how was he of the Lord For the vnderstanding hereof it is to be noted how it is written in the 1. Regum cap. xxvj that Dauid being compassed with the armie of King Saul who sléeping on a night in his tent Dauid did passe thorough the middes of his campe and toke from the Kinges beds head the launce that he fought withall and a cruse of water wherein he vsed to drink and in this passage he was neither séen of the watch nor perceiued of the scout And why Quia sopor Domini irruit super eos to saye as the Scripture saith that the sléepe of the Lord fell vppon them is most true but to say that God doth sléepe and hath néede of sléepe is a great mockery For as the Psalmist doth saye Ecce non dormitabit neque dormiet qui custodit Israel Whē the scripture doth say Quòd sopor Domini irruit super eos that God had sent a dead sléepe vpon them it is to be vnderstoode non quòd ipse dominus dormiret Sed quia eius nutu infusus esset ne quisquam presentiam Dauid sentiret The diuine prouidence would cast a sléepe vpon King Saul and vpon his watch and vpon those of his Campe not for their recreation but for the safe kéeping of Dauid in such wise that in God his sléepe and his prouidence is one self thing the Lord is so zelouse of his elect and so vigilant to preserue them that he doth not only giue them grace to performe good purposes but also doth direct them alwaies by good meanes in suche wise that although hée doth permit them to trauaile he doth not consent that they perish But comming to the purpose that after the maner that the Scripture is to be vnderstood Sopor Domini irruit super eos after the same manner is vnderstand Spiritus Domini malus arripiebat Saulem And for farther declaration of this I say Quod si Diabolus tentationem iustis semper inferre cupiat tamen si à Domino potestatem non accepit nullatenus adipisci potest quod appetit The spirite that did tempt and torment King Saul for this cause he is called an euill spirite for that the will of the Deuill in tempting vs is euill And for this purpose he is named the spirite of the Lorde for that the power which the Lord doth giue him to tempt vs is good When God dothe giue licence to any Diuell that he go to vexe and disquiet any iust man it is not Gods intention that he tempt him but to exercise him bicause vertue is of such qualitie that it groweth mortified when it is not exercised with trauailes The wheat whiche is not turned is eaten with wiuels The garment that is not worne is eaten with mothes the timber that is not seasoned is spoiled with chest lockes the frō that is not wrought doth consume with ruste bread long kept groweth finnowed By this that I haue saide I would say that there is not any thing that turneth vs to more weakenesse negligence than to be a certaine time without temptations Much more care hath God of vs than we of our selues for in the end as our worthinesse is litle and but to smal purpose if we do quaile he doth comfort vs if we lie downe to sleepe he waketh vs if we be wearied he helpeth vs if we grow fearful he doth encorage vs if we grow negligent he doth intice vs Finally I say that leauing our selues vnto our owne power wée permit our selues to fall and he alone giues the hand to lift vs vp Also holy Iob was tempted of the euill spirit of the Lord not because there was any notable fault in the man but for that ther raigned in the Diuell enuie and malice For cursed sathan had not enuie of the great goods that Iob had but of the excellent life that he led At the instant that one is euill he doth desire that all be euill if he bée sclaundered that all be defamed in such wise that ther is not so perillous an enuie as that whiche euill men haue of those whiche be good and vertuous If one be good and ritch and liue by one that is euill and malicious First he that is euill dooth trauell to take away the credit the good man hath before he vseth force to spoile him of his goodes Abrabam was tempted when it was commaunded that his onely sonne shoulde be sacrifized Tobie was tempted when he lost his sight The holy Iob was tempted when they killed his children tooke his goods and filled him with the mangie in which temptatiōs those holy men suffered much and also loste much but at the time of repayment he did not giue them reward according to the goods they lost but according to the patience they vsed Since it is certain that all passions or troubles eyther God doth send them or else do come by the hand of God it is reason that we take them as sent by the hand of God who is so iust in that he commaundeth and so limited in that hée permitteth that he doth neuer suffer vs to be tempted aboue our strength With men that be of a good life and doe kepe rekening with their conscience the licence whiche God giueth to the Diuill to tempte them is surely limited and the patience that hee giueth them is very bountifull de hoc bactenus sufficit The Controler Hinestrosa came from the Court this way to sée me whiche came in suche distresse for that he had gone thither he him repented and for that hée had staied hée was despited and for that whiche had happened he was abhorred in suche sorte that to heare him report his great trauelles moued me to weigh my owne as light Men in sadnes ought not to séeke comfort of those that be merie but of others that are sorrowfull and more confounded than them selues For if they so doe of a troth they shal find that it is very little they suffer in respecte of that whiche others endure No more but that our Lord be your protector and giue me grace to serue him From Sotia the 4. of March. 1518. A letter vnto the Marques of Velez wherein hee writeth vnto him certaine newes of the Court. RIght magnificent my singular good Lord Garcy Rodrygues seruant and solicitor vnto your Lordshippe gaue me a letter of yours made the seuēth of this present in Velez el Rubio which came with more swiftnes and also more fresh thā the Samons they bring from Bayon Your honour writeth vnto me that I shoulde certifie you what newes and what worlde runneth vnto whiche I dare aunswere your Lordship that in this Court none runneth but they goe all bechafed It is an auncient pestilence in the courtes of Princes that they call suche men as do not aunswere theim they loue where they be hated they follow suche as know them not they seeke those that flie them they serue those that pay them not
but that in the houses of Kynges and of high Princes many must enter many must serue many must liue and many must eate but that whych is to be reprehēded is this that many times more is spoiled than is spent If in the Courtes of Princes there were not so many horses in the stable so many haukes in the mewe so many gibers in chambers so many vagabondes in pallace and so greate disorder in expences I am sure that neyther shoulde they so go ouercharged eyther their Subiectes so much gréeued God in commaunding the Prince not to haue many horses is to forbid him that he vse not excessiue expences bycause in déede and in conclusion they shal giue an accoumpt vnto God of the goodes of the common wealth not as Lords but as tutors Also God dothe commaunde that hée which shall be King do not consent to turne the people intoo Egipt that is to say that he do not permit them to commit Idolatrie ne yet to serue King Pharao for oure good God will that we adore him alone for Lorde and that we hold hym for our creator To come out of Egipt is to come out of sinne to turne into Egipt is to turne into sin for this cause the office of a good Prince is not only to remunerate the vertuous and such as liue wel but also to chastise the wicked and suche as liue euil It is no other thing to return into Egypt but boldly openly and manifestly to sinne the which the good Prince ought not to consent vnto eyther with any in lyke cace to dispence bicause the secrete sinnes to God are to be remitted but those whiche are manifest the good king ought to chastise Then doth the Prince suffer any to return into Egipt when openly he suffreth him to liue in sinne that is to say to passe his life in enuious reuenging to holde by force that which is due to an other to be giuen to folow the lusts of the fleshe and to dare to renue his olde age into wanton affections in which the Prince doth so much offend God that although he be no companion in the fault yet in the worlde to come hée shall not escape to be partaker of the payne For a kyng to gouerne well in his kingdome oughte to be asmuche feared of the euyll as beloued of the good And if by chaunce any bée in his house that is in fauour that is a quareller or any seruaunt that is vicious I denie not but vnto suche a one he may impart of his goods but not with his conscience Also God commaundeth him which shall be king that he hold not in his companie many women that is to vnderstand he shal content himself with his Queene with whom he is maried without vngodly acquayntance with any other for the great Princes and mighty potentates doe more offend God with yll example they giue than with the faultes they committe Of Dauid of Achab of Assa and of Ieroboam the scriptures do not so much complaine of their sinnes as of the occasion they gaue vnto others to sinne bicause very seldome wee sée the people in awe of correction when their lorde is vicious As Princes be more high and also mightyer than the rest euen so are they more behelde also more viewed thā others And for this cause according to my iudgement if they be not chast yet at the least they should be more secrete Among the heap of sinnes this maye be one wherewith God is not a little offended And on the other part it is wherwith the cōmon welth receiueth most sclander for in cases of honor none wil that they haunt his house request his wyfe or defloure his daughter The writers of histories do much prayse Alexander the great Scipio the Affrican Marcus Aurelius the greate Augustus the good Traian which onely vsed not to force women in libertie but did not so much as touch suche as were their captiues taken in battaile and truly they were iustly praised for vertuous mē For it procedeth of a more noble corage to resist a prepared vice thā to giue an onset vpō a cāp of great power Also God doth commaund him which shal be king that he hoord not vp much treasure that he be not scarce or a nigard for the office of the marchant is to kéep but of a King to giue and to be liberal In Alexander the great is muche more praised the largenesse be vsed in giuing than his potencie in fighting the which doth clearly appeare when we wil praise any man we do not say he is mightie as Alexander but franke as Alexander To the contrary of this Suetonius writeth of the Emperor Vespasian the which of pure miserie nigardship and couetousnesse commanded in Rome to be made publike places to receyue vrine not to kéepe the Citie more swéete but to the end that they should giue him more rente The diuine Plato did counsell the Atheniens in his bookes of a good comon wealth that the gouernour whiche they had to choose should be iust in his iudgements true of his word constant in that he takes in hand secrete in that he vnderstandeth large and bountiful in giuing Princes and great potentates for their power they be feared and for their magnificēt liberalitie they are beloued But in déed and in the end fewe folow the king not only for that his conditions be good but bicause they think his giuing is much and verie noble Gods commaunding in his lawe that the Prince shal not hourde vp treasures is no other thyng to saye but that all shall serue hym of good wyll and that bée vse towarde all men of his liberalite for that many tymes it dothe happen that the Prince in béeyng vnchearefull in giuyng it commeth to passe in proces that very few haue any mind to gratifie or serue hym Also God commaunded the kyng that should gouerne his people that he should not be proude tha◠he should always read in Deuteronomie which is the Booke of the Lawe And bycause wée haue alreadie made a large discourse we will leaue the exposition of these two woordes for an other day There resteth that we pray vnto the Lord to giue your Maiestie his grace and vnto you and vs his glorie to the which Iesus Christ bring vs Amen A discourse or conference with the Emperour vpon certayne moste aunciente stampes in Mettalles the whyche he commaunded the Author to reade and to expounde wherin are touched many antiquities S. C. C. R. M. SO greate be the affaires of Princes and so muche laden wyth studious cares that hardlye remayneth tyme to sléepe or eate muche lesse to recreate or ioye themselues with gladsome pastyme Oure forces are so small our iudgemente so weake oure appetite so variable and oure desyres so disordinate that sometyme it is necessarie and also profitable to giue place to the humanitie to bée recreated vppon condition that the truth bée
neuer gaue obedieÌ„ce to any but alwaies made a Seigniory of it selfe The seate of the Citie of Sagunto was foure leagues from Valentia where is now Monviedro he that shall say that which we call now in Castile Ciguenca was in time paste the Citie Sagunto it shall be because he dreamed it not to haue read it Being Inquisitor of Valentia I was many times at Monviedro as well to visite the Christians as to baptise the Moores And considering the sharpnesse of the place the antiquitie of the walles the greatnesse of the colledge the distaÌ„ce from the Sea the statelinesse of the buildings and the monstrousenesse of the sepulchers there is none but he may vnderstand that to be Monviedro which was Sagunto and that which was Sagunto is now Monviedro In the fields of Monviedro and in the ruinous buildings that be there at these daies there are found many stones ingraueÌ„ and many auncient Epitaphes of the Hannibals of the Asdrubals that died there in the siege of Sagunto the which were two linages of Carthage very notable of bloud and also famous in armes Neare to Monviedro there is a certaine place that in those daies was called Turditanos is now named Torres torres for that they were mortall enemies of the Saguntines Hanniball put himself in with them and from thence did make his batterie did throw downe burne the citie of Sagunto not succoured then of the Romanes or euer after reedified Behold here my Lords how your contention was which was Sagunto and not whiche was Numantia So that Soria and Samorra doth rather giue doubte whiche was Numantia and Monviedro and Sigentia which was Sagunto But the resolution and conclusion of all the aforesayde considering the merites of the processe and what eyther partie hath alledged for him selfe I doe say and declare by my definitiue sentence that the Archbishop of Ciuile did faile and the Duke of Naiara did erre in the thing that both did contend and lay their wager And I condemne either of them in a good Mule to be employed vpon him that shall declare whiche was the greate Numantia I my Lordes will now recount and declare whiche was that Citie Numantia and also say who was the founder therof where it was foÌ„nded how it was founded and what time it lasted and also how it was destroyed for that it is an history very delectable to read worthie to be vnderstood pleasant to recount and lamentable to heare VVhich was the great Citie Numantia in Spaine THe Citie of Numantia was founded by Numa Pompilius the second king of Romanes in the fiftie and eight yeere after the foundation of Rome and in the eightenth yeare of his raigne in suche sorte for that the founder thereof was called Numa it was named Numantia In the old time they did much vse to name their Cities they builded by their owne proper names as Ierusalem of Salem Antioche of Antiochus Constantinople of Constantine Alexandria of Alexander Rome of Romulus and Numantia of Numa Onely seuen Kings there were of Romanes The first of the which was Romulus the seuenth was Tarquine of these seuen the moste excellent of them all was this Numa Pompilius for he was the first that brought the Goddes into Rome he did inclose the vestall Virgins builded the temples and gaue lawes to the Romanes The situation of this Citie was neare the riuer of Dwero and not farre from the head of the same and it was set vpon the heigth of an hill and this heigth was not of a Rocke but vpon a certaine plaine Neither was it towred within nor walled without onelâ— it was compassed about with a broade déepe dischâ—… was inhabited with more than fiue and lesse than sixe thousand households two partes of the which did follow the warres and the third parte their tillage and labour Amongst them exercise was much praised and idlenesse greatly condemne which is more not couetous of goods and yet very ambitious of honour The Numantins of their naturall coÌ„dition were more flegmatike than colericke suffring dissembling suttle and of great actiuitie in such wise that that whiche they did at one time dissemble at another they did reuenge In their Citie there was but one crafts man that was the Smith Goldsmiths Silkworkers Drapers Fruters Tauerners Fishmongers Butchers such like they would not coÌ„sent to liue amongst them For al such things euery maÌ„ ought to haue in his owne house not to séeke them in the common wealth They were so valiant and so doubtie in the affayres of warre that they neuer saw any Numantine turne his barke or receiue any wound in the same in such wise that they did rather determine to die than to flée They could not go a warfare without licence of their common wealth and those also must goe altogether and followe one quarell for otherwise if one Numantine did kill another Numantine the murtherer afterwards was put to death by the common wealth Foure kind of people the Romanes had very fierce to tame and very warlike to fight that is to wit the Mirmidones whiche were those of Merida the Gauditanes whiche were those of Calis the Saguntines whiche were those of Monviedro and the Numantines whiche were those of Soria The difference amongst these was that the Mirmidons were strong they of Calis valiant the Saguntines fortunate but the Numantines were strong valiant and fortunate Fabatus Metellus Sertorius Pompeius Caesar Sextus Patroclus all the other Romane Captaines that by the space of one hundred and foure score yéeres held warres in Spaine did neuer conquere the Numantins neither at any time had to doe with them Amongst all the Cities of this world onely Numantia did neuer acknowledge hir better or kisse the hands of any other for lord This Numantia was somewhat Rockie halfe coÌ„passed with out-towers not very well inhabited and lesse riche With all this none durst hold hir for enemie but for confederate and this was the cause for that the Fortune of the Numantins was much more than the power of the Romanes In the warres betwene Rome and Carthage Caesar and Pompey Silla and Marius there was no King or kingdome in the world that did not follow one of those partes and against the other did not fight except the proude Numantia which always made aunswere to those that did persuade hir to followe their opinioÌ„ that not she of others but others of hir ought to make a head In the first Punick warres neuer would the Numantines follow the CarthaginiaÌ„s or fauour the Romanes for which occasion or too say better without any occasion the Romanes determined to make warre vpon the Numantins not for anye feare they had of their power but for enuie of their great fortune Fouretene yeares continually the Romanes besieged the Numantins in which great was the hurt the Numantins receiued but much more meruelous of the Romane Captaines that there died There were slaine in
Romaines neuer possessed or inhabited The Prince Iugurth of the age of .xxij. yeares came from Africa to the warres of Numantia in fauor of Scipio and did there suche and so notable feates in armes that he deserued with Scipio to be verie priuate and in Rome to be esteemed Al the Historiographers that write of the warres of Numantia saye that the Romaines did neuer receyue so muche hurte or lose so many people or were at so greate charges neyther receyued so great shame as they did in that conqueste of Numantia And the reason they giue for this is for that all the other warres hadde their beginning vppon some iniurie except that of Numantia whiche was of méere malice or enuie To say that the Citie of Samorra was in tyme past Numantia is a thing verie fabulous and worthie to be laughed at bicause if stories do not deceiue vs from the time that Numātia was in the world vntil the time that Samorra begā to be there did passe seuen hundreth thirtie thrée yeres If Plinie Pomponius Ptholomaeus Strabo had said that Numantia was néere to Dwero there had bin a doubt whether it had bin Soria or Samorra But these Historiographers doe saye that the foundation thereof was néere to the head of Dwero wherof it may be gathered that séeing Samorra is more than thirtie leagues from the heade of Dwero Soria is but fiue that it is Soria and not Samorra There be thrée opinions where the situation of the citie of Numantia should bée in whiche some doe saye that it was where nowe is Soria others affirme that it was on the other side of the bridge vpon an hill some do auouche that it was a league from thence on a certain place named Garray and in my iudgement as I consider of the thrée situations this opinion is moste true bycause there is founde greate antiquities and there doth appeare auncient greate buyldings Those that wrote of Numantia were Plinius Strabo Ptholomaeus Trogus Pompeius Pullio Trebellius Vulpicius Isodorus Instinus and Marcus Ancus A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo Valasco in the whiche the Authour doth perswade that in the taking of Founterabie he first make proofe to profite his wisedome before he do experiment his Fortune MOst renoumed Lorde and Captaine to Caesar about the dead of this night Peter Herro deliuered mée a Letter from your Lordship the whiche althogh it had not come firmed or with superscription by the letter I should haue knowen it to be written with your owne hand bicause it conteined few lines many blots While you are in the warres it is tollerable to write on grosse paper with crooked lynes euill ynke and blotted letters For good warriers doe more esteme to sharpen their launces than to make pennes Sir you write vnto me that I should pray for your health and victorie for that at the commaundemente of Caesar you goe to besiege Founterabie which was taken by the Admirall of Fraunce the same béeyng of the Crowne of Castile Thys youre seruaunt preaceth with such diligence for this letter that I shal be forced to answer more at large than I can and muche lesse than I woulde As touchynge Founterabie I doe certaynly beléeue that within these two yeares the takyng and susteynyng of it hathe coste the French King more than it would haue cost to haue bought or else to haue buylt it Wherof there is no cause to haue maruell for that great Lordes and Princes do spend much more in susteyning the opinion they holde than the reason that they vse In all christendome at this presente I fynde not an enterprise more dangerous than this of Founterabie For either you muste ouercome the French king or else displease the Emperor I wold say that ye take in hand to deale with the might of the one and with the fauour or disgrace of the other To be a Captain generall is an estate verie honorable and profitable although ryght delicate For notwithstanding hée doe all that he can and all that is méete to bee done it by the mishap of his sinnes hée giue any battel and carie not away the victorie it is not sufficiēt that the sorowfull man doe lose his lyfe but also they séeke some faulte by the whiche they say he lost that battell Be it that euery man be what he can and fight what he may yet neuer to this day haue we séene a conquered Captain called wyse neyther him that ouercame termed rashe It is verie good that the Captaines which fight and the Physitions that cure be wise but it is muche better that they be fortunate For these bée two things wherein many tymes wysedome fayleth and fortune preuayleth Sir you do take in hand an enterprise iuste and verie iust bicause from tyme out of mynde to this day wée haue neuer heard or séene the towne of Founterabie possessed by any king of France neyther any king of Castile to haue giuen it them In suche wyse that it is a conscience for them to holde it and a shame for vs not to take it Sir consider well for your owne part that a warre so iust be not lost through some secrete offence bycause the disgraces and ouerthrowes that do happen in such like enterprises doe not chaunce bicause the warre is not iust but for that the conductours thereof bée vniuste The warre the Hebrewes made with the Philistines in the mount of Gilboa was a war verie iust but king Saule that had the conduction therof was a Kyng verie vniuste for whose cause the Lorde did permit that noble battayle to be lost to the ende the kyng should be slayne in the same But as the iudgements of God are in them selues so high and of vs so vnknowen many times it dothe happen that a king or prince doth chose out one of his seruāts to make him general of an armie to the ende he be honored and his state more amended than the rest And on the other side God doth permit that there where he thought to obtayn most honor good happe from thence he dothe escape moste shamed and confounded Let it not bée thought of Princes and of great men that séeing they woulde not abstaine from sinne they shall more than others auoyd the payne For God doth compasse them in suche wise that they come to make paymente in one houre of that whiche they committed in all their life In the house of God there hath not is not neyther shall be merite without reward or fault without punishment And if it hap that presentely wée sée not the good rewarded eyther the euill chastised it is not for that God doth forget it but vntill an other tyme to deferre it The Marshall of Nauarre with his band of Agramontenses wée vnderstande is in the defence of Founteraby it séemeth not to be yll counsell to make youre siege openlye and to practise wyth them secretely For although they be nowe seruauntes to the Frenche Kyng
life and iust in youre tribunall or iudgements I wold not gladly heare that those that do praise that which you do should complaine of that whiche you say with a Lorde of so high estate and with a iudge of so preheminent an office my pen should not haue presumed to write what it hath written if your Lordship had not commaunded My Lord I saide it bycause if this that I haue here written vnto you shall not like you that it may please you to sende too reuoke the licence that you haue giuen Also you will that I shall write vnto youre Lordship if I haue founde in anye auncient Chronicle what is the cause wherefore the Princes of Castile do call themselues not onely Kings but also Catholique Kings And that also I write vnto you who was the first that called himself Catholique King and what was the reason and the occasion to take this so generous and Catholique title There were ynowe in thys Court of whome you might haue demaunded and of whome you might haue vnderstood in yeares more auncieÌ„t in knowledge more learned in bookes more rich and in writing more curious than I am But in the end my Lord be sure of this one thing that that which I shall write if it be not written in a polished stile at the least it shall be all very true Comming to the purpose it is to be vnderstood that the Princes in olde time did always take proud ouer-names as Nabugodonozer that did intitle him selfe King of Kings Alexander the greate the king of the world the king Demetrius the conqueror of Cities the great Haniball the tamer of kingdomes Iulius Caesar the Duke of the Citie the king Mithridates the restorer of the world the king Athila the whip of nations the king Dionisius the host of all men the king Cirus the last of the Gods the king of England defender of the Church the king of Fraunce the most Christian king and the king of Spaine the Catholique king To giue your Lordship a reckoning who were these kings and the cause why they did take these so proude titles to me it should be painfull to write and to your Lordship tedious to reade it is sufficient that I declare what you commaunde me without sending what you craue not It is to wit that in the yere seuen hundreth fiftie two the fift day of the month of Iuly vpon a sunday ioyning to the riuer Bedalake about Xeres on the frontiers euen at the breake of day was giuen the last and most vnfortunate battell betwixt the Gothes that were in Spaine and the Alarues that had come from Africa in whiche the sorowfull king Sir Rodrigo was slaine and all the kingdome of Spaine lost The Moore that was Captaine and that ouercame this famous battell was named Musa which did know so well to folow his victorie that in the space of eight moneths he did win and had dominion from Xeres in the frontieres vnto the rocke Horadada which is neare to the towne of Onnia And that whiche séemeth to vs most terrible is that the Moores did win in eighte moneths which in recouering was almost eight hundred yeres for so many yeares did passe from the time that Spaine was lost vntill Granado was wonne The fewe Christians that escaped out of Spaine came retiring vnto the mountaines of Onnia neare vnto the rocke Horadada vnto which the Moores did come but from thence forward they passed not either did conquer it for there they found great resistance and the land very sharp And when they of Spaine did see that the king Sir Rodrigo was dead and all the Gothes with hym and that without Lord or head they could not resist the Moores they raysed for king a Spanish Captaine that was named Sir Pelaius a man venturous in armes and of all the people very well beloued The fame being spread thoroughout all Spaine that the mountaine men of Onia had raised for king the good Sir Pelaius all men generouse and warlike did repaire vnto him with whome he did vnto the Moores greate hurt and had of them glorious triumphes Thrée yeares after they had raysed the good sir Pelaius for King hée married one of his daughters with one of the sonnes of the Earle of Nauarn who was named Sir Peter and his sonne was called Sir Alonso This Earle Sir Peter descended by right line of the linage of the blessed King Richardos in whose tyme the Gothes did leaue the sect of the curled Arrius by the meanes of the glorious and learned Archbyshop Leonard The good king Pelaius being dead in the eighteene yeare of his raigne the Castilians exalted for king a sonne of his that was named Fauila the which two yeares after he began to raigne going on a certaine day to the mountaine meaning to flea the Beare the Beare killed him And for that the king Fauila died without children the Castilians elected for king the husband of his sister whiche is to wit the sonne of the Earle of Nauarne who was named Alonso the whiche began his raigne in the yeare .vii. C.lxxij hys raigne endured eightene yeares which was as much tyme as his father in law the good King Sir Pelaius had raigned This good King was the firste that was named Alonso which tooke his name in so good an houre that since that daye amongst all the kings of Castile that haue bin named Alonso we reade not of one that hath bin euill but very good Of thys good king Alonso the historiographers do recite many landable things to recompt worthy to be knowen and exemplars to be followed The King sir Alonso was the first that out of Nauarne entered Galizia to make warre vppon the Moores with whome be had many encounters and battells in the ende he ouercame and droue them out of Astorga Ponferada Villa franca Tuy and Lugo with all their Countries and Castelles This good king Alonso was he that did win of the Moores the Citie of Leon and builded there a royall place to the ende all the Kings of Castile his successors should there be resideÌ„t and so it came to passe that in long time after many Kings of Castile did liue and die in Leon. This good King Alonso was the firste that after the destruction of Spaine began to builde Churches and to make Monasteries and Hospitalles in especially from the beginning the Cathedrall churches of Lugo Tâ—y Astorga and Ribeâ—ew the which afterwards did passe to Mondonedo This good king Alonso did buiâ—d many and very solempne Monasteries of the order of saint Benet and many hospitalles in the way of saint Iames and many particular Churches in Nauarne and in the Countrey of Ebro whiche he endewed all with great riches and gaue them opulent possessions This good King Alonso was the first that did séeke and commaunded to be sought with very great diligence the holy bookes that had escaped the hands of the Moores and as a zelous Prince commaunded that
with all the mightie and nobles of Spaine ioyned in Medina del rio Secco to giue order for the succour of Tordisillas and to chase away the Rebelles frō the town of Braxima my desire and iudgemēt is that you shoulde rather estéeme to be a souldier with the Gentlemen thā a Captaine ouer Rebelles Also I said vnto you that the gouernours had commaunded a scaffold to be made wherevppon a King at armes beeing ascended made publique proclamation that all Knightes and Gentlemen that repaired not within fiftéene dayes with Horse and Armour vnder the Kings Standerd to serue and be resident should bée holden as traytors and disloyall and that it séemed vnto me that you shoulde rather haue accomplished that which the gouernours cōmanded than that which in Toledo they had desired Also I sayde vnto you that commonly ciuill and popular warres decay in puissance preuaile sildome and may not indure and after they bée finished and the common wealth pacified the Kings and Princes of the same doe vse for custome to pardon the commō people and behead the Captaines Also I sayd vnto you that you shoulde not blinde your selfe with foolishe lyes eyther with wordes of vncertaine purposes whyche is to witte if anye shall saye vnto you that you are the father of the countrey the refuge of prisoners the repaire of the grieued the defender of the common wealthe and the restorer of Castile for the very same persons that to daye do name you redeemer on the morrow will proclaime you traytor Also I sayd vnto you that you ought to haue before youre eyes that your father Peter Lopes and your Vncle Sir Garcia and your Brother Gutiere Lopes and all your friends and alies be all in seruice of the King in the gouernours Camp and that you alone of all your linage amongst rebelles bend against the King whereof there followeth that you alone being in fault they here in generall receiue the shame Also I said vnto you that since the King had giuen you no cause of offence either taken from you any rewarde or bountie or commaunded you any iniustice It were very vniust that you shoulde be the whip wherewith Hernando of Aualos should reuenge his iniurie For if he hath sworne to be reuenged of Xeues also you are bound to be faithfull vnto the king Also I saide vnto you that you shoulde giue to the Diuell the prophestes witchcrafts and enchantments of the Lady Mary your wife whiche is sayde that she and a certaine woman slaue do practise for that to speake and practise with the Diuell it may not be otherwise but that she-looseth hir soule and you to lose your life and honor Also I said vnto you that you should not care to attempt to enter the Couent of Vcles with intent to be master of Saint Iames either to throw Sir Iohn del rio Secco out of Toledo since it were a vanitie to thinke it and a great lightnesse to take it in hande for to be master of saint Iames you haue not done suche seruice wherefore it should be giuen you neyther sir Iohn hath done any treason why it should be takē from him So many and so good Counsells so many and so profitable aduises so many and so perswasible words so many and so importune desires so many and so great promises so many and so great assurances as I gaue promised did sweare desire and importune and assure you mighte not procéede from a suspitious friende either from a man of a double cōdition but rather as from a father to a sonne from a brother to a brother and from a friend to a friende I would to God you did throughly know my hart and the heart of Hernando of Aualos your vncle then shoulde you sée most cleare how it is I that do loue you and he that doth deceyue you I that giue you the hande and he the man that offreth you deceyts I that shew you the deapth and he that sendes you to the bottome I that set vp the marke and he that takes away the white I that lettes you bloud in the right vaine and he that lameth your armes Finally I am he that would cure and open your impostume and he is the man that giueth end to your lyfe and burieth your renoume If you had taken my counsell I had placed you in my Chronicles amongest the glorious personages of Spayne with the famous Viriato the venturous Cid the good Fernan Gonsalis the Knight Tiran and with the great Captaine and other infinite Knightes and Gentlemen woorthie of prayse and no lesse to be followed But since you woulde néeds imitate and credit Hernando of Aualos and the other rebellious commoners I shall be forced to place you in the Cathaologe of the famous tyrantes that is to saye with the Iustice Castromino and Fernan Centeno with captayn Sapico the duchesse of Villalua the Marshal Peter Pardo Alfonso Trusillo Lope Carasco and Taymayo Isquirdo All these and many other with them were tyrantes and rebelles in the dayes of king Iohn and king Henry And this is the difference betwixt you and them that euery one of them dyd tyrannise but their owne countreyes but you the whole countrey of Castile I can not comprehend your intention either can I conceyue what you may obtaine in folowing this enterprise and to contend vpon so vniust a demaunde since you knowe and all we vnderstande that if your enterprise shoulde happe to preuayle there is none that woulde accepte gratifie or take it in good part and if your purpose be made frustrate there is a Kyng that will reuenge the iniurie for the greatenesse and Maiestie of Castile knoweth not to endure disobedience to their kings either suffer themselues to be commaunded by tyrantes When this yeare ye came to talke with me in Medina del campo and I went with you to sée the bit maker and Viloria the skinner Bobadilla the sheareman Pennelas the carde maker Ontoria the lockier Mender the bookebynder and Lares the enseigne bearer that were the heads and inuentours of the commoners of Valiodolid Borgos Leon Zamora Salamanca Auila and Medina I assure you I was dismayde and ashamed for that presently I did both sée and knowe that passion was your guyde and they conducted by opinion that you all did flée reason but for that I am in lyfe a sinner in habite religious in office a preacher and in knowledge simple you haue not to make small accompt of my counsell for as Plato sayd we are not a little beholding vnto those that do aduise vs wherin wée erre and doe directe vs in what wée ought to doe for it is much better we amend by others correction than lose our selues by foolishe perseuerance Beléeue me and be out of doubt Maister Iohn of Padilla if you had spoken firste with me in Toledo as you did after talke with me in Medina you had neuer taken this enterprise in hande for as the
sée them fled that they neyther dare assemble or execute iustice This other day I sawe in Soria where they hanged a Procurer of the citie béeing poore sicke and olde not bycause he had cōmitted any euill but for that some did wish him euill To report vnto you how they haue throwen the Constable out of Burgos the Marques of Auia frō Tordisillas the Earle and Countesse of Duneas and the knights and gentlemen frō Salamanca and Sir Iames of Mendoza from Palentia and how in place of these gentlemen they haue taken for their leaders and captaines bit makers sheremē skinners lockmakers is no smal shame to recount and infamy to heare The hurts murders robberies and scandals that is nowe committed within this realme I dare say that of this so great fault wée al are in fault bycause our God is so right a iudge that hée would not permit that all should be chastised if all were not offenders The affairs of this miserable kingdome is come to such a state the through the same there is no way sure no tēple priuiledged none that tilleth the fielde none bringeth vitailes none the executeth iustice none safe in their houses yet all confesse a king and appeale to the king but the disgrace is that none doth obserue the law none doth obey the King beleue me if your people did acknowledge the King and obserue the law neyther would they robbe the kingdome or disobey the King but for that they haue no feare of the sword nor doubt of the gallowes they do what they lust and not what they ought I knowe not how you can say that you wil refourme the kingdome since you obey not the King you consent to no gouernours you admit no royall counsell you suffer no Chancelour you haue no Iudges nor Iustices no giuing of sentence in matters of lawe neyther any euill chastised in such wise that your iudgemēt to haue no iustice in the kingedome is to refourme iustice I can not cōprehende how you wil reforme this kingdome since by your consent there is no subiect that shall acknowledge a preacher neither any Nunne that keepes hir cloyster no Frier that remayneth in his monastery neyther womā that obeyeth hir husband nor vassall that obserueth loyalty neyther any man that dealeth iustly in so much that vnder the colour of liberty euery man liueth at his owne wil. I know not how you will reforme the common welth since those of your campe do force women rauish maydens burne villages spoyle houses steale whole slockes cut downe woods and rob churches in such wise that if they leaue any euill vndone it is not bycause they dare not but for that they can not I can not conceiue how you will reforme the common welth since by your occasion Toledo is risen Segouia altered Medina burned Halaheios besieged Burgos fortified Valiodolid immutined Salamanca stragled Soria disobedient and also Valentia an Apostata I can not perceiue how you will reforme the common welth since Naiarza is rebelled against the Duke Dueas against the Earle Tordisillas against the Marques Chincon against his Lorde since Auila Leon Toro Zamora and Salamanca doe neither more or lesse than the assembly doth commaund So may my life prosper as I like of your demaund which is to weete that the King be not absent out of this Realme that he maintaine all men in iustice that he suffer no money to be transported out of the Realme that he giue his rewardes and offices vnto the natural subiectes of Spaine that they deuise not any new tributs and aboue all that the Offices be not solde but gyuen to men of most vertue These and such other like things you haue licence to craue and only the King hath authoritie to graunt but to demaund of princes with the lance that which they haue to prouide by Iustice is not the part of good vassalles but of disloyall seruants wée well vnderstand that many people of this lande doe complaine of the newe gouernement of Flemmings and to speake the truth that fault was not all theirs but in their small experience and our much enuie Further aduertising that the straungers were not more to bée blamed than our owne countrie men they knew not the state of things either what offices to craue neither how they would be solde but that they were aduised and also instructed in the skill thereof by the men of our owne nation in such wise that if in them there did abound desire of gain in vs there did excéed the vice of cruell malice Although Maister Xebes and the rest haue cōmitted some fault I know not that our Spaine hath done any offence that you should in the same and against the same rayse any warre The medicine that you haue inuented for the remedie of this mischiefe is not to purge but to kill But since you will néedes make war let vs examine here against whom is this war not against the king bycause his tender youth dothe excuse him not against the Counsell for they appeare not not against Xebes for hée is in Flaunders not against the Gouernors whiche haue but nowe entred their offices not against the Gentlemen who haue not offended neither yet against tyrantes for the Kingdome was in peace than is this war againe your own countrie and against our own lamentable common wealth The wante of prouidence in the king neither the auarice of Xebes is sufficient cause that we should sée that whiche wée doe sée the people to ryse against people fathers against the sonnes the vncles against their cousins friends against friends neighbors against neybours and brothers against brothers but that our sinne hath so deserued to be chastised and yours hath merited that you shuld be our scourge Speaking more particular you are not able to excuse your faulte for beginning as you did the assemblie of Auila from which counsell all this warre hath had his féeding and of a trouth presently I did diuine and also preache that is to witte that neuer was Monipody of any kingdome whereof did not arise some notable scandall The kingdom is nowe altered the kyng is disobeyed the people are nowe risen the hurt is alreadie begon the fire is alreadye in flame and the common wealth goeth sinking to the bottom But in the ende if it like you a good end may be made from whence may procéede all the remedie for that we haue firmely to beléeue that God will rather heare the hearts that praye for peace than the fifes and drums that proclaime warre If it may lyke you to forget some part of your anger and the gouernours to lose some part of their right I hold it all for finished And to speake you the trouth in popular and ciuil warres men do rather fight for the opinion they haue takē than for the reason that they hold My iudgement should be in this case that you should ioyne with the Gouernours to talke and conferre for the
gréeues and things amisse and to vnderstād for the remedie therof for by this meanes you should growe to more ripenesse for the things you haue to demaund and in our king and maister more facilitie in that whiche he shoulde graunt If it may please you to leaue your armour and giue faith vnto my words I sweare by the faith of a Christian by this letter of credence that I bring with me do promise you that you shall be pardoned of the king and well intreated of his gouernors that you shal neuer for this déed be chastized neither yet in wordes be blamed or defamed And bicause it shall not séeme that your zeale hath bin in vaine and that the Gouernours doth not desire the common wealth I will here shew vnto you what they wil do for the kingdome and what kindnesse on his Maiesties behalfe they will bestowe vppon you which is as followeth First they promise you that at any time whē the kings Maiestie shall be absent from this kingdome he shall place a Castilian to gouerne Castile bicause the authoritie greatnes of Spaine endureth not the gouernment of straungers Also they promise you that all the dignities holdings and offices of the kingdome and Court shall be giuen to Spaniards and not to straungers notwithstāding there be many noble personages that haue well deserued and in whome they were well employed Also they promise you that the royall rents of the people shall be rated at an indifferent rente in such wise that the Cities may haue reasonable gayne and no greate losse to the king Also they promise you that if in the regall counsell shal be found any examiner or any other officer although it be the president vnwise or vnapt for gouernement and not learned to giue sentence or not honest of lyfe that his maiestie shall absolue him of his office notwithstanding they may be affectionate to some and also offended like other men Also they promise that from hencefoorth his Maiestie shall commaund his Iustices of Court and Chauncery that they shall not vse their commaundements so absolute neyther their chastisements so rigorous notwithstanding that sometimes they be in some things fierce bycause they may be more feared and also more esteemed Also they promyse that from henceforth his Maiestie shall commaunde to reforme his house and also remoue the excessiue charges thereof considering that disordinate expences bryng forth newe tributes Also they promise you that for any neede the Kings Maiestie may haue hée shall not carry neither yet commaund to be caried any money out of this kingdome to bée transported into Flaunders Almayne or Italy considering that incontinent trafficke decayeth in kingdomes where money wanteth Also they promise that his Maiestie shall not permitte from henceforth Biscay Iron Alum of Murcia Vitailes of Andolozia nor Sackes of Burgos to be laden in straunge botoms but in shippes of Biscay and Galizia to the ende that straungers shall not robbe and our Countrey men to gayne whereby to eate Also they promise that his Maiestie shall not permit to be gyuen from henceforth fortresse Castell bridge gate or towne but vnto Gentlemen plaine and curteous and not vnto Gentlemen or Knights of power which in reuolting times may rise with the same considering that in the ancient times none might haue Artilery or Fortresse but the King in Castile Also they do promise you that from henceforth his Maiestie shall not permitte licences to cary corne into Portingall neyther from Mancha to Valentia consideryng that many tymes to haue licence to transport thither is here amongst ourselues cause of greate dearth Also with all breuitie his Maiestie wil commaund the contentions and matters in law to be examined and considered that haue bene continued betwixt Toledo and the Earle of Velalcassar and Segonia and sir Fernando Chichon and of Iaen with the towne of Martos and Valiodolid with Simancas and that of sir Peter Giron with the Duke of Medina considring that those in possession do delay and the dispossessed complaine Also they promise that the King will commaund to reforme the excesses giue lawe for banquets reforme Monasteries visit Chanceries repayre sorts and fortifie all the frontiers considering that in all these things there is necessitie of reformation and also of correction If you my Masters bée suche as you publishe your selfe throughout Castile whiche is to witte that you bée the redéemers of the Common wealth and the restorers of the libertie of Castile behold here wée offer you the redemption and also the resurrection thereof bycause so many and so good thinges as these are neyther did you remember to demaunde eyther woulde presume to craue nowe is the houre come wherein of necessitie it muste bée manifested whither you speake and meane one thing For if yée desire the generall wealth now is it offred you and if you pretend your particuler interest it may not be graunted you for speaking the troth it is not iust but most vniust that with the sweate of the poore common wealth you shoulde séeke to amend the state of your owne houses But let it be for cōclusion since we be here in the Churche of the towne of Braxima of my part I do humbly beséeche you vppon my knées and in the behalfe of the gouernours I doe request you and on the Kings name I commaund you to leaue your armour to discamp your camp and to vnfortifie Tordisillas if not I iustifie this offer for the gouernours that all the euils mischieues and slaughters that hereafter shall happen in this kingdome be vpon the charge of your soules and not vpon the burden of their conscience As I knéeled downe at the speaking of these last wordes forthwith came vnto me Alonso of Quintanilla and Sarabia bare headed and with great courtesie did help me to rise and forced me to sitte downe During the time I didde speake all that is aforesaid it was a thing to looke vpon and worthy consideration how some of them did behold me some did stampe some did eye me and also some did mocke me but I neuer the more did leaue to note either stay to speake After I had finished my Oration they all with one voice said and desired the Bishop of Zamora to speake his iudgemente and that afterwards they would all sée what were conuenient to be done Forthwith the Bishop toke me by the hand in the name of thē all he said vnto me Father frier Antony of Gueuara thou hast spoken sufficiently and also for the authoritie of thy habite as a man ouer rash but for that thou art a yong man and of small experience neither knowest thou what thou speakest eyther vnderstandest thou what thou demaundest eyther wast thou made a Frier being a boy or else thou art angrie or knowest little of this worlde or thou wantest iudgement since thou presumest to speak such things wouldest make vs beleue but thou father being stayd within thy monasterie knowest not of tirānies
murdred and buried vpon whose Tomb was placed this Epitaph with his armes whiche englished importeth as followeth Here lyeth the valiant Athaolphus with sixe of his children issued of Gothick bloud this was the first that aduentured to enter Spayne with an Army slayne with his owne men and buried with great teares in the great Citie of Barcelone Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spayne and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic whiche was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spayne a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lord of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable wisedome named Caba Thys Damesell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the Countrey was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the king being surprised with hir loue when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The which when Count Iulian vnderstoode hée was hyghly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the ende he myght make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto King Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie whiche the King had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores whiche then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of his determinations with Muzza Liuetenaunt generall of that Prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supplye of souldiers hée woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hée gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Count but also sent him a sufficient army to bring his deuysed practize to effect The countrie béeyng néere the straites of Giberaltare was well furnished with men of great courage He then folowing fortune béeyng stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury whiche he had receyued reiecting all loue of his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as hée had imbarked his army of Moores in foure ships and strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniury which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waighty Wherevnto they assenting sent him aide both of men monie Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spaine and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic which was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spaine a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lorde of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable in wisedome named Caba This damsell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the cuntrie was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the King being surprised with louing hir when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir so as béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The whiche when Counte Iulian vnderstoode he was highly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the end he might make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto king Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie which the king had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores which then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of that which he woulde do with Muzza Auuenokair Liuetenaunt generall of that prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that is if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supply of souldiers hee woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hee gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Counte but also sent him a sufficient army to bryng his deuised practize to effect The Ilandes of this country beyng néere the straites of Giberaltare were wel furnished with meÌ„ of great courage He theÌ„ folowing fortune being stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury which he had receyued reiecting all loue to his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as he had imbarked his army of Moores in foure shippes strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniurie which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waightie Whervnto they assenting sent him aide both of men and monie so as he tooke all the coastes of Spaine and much of the cuntry for the Moores whiche was the firste entrie of the Moores into Spaine and was in the yeare of grace 712. When the miserable king Roderic had vnderstaÌ„ding hereof that if with speede he ordered not his affaires he shoulde be in daunger to loose his realme and state with all the hasâ—â— possible he assembled an armie to encounter the Moores and made a nephew of his Captaine generall But the Moores giuing them the ouerthrow mangled him his men in péeces About which time another armie of Moores which the fornamed Muzza had placed in garison in places before subdued entred and tooke another countrye or prouince Whiche King Roderic vnderstanding and perceyuing the Moores daylye to aduaunce their force committing to fire and swoorde all the countrie that they subdued he gathered togither another army in whiche himselfe in person togither with all the Nobilitie of Spaine woulde go to searche out the Moores which then remayned at Seres and did so in déede where hée made greate slaughter both of the straunge Moores of his owne Christians But in fine the Christian army was vtterly destroyed the king loste in suche wise that afterwards he could neuer be founde quicke or deade From this tyme Spaine fell into the subiection of the Moores This battell was ended on a sunday the fourth of September in the yeare of our Sauiour 714. so as the Moores beeyng then victors might
which wanne Belgra HuÌ„garia Buda and Rhodes Semiramis Queene of Babylon set this Epitaph vp in the name of hir husbaÌ„d Ninus The Epitaph of Cata MaÌ„lia that was buried liuing The Epitaph of Athaolphus king of the Gothes The deflouring of a maideÌ„ was cause of the ruine of Spaine or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The deflouring of a maideÌ„ was cause of the ruine of Spayne or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The Moores being Lordes of all Spaine except Biscay the Mountaines which is Astiria Cantabria diuided it into kingdomes as Cordubia Carthage suche like A necessarie consideration betwixt will and necessitie A harde comfort An accompte to be made not what wee liue but howe we liue A counsell of Horace the Poet. Errors of mans life A superfluous care A sound couÌ„sell A smal boast of Anchises S 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 thi 〈…〉 Th 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 thei 〈…〉 An 〈…〉 eni 〈…〉 ceas 〈…〉 amoÌ„ 〈…〉 A straunge Sepulture A violence without all reason An art most barbarous An vse of the Chibirins most inhumayne The foure notable Sepultures in Rome A commendable manner of drunkennesse An amplification vpon a small cause An exposition of the .25 chapiter of Exodus A necessary maner to expounde the Scriptures A description of the Tabernacle A question An imperfection of all estates A note for the Pope and papistes An example not to be forgotten No smal part of iustificatioÌ„ to confesse our sinnes And yet vnperfect without correctioÌ„ Contempt of amendement yeldeth vtter confusion A chaunge of fashion The vnderstaÌ„ding of the snuffers of most pure and fine golde The snuffers of leade or yron to bee noted Notable qualities of a magistrate A notable example of king Dauid To be incommended to the memory of Princes A note for Iudges An excellent expoâ—â—tion An example to be imbraced For that God pardoneth sinners it is conuenient that sinners do pardon eche other To rowe agaynste the streame and fishe agaynste the winde The notes of Vertue The garmeÌ„ts wherewith a foole is clad An extreme excesse coÌ„mitted of Christ Thirste ceasseth not to coÌ„mit excesse Loue of effect more than of affection Wante of power but not of will is accepted Loue hath his maintenance by good workes Weake causes to obtayne the loue of God. Agaynst the heare of mundaine loue A diuine loue not vsed among men A most soueraine vnremouable loue Christ extended an ardent loue vnto vs before we had being A great cause of hope A loue neuer hard of An euerlasting loue The manner and frute of life in the Court of Spayne The commodities of the Court of Spayne A good rule for a Byshop A matter without remission The Gaditains be those of Caliz A possession and a secret commission to be noted A description of the situation of Carthage A most vnfortunate report of a neighbor A duble fute of a vertuous Lady An answer of a noble vertuous minde A chiefe point of Ladies of chast renowne A spectacle for yong Captaynes Scipio of singular continencie A rendred raunsome giuen to the mariage of an enemie A recompence for curtesie receyued Newes To be obstinate and opiniatiue expresseth enimitie to the troth The wise is knowen by the manner modestie of his talke The Inis dispute with their fists Psalme 63. King Dauid did Prophesie the errours and false interpretation of the Inis The GeÌ„tiles be excused of false interpretation of the scripture The Turks Moores and Sarasins were not acused by the prophesy of King Dauid to be false interpreters The Christians be defended of false interpretation of the Scriptures A manifest proofe that the Prophet only chargeth the Iewes of false interpretation Ieremy 31. A comfort vnto Christians The weale of the Christian is faith Many be saued without reading but not one person without beleeuing Loue is the law of Christians Chapter .49 A report as true as miserable An heauy destenie Nothing left but lies Nothing left but dregs Nothing but lies Nothing but dregges Nothing but lyes The beginning and ending of the Hebrew tong described The Iewes lost both the forme of their life and the maner of their speeche A maruelous desolation How where when and by whom the scriptures were falsifyed Aliama a troup or company A prohibitioÌ„ amongst the Iewes to reade the scriptures The Iewes doctors aleaged A most wicked exchange The apostles accused by the Iewes and defended by Christ A cause of error in the scripture CoÌ„gregatioÌ„s or Common wealthes The three cursed sectes Asees Saduces and Pharises The auctor knoweth the secretes of the Iewes The Iewes began to conuert Christians The Iewes coÌ„demne and dury the traÌ„slation of Abemiziel doubting the conuersion of the Iewes to Christ The firste traslatioÌ„ after the incarnation of Christ The seconde translation The thirde translation The fourth translation allowed in the Christian Churche A fifth traÌ„slatioÌ„ by Origen after Christ One of the great manifest causes of the false beleefe of the Iewes A Cruell suggestion of the Diuell Vanities affirmed by the Iewishe doctors This prophecie of Dauid verified vpon the Iewes This prophecie of Esay verified vpon the Christians Psal. 2. Psal. 30. Psal. 119. Psal. 20. ¶ The Table of the familiar Epistles of Sir Antony of Gueuara AN Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon at the triumphes vvhen the french king vvas taken fol. 1 An Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon on the daye of kinges vvherein is declared hovv the name of kinges vvas inuented fol. 4. A discourse or conference vvith the Emperour vpon certaine and most auncient stampes in metalles 12 A relation vnto Queene Germana declaring the life and lavves of the philosopher Licurgus 20 A letter vnto Sir Alonso Manrique Archbishop of Ciuile and Sir antony Manrique Duke of Nauara for the iudgemeÌ„t of a matter in coÌ„tentioÌ„ 21 A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynnigo of velasco vvherin the Author doth persvvade in the taking of Founterabie to make profe first of his vvisdome before he experiment his fortune 38 A letter vnto sir Antony of cuninga Prior of saint Iohn in vvhich is saide that although there be in a Gentleman to be reprehended there ought not to be cause of reproch 41 A letter to the Earle of Miranda vvherin is expounded that text of Christ vvhich saith My yoke is svveete 45 A letter vnto sir Peter Giron vvherin the Author doth toutch the manner of auncient vvriting 53 A letter vnto sir Ynnigo of Velasco Constable of Castile vvherein th' author doth teach the breifnes of vvriting in old time 59 A letter vnto the Marques of Pescara vvherein the Author doth note vvhat a captaine ought to be in the vvarres 66 A letter vnto sir Allonso Albornos vvherein in is touched that it is a poynt of euill manner not to aunsvvere to a letter vvritten vnto him 72 A letter vnto sir