifice of her wombe But she falling into a swoune another woman putting in her hand got out a sharpe stone of the bignesse of a whirle and then she forthwith became well and remained so In a certaine woman who as Hollerius tells for the space of foure moneths was troubled with an incredible paine in making water two stones were found in her heart with many abscesses her kidneyes and bladder being whole Anno Dom. 1558. I opened in John Bourlier a Taylour dwelling in the street of St. Honoré a watry abscesse in his knee wherein I found a stone white hard and smooth of the thicknesse of an Almond which being taken out hee recovered Certainely there is no part of the body wherein stones may not breed and grow Anthony Benevenius a Florentine Physitian writes that a certaine woman swallowed a brasse needle without any paine and continued a yeere after without feeling or complaining of it but at the end thereof she was molested with great paines in her belly for helping of which she asked the advise of all the Physitians she could making in the interim no mention of the swallowed needle Wherefore shee had no benefit by all the medicines she tooke and shee continued in paine for the space of two yeeres untill at length the needle came forth at a little hole by her navell and then she recovered her health A Schollar named Chambelant a native of Bourges a studient in Paris in the Colledge of Presse swallowed a stalke of grasse which came afterwards whole out betweene two of his ribbes with the great danger of the schollars life For it could not come there unlesse by passing or breaking through the lungs the encompassing membrane and the intercostall muscles yet hee recovered Fernelius and Huguet having him in cure Cabrolle Chirurgian to Mounsieur the Marshall of Anville told mee that Francis Guillenet the Chirurgian of Sommiers a small village some eight miles from Mompelier had in cure and healed a certaine sheepheard who was forced by theeves to swallow a knife of the length of halfe a foot with a horne handle of the thickenesse of ones thumbe he kept it the space of halfe a yeere yet with great paine and hee fell much away but
that since the Chirurgions scope is to give issue to the matter therein contained there is no other question than to make apertion to evacuate the matter in the most inferior part I have shewed the young Chirurgion the meanes to doe it safely without tormenting the patients for nothing The fourth IN Paps that are too great Paul Aeginet and Albucrasis commands to make a crosse incision to take out all the fat and then joyne together the wound by stitch In briefe it is to flea a man alive which I have never practised nor counsell it to bee done by the young Chirurgion The fifth ALbucrasis and Paul Aeginet will cauterize the Liver and the Spleene with hot irons which the modernes have never practised for indeede reason is manifestly repugnant thereunto The Sixth IN the Paracentesis which is made in the third kind of Dropsie called Ascites Celius Aurelianus commandeth divers apertions to be made in the belly Albucrasis applies nine actuall cauteries that is to say foure about the Navell one upon the Stomacke one upon the Spleene one upon the Liver two behind the backe upon the spondills one of them neare the breast the last neare the Stomacke Aetius is likewise of the same opinion to open the belly with divers cauteries Paul Aeginet commands to apply five actual cauteries to make the said Paracentesis But abhorring such a kind of burning of which you speake much in your third booke I shew another kind of practise the which is done in making a simple incision in the sayd belly as may be seene in my workes with happy successe I doe not teach yong men in my workes the manner of burning which the Ancients have called infibulare that is not in practise though Celsus writeth of it The Seaventh IN the Sciaticke proceeding from an internall cause and because the viscous humors displace the bones Paul commands to burne or cauterize the said joy 〈…〉 the bone Diâ—scorides commands the same Which I doe not finde expedient â—…king indication from the subjacent parts for there where one would burne t is in the place of the foure twin muscles under which passeth the great Nerve descunding from the holy bone which being burnt I leave it to your censure what might happen as Galen remarketh speaking of the Vstion which must be made in the shoulder called humerus The Eighth IN the outward Laxation of the Spondills Hippocrates commands to bind the man right upon a Ladder the Armes and Legges tyed and bound then afterwards having raised the Ladder to the top of a tower or the ridge of an house with a great rope in a pully then to let the patient fall plumbe downe upon the hard pavement which Hippocrates sayes was done in his time But I doe not shew any such way of giving the strapado to men but I shew the Chirurgion in my workes the way to reduce them surely and without great paine Moreover I should be sorry to follow the saying of the sayd Hippocrates in the third booke De morbis who commands in the disease called Volvuâ—us to cause the belly to bee blowne with a paire of Bellowes putting the nosell of them into the intestinum rectum and then blow there till the belly be much stretcht afterwards to give an emollient glister and to stop the fundament with a sponge Such practise as this is not made now a dayes therefore wonder not if I have not spoken of it And you not being contented to patch together the operations of the above said Authors you have also taken divers in my workes as every man may know which sheweth manifestly that there is nothing of your owne in your Chirurgions Guide I leave out divers other unprofitable operations which you quote in your booke without knowing what beasts they are in never having seene them practised but because you have found them written in the bookes of the Ancients you have put them into your booke Moreover you say that you will teach me my lesson in the operations of Chirurgery which I thinke you cannot doe because I have not onely learned them in my Study and by the hearing for many yeares the lessons of Doctors of Physicke but as I have sayd before in my Epistle to the Reader I was resident the space of three yeares in the Hospitall of Paris where I had the meanes to see and learne divers workes of Chirurgery upon divers diseases together with the Anatomy upon a great number of dead bodies as oftentimes I have sufficiently made triall publickly in the Physitions schoole at Paris and my good lucke hath made mee seene much more For being called to the service of the Kings of France foure of which I have served I have beene in company at Battells Skirmishes assaults and beseiging of Citties and Fortresses as also I have beene shut up in Citties with those that have beene beseiged having charge to dresse those that were hurt Also I have dwelt many yeares in this great and famous Citty of Paris where thankes bee to God I have lived in very good reputation amongst all men and have not beene esteemed the least in rancke of men of my profession seeing there was not any cure were it never so difficult and great where my hand and my counsell have not beene required as I make it appeare in this my worke Now dare you these things being understood say you will teach mee to performe the workes of Chirurgery since you never went further than your study The operations of the same are foure in generall as we have declared heretofore where you make but three that is to say joyne that which is separated separate that which was conjoyned and to take away that which is superfluous and the fourth which I make is as much necessary as industrious invention to adde to Nature that which is wanting as I have shewed heere above Also it is your will that the Chirurgion make but the three operations above sayd without medling to ordaine a simple Cataplasme saying it is that which comes to your part belonging to the Physition And that the Ancients in the discourse which you have made to the Reader have divided the practise of Physick into three kinds that is to say Diet Medicine and Chirurgery But I would willingly demand of you who hath made the partition and where any thing should be done who are those which are content with their part without any enterprize upon the other For Hippocrates Galen Aetius Avicen in briefe all the Phisitions as well Greekes and Latins as Arabians have never so treated of the one that they have not treated of the other for the great affinitie and tye that there is betweene them two and it should bee very difficult to doe otherwise Now when you will vilifie Chirurgery so much you speake against your selfe for in your Epistle which you have dedicated to Monsieur of Martignes you say that Chirurgery is the most noble part of Physicke as well by
promised one to another not to tell it to any one The King sent for Monsieur de Guise to know if hee had not talked of this assault hee swore and affirmed to him he had not told it to any body and Monsieur the Constable said as much who said to the King he must expressely know who had declared this secret counsell seeing they were but three Inquisition was made from Captaine to Captaine in the end the truth was found for one sayd t was such a one told me another sayd as much till at length they came to the first who declared he had learnd it of a Groome of the Kings chamber named Guyard borne at Blois the sonne of the deceased King Francis his Barber The King sent for him into his Tent in the presence of Monsieur de Guise and of Monsieur the Constable to understand from him whence he had it and who told him that this assault was to bee given The King told him that if he did not tell the truth that he would cause him to be hanged then he declared he lay downe under his bed thinking to sleepe and so having heard it he declared it to a Captaine who was a friend of his to the end hee might prepare himselfe with his Souldiers the first for the assault After the King knew the truth he told him he should never serve him againe and that he deserved to be hanged and forbid him ever to come againe to the Court My Groome of the Chamber went away with this sad newes and lay with one of the Kings Chirurgions in ordinary named Master Lewis and in the night gave himselfe six wounds with a knife and cut his throate yet the said Chirurgion perceived nothing till morning till hee saw the bed bloody and the dead body by him hee much mervailed at this spectacle upon his waking and was afraid least they should say he was the cause of this murther but was soone freed knowing the cause to bee from desperation having lost the good amitie which the King bore to him The said Guyard was buried And those of Danvilliers when they saw the breach large enough for them to enter in and the Souldies prepared for the assault yeelded themselves to the mercy of the King The chiefe of them were prisoners and the Souldiers sent away without armes The Campe being broken up I returned to Paris with my Gentleman whose Leg I had cut off I drest him and God cured him I sent him to his house merry with a woodden Leg and was content saying that he scaped good cheape not to have beene miserably burnt as you write in your booke my little Master The Voyage of Castle the Compt. 1552. A Little while after King Henry levied an Army of thirty thousand men to goe make spoile about Hedin The King of Navarre who was then called Monsieur de Vendosme was chiefe of the Army and the Kings Lievtenant Being at S. Denis in France staying while the companies pass'd by he sent for me to Paris to come speak with him being there he prayed me and his request was a command that I would follow him this voyage and I about to make my excuse told him him my wife was sicke in her bed he made me answer that there were Phisitions at Paris for to cure her and that he as well left his owne who was as well descended as mine promising me that hee would use me well and forthwith gave command that I should be lodged as one of his Traine Seeing this great affection which he had to leade me with him I durst not to refuse him I went and met with him at the Castale of Compt within 3. or 4. leagues of Hedin there where there was the Emperors Souldiers in garrison with a number of Pessants round about hee caused them to be summond to render themselves and they made answer they should never have them but by peeces and let them doe their worst and they would doe their best to defend themselves They put confidence in their ditches full of water and in two houres with a great number of Bavins and certaine empty Caskes way was made to passe over the foote when they must goe to the assault and were beaten with five peeces of Cannon till a breach was made large enough to enter in where they within received the assault very valiantly and not without killing and hurting a great number of our people with musket shot pikes and stones In the end when they saw themselves constrained they put fire to their pouder and munition which was the cause of burning many of our people and of theirs likewise and they were all almost put to the edge of the sword Notwithstanding some of our Souldiers had taken twentie or thirtie hoping to have ransome for them That was knowne and ordered by the Counsell that it should be proclaimed by the Trumpet through the Campe that all Souldiers who had any Spaniards prisoners were to kill them upon paine to be hanged and strangled which was done upon cold blood From thence we went and burnt diver Villages whose barnes were full of all kind of graine to my great greefe Wee went along even to Tournaban where there was a very great Tower where the Enemies retired but there was no man found in it all was pillaged and the Tower was made to leape by a Mine and then with Gunpouder turned topsy turvy After that the Campe was broken up and I returned to Paris I will not yet forget to write that the day after the Castle of Compt was taken Monsieur de Vendosme sent a Gentleman to the King to make report to him of all which had pass'd and amongst other things told the King that I had greatly done my duty in dressing those that were wounded and that I had shewed him eighteene Bullets which I had taken or drawne out of the hurt bodies and that there were divers more which I could neither finde nor draw out and told more good of mee than there was by halfe Then the King said hee would have mee into his service and commanded Monsieur de Goguier his chiefe Physition to write me downe as entertained one of his Chirurgions in ordinary and that I should goe meete with him at Rheimes within ten or twelve dayes which I did where he did me the honour to command me that I would dwell neare him and that he would doe me good Then I thankt him most humbly for the honour it pleased him to doe me in calling me to his service The Voyage of Mets. 1552. THe Emperour having beseiged Mets and in the hardest time of winter as each one knowes of fresh memory and that there was in the Citty five or sixe thousand men and amongst the rest seaven Princes that is to say Monsieur the Duke of Guise the Kings Lievtenant Messieurs d'Anguien de Conde de Montpensier de La Roch upon Yon Monsieur de Nemours and divers other
of an hand and he said he felt there a great paine and smarting and likewise in his reines inso much that hee could not take any rest night or day neither had hee any appetite to eate but to drinke enough it was told mee hee fell often into faintings and swoonings and sometimes as it were into an Epilepsie and had often-times desire to vomit with such a trembling that hee could not carry his hands to his mouth Seeing and considering all these great accidents and the forces much abated truly I was much grieved to have gone to him because me thought there was little appearance that he could escape Notwithstanding to give him courage and good hope I told him that I would quickly set him on foote by the grace of God and the Physitions and Chirurgions helpe Having seene him I went a walking into a Garden where I prayed to God that hee would give me the grace to cure him and that hee would give a blessing to our hands and medicaments to combate against so many complicated maladies I bethought in my minde the wayes I must keepe to doe it They called mee to dinner I entred into the kitehin where I saw taken out of a great pot halfe a Mutton a quarter of Veale three great peeces of Beefe and two Pullets and a great peece of Bacon with great store of good Hearbes Then I said to my selfe this broth was full of juice and of good nourishment After dinner all the Physitions and Chirurgions assembled we entred into conference in the presence of Monsieur the Duke of Ascot and some Gentlemen that did accompany him I began to tell the Chirurgions that I mervailed much they had made no apertions in the Marquesses thigh which was all apostemated and the matter which issued out was very foule and stinking which shewed it had a long time lurked there and that I had found with my probe a Caries in the bone and small scales which were already separated they made mee answer hee would never give consent and likewise it was almost two monthes since they could winne him to put on cleane sheets on his bed neither dust one scarce touch the coverlet he fee lt so great paine Then said I for to cure him we must touch other things than the coverlet of the bed Each one said what hee thought best of the Lords greefe and for conclusion held it altogether deplorable I told them there was yet some hope because of his youth and that God and nature doe sometime such things which seeme to Physitions and Chirurgions to bee impossible My consultation was that all these accidents were come by reason of the bullet hitting neare the joynt of the knee which had broken the Ligaments tendons and aponeureses of the muscles which tye the sayd joynt together with the Os femoris also nerves veines and arteries from whence had followed paine inflammation aposteme and ulcer and that wee must begin the cure by the disease which was the cause of all the sayd accidents that is to say to make apertions to give issue to the matter reteined in the interspaces of the muscles and in the substance of them Likewise to the bones which caused a great corruption in the whole thigh from whence the vapors did arise and were carryed to the heart which caused the sincope and the feaver and the feaver an universall heate through the whole body and by consequent depravation of the whole Occonomie Like-wise that the said vapours were communicated to the braine which caused the Epilipsie and trembling and to the stomacke disdaine and loathing and hindred it from doing his functions which are cheefely to concoct and disgest the meate and to convert it into Chyluâ— which not being well concocted they ingender crudities and obstructions which makes that the parts are not nourished and by consequent the body dryes and growes leane and because also it did not doe any exercise for every part which hath not his motion remaineth languid and atrophiated because the heate spirits are not sent or drawne thither from whence followes mortification And to nourish and fatten the body frictions must be made universally through the whole body with warme linnen cloathes above below on the right side and left and round about to the end to draw the blood and spirits from within outward and to resolve any fuliginous vapours retained betweene the skinne and the flesh thereby the parts shall be nourished and restored as I have heretofore sayd in the tenth booke treating of wounds of Gunshot and wee must then cease when we see heate and rednesse in the skinne for feare of resolving that wee have already drawne and by consequent make it become more leane As for the Vlcer which he had upon his rumpe which came through too long lying upon it without being remooved which was the cause that the spirits could not florish or shine in it by the meanes of which there should bee inflammation aposteme and then ulcer yea with losse of substance of the subject flesh with a very great paine because of the nerves which are disseminated in this part That wee must likewise put him into another soft bed and give him a cleane shirt and sheets otherwise all that wee could doe would serve for nothing because that those excrements and vapors of the matter retained so long in his bed are drawne in by the Systole and Diastole of the Arteries which are disseminated through the skin and cause the spirits to change and acquire an ill quality and corruption which is seene in some that shall lye in a bed where one hath sweate for the Pox who will get the Pox by the putrid vapours which shall remaine soaked in the sheets and coverlets Now the cause why he could in no wise sleepe and was as it were in a consumption t' was because he eate little and did not doe any exercise and because hee was grieved with extreame paine For there is nothing that abateth so much the strength as paine The cause why his tongue was dry and fowle was through the vehemence of the heate of the feaver by the vapors which ascended through the whole body to the mouth For as we say in a common proverbe when an Oven is well heate the throate feeles it Having discoursed of the causes and accidents I sayd they must be cured by their contraries and first we must appease the paine making apertions in the thigh to evacuate the matter retained not evacuating all at a time for feare least by a sodaine great evacuation there might happen a great decay of spirits which might much weaken the patient and shorten his dayes Secondly to looke unto the great swelling and cold in his Legge fearing least it should fall into a Gangreene and that actuall heate must bee applyed unto him because the potentiall could not reduce the intemperature de potentiâ— ad actum for this cause hot brickes must bee applyed round about on which should bee cast a
itch Why these ulcerâ—ate hard to beâ—icaâ—â—iâ—ed Two sorts of Epuloticks Remedies against the deformity of scarres Ointments to attenuate and take away scars Why the pestilent malignity is not carâ—ied away by one way but by many We must have chiefe regard to the motion of nature Signes of future sweat A Crises must not be expected in the Plague How to procure vomit Why vomit must not be forced The effect of spitting in pestilent diseases The force of salivation The force of sneesing The commodities of belching The whole body purged by urine When we ought to abstaine from diureticks How to provoke the courses How atomatick things provoke the courses Pessaries to provoke the retms How to stop the courses flowing too immoderately How to provoke the haemorrhoides What a Diarrhaea is What a Dysenteria is The cause of various and stinking excrements in the plague A history A potion Suppositories A hasty pudding to stay the lacke D. Chappelaines medicine to stay a scouring 〈◊〉 Ointments Glysters to stay â—… A glyster for ulcerated guts A very astringent glystar A nourishing glyster Tumours are oft-times discussed by the force of nature after they are suppurated The nurse must be dicted when as the child is sick Medicines may be given to such as are weaned Lib. 9. simp cap. 7. The benefit sweate The forme of a purge to be given to a child The fourth duty of a Surgeon Why the parts of plants being cut off may grow againe but those of man cannot A strange cure for a cut off nose A history Sect. 〈◊〉 lib. de art sent â—5 The causes and hurt that ensues of the lost pallat A remedy found out by accident A history Causes of crookednesse An instrument for such as cannot hold their water A history What varus is What valgus is A plaster to hold fast rest red bones The distinction of male and female The cause of this distinction What seed is The conditions of good seed Seed falleaâ— from all the parts of the body Wherefore many diseases are hereditary How feed is to be understood to fall from the whole body What moueth a man to copulation Why the genitall are endued with a whayish moisture The cause of the foldings of the sper maticke vessels Womens testcles more imperfect Why many men and women abhorre renercous copulation Why the strangury ensueth immoderate copulation What things necessary unto generation Why a male why a female is engendered Why men children are sooner formed in the womb than women The seed is that in power from whence each â—…ing commeth 〈…〉 floweth Why the children are most commonly like unto their fathers When children should be begotten Why often times the child resembleth the Grand-father Why sometime those that are â—…ased do get â—…d children Why the sense of venereous acts is given to brute beasts Why of brute beasts the males raging with lust follow after the females Wherefore a woman when she is with childe desireth copulation How women may be moved to venery and conception The meeting of the seeds most necessary for generation Spots or speeks in the faces of those that are with childe Why many women being great with childe refuse laudable meates and desire those that are illaudable contrary to nature The suppressed tearmes divided into three parts Hip. 1. de morb mul. Aph. 41. sect 5. Why the female seede is nutriment for the male seed A compendious way to understand humane conception Lib. de nat puer What the Cotylidones are The veine never joyneth it selfe with the artery Hippocrates calleth all the membranes that compasse the infant in the wombe according to the judgement of 〈◊〉 in his booke de usu partium by the name of the secundines An old opinion confuted To what use the knots of the childs navell in the wombe serveth The child in the wombe taketh his nutriment by his navell not by his mouth How the child breatheth The three bladders When the seede is called an embrion Why the live called Parenchyma Why the greater portion of goeth into generation of the head and braine Why the head is placed on the top of the body Exod. 20. qu. 52. The molae in the wombe liveth not as the child The life goeth not into the masse of seed that doth engender the child before the body of the child and each part thereof hath his perfect proportion and forme Why the life or soule doth not presently execute all his offices 1 Cor. c. 12. What the soule or life is The life is in all the whole bodys and in every portion thereof The life or soule is simple and indivisible Divers names and the reason of divers names that are given to humane formes Three kinds of living bodies The superiour soule containeth in it selfe all the powers of the inferiour What the common sense is The function of the common sense is double For what cause the internall sense is called the common sense The common sense understandeth or knoweth those things that are simple onely What Imagination is What Reason is The functions of Reason What Memory is Wisdome the daughter of memory and experience What an excrement is The excrement of the fist concoction The excrement of the second concoction is triple The excrement of the third concoction is triple The use of the navellstring The signes of speedy and easie deliverance Children born without a passage in their fundament Aph. 42. sect 5. Aph. 47. sect 3. Why the infant is borne sometimes with his head forwards In the time of childe birth the bones of Ilium and Os sacrum are drawne extended one from another An Italian fable The situation of the infant in the wombe is divers Mankinde hath no certain time of bringing forth young Why the child is scarce alive in the eight moneth Lib. 4. de hist anim cap. 7. The naturall easie child birth How the woman that travelleth in child-birth must bee placed in her bed An unction to supply the defect of the waters that are flowed out too long before the birth A powder to cause speedy deliverance in child-birth Aph. 35. 45. sect 5. A potion causing speedy deliverance What a woman in travell must take presently after her deliverance The cause of the after-throwes Why the secundine or after-birth must bee taken away presently after the birth of the childe The binding of the childs navel-string after the birth The defaults that are coÌ„monly in children newly borne The defaults of conformation must be speedily amended Remedies for the cancer in a childs mouth An old fable of King Chypus Which uncurable Which and how they are curable Why it is called the secundines The causes of the staying of the secundines Accidents that follow the staying of the secandines The manner of drawing out the 〈…〉 that 〈…〉 after the birth The cause of the falling down of the wombe Thr accidents that come of the 〈◊〉 pulling 〈…〉 the wombe together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundine To draw fleame from the
decoction of nervall hearbes boyled in wine and Vinegar then wrapt up in some napkin and to the feete an earthen bottle filled with the sayd decoction stopt and wrapt up with some linnen clothes also that somentations much be made upon the thigh and the whole Legge of a decoction made of Sage Rosemary Time Lavender flowers of Camomile melilot and red Roses boyled in white wine and a Lixivium made with oake ashes with a little Vinegar and halfe an handfull of salt This decoction hath vertue to attenuate incise resolve and drye the grosse viscous humor The sayd fomentations must bee used a long while to the end there may bee a greater resolution for being so done a long time together more is resolved than attracted because the humor contained in the part is liquified the skin and the flesh of the muscles is ratified Thirdly that there must be applyed upon the rumpe a great emplaster made of the red desiccative and Vnguentum Comitissae of each equall parts incorporated together to the end to appease his paine and dry up the Vlcer also to make him a little downe pillow which might beare his rumpe aloft without leaning upon it Fourthly to refresh the heate of his kidneys one should apply the unguent called Refrigerans Galeni freshly made and upon that the leaves of water Lillies Then a napkin dipt in Oxycrate wrung out and often renewed and for the corroboration and strengthning of his heart a refreshing medicine should bee applyed made with oyle of nenuphar and unguent of Roses and a little saffron dissolved in Rose Vinegar and Treakle spread upon a peece of Scarlet For the Sincope which proceded from the debilitation of the naturall strength troubling the braine Also he must use good nourishment full of juice as rere egges Damaske prunes stewed in wine and sugar also Panado made with the broth of the great pot of which I have already spoken with the white fleshy parts of Capons and Partridge wings minced small and other rostmeate easie of disgestion as Veale Goate Pigeon Partridge and the like The sauce should be Orenges Verjuice Sorrell sharpe Pomegranets and that he should likewise eate of them boyled with good hearbes as Sorrell Lettice Purslan Succory Boglosse Marygolds and other the like At night hee might use cleansed barley with juice of Nenuphar and Sorrell of each two ounces with five or six graines of Opium and of the foure cold seedes bruised of each halfe an ounce which is a remedy nourishing and medicinall which will provoke him to sleepe that his bread should be of Meslin neither too new nor too stale and for the great paine of his head his haire must be cut and rub his head with Oxirrhodinum luke warme and leave a double cloth wet therein upon it likewise should be made for him a frontall of oyle of Roses Nenuphar Poppies and a little opium and Rose Vinegar and a little Campher and to renew it sometimes Moreover one should cause him to smell to the flowers of Henbane and Nenuphar bruised with Viniger Rosewater and a little campher wrapped in a handkercher which shall be often and a long time held to his nose to the end that the smell may be communicated to the braine and these things to be continned till that the great inflammation and paine be past for feare of cooling the braine too much Besides one may cause it to raine artificially in powring downe from some high place into a kettle and that it make such a noyse that the patient may heare it by these meanes sleepe shall bee provoked on him And as for the retraction of his Legge that there was hope to redresse it when evacuation was made of the matter and other humors contained in the thigh which by their extention made by repletion have drawne backe the Leg which might be remedied in rubbing the whole joynt of the knee with Vnguentum Dialthâ—a and oyle of Lillies and a little aquâ— vitae and upon it to be laid blacke wooll with the grease thereof Likewise putting in the hamme a feather-pillow foulded in double and by little and little to make his Leg to stretch out All which my discourse was well approoved of by the Physitions and Chirurgions the consultation ended wee went to the sicke patient and I made him three apertions in his thigh from whence issued out great quantity of matter and Sanies and at the same time I drew out some scales of bones nor would I let out too much aboundance of the said matter for feare of too much decaying his strength Then two or three houres after I caused a bed to bee made neare his owne where there were cleane white sheets then a strong man lifted him into it and rejoyced much in that hee was taken out of his foule stinking bed Soone after hee demanded to sleepe which hee did almost foure houres where all the people of the house began to rejoyce cheefely Monsieur the Duke of Ascot his brother The dayes following I made injections into the bottome and cavities of the Vlcer made with Aegyptiacum dissolved sometimes in aquâ— vitae and sometimes in wine I applyed to mundifie and dry the spongie and loose flesh bolsters at the bottome of the sinuosityes hollow tents of Lead that the Sanies might have passage out and upon it a great Emplaster of Diacalcitheos dissolved in wine likewise I did rowle it with such dexterity that he had no paine which being appeaâ—ed the fever began much to diminish Then I made him drinke wine moderately allayed with water knowing that it restores and quickens the spirits and all the things which we rested on in the consultation were accomplisht according to time and order and his paines and fever ceased he began to grow better and discharged two of his Chirurgions and one of his Physitions so that we were but three with him Now I remained thereabout two monethes which was not without seeing divers sicke people as well rich as poore which came to me three or foure leagues about They gave meate and drinke to the needy all which he recommended to me and prayed me also for his sake to helpe them I protest I did not refuse any one and did to them what I possibly could whereof he was joyfull Then when I saw he began to mend I told him hee must have a consort of Violons a jester to make him merry which he did in one moneth we so wrought that he could hold himselfe up in a chaire and made himselfe to be carried and walke in his garden and at the gate of his Castle to see the people passe by The Countrey people of two or three leagues about knowing they could see him came the feast day male and female to sing and dance pell mell in joy of his amendment allbeing very glad to see him which was not done without good laughing and drinking He caus'd still a barrell of beere to be given them and they dranke all merrily to