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A15400 An harmonie vpon the first booke of Samuel wherein according to the methode obserued in Hexapla vpon Genesis, and Exodus, but more compendiously abridged, these speciall things are obserued vpon euery chapter: the diuers readings compared, doubtfull questions explaned, places of Scripture reconciled, controuersies briefly touched, and morall collections applied. Wherein aboue foure hundred theologicall questions are handled, with great breuitie and much varietie, by the former author of Hexapla on Genesis. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1607 (1607) STC 25678; ESTC S120031 271,285 362

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king Pellican agreeable to the description of a king in Moses Deut. 17. 2. This booke was laide vp before the Arke that it might continually put them in remembrance of their mutuall dutie Iun. 3. But this booke is not now to be found it is lost as many other historicall bookes Vatab. 15. Quest. v. 27. Of the wicked men that murmured against Saul 1. They are called men of Belial that is without a yoke which refused to submit themselues to Sauls gouernment thinking that because he was of meane parentage and of no power he was not a like man to saue the people Pellic. 2. Therefore they came not to shew their dutie to the king to bring him presents as other did for by such gifts of acknowledgement subiects may expresse their loyall affection to the Magistrate Osiand 3. But Saul held his peace and winked at this fault to auoide sedition and to winne them by lenitie Genevens CHAP. XI 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the attempt of Nahash the Ammonite against the men of Iabesh Gilead 1. IT seemeth that the Ammonites yet bare in minde the great slaughter which they receiued by Ipthah the Gileadite Iud. 11. and therefore they now seeke to be reuenged vpon the men of Iabesh Gilead Pellican Gods prouidence so disposing that by this meanes Saul should haue occasion to shew his valure Borr. 2. This Iosephus thinketh fell out a moneth after Saul had taken the kingdome but that can not be for yet seuen daies were not expired which Samuel had set vnto Saul that so long he should expect his comming to Gilgal c. 10.8 But it seemeth that this attempt was made immediately before Saul was elected king and the feare of Nahash was the cause why the people asked a king chap. 12.14 2. Quest. Of Nahash cruell demand to haue them put out their right eyes 1. In this inhumane and hostile condition here imposed the Ammonites shew their detestable hatred to the people of God that as they denied them bread and water in the wildernes so they continue hatefull toward them still and therefore the Lord knowing their malice against his people prouided in the law that the Israelites should haue nothing to doe with them Deut. 23.6 Borr. 2. By the right eye some Hebrewes vnderstand that text in the law that the Ammonites should not enter into the congregation till the tenth generation that they would haue it rased out but this exposition is ridiculous and fond Nahash would indeede haue their right eye put out to make them vnapt for warre for the left eye was shadowed and hid with the sheild which they held before it Ioseph and to make them vnfit either to read or write the law of God as some Hebrewes ex Pellican but the reason is here expressed to bring shame and ignominie vpon Israel as the Ammonites had a delight to reproch the people of God as Haman the sonne of this Nahash did shame Dauids seruants that were sent to him in kindnesse in shauing their beardes and cutting off their garments by the middle 2. Sam. 10. 3. Now who are the Ammonites that in these daies doe reproach the people of God it is not hard to iudge euen they which in stead of the word of God doe thrust vpon the Church superstitious traditions and so denie vnto the Israelites the spirituall water and bread of their soules who while they nusle the people in ignorance and seduce them from the right faith which is the eye of the soule doe in a manner condition with them to plucke out their right eyes Borr. 3. Quest. Whether the men of Iabesh Gilead did well in yeilding themselues to Nahash demaund 1. They shew their weakenesse in that they would at all yeelde to Gods dishonour by the shaming of his people they bewray also their diffidence and distrust in expecting helpe from man and not relying vpon God Osiand yea they seeme also to prescribe vnto God in limiting a time for their deliuerance Mar. for this they had beene worthie to haue beene deliuered ouer into the hand of their enemies but that God had respect rather vnto his owne glorie then vnto their deserts 2. They desire a time of seauen daies which the enemie in the pride of his heart thinking that the Israelites durst not encounter him refuseth not But Gods prouidence herein is seene in giuing occasion to Saul to shew his valure and to bring this proud tyrant to confusion Pellican 4. Quest. v. 6. What spirit of God came vpon Saul 1. The Chalde paraphrast very well expoundeth this place that the spirit of fortitude came vpon Saul as the like is saide of Sampson Iudg. 14.5 that the spirit of God came vpon him when he tare the lyon it was then an heroicall spirit wherewith he was endued Borr. the spirit of strength and courage to goe against this tyrant it was not the spirit of sanctification and regeneration see before chap. 10. quest 7. 2. By this it is euident that a man euen in ciuill actions hath neede of the direction of Gods spirit to bring them to a good ende as before chap. 10.26 it is saide that there followed Saul a band of men whose heart God had touched man hath not any free-will of himselfe in morall actions to doe that which is good and pleasing in the sight of God vnlesse he be thereunto drawne and guided by the spirit of God contrarie to the erroneous doctrine of the Romanists 5. Quest. v. 7. Of the edict of Saul proclaimed in his name and Samuels with the hewing of the oxen in pieces 1. Saul vseth not his owne name onely but Samuels also saying Whosoeuer commeth not forth after Saul and Samuel both for more authoritie because he was anointed king by Samuel the Lords Prophet Osiand and because he was not yet generally approoued and receiued king of all Vatab. as also Samuel had not wholly resigned and giuen vp the administration as is noted before c. 7. quest 14. and it seemeth also that Samuel was present also at this time in the battell as appeareth v. 14. Iun. 2. And Saul vseth this policie in hewing his oxen in pieces and sending them because he knewe that deedes would perswade more then words Osiand as the Leuite did the like when he hewed his wife in pieces and sent her parts into all quarters of Israel Iud. 19. beside Saul herein sheweth his zeale and forwardnes in defending the Lords people Pellican And it was necessarie also that Saul beeing alreadie contemned of some should set forth his edicts vnder some penaltie that the people might be kept in due awe and obedience Osiand 6. Quest. v. 8. Why the men of Iudah were counted apart from the men of Israel 1. Whereas it is said the men of Israel were three hundred thousand the men of Iudah thirtie thousand it is euident that before the falling away of the tenne tribes from the kingdome of Dauid some were reckoned of Isreel and some of Iudah Borr. 2.
parique à vobis mensura desideror children I doe long for you as you in like manner long for me A good Pastor as one saith should be like vnto an old beaten hare longa cursitatione defessus cubilibus suis emori beeing wearie of long chasing abroad to returne home and to die as it were in his own borrow Espenc vbi supra They must haue a care when they are necessarily called from home to leaue in their place such as are sufficient to guide the people and to instruct them in their absence not to make such a bad choice of their curates as Ieroboam did of his priests of the lowest of the people which were not Leuites 1. king 12.31 that is not instructed in the law of God but to refuse with Iob to set such with the dogges of their flocke Iob 30.1 not to commit the ouersight of their flocke vnto such Ambrose to this purpose thus writeth to the Bishop of Come Comcusium iam plerique caeperunt credere ministerio tuo sed qui dedit credentes adiutores dabit quo tibi excusandi auferatur necessitas mihi crebrior tuae praesentiae refundatur gratia Most of the people of Come haue begunne to beleeue by your ministerie but he that gaue them to beleeue shall giue vnto you helpers that the necessitie of excuse may be taken from you and that I may oftner enioy your presence Epist. 5. It should seeme that this godly Bishop beeing much desired by Ambrose excused himselfe that he could not come hauing none meet to supply his place at home and therefore Ambrose thus writeth vnto him 3. They which are thus substituted in the Pastors absence beeing as it were his coadiutors and fellow helpers should receiue sufficient maintenance from the flocke and not be shifted off with a tenth part or lesse of the Pastors stipend the ordinarie Glosse vpon Gratian fitly to this purpose applieth that text in Moses Deut. 23.25 that no man should put his sikle into an others corne haec messis nostra est vos vultis falcem in eam mittere this is our haruest say they which instruct the people and you that take no paines will thrust in your sikle Againe the Apostle saith They which waite on the altar must be partakers of the altar 1. Cor. 9.13 nunquid de eo cui non serviunt What shall they then liue of that altar which they doe not serue Gloss. in Gratian. caus 13. qu. 2. can 1. But of these digressions sufficient now I will returne vnto the text 17. Quest. v. 29. Of Dauids words to his brother Haue I not busines 1. The Hebrew phrase is is there not a word or matter for so the word dabar is taken for both which Vatablus expoundeth as though he should say they were but his words he had done nothing but Dauid would not so extenuate the busines which he had in hand or seeme to call in that which he had saide 2. Some giue this sense is it not a common brute in euery ones mouth what haue I done then more then other Martyr and the Chalde insinuateth so much reading thus is it not a word which I haue spoken but Dauid seemeth to take no knowledge here of any such thing which he had heard or said in the campe neither doth Eliab obiect vnto him that but onely findeth fault with his comming to the campe wherein Dauid goeth about to satisfie him 3. Others make this the meaning I haue not spoken words onely but I will performe it in deede and so would read it without an interrogation this is not a word that is onely Pellican but this had beene to exasperate his elder brother more if he should before him haue shewed his purpose whose anger Dauid with a peaceable and mild answer declineth 4. Some doe vnderstand it of the word or commandement of God he came not of his owne head as Dauid saith afterward to Goliath I come vnto thee in the name of the Lord of hosts v. 45. Borr. but Dauid saw that his carnall brother was not fitt to haue any such secret concerning Gods counsell to be reuealed vnto him 5. Wherefore dabhar is better here translated matter cause or busines and so Dauid excuseth himselfe because he came about his fathers businesse and of his message B.G. Iun. Osiand 6. But in that Dauid giueth place to his brothers wrath and doth not answer him againe but goeth away from him it teacheth vs not to adde fire to fire rage to rage but to giue way and to beare our brothers infirmities as S. Peter saith Not rendring euill for euill nor rebuke for rebuke Martyr 18. Quest. v. 34. Of Dauids confidence to goe against Goliath vpon his former experience of Gods assistance 1. Dauid vseth three reasons to perswade Saul that he should ouercome the Philistim first from his former experience in that he had in the defense of his flocke slaine a Lyon and a beare secondly he buildeth vpon Gods couenant he was circumcised and so within Gods couenant and protection the other was vncircumcised and so a straunger from the couenant thirdly from the sinne and blasphemie of Goliath for the which the Lord would be reuenged of him Martyr 2. But whereas Dauid hauing experience of two former deliuerances out of two great daungers doth aduenture vpon the third this example is not simply to be imitated by vs that we should in like manner animate our selues by former experience to enterprise things beyond our power for Dauid beside his experience had also the word of God for his warrant both by the Prophet Samuel that he should be king of Israel and by the secret instinct of the spirit which stirred him vp to this action Mart. There be two things therefore which must concurre to make the argument of experience strong first that we haue a good cause as Dauid here had and that we are warranted by our calling as Dauid was beeing appointed to be the captaine of the Lords people herein the children of Benjamin failed who maintaining a bad cause did flatter themselues because they had twice ouercome the Israelites they should fall before them still Iud. 20.32 secondly we must also haue the warrant of Gods word for our faith must be built vpon the word this Sampson wanted when he encouraged himselfe in his former experience when Dalilah had caused his locks to be clipped off that he would goe out as at other times but he wanted the assistance of Gods spirit as before the text saith he knew not that the Lord was departed from him Iud. 16.20 3. Though therefore the argument of experience without the inward motion of Gods spirit doth not warrant vs for a particular deliuerance as from the famine the pestilence the sword yet generally it is a good perswasion to build our confidence vpon that we are assured in generall that God will keepe vs and deliuer vs as he hath done as the Apostle saith Who deliuered vs
where his busines lay for Maon Ziph and Carmel were not farre asunder Iosh. 15.53 Carmel signifieth generally any place tilled or planted it was the proper name of two places one in Isachar where Baals priests were slaine an other in Iudah which was this Mar. Further he is set forth by his name which signifieth a foole by his riches by his qualities he was churlish and euill conditioned riches where Gods grace is not bestowed withall make men proud and insolent by his kinred he was of the posteritie of Caleb good men haue not alwaies good issue parents may leaue vnto their children riches and possessions but they can not bequeath them wisdome vnderstanding pietie for these gifts haue an other beginning they proceede from God and if there might be a certaine descent of these spirituall graces as of temporall they would be thought to be naturall Mar. 2. Concerning Abigail whose name is interpreted the ioy of the father shee beeing a vertuous woman was vnequally matched with a wicked husband Ambrose hereof maketh this allegorie that this Abigail doth signifie the Church which first serued vnder a foolish and vnwise husband the Philosophers and other vaine men among the heathen but after was ioyned in mariage vnto Christ as Abigail became Dauids wife But this figure holdeth not in euery point for Abigail was a beautifull and wise woman before shee was married vnto Dauid the Church of God was deformed without any spirituall comelines or beautie till shee was espoused vnto Christ. Mar. 4. Quest. v. 5. Of Dauids salutation which he sendeth vnto Nabal First the word is lechai which is diuersly interpreted 1. Some read to my brethren L. but then it should be leachi as Numb 6.7 not lechai 2. Others thus thus say vnto him beeing liuing that is in good health Iun. that if they found him well they should then wish continuance of health and prosperitie to himselfe and all he had but it is like that Dauid knew before he sent that Nabal was in health because he heard that he kept a sheepshearing feast which beeing a time of mirth would not haue beene solemnized if Nabal the master of the house had not beene well 3. Therefore the better reading is per vitam C. or ad vitam A.P. that is during thy life I wish thee this prosperitie so also Ioseph and Vatab. so maiest thou liue Secondly Dauid in this his salutation omitteth nothing whereby he might insinuate himselfe vnto Nabal 1. It should be a worke of mercie to haue compassion on them in their want 2. It was honest because they had deserued it in in guarding and keeping his cattell 3. It was an easie matter for him to doe at this time seeing he made a feast and he prescribed not what he should send but as he thought good himselfe 4. It would be profitable for Nabal for they might be a safegard to him and his still Mar. Thirdly here we may see the fickle and vncertaine state of the world how fooles are many times rich and wise men poore I haue seene saith the Preacher seruants on horses and Princes walking on foote c. 10.7 that is men of small vertue and vnderstanding aduanced and men of great desert in low and meane estate as it was strange here that Dauid should become a suiter vnto Nabal for his releefe thus we see that Gods fauour is not to be measured or esteemed by riches or pouertie Mar. 5. Quest. Of Nabals churlish answer 1. Nabal is not content onely not to giue any thing to Dauid but he also raileth and reuileth him as worldly wretches many times doe not onely not releeue the necessities of the Saints but reuile their persons and condemne their cause Genevens 2. So Nabal doth euery way disgrace Dauid first he setteth light by his person saying who is Dauid he despiseth him that was the Lords anointed that killed Goliath and had defended the people of God many times against the Philistims whome Saul himselfe immediatly before had confessed should be king he was also of Nabals owne tribe and yet he despiseth contemneth him and preferreth his sheepheards and sheepeshearers before him Then he also slaundereth his cause making both himselfe and all those which were with him no better then runnagates from their masters and secretly taxeth Dauid himselfe for leauing the king his master Osiand Further he maketh as though his request were vniust and vnreasonable because he would haue that which was prouided for others Mart. 6. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids hastie and sodaine rage 1. It may seeme straunge that Dauid who with patience did beare the wrongs which Saul offered him and afterward the rayling of Shemei yet could not forbeare at this time but armeth himselfe to take reuenge the reason that mooued him was both the ingratitude of Nabal rendring vnto him euill for good as Dauid himselfe saith v. 21. and the indignitie and contumelie which Nabal euill requited Dauid with in words hereof it is that men can with greater patience endure violence offered to their bodies then contumelies and reproches to their good name because as Chrysostome saith the one concerneth but the outward man the other toucheth the inward part the very soule and minde 2. Yet although such cause were giuen to Dauid he diuersly offendeth 1. in his hast that without any further consultation he purposeth to take reuenge 2. in his rash oath that vnaduisedly in his rage bindeth himselfe to finish that which he had inconsiderately purposed 3. in that he purposeth to destroy all euen that pissed against the wall that is to the very dogge for the offence of one he would bring this calamitie vpon the whole house for though Nabal had committed this villanie yet what had the women and the seruants offended 3. Some doe excuse Dauid that he did this by the motion and stirring of the spirit but we neede not vse any such defense seeing that Dauid himselfe confesseth therein his ouersight v. 33. And these infirmities of the Saints doe serue for instruction as well as their vertues for by this we may see what we are by nature that if any good grace be wrought in vs we should giue the praise thereof vnto God Mar. 7. Quest. v. 18. Of Abigails wise behauiour in preparing to meete Dauid 1. Her wisedome appeareth in that laying aside all delay shee maketh all possible hast for it was time in this case to make speede Dauid beeing now vpon the way comming toward Nabals house 2. Shee will not goe emptie handed shee carieth a rich and plentifull present for it was not a little that would suffice so great a companie so then as Nabal had two waies giuen offence both in giuing nothing and in reuiling beside Abigail applieth the remedie according to the disease against Nabals illiberal and churlish refusall to send any thing at all shee setteth her liberalitie and in stead of his vnkinde reuiling shee meditateth to appease Dauids wrath with gentle speech 3. Shee goeth
the speeches and behauiour of men which are guided with reason and the gestures and motions of beasts birds which haue no such direction 2. This signe which Ionathan purposeth to himselfe was represented vnto him by the instinct of Gods spirit as was that token which Abrahams seruant praieth might be giuen him as an assurance of good successe concerning the behauiour of the maide that should be Isaaks wife Gen. 24.14 So Gedeon tooke that dreame which he heard one Madianite tell an other to be a signe of victorie Iud. 7.13 And as there it is expressed that God offered vnto him this signe so it is not to be doubted but that Ionathan thus spake by a diuine inspiration Iun. 3. Neither was this signe without some naturall reason for if the Philistims said tarie till we come to you it was a signe of their courage and boldnes but if they saide come vp vnto vs it was a bewraying of their fearefulnes that they durst not set vpon their enemies and so Ionathan took that as a signe that God would giue them into their hands Pellican 4. Further there was a spirituall reason hereof for if they said come vp vnto vs as in boasting and insolent manner as insulting ouer them as Goliah did ouer Dauid then Ionathan was perswaded that God who resisteth the proud would also fight against them and abate their pride Borr. and further in that Ionathan taketh their going vp the steepe rockes rather to be a signe of victorie then the Philistims comming downe to them it sheweth that the way of Gods seruants is hard difficult and laborious not easie and pleasant Borr. 5. Iosephus seemeth to giue an other likely reason of this signe because the Philistims were confident vpon the defense of the place thinking that none durst ad●enture to come vp vnto them and such carnall confidence the Lord hateth and setteth himselfe against such as the Prophet saith to Shebnah which had graued for himselfe an habitation as in a rocke that the Lord would turne him like a ball in a large countrey Isa. 22.16.18 5. Quest. v. 13. Of Ionathans creeping on his hands and feete vp the hill 1. Some thinke that where it is saide he went vp on his hands and feete the meaning is that he assaied to goe vp with all his strength Vatab. but rather it sheweth the manner of his climing vp that because the place was steepe he was faine to creepe of all fowre and to take hold with his hands and feete he went vp with much adoe Iun. rather then in hast Genevens for he could make no great hast in going vp so steep a rock 2. But it is further to be cōsidered as Iosep. well noteth that Ionathan and his seruant did not goe vp on that side where the Philistims espied thē but they went to an other place which was not kept with any garrison because they thought it surely defēsed by nature Bor. 3. This their rare aduenture and hard enterprise sheweth that God was with them and did assist them farre beyond their owne strength forren histories doe much commend Alexanders taking of the Aorna saxa who sent vp his souldiers into those steepe rockes vpon their hands and feete but more worthie is the memorie of this fact of Ionathan who with lesse power then Alexander had enterprised an harder worke and atchieued a greater victorie hauing confidence in his God then the other did intending nothing but victorie and praise 6. Quest. v. 14. In what compasse of ground Ionathans first slaughter was made 1. It is called the first slaughter the second was when they one slew an other and the third when the Israelites chased them Genevens 2. In this first slaughter they killed twentie men taking some of their weapons that were slaine in a very small compasse of ground in the space of halfe an aker of a paire of oxens plowing some read as though an half aker were two oxens plowing in a day Lat. but then it had beene sufficient to say so much as two oxen vse to plow the Chalde better giueth the sense circiter spacium dimidiae ambulationis iugi boum c. about the space of halfe a iourney of a paire of oxen that is of halfe such an aker as oxen vse to plow in a day common experience also sheweth as much that a couple of oxen in such light sandie grounds as the land of Palestina most what was vse to plow an aker in a day 3. But it may be further doubted whether we are here to take the breadth or length of an aker the Septuag read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a stones cast rather vnderstanding it of the length then breadth but they rather expound the meaning then giue the sense of the word there are two things noted in this slaughter which shew the strangenes of it the number slaine by two men and in such a small circuit of ground therefore I think it was neither so much as a bow shoote which phrase sometime the Scripture vseth as Gen. 21.16 nor as a stones cast as they vsed to throw out of slings as the Scripture vseth also to speake Luk. 22.41 nor yet the length of an aker or furlong cast long waies which commonly maketh 40. pole the breadth of an half aker in that forme containing but two pole of ground would be thought to be too small a space for twentie men to be slaine in therefore I take the meaning to be that in the space of halfe an aker that is halfe the length of an aker which might make some twentie pole in the length of euery pole they slue a man Iosephus thinketh that Ionathan fell vpon them beeing a sleepe but then a great number might haue beene slaine in a lesse compasse and it seemeth by the great terrour which fell vpon the hoast that they were slaine as they fled by their flying terrified others 7. Quest. v. 15. Of the feare which fell vpon the hoast of the Philistims Three things doe set forth the greatnes of this feare 1. that the Philistims feared where was no cause of feare for onely two men pursued them such a feare the Lord sent vpon the Cananites before Israel such as the Lord threatned to send vpon his people for their sinne they should feare none pursuing them Levit. 26.36 Osiand 2. This feare was generall for all the people as well they which kept their stations and garrisons as they which went forth to spoile were horribly afraid Iun. 3. This feare is set forth by the effects that the very insensible creatures the earth it self seemed to tremble vnder them and to be smitten as with feare from God some read with a great feare Iun. Pag. because the phrase is so sometime taken as Gen. 30.8 the wrestlings of God are taken for great wrestlings but it is both more significatiue and better expressing the sense of the original that it was striken with the feare of God that is sent of God Vat.
by rockes and caues and such other places as he is reprooued afterward by the Prophet Gad v. 5. Iun. 3. Some thinke that at this time Dauid made these two Psalmes 57. and 142. as the title sheweth Osiand But these Psalmes seeme rather to haue beene indited when he was in the caue or hold of Engedi 1. Sam. 24.1 Iun. Mar. for the title of the 57. Psalme sheweth that Dauid when he was in that caue fled from Saul but at this time he did not directly flee from Saul but came from the Philistims countrey 4. Iosephus saith that Dauid sent from this place to his father brethren shewing where he was which might very well be because they came vnto him for otherwise they could not haue found him out Saul for hatred vnto Dauid beganne to deale hardly with his kinred and therefore in disdaine he called him the sonne of Ishai herein Dauid sheweth his dutifull affection vnto his parents that he was carefull to prouide for them in the middes of his affliction Mar. 2. Quest. v. 2. Whether Dauid did well in receiuing those vnto him which fledde away for debt 1. It may well be that all those which came flocking to Dauid to the number of 4. hundreth came not all with a sincere minde as acknowledging Dauid to be the Lords anointed for Dauid himselfe suspected them as he saith vnto them 1. Chron. 12.17 that if they came peaceably vnto him his heart should be knit vnto them but if they came to betray him to his aduersaries God would behold and rebuke it Iosephus also saith that some came rerum nouarum cupidi beeing desirous of chaunge and nouelties But if any such came vnto Dauid vpon any sinister pretense it made not Dauids cause the worse our Sauiour had one Iudas among his Apostles and some followed him onely to see his miracles and now many hypocrites seeme to professe the Gospel yet is not the cause and profession it selfe thereby disgraced Martyr 2. But howsoeuer some of them might come rather to seeke their owne then Dauids wealth yet their cause was good in generall they were not such a band of ruffians and rakehels as wicked Ahimelech hired to kill his seuentie brethren Iud. 9. but such as were oppressed and wronged and perplexed in minde and vnder the extortioners hand the most read cui erat creditor he that had a creditor and was endebted which some excuse thus that these indebted could not obtaine their right and so fell into other mens daunger or beeing in debt if they had possessions and lands those might satisfie their creditors if they had nothing their owne tenuitie and poore estate might excuse them Mar. But the word nosheh of nasha signifieth also an oppressour extortionour and such persons endebted are vnderstood which were vnder the extortioner and vsurers hand Iun. that were cruelly handled and extorted vpon for their debts 3. Herein Dauid was a type of Christ who called vnto him all those which were heauie laden with the burden of their sinnes promising to ease them Borr. Osiand 3. Quest. v. 3. Of Mizpeh in Moab whether Dauid went and where he left his parents 1. Beside this Mizpeh in Moab there were fowre places beside of that name as is shewed before qu. 7. in chap. 7. it was also called Malle that is a fort 1. Macchab. 5.26 as Iunius readeth there following Iosephus 2. Dauid commended his father and mother to the king of Moab some thinke because he was allied by the mothers side by Ruth to the Moabites but that kinred was somewhat too auncient others thinke that Moab became Sauls enemie since the ouerthrow at Iabesh Gilead by Saul but that was the king of the Ammonites not of the Moabites some Hebrewes thinke that this king of Moab did put Dauids parents to death ex Pellic. but that is not like for it is saide they dwelt with the king of Moab that is was honourably entertained as Iosephus saith the reason why this king fauoured Dauid was for that Saul was his enemie as appeareth c. 14.48 which was the cause also that Dauid afterward found entertainment likewise among the Philistims chap. 27. Iun. 4. Quest. v. 5. Of the Prophet Gads comming to Dauid 1. This Gad was the same Prophet that came to Dauid after he had numbred the people and offered him three choices 2. Sam. 23. of him mention is made also 1. Chron. 21. and 2. Chron. 29. it seemeth that Dauid vsed to consult with this Prophet to be directed by him and to be informed of the Lords wil Mar. wherein the Lords mercie appeareth to Dauid that leaueth him not in the middes of his affliction destitute of the word of God Osiand whereas Saul yet flourishing in authoritie and wealth was forsaken of God Mar. 2. Some thinke that this hold which Gad aduiseth Dauid to leaue was not farre from the caue in Adullam Osiand but the text sheweth it to be otherwise for the caue of Adullam was in the tribe of Iudah and now Dauid was not in Iudah but in Moab in the hold of Mizpeh 3. After Dauids returne into the land of Iudah Saul began more eagerly to persecute Dauid and to be incensed against the Priests and this fell out after the counsell of the Prophet but Gods word was not the cause of that cruel murder but it was an occasion whereby Sauls malice and hypocrisie was discouered Mart. 5. Quest. Of the vse and necessitie of Prophets in times past God saw it needfull vnder the law to sustaine his Church with Prophesies and continually to send them Prophets for their instruction and strengthening vntill the Messiah came which calling of the Prophets the Lord seeth not to be necessarie now as then for these reasons 1. The Church of God was to be nourished in the hope and expectation of the Messiah by the reuiuing of prophesies but now Messiah is exhibited to his Church 2. The visible Church of God then was limited vnto one nation vnto whome Prophets might be sent whereas now the Church is dispersed ouer the world 3. The people of Israel beeing then the visible Church and so hated and enuied of the whole world in that respect had neede of Prophets to be encouraged by them 4. Beside the Iewes were curious and inquisitiue of things to come and therefore to stay them from running to Soothsayers and wizzards the Lord sent them Prophets to resolue them 5. They had then onely the fiue bookes of Moses first and afterward the Prophets and till the Scriptures were full a supplie was to be made by Prophets for after the books of the Prophets were written and added to Moses after Malachies time they had no more Prophets much lesse now the new Testament beeing ioyned to the old to make the Scriptures complete hath the Church of God the like neede of Prophets Mart. 6. Quest. v. 6. Of the place where Saul called his seruants together 1. Some read thus Saul remained in Gibeah vnder a tree in
Lords direction in all their doubts 2. But whereas the Lord answeareth that Saul would come downe to Keilah and that the men of Keilah would deliuer him into Sauls hands and yet neither of these came to passe for vpon Dauids departure Saul also ceased his pursuit hence it can not be inferred that the predictions of God are vncertaine for the Lords answear is here to be vnderstood conditionally that those things should certenly come to passe if Dauid staied there so the Lord speaketh of that purpose which he saw alreadie to be in Saul not of the act it selfe So Ionas threatned the destruction of Niniueh after 40. daies but with a secret condition if they repented not Mar. A difference also is here to be made betweene the prescience of God and predestination for the Lord as well foreseeth what shall be done as what is likely to be done in respect of the second causes but his decree of predestination is onely of those things which shall most certenly be effected 3. Here also may be obserued a manifest difference betweene the answears which God vsed to giue which were certaine without any doubtfulnes and ambiguitie and the oracles of Apollo which were ambiguous and doubtfull Mart. 5. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids departing with sixe hundred men 1. The Lord could if it had pleased him haue so assisted Dauid that as he had victorie against the Philistims so he might haue preuailed by force against Saul but the Lord thought not good in his wisdome so to doe for this would haue beene the cause of intestine and deadly warre and the destruction of the Lords people and Dauid might haue bin thought to haue aspired vnto the kingdome and to stand against the Lords anointed God knew how by other meanes without the destruction of his people or slaunder vnto Dauid in good time to performe and accomplish his purpose toward him Mart. 2. Dauids number is encreased he departeth to Keilah with sixe hundred not fowre hundred as Iosephus reckoneth whereas he had but fowre hundred before c. 22.2 where we see that affliction and persecution doth not diminish the Lords people but rather encreaseth them Mart. according to that auncient saying sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae the blood of Martyrs is the seede of the Church 6. Quest. How Ionathan was deceiued in thinking he should be next vnto Dauid when he was king 1. In that Ionathan saide Dauid should be king he spake certenly because he had the word of God for it by Samuel who had alreadie anointed him for king but the other was not certen that he should be next vnto Dauid because Ionathan had no such promise 2. Some thinke therefore to make this saying of Ionathan good that he onely entreated this of Dauid by their great friendship that he might be next him in the kingdome Pellican But Ionathan affirmeth that it shall be he praieth not that it may be and to haue asked such a thing would haue shewed some doubt in Ionathan of Dauids friendship and amitie toward him some say further which is most true that though Ionathan was not next to Dauid in that terrene kingdome beeing preuented by death yet the Lord gaue him a place in his celestiall kingdome Osiand Here we see that the children of God are sometime deceiued in temporall things whereof they haue no certaine promise and assurance but so farre forth as the Lord seeth it to be good for them as S. Paul perswaded himselfe that the Lord would still deliuer him from the daunger of death 2. Cor. 1.10 and that he should still continue with the Philippians Phil. 1.25 whereas beeing a prisoner at Rome he was not from thence deliuered till he finished his life by glorious martyrdome Mar. 7. Quest. v. 18. Of the mutuall couenant which Dauid and Ionathan made before the Lord. 1. It is lawfull for Christians to ioyne in league together so it be for a good ende as for the maintenance of religion for as God maketh a league and couenant with man so may one man with an other this is the third time that this league was made betweene them once before when he had killed Goliath c. 18.3 and againe when he fledde out of the kingdome c. 20.42 for the nature of man beeing variable and inconstant had neede often to be stirred vp and put in minde by the reuiuing of godly loue and friendship Mart. 2. This couenant is saide to be made before the Lord that is in the presence sight and feare of God Mart. it is like also it was done in the presence of the Priest with his Vrim and Thummim Iun. 3. As it is lawfull for the seruants of God to make mutuall leagues so it must be limited with certaine conditions 1. They must not enter into any league or couenant with the wicked as Iehoshaphat is reprooued for ioyning with Ahab 2. Chron. 19.2 and afterward with Ahaziah his sonne 2. Chron. 20.37 2. Their league must be grounded in the feare of God not for any worldly respect or aduantage as Abimelech only desireth to make a couenant with Abraham that he should not hurt him nor his posteritie Gen. 21.23 3. They that make such league must not goe from it but surely keepe it not as Saul brake his oath made to Dauid that he should not die c. 19.6 4. Such leagues and couenants must be made to good ende not to combine themselues to persecute Christ as Herod and Pilate were made friends for the same ende nor his members as the Antichrist of Rome hath incited diuers Princes in Christendome to associate themselues against the people and Church of God the professours of the Gospel 8. Quest. v. 17. How Saul knew that Dauid should be King 1. Some vnderstand this of the amitie and friendshippe which was betweene Ionathan and Dauid that it was known to Saul Osiand but beside that the coherence of the words here sheweth that it must be referred to that which immediatly went before that Dauid should be king ouer Israel Saul els where signified so much himselfe that the kingdome could not be established in Ionathan as long as Dauid liued and that he had chosen him to his confusion chap. 20.31 2. Saul knewe that Dauid should be king both by Samuels words that the Lord had cast off Saul and chosen his neighbour better then he c. 15. by the continuall good successe that Dauid had and by the report of others as he himselfe confesseth c. 22.8 Iun. as also by the fauour of his sonne and of all the people toward Dauid Mart. he might also haue heard of the anointing of Dauid by Samuel and his conscience did testifie against him that he was vnworthie to hold the kingdome Borr. so that Saul knowing this did persecute Dauid against his owne conscience Mar. 9. Quest. v. 19. Of the Ziphims betraying Of Dauid 1. These Ziphims were of the tribe of Iudah and came of Caleb 1. Chron. 2.42 of whose treacherie Dauid
beeing the fittest place in respect of the equall distance beeing as it were in the middes of the land Iun. and Masius 4. Vatablus then is deceiued who following Kimeh● thinketh that this Mizpeh where the Israelites were assembled was that Mizpeh where Ioshuah had the victorie ouer the kings of Canaan Iosh. 11.3 but that can not be for that Mizpeh was neere vnto Lebanon but this Mizpeh was not farre from Ramah where Samuel dwelt which as Iosephus thinketh was distant not aboue fourtie furlongs from Ierusalem Mas. in c. 11. Iosh. v. 3. 8. Quest. v. 6. How the Israelites drew water and powred it out before God 1. Some vnderstand it of the water of purification wherby they testified their hope and faith in the remission and washing away of their sinnes Pellican Mar. 2. Some thinke that by the powring out of water they shewed their humilitie that they were as water powred out Vatab. 3. Some thinke that as there was a certaine water appointed by the law for the triall of adulterie so also it was vsed for the conuincing of idolatrie which was a spirituall kind of adulterie that the lippes of such as were idolaters as soone as they touched the water did cleaue and clamme vp together with thirst and therefore they say that Moses caused the Idolatrous Israelites to drinke the ashes of the golden calfe sic Hieron tradit 4. Some vnderstand it of the drawing of water and offering of it in drinke offerings vnto God Ioseph 5. But the Chalde interpretation is best that they powred out their heart vnto God and shed teares before the Lord in such abundance as if they had drawne water Iun. Osiand 9. Quest. v. 6. Why Samuel is said to haue iudged Israel in Mizpeh 1. Some thinke that there he put the Idolaters to death and in that sense is saide to haue iudged Israel Hieron 2. Some that there he compounded the controuersies and determined the causes and strifes among the people Vatab. 3. Some that he is said now to iudge them because they submit themselues to his gouernment and with one common consent receiue him for their Iudge and Magistrate Osiand Mar. 4. But beside these interpretations he is most of all saide to iudge them because he beganne now to reforme both the Church and Commonwealth which were out of course as it appeareth 1. Chron. 9.22 Iun. Borr. 10. Quest. v. 9. Of the sucking lambe which Samuel offered 1. Some thinke that Samuel offered not this sacrifice himselfe but by the hands of some of the Priests for he was not a Priest but a Leuite and had the charge to open and shut the doores c. 3. R. Ben Gerson Vatab. But as yet Samuel was not publikely called to the office of a Prophet when beeing brought vp vnder Eli he was employed about the doores of the Temple and though he were but a Leuite and so ordinarily was not to offer sacrifice yet by the extraordinarie calling of a Prophet he had warrant to doe it and therefore it is said afterward v. 17. that he built an altar vnto God So the Prophet Elias also offered sacrifice 1. king 18. this is also the opinion of D. Kimchi 2. It seemeth that Samuel beeing in hast did not performe at this time all the ceremonies of the Law God accepting rather of his faith and obedience then looking to the externall rite Pellican for in euery burnt offering the skinne was first taken off and was due vnto the Priest Levit. 7.4 3. This sucking lambe was a signe of the true lambe Christ Iesus by whome we haue deliuerance and victorie ouer our spirituall aduersaries as here the Israelites against the Philistims Pellican 11. Quest. v. 10. Of the discomfiting of the Philistims 1. Three things doe set forth and commend the greatnes of this victorie first the people were now vnprepared and vnarmed gathered together in common praier and supplication and their enemies came vpon them vnlooked for and on the sudden Ioseph then they vsed no carnall weapons or outward defense but Samuel onely offered a sacrifice and praied for them thirdly God did discomfite them from heauen the earth vnder them trembled and they fell the thunder astonished them the lightning blasted them Ioseph 2. Like vnto this victorie was that which God gaue vnto Barak and Deborah against Sisera Iud. 5. when the starres fought in their courses and that of Ioshuah when the Lord cast downe stones vpon his enemies Iosh. 10.10 Borr. 12. Quest. v. 12. Of the word Shen 1. The most make it the proper name of a place and call it Shen the Chalde Sinai and thus read he pitched a stone betweene Mizpeh and Shen sic Ar. Vatab. Lat. with others 2. But I rather assent vnto Iunius which translateth it scopulum a rocke or rather the crag of a rocke which hangeth ouer like a tooth for so shen signifieth and so Pagnine here readeth and it appeareth to be so vpon these reasons 1. because this word shen is so taken c. 14.5 2. in the former v. the name of this rocke is set downe it is there called Bethcar and hereunto Iosephus consenteth who saith that this stone was set vp among the Coreans whence Bethcar hath the name in the coasts of the Philistims 13. Quest. v. 13. How it is said the Philistims came no more into the coasts of Israel all the daies of Samuel While Samuel liued Saul beeing king the Israelites were much anoyed by the Philistims as is shewed in the 13. and 14. chapters therefore this must so be vnderstood that the Philistims inuaded not Israel to inlarge their bounds and to take from them their cities nor yet obtained any victorie ouer Israel yet the Philistims had their garrisons and maintained and kept that which they had gotten as it is euident c. 10.5 and 13.3 Iun. But after Samuels death they preuailed against Saul and Israel and dispossessed the Israelites of their cities and the Philistims came dwelt in them c. 31.7 14. Quest. v. 15. How Samuel is said to haue iudged Israel all the daies of his life seeing while he liued Saul was made king 1. Although Saul were anointed king by Samuel who liued diuers yeares after Sauls election to the kingdome yet Samuel altogether gaue not ouer the regiment but continually watched ouer the people to direct them in the waies of the Lord. Osiand 2. And therefore Saul and Samuel are ioyned together c. 11.7 Whosoeuer commeth not after Saul and Samuel so shall his oxen be serued hereof also it is that Act. 13.21 fourtie yeares of gouernment are giuen vnto Saul and Samuel ioyntly as hauing one common and ioynt administration of the kingdome 15. Quest. v. 15. Of Samuels visiting of Bethel Iunius readeth appellatiuely the house of God which was now at Kiriathiearim where the Arke was whether the people resorted thrise in the yeare at the solemne feasts where it is like that Samuel was present to iudge and determine their causes So is Bethel taken
for the house of God Iud. 20.18 as it is called beth Iehovah the house of Iehouah c. 3.15 so also c. 10.3 three men are saide to goe vp to God to Bethel that is to the house of God for seeing the people had recourse and flocked to that place where the Arke was it is not like that Samuel would omit to visit it in his circuit This reading for these reasons is to be preferred before the vsuall interpretation which taketh Bethel for a proper name here 16. Quest. v. 17. Of Samuels retiring to Ramah 1. Some read for Ramah Ramatha Chald. Lat. some Armathaim Sep. but the name of the citie is Ramah Iosh. 18.25 Ramatha is the Hebrue inflexion of the word in construction with the paragogical addition of the letter he in the ende 2. But here this doubt ariseth how Samuel could absent himselfe from the Lords house keepe at Ramah seeing he was consecrated vnto God by his mother during his life c. 1.28 Some thinke that it was lawfull for Samuel when the time of his ministerie and seruice was ouer to goe vnto his owne house Pellican but Annahs vow was more strict for she did giue him so vnto the Lord that he should abide there for euer c. 1.22 and if he had departed from the Lords house when his course of seruing had beene past he had beene no more tied then other common Leuites 3. Therefore the better solution is that so long as the house of God was knowne to be at Shiloh Samuel was bound vnto that place by his vow but now Shiloh beeing desolate and no certaine place appointed of God where the Arke should be setled Samuel in that behalfe was freed of his vow with the which necessitie in this case dispensed Borr. The like we read of the sonnes of Rechab who were bound by their fathers vowe to dwell in tents yet in case of necessitie when the host of the Chaldeans had inuaded the land they went to dwell in Ierusalem for feare of the enemie Ierem. 35.11 4. Further it may be answered that vowes so long hold till Gods pleasure be otherwise knowne Samuel beeing now called to be a Iudge could not be confined to a certaine place God therefore dispensed with that vow Mar. 17. Quest. v. 17. Where Samuel built the altar 1. Because it was not lawfull by the law to offer any sacrifice but before the Lord in the place which the Lord should choose Deut. 12.14 and consequently to build no altar but there therefore Iunius referreth these words also he built an altar there vnto the Lord vnto the antecedent furthest of namely the house of God as the like is found in diuerse places of the Scripture as Gen. 10.12 Resen also betweene Niniveh and Caleh this is a great citie that is Niniveh and 1. Sam. 27.8 Then Dauid and his men inuaded the Geshurites and the Girzites and the Amalekites for they that is the two first named inhabited the land from the beginning But against this exposition these reasons may be alleadged 1. because in none of these places giuen in instance nor in any other which can be produced the further antecedent is so farre remooued by so many clauses comming betweene as in this place two whole verses almost beeing inserted betweene Bethel or the house of God and these words 2. for that in those places the necessitie of the sense enforceth such relation to be had to the precedent part furthest off but there is no such necessitie here 3. the restrictiue or limiting particle shun there beeing twice repeated before in this verse and applyed to Ramah sheweth that it should be so takē here there was his house and there he iudged Israel and he built an altar there vnto the Lord c. 2. Therefore the best answer is that because there was yet no certaine place appointed where the Arke should continue it remaining at this time in a priuate mans house Pellican and for that the Tabernacle to the doore whereof the sacrifices by the law were appointed to be brought Levit. 17.3 and the Arke were now asunder and in diuers places Samuel might haue this libertie to build an altar at Ramah especially considering that he was a Prophet and did it by a propheticall instinct Osiander Mar. as Elias the Prophet built an altar 1. king 18. And seeing the Arke was remooued from place to place as appeareth c. 14.18 if an altar could not be built but where the Arke was for the time present it is not vnlike but that the Arke of God might be sometime remooued to Ramah as Saul hauing the Arke in the campe there erected an altar c. 14.35 But I rather insist vpon the two former answers the divulsion and seperation of the Arke from the Tabernacle no certen place beeing yet appointed for the resiance of the Arke and the propheticall and extraordinarie direction that Samuel had CHAP. VIII 1. Quest. v. 2. Of the place where Samuel appointed his sonnes to be Iudges 1. BEcause Beersheba onely is named some thinke that both his sonnes were appointed to be Iudges either because that citie was in the remote corner in the South part of the land whether Samuel by reason of his old age could not trauaile in person Borr. or for that it was situate in the confines and borders of the Philistims and so had more need of the presence of the Iudge Osiand or they beeing vniust Iudges might choose that place to wearie the people with long trauaile Pellican But seeing they were deputed by their father it is like that he would haue assigned them to some conuenient place whether the people might resort with more ease and not set them in the vtmost corner of the land and to what ende should his two sonnes be limited to one place they beeing diuided might better dispatch the causes of the people 2. Iosephus therefore thinketh that one of them was appointed Iudge in Bethel the other in Beershebah but seeing no mention is made of Bethel in the text that coniecture hath no warrant or certentie 3. Therefore Iunius opinion is more probable that the meaning is they were set Iudges ouer the whole land from Dan to Beershebah which were the two extreame townes of the land and Dan is to be supplied out of the like place Iud. 20.1 here beeing omitted by a certaine synecdoche one opposite part comprehending the other 4. Samuel in making his sonnes Iudges offendeth two waies both because he consulted not with God and he had no example for it for neither Moses nor Gedeon or any of the Iudges appointed their sonne Mar. 2. Quest. v. 6. Whether the people sinned in asking a King 1. If they had simply desired a King to be giuen them according to the law of God Deut. 17.15 that should gouerne them in equitie and such an one as feared God they then had not offended but now they doe aske a king of a preposterous desire onely that they might be like vnto other
nations Borr. 2. Yet God hauing purposed to erect among his people a kingly throne and to raise vnto them a king of whose seede the Messiah should come tooke this occasion to accomplish his purpose so turning their euill and inordinate desire vnto a good ende as God can conuert the euill thoughts and actions of men to serue for his glorie Borr. 3. Now the people in asking a king failed in diuers circumstances 1. in their curiositie that pretending the iniustice of Samuels sonnes yet indeede desired an innovation of the very gouernment it selfe for they might haue otherwise requested of Samuel to admonish his sonnes that the fault might be amended not the person remooued Pellican 2. Their impietie appeareth toward God who had hitherto raised vp vnto them Iudges and deliuerers they beeing not contented therewith because their Iudges shifted from one tribe to an other and many times were of meane parentage and not so fearefull or terrible to their enemies they desire to haue a certaintie of the kingdome as other nations had and so they offended in their distrust and diffidence toward God Osiand as the Lord himselfe saith they had reiected him v. 7. 3. Their ingratitude also was great toward Samuel by whose meanes they had receiued so many and great benefits that they would shake off his gouernment euen while he liued in these respects the petition of the people for a King seemed euill vnto Samuel 3. Quest. v. 7. Whether by asking of a King the people indeede cast off the Lords gouernment 1. Simply it is not true that the gouernment vnder kings is a shaking off the Lords yoke For the Lord is with kings and ruleth his people by them they are the ordinance of God Wisdome saith Proverb 8. By me Kings rule The Lord blessed the gouernment of Dauid Iehoshaphat Hezekiah Iosias But yet the people as much as in them lay reiected the Lords gouernment because they misliked that form of administration which the Lord had set them and desired a chaunge and innouation without any direction from God 2. But it will be further questioned whether God also doe raigne together with bad kings the answer is that euen the authoritie of wicked Kings is of God which they abuse to tyrannie and they shall giue account vnto God for abuse of their gouernment And although the persons be euill which gouerne yet the authoritie is lawfull and good and euen vnder tyrants there are many good things as enacting of politike lawes administration of iustice punishment of offenders Mart. 4. Quest. v. 11. Of Samuels description of the King whome the Israelites desired 1. Samuel describeth such manners and fashions which are incident not to true Monarchies but such as decline rather vnto a Tyrannie Osiand he setteth not downe here the office of a King what he ought to be but foresheweth by the spirit of prophesie what manner of king they should haue that they either hereby might be perswaded to desist from their enterprize or they might more willingly beare these inconueniences when they fell vpon them beeing thus forewarned of them and beeing the cause thereof themselues Pellican And thus the Lord to their owne cost graunteth their desire that for the most part they had such kings as gouerned them rather by will then law as the kings of the Gentiles did 2. Samuel sheweth how their King should haue power ouer their children and seruants their goods and lands In all which the King hath a soueraigne right mens seruants and children are to doe the king seruice in time of warre and of peace the necessitie of the Crowne is to be supported for the publike good of the Commonwealth but the manner is vnlawfull the King must rule by law not by lust nor lay vnnecessarie burdens vpon his subiects knowing that he hath also a Lord aboue him the great king of heauen to whome he must giue account 3. In these three things Samuel sheweth that their King should faile first in the manner that he should not by order or law but by violence and compulsion take from them their sonnes and daughters their lands and goods whereas yet Iezabel would not but by colour of iustice take Nab●oths vineyard from him Pellican Secondly he should faile in the ende abusing these things to his pleasure and giuing them to his seruants and fauorites not applying them to the common profit and benefite of the Commonwealth Borr. Thirdly in respect of their persons he should vse them altogether as seruants v. 17. putting them to base and seruile offices not as free subiects such as they were in time of the Iudges and their other gouernours Borr. 5. Quest. v. 19. Why the people would not hearken to Samuel 1. God had decreed by this occasion to set a King ouer his people as he promised to Abraham that Kings should come of his seede Gen. 17.17 yet God did not force their wills but God vseth their wills and desire whereunto they were enclined to effect his counsell Pellican 2. Therefore iustly notwithstanding the Lord by his Prophet telleth them that he will not heare them afterward when they shall crie vnto him because of the oppressions of their King for that they now wilfully cast off the counsell of God and refuse to hearken vnto his voice Pellican 3. And thus we see how many times men are snared in their owne desires and obtaine their requests vnto their owne hurt as the Lord tooke the people short in their hastie wishes Numb 14.28 As I liue saith the Lord I will surely doe vnto you as ye haue spoken in mine eares your carkesses shall fall in this wildernes c. 4. Now in this their petition the people offended because they asked him after a preposterous manner not expecting the authoritie of God therefore the Lord is said to haue giuen them a King in his anger Hosh. 13.11 their request was then against the reuealed will of God though God in his secret counsell had so determined Mar. CHAP. IX 1. Quest. v. 5. Of the land of Zuph 1. THe Septuag read the land of Siph failing both in the pronouncing of the letter which is tsaddi which is expressed by tz not semech which giueth the sound of our single s as also of the vowel which is shuree not chiric and answereth to our u. 2. The Chalde interpreteth the land where was a Prophet of which reading see before qu. 1. c. 1. 3. The land therefore of Zuph was that cuntrey where Ramah Samuels citie was situate which thereupon was called Ramah of the Zophims c. 1. v. 1. for they were now neere vnto Ramah Ioseph 2. Quest. v. 7. Whether Saul gaue any thing to Samuel and whether it were lawfull for the Prophets to receiue any thing 1. Some thinke that Saul had this opinion that Samuel might be allured with gifts and that it was not lawfull for the Prophets to receiue any gift as Gehezi was punished with leprosie because he tooke a reward and this is
taking an oath wishing that God should doe so and so to him if Ionathan died not both shewed his prophane custome of swearing and cursing to the which it seemeth he was much giuen Iun. as likewise his vnnaturall crueltie ioyned with vaine glorious ambition in hardening his heart against his owne sonne whome rather he should haue sought meanes to deliuer from this daunger Osiand but this oath and curse did in the ende fall vpon his owne head Iun. 2. The people oppose a iust oath against his hypocriticall oath Borr. and doe charge his conscience before God that he should rather haue respect vnto equitie then vnto his rash oath Iun. and they vse two reasons why Ionathan should not die first that he was found guiltie of no capitall offence in saying shall Ionathan die that is in whome there is found no cause of death Borr. secondly because he by whom God had wrought such deliuerance was not worthie of death Iun. it was not fit that he should die by whose meanes they were all aliue Osiand 3. Iosephus thinketh the people were mooued by pitie and commiseration toward Ionathan when they saw that he willingly yeilded himselfe to death but it seemeth rather by Ionathans answer I tasted a little honie and loe shall I die that he thought his fathers sentence vniust and hard against him and was discontented with it 4. If the people interceded by their praier they offended not but if they pressed violently vpon Saul in making a mutinie they can not be excused Mar. 22. Quest. v. 47. Of Sauls victories 1. Some read he ouercame them L. some he did valiantly P. stoutly V. or troubled disquieted them Iun. some that he condemned them A. or handled them as wicked men G. the word is iarshiang he made them euill which is well interpreted he put them to the wurse B. which is more then to disquiet or trouble them for one may be troublesome where he preuaileth not 2. It pleased God though Saul were a wicked a man yet for his Church and people sake to giue him good successe Osiand 3. But he did not make a perfect conquest of them that was reserued for Dauid Borr. 23. Quest. Of Sauls sonnes 1. Here are three sonnes onely rehearsed of Saul he had Ishbosheth beside 2. Sam. 2.8 who is omitted here as some thinke because they onely are here named which were fitte for the warre Vatab. but this is not like for Ishbosheth was 40. yeare old when he beganne to raigne ouer Israel after Sauls death 2. Sam. 8.9 And Saul did not raigne aboue twentie yeares for Samuel and Saul had but 40. yeares betweene them Act. 31.21 whereof twentie were expired before Saul was chosen king c. 7.2 then Ishbosheth might be at this time about 20. yeare old which age was not altogether vnfit for the warre 2. It is more likely that he is omitted here because they onely are mentioned which died with their father in the battell against the Philistims c. 31.2 Iun. 3. He which is called Ishua is named also Abinadab c. 31.2 and 1. Chron. 8.9 Iun. Genevens 24. Quest. v. 50. Of Sauls monogamie or single marriage 1. Some doe number this among Sauls vertues that he had but one wife fere solus non multiplicasse vxores legitur and he is found alone almost of all the kings not to haue multiplied wiues Pellican the same author saith that excepting the persecution of Dauid which was for the kingdome meliores Israelitae reges paucos habuerunt the Israelites had few better kings But he faileth in both these commendations of Saul First concerning his wife though he be read to haue but one no more is there mention made but of one wife of Ieroboam 1. king 14.1 As Ieroboam notwithstanding with his one wife is not to be preferred before Salomon with his many wiues no more doth Sauls monogamie ioyned with many vices obscure Dauid with his polygamie beeing endued with many vertues Dauid transgressed in two great sinnes against the second table but Saul beside his murders and other trespasses against the second table chiefly offended in his hypocrisie disobedience and rebellion against God in the breach of the first table so that in these two examples it is euident that the sinnes against the first table which concerneth our dutie toward God are more grieuous in their kind and degree then the sinnes committed against the second table but in this comparison the great transgressions of the first table must be set against the greatest of the second not that the least offence of the first table is heauier then the greatest of the second as that it is more hainous to worke vpon the Lords day then to commit adulterie or to kill a man but Idolatrie is more grieuous then either the comparison then must be in the same degree or els it holdeth not But to returne to Saul what though he had but one wife yet he had a concubine beside Rispah by whome he had two children 2. Sam. 21.8 which was all one as if he had two wiues nay in those daies when for the carnall generation of that people polygamie was tolerated or rather winked at it was worse Secondly there were other great enormities in Saul beside his persecuting of Dauid as the putting to the sword of the innocent Priests with their whole citie the seeking vnto witches beside his hypocrisie and disobedience toward God that many worse can not be found setting Idolatrie aside which Saul was not touched with in all the ranke of the kings of Israel there were many morall and ciuill vertues in Saul his valure and magnanimitie against the enemies of Israel his blind zeale for the people of God so are there to be found among the heathen many worthie examples of fortitude iustice temperance which were in them but speciosa peccata goodly sinnes as Augustine saith and so were they in Saul his goodly vertues in shew were obscured with most foule vices CHAP. XV. 1. Quest. Why God is called the Lord of hoasts GOd is called the Lord of hoasts whome all the hoast and armies of the creatures both in heauen and earth doe serue and are at his becke as Isa. 40.26 He bringeth out their armies by number ond calleth them by their names This title is giuen vnto God in Scripture vpon foure principall occasions 1. To shew that none other God is to be worshipped beside the Almightie Creator and soueraigne Commander of all creatures as c. 1.3 Elkanah is saide to worship and sacrifice vnto the Lord of hoasts and this reason the Prophet Isai alleadgeth c. 40.25 that they should not liken God to any thing nor make any similitude of him To whome will you liken me c. behold who hath created all these things 2. It is vsed as a perswasion to obedience that we should serue the Lord of hoasts whome all creatures readily obey as the Prophet reproouing the disobedience of the people of Israel comparing them to a vineyard
other from the person of the Israelites who were the people of the liuing God and therefore this reproach was not to be endured Iun. 3. So the honour of God and the reproach of the people mooued him not the consideration of the reward as Chrysostome saith non vincebatur Dauid his pollicitationibus Dauid was not wonne with these promises hom 20. ad Rom. Wherof this may be an argument that comming before Saul he maketh no mention of any reward neither requireth any graunt or promise from the king Martyr 14. Quest. v. 28. Of Eliab Dauids eldest brothers vnkind behauiour toward him 1. Some thinke that Eliab might speake thus of loue to Dauid that hee should not put himselfe vpon so great a daunger ex Martyr but by the rough wordes which he vseth and vntrue surmises it is euident that Eliab spake of enuie and with great indignation 2. And this might be the cause why Eliab enuied Dauid because he was aduanced to the kings seruice and court and he beeing the Elder brother was neglected Martyr 3. And Dauid is blamed for that wherein he was to be commended that leauing his flocke with a keeper for a time at his fathers commandement he came to visit his brethren yea he taketh vpon him to iudge Dauids heart and affection imputing that to his pride and malice which proceeded from the spirit of God in him Martyr 4. Thus Dauid first was enuied of his owne brethren herein beeing a type of Christ who was reiected of the Iewes beeing as it were the eldest brethren and was receiued of the Gentiles Pellican 15. Quest. v. 28. Of these words of Eliab to Dauid With whome hast thou left those few sheepe in the wildernes vpon what occasion it is lawfull for a Pastor to leaue his flocke This care and charge which Dauid had of his flocke doth beeing morally applied shew what dutie is required of the spirituall Pastor toward his people and what causes of absence are allowable and when he ought not to be absent First that Pastors ought not long to absent themselues from their charges but their necessarie occasions of absence beeing once ouer they are bound in conscience to returne to their places these reasons grounded vpon the word of God and agreeable to the continuall practise of the Church of Christ doe euidently conuince 1. Great is the daunger which accrueth and groweth vnto the Pastors themselues if any of those soules which are cōmitted to their charge doe perish in their absence through their negligence as the Prophet Esechiel sheweth When I shall say vnto the wicked O wicked man thou shalt die the death if thou dost not speake and admonish the wicked of his way that wicked man shall die for his iniquitie but his blood will I require at thy hand Esech 33.8 I doe wonder how negligent Pastors when they doe read this place can passe it ouer without trembling seeing what danger they incurre in omitting to admonish the people committed vnto them for as Hierome well saith Detrimentum pecoris ignominia pastoris The losse of the flocke is the shame of the shepheard Epist ad Furiam euen his euerlasting shame and confusion without Gods great mercie 2. The absence and negligence of the Pastor proceedeth from want of loue toward the flocke and he which loueth not the flocke loueth not him whose flocke it is and therefore our Sauiour saith to Peter If thou louest me feede my sheepe and therefore Damasus said well Omnis negligenter pascens toties sibi commendatum dominicum gregem convincitur summum non amare pastorem Euery one negligently feeding the Lords flocke so often commended vnto him is found not to loue the cheife shepheard Damas. Epist. 4. And he that loueth not Christ how can he be assured of Christs loue toward him againe 3. Let the inconueniences be considered which do grow by the Pastors absence the people will soone fall away from zeale to coldnes from vertue to vice where good seede is intermitted to be sowen thistles and weedes will spring vp in stead thereof This the Apostle found by experience in the Church of the Galatians while he was absent from them as he saith It is good to loue alwaies earnestly in a good thing and not onely when I am present with you and againe I would I were present with you that I might change my voice for I am in doubt of you Galat. 4.18.20 It seemeth that while the Apostle was present the Galatians were very forward and zealous but in his absence there zeale and first loue abated and therefore he wisheth he were among them that he might change and applie his voice to admonition or exhortation as euery mans case required This is that which Ambrose feared beeing vpon some necessarie occasion absent from his Church Eram de vobis anxius trepidus ne quis me absente per negligentiam caederet ne quis diaboli insidijs laberetur I was carefull for you fearing least in mine absence any might fall through negligence and slippe through the lying in waite of Sathan serm 28 And Augustine complaineth that while he was absent from Hippo the citizens had lost a certaine godly custome among them vestiendi pauperes of cloathing and coating the poore Epist. 138. Whereby it is euident that good things will soone be discontinued and grow out of vse where the Pastoris not present to call vpon the people 4. Adde hereunto that the more diligent the spirituall aduersarie is to spoile the flocke the more carefull the Pastor should be to watch ouer it Now the Deuill as S. Peter saith walketh about like a roaring lyon seeking whome he may deuoure 1. Pet. 5.8 And the wolfe then is most busie to inuade the flocke when the Pastor is not neare at hand to defend them Therefore Saint Paul saith I know this that after my departure grieuous wolues shall enter in among you not sparing the flocke Act. 20.29 So Ambrose well saith Lupi explorant pastoris absentiam quia praesentibus pastoribus oves Christi incursare non possunt The wolues doe watch the Pastors absence because while the Pastors are present they can not inuade the sheepe of Christ. lib. 7. in Luc. And verily what other cause can be yeilded that in many places of this land the people are corrupted in religion and Seminarie Priests and Iebusite Friers doe creepe in to peruert and seduce many then the negligence and absence of many Pastors in their cures and charges 5. Further how necessarie the presence and residence of Pastors and Ministers in their Churches is appeareth by the excellencie and price of that obiect wherein their cure and charge lyeth for they are watchmen not of mens bodies but of their soules and must giue account for them Hebr. 13.17 If a steward and dispenser of things temporall must be faithfull as Iacob did watch his flocke by day and night and whatsoeuer perished he made it good Gen. 31.39 how much more carefull circumspect and
vigilant ought the dispenser of things spirituall to be The Imperiall lawes haue prouided that Aduocates should not evagari stray out of the cities and places where they practised Cod. lib. 2. tit 7. leg 2. and for souldiers it is prouided milites non tractent aliena negotia They should not busie themselues with other mens affaires but attend vpon their owne calling and charge Cod. lib. 2. tit 13. leg 7. If they which doe but fight for mens bodies and such as plead for mens goods must giue such diligent attendance much more is the same requisite in those that are charged with mens soules But now a daies this at many hands is counted so ordinarie and easie a thing to be the Pastor of soules that a man will require more diligence at his seruants handes about his cattell then many doe performe in the feeding of soules God in his good time open the eyes of such that they may see the great danger which they by their negligence and carelesnesse cast themselues into and that they may feele the heauie waight of the burthen of soules that they may deliuer their owne soules 6. Lastly not to heape vp more arguments in so euident a matter This is not the least thing which should mooue Pastors to be resident among their people because they giue great offence by their vnnecessarie absence to the Church of God as seeking rather to feede vpon them then to feede them as the Prophet Esechiel complaineth of such idle shepheards Ye eate the fat and cloath you with the wooll ye kill them that are fedde but ye feede not the sheepe Esech 34.3 Saint Paul saith to the Corinthians I seeke not yours but you 2. Cor. 12.14 But such as care not for Christs flocke doe euidently proclaime that they seeke not them but theirs Of this kinde of scandall and offence Augustine had experience in his people of Hippo of whome he thus writeth Populus Hipponensis cui me deus servum dedit ita est ex omni parte infirmus vt pressura etiam levioris tribulationis poterit aegrotare eum modo cum regressus sum periculosè scandalizatum comperi de absentia mea The people of Hippo whose seruant the Lord hath made me is so altogether weake that a little trouble is able to make them very sicke I found them at my returne dangerously scandalized with my absence Epist. 7. If the people tooke offence at Augustines necessarie absence for without iust cause that holy man would not absent himselfe much more grieuous is the offence which is iustly giuen by vnnecessarie absence Of lawfull and iust causes of the Pastors absence Now whereas it hath been thus shewed that the presence residēce of Pastors is necessarie both in respect of the great danger which they incurre thereby the cause thereof the wāt of loue the inconueniences which growe vnto the people the vigilancie of the spirituall aduersarie the price and excellencie of their charge concerning soules and the publike offence and scandall yet are there some occasions which may lawfully draw the Pastor for a time from his people and especially these fowre 1. He may be absent for the publike seruice of the Church as in beeing present in generall or provinciall Councells in helping to settle and compound the variances and differences in other Churches and such like profitable employments As S. Paul when a man of Macedonia appeared vnto him in a vision saying Come and helpe vs tooke it for a sufficient warrant for him to goe into Macedonia to pla●● the Gospel there Act. 16.9 10. So although in this behalfe the calling of Apostles and Pastors is much different the one beeing not limited the other tied to a charge yet it is a good occasiō of absence when the necessitie of other Churches calleth for helpe at some Pastors hands As Ambrose saith Non dubito fratres contristari vos quotiescunque absentem me à vobis necessitas facit I doubt not brethren but that you are grieued when as necessitie maketh me absent from you Ser. 39. And in an other place Alterius Ecclesiae necessitatibus evocatus minime vobis solitum studium dependisse videor beeing called forth by the necessarie busines of an other Church I seeme not to haue bestowed on you my wonted care Ser. 28. 2. An other cause of absence is when the Pastor personally is sought for and can not remaine among his flocke without perill of his life and when his sheepe are become wolues to rise vp against their own shepheard Dauid though accounted king ouer Israel beeing personally pursued by Saul with whome the Ziphims of his owne tribe conspired 1. Sam. 23. fled out of the land and S. Paul beeing sought for in Damascus was let downe in a basket by a window 2. Cor. 11.33 Athanasius whose life was sought for by his enemies the Arrians did leaue his Church of Alexandria and gaue way for the time hiding himselfe for the space of sixe yeares in a drie cisterne and fowre moneths in his fathers tombe And he himselfe maketh this Apologie Quis mihi mirabiliter divinitus erepto vitio vertat quod non in manus me quaerentium reiecerim c. Who can blame me beeing miraculously deliuered that I did not cast my selfe into their hands which sought me Tripart hist. lib. 6. c. 22. This occasion of absence is allowed by the auncient practise of the Church Si non suo vitio sed plebis contradictione aberit à parochia If he be absent not by his owne default but the contradiction and opposition of the people Antiochen can 18. Who doubteth therefore but that those holy Confessours in the late daies of persecution in England which fled out of the land seeing the life of the Pastors and Ministers was cheifly sought for therein were warranted to doe as they did beeing by this meanes preserued by Gods prouidence for the restauration of the Church afterward 3. A third lawfull cause of absence and discontinuance for a time is for recouering the health of bodie for many diseases are helped by the change of aire and in this case it is lawfull for a man if the place be such as agreeth not with the state of his bodie to leaue the charge altogether beeing called vnto an other This cause staied Epaphroditus from the Church of the Philippians whome as soone as he was recouered S. Paul sent vnto them that they might reioice when they saw him Philip. 2.25.28 The Ecclesiasticall histories make mention of Sylvanus who was made Bishop of Philippolis in Thracia by Atticus Patriarke of Constantinople but beeing of a thinne bodie and not able to endure the colde of that countrey was remooued from thence to Troas in an hotter climate Socrat. lib. 7. c. 37. 4. A Minister or Pastor may vpon his necessarie priuate occasions lawfully for a time be absent as in following necessarie suits of law to defend his right which require his personall attendance or in attending vpon some
court of iustice where he is impleaded So S. Paul by appeale was sent to Rome there to make answer for himselfe before Cesar. The Canons of the Church were herein at the first very strict first it was not permitted that any of the Cleargie ne propter causam suam quamlibet intraret in curiam for any cause whatsoeuer should goe into any court Concil sub Silvest 1. c. 16. Afterward more libertie was graunted that they might goe vnto the Courts and places of iudgement vt aut viduis pauperibus succurrant aut de verbo dei iudices admoneant to succour the widowes and poore or to admonish Iudges of their dutie out of the word of God Cabilonens sub Carol. c. 11. And this libertie was further enlarged that one might depart from his cure maiorum authoritate inductus beeing drawne and fetched by authoritie Pelag. 2. Epist. 2. It was also decreed Concil Sardicen that Priests and Deacons in Thessalonicorū civitate non diutius morentur quam constituta tempora per Episcopos should stay no longer in the citie of Thessalonica then the time appointed by the Bishops They were permitted then to stay so long about their busines as was thought fit and was limited vnto them But as these fowre necessarie occasions premised doe excuse the absence of Pastors for a season so yet they are limited and confined with these fowre restrictions 1. The Pastor must see that he pretend not a necessitie without necessitie but it must be indeede a more vrgent cause that draweth him from his vrgent busines at home for the attending vpon his flocke is a necessarie thing and it must not be intermitted but vpon a great necessitie as Cyprian sheweth Quoniam sic rebus vrgentibus detinemur vt longe isthinc excurrere diu à plebe cui de divina indulgentia praesumus abesse non datur facultas because we are so deteined with vrgent busines that we can not goe farre away or be absent from the people ouer the which God hath set vs. lib. 4. epist. 6. 2. The Pastor must prouide that when necessitie calleth him from home his absence may by others for that time be supplied that the Church be not left destitute This was Augustines rule They which in time of common daunger reserue themselues for better times doe well cum alij non desunt per quos ministerium suppleatur ne ab omnibus deseratur when as others are not wanting by whome the ministerie may be supplied that the Church be not forsaken and left destitute of all Epist. 180. 3. Augustine in the same Epistle seemeth to giue an other caueat propounding the example of Dauid Ne se committeret praeliorum periculis lucerna in Israel extingueretur à suis hoc petentibus sumpsit non praesumpsit Dauid that he should not offer himselfe to the daunger of battell and so the light of Israel should be put out he presumed not of himselfe but assumed it as desired of the people In such necessarie absence and discontinuance of the Pastor the consent of the people were fit to be had though it be not alwaies necessarie that as the Apostle would haue the man and wife to be sequestred for a time the one from the other but yet with consent 1. Cor. 7.5 so a mutuall consent in the absence of the Pastor from his Church to the which he is as it were married and espoused were requisite and so lesse offence would be taken at it 4. This time of absence vpon the former iust occasions would not be long as before the Apostle would not haue the married couple one to defraud an other but for a time Ambrose saith Paucorum dierū occupationibus detentus coetui vestro videor defuisse beeing deteined from you by the employment of a few daies I may seeme to haue beene wanting vnto your assembly Serm. 28. Sardicen con c. 14. it was decreed Episcopus per tres dominicos non amplius absit ab Ecclesia that a Bishop should not be absent aboue three Lords daies from his Church meaning whereas he was not by any vrgent necessitie deteined And where there was cause of absence the cause ceasing they were eftsoone to returne to their charges Now as these causes before alleadged may excuse the necessarie absence of Pastors not continually but for a time so these that follow which by some may be pretended are no sufficient allegations for the Pastors absence Causes pretended by some not sufficient to warrant or excuse the Pastors absence 1. When there is publike persecution raised against the Church in generall by hostile inuasion the life of the Pastors beeing not personally sought when as well the people are persecuted as the Pastor in this case he is not to flie and leaue his flocke as Dauid when the Lyon and beare inuaded his flocke did not turne his backe and leaue them to be a pray but manfully withstood them and deliuered his flocke But where as our Sauiour biddeth his Apostles when they were persecuted in one citie to flie vnto an other Augustine wisely answeareth making a difference betweene personall and publike persecution Fugiunt Christi servi quod praecepit seu permisit cum eorum quivis specialiter à persecutoribus quaeritur c. let the seruants of Christ flee as Christ did command or permit when any of them is specially sought for by the persecutors In communi autem omnium periculo qui indigent ne ab his quibus indigent deserantur but in the common danger of all let not them which stand in neede be forsaken of them whome they haue neede of August epist. 180. For by this marke our Sauiour describeth an hireling who when he seeth the wolfe comming fleeth and leaueth the flocke Ioh. 10.12 2. An other instance may be giuen of the plague and pestilence when a contagious sicknes hath inuaded the parish whether the Pastor in this case may not goe aside to preserue himselfe from daunger In this case a difference must be made betweene priuate men and such as beare publike office the one beeing free the other bound for they which are not tied by any office or administration to attend vpon the Church or Common-wealth may as freely escape from the pestilence by chaunging of place as from the sword but otherwise neither the Pastor from his flocke nor the Magistrate from his gouernment can with any better conscience flee away then the husband from the wife the father from the children for all these are comprehended vnder the Apostles rule Let euery man abide in the same vocation wherein he is called 1. Cor. 2.20 Therefore he which is called to gouerne rule or teach must not leaue his standing and charge for that were to depart from his calling Gregorie 3. did giue a good resolution in this case writing thus to Bonifacius who was desirous to be satisfied whether in the time of pestilence they which were yet vntouched might not escape from the daunger
craueth leaue of Ionathan to be absent Iun. 3. But Dauid was allowed his place at the Kings table beeing the kings sonne in law and of great account in Israel Osiand where his presence was expected especially in their solemne feasts and therefore Dauid knowing he should be missed craueth leaue to be absent 7. Quest. v. 6. Of Dauids excuse that he was gone to Bethlehem to the yearely sacrifice of his familie 1. Iunius onely here readeth convivium anniuersarium a yearely feast all the rest read sacrificium annuale P. sacrificium dierum A. a sacrifice of daies or victimae solennes L. solemne sacrifices to the same effect and in the same sense Ch. and Sept. but the latter interpretation is more likely for these reasons 1. the same word zabach haiammim sacrifices of daies which in the Hebrew phrase is taken for a yearely sacrifice is vsed in the same sense c. 1.21 where mention is made of Elkanah his yearely sacrifice Borr. 2. It appeareth that vpon the first day of the moneth they first sacrificed and feasted of their peace offerings and therefore none that were vncleane and not purified could eate thereof as Saul himselfe excused Dauids absence vers 26. 3. It was lawfull to offer peace offerings where the Tabernacle was not as is here euident that Sauls feast consisted of such because the vncleane were forbidden to eate thereof But Saul dwelt at Gibeah where the Tabernacle was not and now especially this was permitted the Tabernacle and the Arke at this time beeing asunder see more of this before c. 9. qu. ● and c. 16. qu. 2. 2. Now concerning Dauids excuse some thinke it was his infirmitie and weaknes so to dissemble Pellican some that Dauid in thus dissembling shewed his wisdome Osiand but in true godly wisdome there is no such dissimulation It is therefore most like and none other thing can be gathered but that this was a true excuse Iun. and that there was some such solemne sacrifice in that familie for some notable benefit receiued Martyr 8. Quest. Of the best reading of the 12. verse 1. Iunius readeth thus O Iehovah God of Israel when I haue searched out of my father c. would I not send vnto thee c. and the next v. thus so doe Iehovah vnto Ionathan c. if it seeme good vnto my father to bring euill vpon thee as I will reueale it c. But in this reading in the 12. v. he interpreteth velo an non would I not where it signifieth non and I send not in the next verse he ioyneth the imprecation to the affirmatiue clause as I doe reueale whereas the sense rather giueth it should be referred to the negatiue clause before going if I doe not send and reueale God doe so and so vnto me better then God doe so and so to me as I reueale c. 2. An other reading is to put it likewise in the vocatiue case O Lord Iehovah when I haue groped c. if behold it is well with Dauid and I send not c. the Lord doe so and more also vnto Ionathan c. B. G. A. P. but in this reading the person is chaunged Lord in the 12. v. is put in the vocatiue and in the 13. in the nominatiue belonging both to the same sentence and so the sense should be imperfect 3. Therefore the better reading is to beginne also in the nominatiue case Iehouah God of Israel and so to suspend the sense vntill the beginning of the 13. v. Iehovah I say doe so vnto Ionathan c. sic V. S. Chald. 9. Quest. Of the truest reading of the 14. verse 1. Some interpret the v. thus reading affirmatiuely and if I liue thou wilt shew me mercie and if I die thou wilt not cut off c. L.S. but in this reading the negatiue particle velo and not thrise repeated in the verse should be left out 2. Some read thus I require not this while I liue for I doubt not but thou wilt shew me the mercie of the Lord that I die not B. G. but here all these words I require not and for I doubt not are added beeing not in the originall 3. Iunius readeth thus with an interrogation wouldest thou not while I liue wouldest thou not shew toward me this mercie of the Lord that I die not but if velo should be here read interrogatiuely why not also in the next v. velo and wouldest thou not cut off thy mercie from mine house if the interrogation can not stand here velo should seeme so to be read before and the word halo is vsed when the negatiue is put interrogatiuely not velo beside for the matter Ionathan feared not least Dauid should put him to death that he should neede to say that I die not 4. Therefore I here rather preferre Vatablus sense If I doe not shew thee mercie then shew me no mercie neither aliue nor dead where the phrase if I shew not mercie is supplied out of the clause following which is vsual in the Hebrue tongue which is very curt and compendious But this last sense is better somewhat altered thus if I doe not shew thee mercie while I liue then doe not thou shew toward me the mercy of the Lord no not when I am dead for thus the sentence to be distinguished the perfect distinction athaah determining the first clause ending at while I liue giueth great probabilitie 10. Quest. v. 17. Whether Ionathan sware vnto David or he caused Dauid to sweare 1. The most read Ionathan againe sware vnto Dauid A. P.B.G.V. cum caet but the word in hiphil hashbiagh signifieth to cause to sweare especially beeing ioyned with the preposition eth a signe of the accusatiue case for then it signifieth to adjure one or cause him to sweare as in the same construction it is vsed c. 14.27 how Saul adjured the people that is charged them with an oath for when it is taken in the other sense it is ioyned to the preposition lamed as Gen. 47. v. vlt. Ioseph did sweare li vnto him 2. Therefore Iunius better readeth adiuravit Ionathan Dauidem Ionathan adiured Dauid that is required the like oath of him which he had made for Ionathan had taken his oath before and needed not take it againe and it is cleare that Dauid also confirmed this league betweene them with a mutuall oath as the 42. v. sheweth that which we haue sworne both of vs in the name of the Lord and againe 2. Sam. 23.7 it is said the Lords oath was betweene Ionathan and Dauid but no other mention is made of Dauids oath but in this place 3. Onely this will be obiected that the words following because he loued him that is Dauid yeild a reason that Ionathan should sweare to Dauid rather then to cause Dauid to sweare to him But it may be answered that this was an argument of Ionathans loue that as he had sworne to Dauid so he requireth the like restipulation from him desirous to make a
Or this they might doe in respect of those which were vncleane and could not come the first day that the second daies feast should be for them as the like libertie was graunted for the passeouer that they which could not take it the first moneth beeing in their iourney or otherwise letted might keepe it the second moneth Numb 11. Mart. 3. Or Saul might keepe two daies feast whereas the common sort obserued but one in respect of his magnificence and princely state and therefore he saith Why commeth he not neither yesterday nor to day 16. Quest. v. 29. Of Ionathans excuse whether he therein spake any vntruth 1. Ionathan charitably intending to doe good to Dauid and no hurt to any in excusing Dauid in this manner is freed from any great imputation of vntruth Mart. 2. And beside concerning the summe and substance of the excuse that there was a yearely feast at Bethlehem for Dauids familie it is like it was true and that Dauid asked leaue to goe thither it was true also as is before shewed qu. 7. 3. But it seemeth Ionathan addeth other circumstances as that Dauids brother sent for him and that was the cause of his not comming as though Dauid was gone thither but Dauid neither made mention of his brother sending for him nor that Ionathā should say that Dauid was gone thither but that he asked leaue to goe Iosephus addeth further that Ionathan should say that he was biddē likewise Thus as Iosephus addeth to Ionathans speech so Ionathan seemeth to adde vnto Dauids and therein shewed some infirmitie he was not accustomed to make such excuses and therefore speaketh somewhat vncertainly and timorously But of this kinde of officious lies more shall be said afterward in the ende of the next chapter 17. Quest. v. 30. Of Sauls vpbrayding Ionathan with his mother 1. Some read sonne of peruerse rebellion not referring it to Ionathans mother but vnto Ionathan himselfe who is called the sonne of rebellion that is rebellious A. P. Osiand but the distinction soph pasuch comming betweene these two wordes peruerse rebellion doe shew that they can not agree together as substantiue and adiectiue 2. Others doe applie both vnto Ionathans mother that shee was peruerse in rebellion that is rebellious thou sonne of the wicked rebellious woman B.G. but for the former reason of the distinction these words are not to be put together 3. Therefore the better reading is to referre the first to Ionathans mother thou sonne of a peruerse woman the other to Ionathan himselfe supplying againe the word sonne of rebellion that is thou rebellious Iun. a rebellious sonne of a wicked woman which some interpret as though he should obiect vnto Ionathan that he was a bastard and borne of an adulterous woman Mar. but rather he obiecteth onely the stubbornnes of his mother that was alwaies contrarie vnto him and so was her sonne Borr. Genevens Thus this hypocrite accuseth others beeing most worthie of blame himselfe and thus he spareth neither wife not sonne but reuileth them both shamefully Iun. 18. Quest. v. 41. Whether Dauid exceeded Ionathan in weeping and how the words are to be read 1. The most read thus they wept one with an other vntill Dauid exceeded B.G.S. the word gadhal signifieth to multiplie or magnifie so B.G.A.P.V. and they render these reasons why Dauid wept more then Ionathan because he was not onely to leaue the sweete societie of his friend but his wife and which was the greatest griefe of all to be a stranger among the people of God like to be exiled from his owne countrey Mar. some thinke he wept more because he loued more Pellican But beside that higdill in hiphil in that sense when it signifieth to magnifie is not put absolutely as it is here but in construction with some other word as c. 12.24 higdhil gnimmachem he hath magnified or done great things toward you and Ioel 2.22 higdill lagnashoth he hath magnified to doe that is done great things the reasons alleadged are not sufficient to iustifie that reading for though Dauid were in greater daunger then Ionathan that was no reason why Dauid should weepe more seeing Ionathan louing Dauid as his owne soule was as much touched with the fellow feeling of his griefe as Dauid himselfe but the contrarie is rather euident that Ionathans affection was more ardent toward Dauid if there were any difference at all in their loue for Ionathans heart was first knit to Dauid and it beganne of his part againe Ionathan aduentured more for Dauid then he did euer for Ionathan he put his life in danger for Dauid and Dauid himselfe confesseth that Ionathans loue toward him exceeded the loue of women 2. Sam. 2.26 2. Therefore Iunius reading in this place is the better vntill he raised or lift vp Dauid for so both the vse of the word will beare this sense Psal. 49.10 higdill he hath lift vp his heele against me and the circumstance of the place giueth it for before it is expressed that Dauid fell vpon his face to the ground then while Dauid thus lay lamenting and complaining vpon the ground Ionathan did lift him vp as Iosep. wel noteth that he raised him from the ground embraced and comforted him as c. 23.17 he emboldened Dauid saying Feare not CHAP. XXI 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the citie Nob whether Dauid fled to Ahimelech the high Priest 1. DAvid Kimhi saith that he learned of his father that this Nob was the citie Ierusalem ex Pellican but this appeareth to be otherwise Isa. 10.32 where Nob and Ierusalem are named as two diuers places 2. It was a citie situate in the tribe of Beniamin not farre from Anathoth where the inheritance lay that was allotted to this familie 1. king 2.26 thither Salomon sendeth Abiathar when he remooued him from the Priesthoode So Nehem. 11.32 Nob and Anathoth are named together as beeing cities not farre asunder Iun. 3. Here at this time was the Tabernacle the altar the table of shew bread which was the cause that so many Priests gaue there their attendance but the Arke was still at Kiriathiearim in the tribe of Iudah 2. Quest. v. 2. How the Priest here called Ahimelech is said to be Abiathar Mark 2.26 1. Some thinke that whereas Abiathar was the sonne of Ahimelech v. 20. that first Dauid might haue some communication with Abiathar and afterward with Ahimelech Mart. but seeing Abiathar is in the Gospel called the high Priest it can not be vnderstood of the sonne who could not be high Priest while his father liued 2. Therefore the better solution is that both the father and the sonne had each of them two names they were both called Abiathar and Ahimelech this may appeare 2. Sam. 8.17 Zadock and Ahimelech the sonne of Abiathar are said to be the priests vnder Dauid and c. 20.25 the Priests were Zadock and Abiathar the sonne is here called in one place Ahimelech in the other Abiathar and so is the father called Abiathar who
in this place is named Ahimelech Genevens Bez. in Mark 3.26 3. Quest. v. 1. How Dauid is said here to be alone and Mark. 2.26 he is said to giue vnto those which were with him 1. Some thinke to dissolue this knot and answer this doubt in saying that Dauid is said to be alone not that none at all were with him but that he came without any guard of souldiers but this answer satisfieth not for Dauid saith that he had appointed not his souldiers but his seruants and yong men to such and such places whereby it appeareth that he had not so much as any seruant at all with him and Iosephus saith he was neither famulitio stipatus nec servis comitatus attended vpon by his seruants nor accompanied with his friends 2. Therefore the meaning of that place in the Gospel is that Dauid gaue of the shew bread not to those which were then presently with him but to whome he came afterward Mar. 3. And herein appeareth the inconstancie of Courtly fauour Dauid who was before beloued admired and reuerenced of all is now left and forsaken of all Mar. 4. Quest. v. 2. Whether Dauid were in fault by this his excuse of the Kings busines to bring the Priests and their citie into daunger 1. Some excuse Dauid here that he told the truth saying that the King had commanded him a certaine thing for indeed God the great king of heauen had appointed him to be king but neither doth it appeare that Dauid had any such meaning and if he had he had deceiued Ahimelech notwithstanding who vnderstood him to speake of the king 2. Some doe excuse Dauids fact herein that he did no more then any man would that was in necessitie and that neither he nor the Priest had done any thing vnlawfull but that Doeg and Saul onely were the causes of the mischeife following Dauid was the occasion but taken not giuen as Christs fleeing into Egypt was the cause of the death of the infants Mar. But if Dauid shewed some infirmitie in deuising an excuse which was not true which can not be auoided then he must needes be in some fault also for the daunger that followed seeing the Priest was induced by that pretense to doe as he did whereby he came into that daunger And further if Dauid had not feared nor thought of any such perill that might haue ensued he had beene cleare but seeing he himselfe suspected it as he saith he knew the same day Doeg would tell Saul c. 22. 22. and yet did it it can not but shew some infirmitie in him Christs example is not like for there Ioseph was admonished by an Angel in his dreame to flee into Egypt neither was the like daunger there foreseene which was suspected and feared here 3. Therefore as Dauid himselfe confesseth that he was the cause of the death of those persons so we neede not feare to affirme it And though our Sauiour iustifieth Dauids eating of the shew bread vpon this necessitie as Osiander reasoneth yet euery circumstance of this action is not there iustified though it were lawfull hunger compelling him to eate the shew bread against the ceremoniall law yet no necessitie was to compell him to tell an vntruth against the morall law I rather therefore herein subscribe to the iudgement of Pellican Genevens that this was an infirmitie of Dauid to teach vs that none hath his iustice of himselfe but receiueth it of Gods mercie Genevens 4. And further that Dauid committed here some ouersight it may appeare by that place 2. Sam. 23.15 where Dauid thirsting for the water of Bethlehem as here he is hungrie three men aduentured their liues to breake through the hoast of the Philistims and brought vnto Dauid of that water who would not drinke it because it was the price of their blood but powred it out vnto God there Dauid in the like necessitie would not drinke that water the daunger beeing ouer much lesse would he haue before commanded them to doe it where he saw apparant daunger and here if Dauid had forborne when he suspected the daunger the occasion of so great crueltie would haue beene cut off 5. But yet God in his prouidence so disposed of this action that both by this occasion the iust sentence of God was executed vpon Eli his house Mart. as also in this example the libertie of the Gospel was shewed against the ceremonies of the law which the Messiah should bring Borr. 5. Quest. v. 4. Of the difference of things common and prophane and hallowed 1. Things some are sacred and prophane in their nature which can not be chaunged things sacred which can neuer be prophaned that is turned to a prophane or vncleane vse are the gifts of the spirit vertue loue faith patience and such like but they remaine sacred and holy in their nature and are onely giuen vnto those which are become sacred beeing sanctified by the spirit of God some things are polluted and vncleane in their owne nature as the corruption of man vice sinne 2. Some things are not sacred in their nature but according to the institution as the ceremonies of the law which now are prophaned and abrogated by Christ Borr. so the elements vsed in the Sacraments are sanctified by the word for that spirituall vse but that holy action beeing finished they returne to their nature such was the shew bread here giuen vnto Dauid it was holy by the ceremonie but as prophane and common in regard of Dauids necessitie 6. Quest. v. 5. Of the halowed bread called the shew bread 1. The law hereof is set downe Leuit. 24. both concerning the matter whereof it should be made of the finest flowre howe much should be in euery loafe howe many loaues 12. in all where they should be placed and how long they should there continue from Sabboth to Sabboth and in what manner they should be presented namely with incense 2. They vsed fowre kinde of breads the first was common bread the second such as the people vsed in their sacred feasts the third such as the Priests eate in their families the fourth was the most holy bread which it was lawfull onely for the Priests to eate within the Tabernacle 3. The holy bread called the face or shew bread because it was alwaies in the presence of God was a type of the true bread Christ Iesus that came downe from heauen It also shadowed forth the Eucharist of the new Testament which is celebrated with bread And there was the same signification of their Sacraments with ours sauing that ours are more cleare and manifest beeing a memoriall of Christ alreadie exhibited whereas theirs did shadow him out beeing to come Mar. 7. Quest. v. 4. Whether it were lawfull for the Priest to giue vnto Dauid hallowed bread 1. Seeing our Sauiour Christ doth iustifie and allow this fact of Dauid Matth. 12.4 there can be no further doubt or question made thereof but that Dauid might both safely eate thereof
priuate man to lay hands no not vpon a Tyrant for if it be not lawful for a priuate man to kill a theefe or murderer that is but a priuate person much lesse is it to be permitted that he should rise against the Magistrate though neuer so wicked As Dauid would not here lay hands vpon Saul but leaueth him to God till he should smite him with some extraordinarie sicknesse as he did Nabal or his naturall time come to die or some violent death in battell for these three kinds of death Dauid here toucheth 2. But such priuate men are here to be excepted which are stirred by some extraordinarie motion of the spirit as Ehud was against Eglon king of Moab Iud. 3. In which kind of extraordinarie vocation two things are to be considered both the ende that they did it not for their owne reuenge but to deliuer the people of God as Ehud here did and their persons that though they liued as priuate men before yet in these extraordinarie acts they were declared to be publike gouernours and deliuerers as Ehud was one of their Iudges 3. But yet Tyrants and wicked gouernours may be remooued by the whole state as Athens and Rome were deliuered from their cruell gouernours but this must be vnderstood of such kingdomes where the kingdome goeth by election as in Polonia and Venice for from whom kings receiue their authoritie by them they may be constrained to keepe within their bounds but where kingdomes goe by succession the reason is otherwise vnlesse the Prince by oath be tied vnto certaine conditions and so his authoritie be not absolute but conditionall so long as he obserue and keepe the auncient rites and priuiledges of the countrey which seemeth to be the question at this day betweene the Archduke and the States of the vnited Prouinces 3. Quest. v. 18. Of Dauids Apologie vnto Saul consisting of sixe seuerall reasons and perswasions 1. He sheweth that Saul did persecute him vniustly what haue I done or what euill is in my hands v. 18. 2. He reasoneth from the nature of his offence that it is not such but there may be a reconciliation and God may be appeased by sacrifice 3. From the person of his enemies they were wicked men and accursed before God who haue prouoked and stirred vp Saul against him 4. From the inconuenience that was like to follow that they would driue him from among Gods people and out of his Church and as much as in them lay cause him to consent to the Idolaters 5. If his blood did fall to the ground in the sight of Iehouah he would reuenge it v. 20. 6. Lastly from the indignitie of the fact Saul was like to get no honour by pursuing Dauid who was but as a flea or a partrich in respect of Saul who was king ouer a mightie people Martyr 4. Quest. v. 19. Of the meaning of these words If the Lord haue stirred thee vp let him smell the sauour of a sacrifice 1. Some doe referre this as spoken of Saul that seeing the wrath of God was kindled against him and had sent an euill spirit vpon him which vexed him that Saul should offer sacrifice vnto God to be reconciled vnto him that he beeing directed by his spirit might cease pursuing of Dauid Osiand Pellican but that the offering of the sacrifice is vnderstood of Dauid this dilemma or forked argument which Dauid vrgeth two waies sheweth if it be of God let him smell a sacrifice if of men cursed be they and the whole sentence still runneth vpon Dauid because they did cast him out from the inheritance of the Lord. 2. Others doe vnderstand it of Dauid and here there are diuers expositions Some expound it thus if God haue done it let him be appeased with sacrifice if he wil not be appeased his wil be done but if this were the sense thē the other part of the dilemma were superfluous the argument beeing both waies inforced alreadie in this sense Dauid should speake doubtfully as though God would not be appeased toward him by sacrifice Others thinke that Dauid meaneth that God would by some extraordinarie signe to be giuen by his sacrifice testifie his innocencie as he did in Abels sacrifice iustifie him against Cain and Elias against Baals priests but the phrase of smelling the sauour of a sacrifice signifieth nothing els but the acceptance thereof and of him that sacrificed as it is saide of Noahs sacrifice that the Lord smelled a sauour of rest Gen. 8.21 Iunius referreth it to Dauids person that if there were any sinne found in him he was willing to yeild himselfe to the magistrate to be put to death and so to be offered vp as it were in sacrifice but the phrase let him smell the sauour of a sacrifice sheweth that it can not be vnderstood so for no sacrifice of any man was of a sweete smelling sauour but onely the sacrifice of Christ Eph. 5.2 it is therefore vnderstood of the externall sacrifices which had also a sweete sauour before the Lord not of themselues but as they were figures and types of Christ. Dauids meaning is that he would offer a sacrifice vnto the Lord that his wrath might be appeased toward him Mart. Borr. 5. Quest. How the sacrifices of the law had a sweete sauour 1. The sacrifices of themselues could not giue remission of sinnes for as the Apostle saith Heb. 9.9 The sacrifices could not make holy concerning the conscience him that did the seruice they therefore did no otherwise sanctifie and reconcile vnto God then as they had their force and efficacie from faith in Christ. 2. But yet both the name and the thing is communicated vnto the signe sacrament which is wrought onely by the thing signified and exhibited therein as the lambe is called the Passeouer Exod. 12.11 and circumcision the couenant Gen. 17.3 But this coniunction betweene the signe and thing signified dependeth not vpon any naturall coherence as the Sea followeth the influence of the Moone but it standeth by a diuine constitution so the sacrifices beeing sacraments of the passion of Christ are said to purge and clense and to be of a sweete smell Mart. 6. Quest. v. 19. How the Lord is said to haue stirred vp Saul against Dauid God stirreth none nor tempteth them to euill as he himselfe is not tempted of any yet the Lord may be said here to stirre Saul vp vnto this action in pursuing of Dauid three kinde of waies 1. Instrumentally because God vsed herein iustly the ministerie of the euill spirits that were the instruments and ministers of God in stirring vp Saul they were sent of God in iustice vpon Saul to worke his will Osiand 2. God may be saide to stirre vp the Magistrate to doe iustice properly and as the efficient cause but here Saul did iniustice 3. The Lord stirreth vp occosionally when the wicked take occasion by Gods mercies vpon others to fret and shew their malice as Pharaoh did hate the
the Philistims beholding and bound vnto them with whome he knew when he should be king he was to haue warre Therefore it must be confessed and yeilded vnto that Dauid in comming vnto the Philistims for succour therein committed a great ouersight for herein it is not expressed that he consulted with God as at other times but he herein tooke counsell of himselfe and of the rest of his companie as Iosephus writeth But this ouersight of Dauid is excused by his necessitie as a theefe stealing to satisfie his hunger is more to be pitied then he that stealeth of wantonnes such was Dauids extremitie at this time Martyr 2. Quest. v. 2. Why Dauid fleeth againe to Achish of whome he was afraid before c. 21. when he fained himselfe madde 1. Some thinke because Achish is here called the sonne of Maoch that he was an other king of the same name and that this was a generall name to all the kings of Gath. Osian 2. The Rabbins thinke that Dauid sent messengers before vnto Achish and so he was receiued fide publica faith beeing made before for his safetie Iun. which is not vnlike 3. Adde hereunto also that whereas before he went priuily and by stealth now he goeth with a band of men able to doe the king seruice and for that cause he is entertained as Xerxes receiued Themistocles the Lacedemonians Alcibiades and the Volscians Coriolanus Mar. 3. Quest. v. 5. Why Dauid desired to be remooued from Gath. 1. Some thinke that Dauid desired to goe from the kings Court and citie least he might haue beene enuied of the Philistims and because he could not away with the vices superfluitie and excesse of the Court or most of all because of the Idolatrie of the citie Borr. 2. Some least he might haue bin chargeable to the king Pellican 3. But it is most likely least he might haue beene vrged to fight against his owne people Mar. and to be emploied against them Mar. And Dauid did see that he could not maintaine that great companie without liuing vpon the spoile and therefore he desireth to be further off that he might pray vpon the bordering nations without any controlment Osiand which his counsell Dauid wisely coloureth with a shew of modestie that it was not for him beeing a stranger to dwell with the king Iun. Also this fell out well in this respect that Dauid should haue a citie assigned him whether came vnto him a great number of Israel till they made a great armie like the host of God 1. Chron. 12.22 By this occasion Ziklag which was allotted to Iudah Iosh. 15.31 and vniustly deteined by the Philistims was restored to the right owners Iun. 4. Quest. v. 7. Of the time of Dauids aboad among the Philistims 1. Some read the time that Dauid dwelt c. was foure moneths L.S. but here somewhat is omitted it is in the originall daies and foure moneths R. Selamo thinketh that he was there but foure moneths then daies beside moneths should be superfluous in the text 2. Some read foure moneths and certaine daies B. G. V. but here the words are transposed which stand in this order daies and foure moneths so Iosephus thinketh that he was there foure moneths and twentie daies 3. Chimhi thinketh he was there seauen moneths for so many moneths were betweene Samuel and Sauls death 4. But the sounder opinion is that Dauid was there a yeare and foure moneths as it may appeare by these reasons 1. Because chap. 29.3 Achish saith he hath beene with me these daies or these yeares that is one full yeare and going vpon the second for in the space of a few moneths the king could haue no great experience of his seruice 2. In so short a time all those things could not well be done which are set downe from this chapter to the 31. 3. iammim daies is taken in this sense as c. 1.21 a sacrifice iammim of daies that is a yearely sacrifice and the order of the words shew as much the greater number is vsed to be placed first we say not daies and moneths but moneths and daies but to say a yeare and moneths agreeth well 5. Quest. v. 8. Of the Geshurites and Girzites whome Dauid put to the sword 1. These were a remnant of the Cananites the Geshurites were those that dwelt in Geshur Iosh. 12.5 in Gilead and the Gizrites in Gezer which belonged vnto Ephraim Iosh. 16. v. 3. who at the comming of the Israelites left those places and went and dwelt among the Amalekites but at the beginning they dwelt in that land that is the Geshurites and Girzites in Canaan Iun. 2. These Cananites were ordained of God to destruction and therefore Dauid might safely inuade them Osiand 3. But it is like that Dauid as he did this exploit of a zeale to roote out the enemies of Gods people so also he had at this time a respect vnto his present state and tooke the spoiles of them for the maintenance of him and his for God many times vseth mens infirmities to accomplish his will Martyr 6. Quest. v. 10. Whteher Dauid offended in making such an excuse to Achish as though he had inuaded the Israelites 1. Some thinke that it was lawfull for Dauid to destroy those nations without sinne so he might without sinne colour it with a shew of inuading his owne people Osiand but that is not so for not onely the lawfulnes of the thing which is done must be considered but the manner also that it may be done without offence now howsoeuer for the present Dauid cōtented Achish yet was it an offence vnto good men which might take Dauid to haue done as he spake Mar. 2. Some thinke that Dauid dissembled not but spake the truth not that he put the Ierahmeelites which were a familie of the Iudah to the sword 1. Chron. 2.9 or the Kenites but onely smote the south coasts which of right belonged vnto the Israelites but were possessed by other nations But it appeareth in that Achish was contended with Dauids answer that he vnderstoode him to speake of the Israelites whome he had inuaded 3. Others say that Dauid here plainly mentitur telleth an vntruth Mar. but I rather thinke with Iunius that Dauid speaketh here doubtfully and ambiguously not vsing that plainnes which became such a good man that he might either be taken to speake of the Israelites inhabiting Iudah or of the nations which bordered vpon the South coasts 4. Achish was very credulous and readie to beleeue Dauid Iosephus giueth this reason because it was easie to perswade him to beleeue that which he greatly affected and desired CHAP. XXVIII 1. Quest. v. 2. Whether Dauid promised his aide vnto Achish and whether therein he did well 1. SOme thinke that Dauid had no purpose at all to fight against Israel but onely he would haue defended the Kings person who saith he would make him keeper of his head for euer but this agreeth not to Dauids owne words that seemeth to be
some temporall benefit so the thing is vnseemely which is committed and the ende also not good both these Dauid here offendeth in for he speaketh against his conscience and he intendeth therein a temporall benefit that he might still retaine the grace and fauour of the king whatsoeuer should happen Now in respect of the ende and intention of flatterers we may discerne between Christian comitie and gentlenes and carnall adulation and flatterie S. Paul became all vnto all men he seeked to please in things not vncomely but indifferent and he did it not for any temporal commoditie or aduantage to himselfe but onely to winne them vnto Christ. Further let it be considered that there are two sorts of flatterers some are palpable and grosse flatterers that say and vnsay to please them whome they flatter if they say nay they likewise answer Nay if yea then yea also there is an other sort of flatterers that pretend a kind of libertie as though they seemed not to flatter as here Dauid seeketh to please the king by shewing his desire to the kings seruice contrarie to the kings determination Mart. 5. Some also thinke that Dauid in deede desired to stay still in the campe that he might certifie the Israelites of the counsells and intendements of the Philistims and so they might auoid them L. Ben Gerson But this is not like for neither could Dauid haue done this safely without danger and beside he should haue by this meanes cast himselfe into apparent danger if the Philistims should ouercome as they did he was like to loose their fauour if Saul and the Israelites he and his also should haue gone to wracke 3. Quest. v. 9. Of Achish answer to Dauid 1. In that Achish likeneth Dauid to an Angel of God that is as an excellent man sent of God for Angel signifieth a messenger we see that the heathen had some knowledge both of God and of his spirits and messengers the Angels As in this place Achish confesseth these three things 1. that there is a Iehouah that is one almightie God gouernour of the world 2. that the same Iehouah is iust and vpright and therefore loueth such as are so v. 6. 3. he acknowledgeth also that the blessed Angels were ministring spirits vnto this Iehouah Borr. 2. He reporteth the words of the Princes of the Philistims in better manner then they first spake them neither doth he rehearse all their words because he would not altogether discourage Dauid teaching vs that when we doe report a tale from an others mouth we should make not the worst but the best of it Osiand 4. Quest. v. 10. Of Dauids returne 1. Iosephus thinketh that Achish sent backe Dauid to defend the borders of the Philistims least the enemies should inuade the land while they went against Israel adding further that this should be as acceptable a seruice vnto him as if he went with him to battell 2. But the true cause Achish openeth himselfe saying that he should take his masters seruants with him suspecting that they would not be faithfull vnto him that had left their master Saul Pellican 3. Thus wee see what was the issue of Dauids fleeing to the Philistims they haue no confidence in him but send him away as a man not to be trusted Mart. 4. But howsoeuer this returne of Dauid was somewhat contumelious vnto him yet Gods prouidence therein appeareth that by this meanes deliuereth Dauid from so great a straight that he should not be forced to fight against his owne people Osiand CHAP. XXX 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the Amalekites sacking and taking of Ziklag 1. BY this it appeareth what inconueniences followed vpon Sauls sparing of Amalek contrarie to the commandement of God who were reserued for a plague vnto Israel Bor. 2. Beside by this accident God chastiseth and corrects Dauid if he had entertained any such thought as to fight against Israel Osiand 3. Yet so as the Lord remembreth his mercie in iudgement and so ouerruleth the Amalekites as that they put none to the sword but onely caried Dauids wiues away captiue that they might be recouered againe aliue Mar. 4. Gods prouidence also further sheweth it selfe toward Dauid in that Achish did hasten him forward to goe away in the morning very earely and by this meanes making hast he came the sooner to Ziklag to pursue after the Amalekites Pellican and so the Lord calleth Dauid from an vniust quarrel against the people of God to a iust battell against the Amalekites Mar. 2. Quest. v. 3 4. Of the straite that Dauid was in 1. His owne people would haue stoned him laying the cause vpon him that they left their citie without defense to follow after him So Dauid hath fowre kinde of enemies Saul and his companie the Philistims the Amalekites whom Dauid now pursueth and which was most grieuous of all vnto him his owne people and followers intended to stone him wherein he was a figure of our Sauiour Christ who was hated of his owne people as was Moses that faithfull seruant of God Thus it pleased the Lord to trie Dauids patience and now beeing as it were plunged in the depth of sorrow it was a signe vnto him that his deliuerance was neere at hand 2. Dauid weepeth together with the rest and that excessiuely but they for their present losse that their wiues and children were caried away but Dauid further considered that the Lord did chastise him for his sinne 3. By this example of Dauid thus grieuously weeping and lamenting that opinion of the Stoikes is confuted that would haue a wise man without all passion and affection and not so much as to change his countenance Mart. 3. Quest. v. 6. Of these words Dauid did comfort himselfe in his God how the Lord is called his God 1. The Lord was God not onely of Dauid but of all Israel and not onely of Israel but of the Gentiles also But Dauid calleth him his God because he had particular experience of the goodnes of God toward him as all the seruants of God haue Mar. So S. Paul saith I thanke my God Rom. 1.8 and speaking of Christ he saith who hath loued me and giuen himselfe for me Gal. 2.20 2. In the Canticles the Church saith vnto and of Christ My well beloued as Christ calleth the Church My spouse my loue whereupon Bernard noteth well Vniversitatis Dominum quadam sibi proprietate vendicat in dilectum shee challengeth the vniuersall Lord by a certaine proprietie to be her beloued And againe Mirum hoc videtur sed verum animam Deum videntem haud s●●us videre quam si sola videatur à Deo this seemeth strange and yet is true that the soule seeth the all-seeing God as though it alone were seene of God Serm. 69. in Cantic 3. This then maketh strongly against the opinion of the Romanists who thinke it to be presumption for one to haue a particular confidence and assurance in God 4. Quest. v. 15. Whether Dauid
did well to vse the ministerie of the Egyptian seruant to betray his master Herein Dauid did no more then he might lawfully Dauid might vse the seruice of this Egyptian herein by a treble right 1. he beeing an Egyptian and no Amalekite was as it seemeth beeing a poore stranger constrained to serue an hard seruice vnder an Amalekite 2. beeing left of his master he falleth into the hands of Dauid and so by the law of battell he is exempted from the seruice of his former master Borr. 3. But Dauid had a more iust title to doe it for seeing that the Amalekite his master had left this poore Egyptian beeing sicke who might either haue perished with hunger or be deuoured of the wild beasts and Dauid succoured him and receiued him beeing readie to die by this meanes the Egyptian was more bound vnto Dauid who saued his life And to this purpose certaine Imperiall lawes were made Servus in gravi morbo dimissus à Domino liber esto tum enim deseritur cum maxmie invandus esset a seruant beeing forsaken of his master in his grieuous sicknes shall be free for he is then giuen ouer when he hath most neede of helpe And againe si herus negaverit servo suo alimenta alius suppeditet sit occupantis if the master denie food to his seruant and an other supplie it he shall belong to him that occupieth him 4. Gods iustice also herein is made manifest vpon cruell and vnmercifull masters for as the Amalekite regarded not the life of his seruant which he might easily haue preserued by putting him vpon some beast especially seeing they were not pursued of their enemies so by the intelligence giuen to Dauid by this seruant his cruell master looseth his life Mart. 5. Quest. v. 17. Whether Dauid did well in putting all the Amalekites to the sword 1. Seeing this warre was iust both because by the oracle of God Dauid was warranted to take it in hand and his cause also was good to rescue his wiues and children carried away as Abraham in the like case recouered Lot that was taken captiue Gen. 14. Dauid therefore with whome he might lawfully warre he might also lawfully kill 2. But it will be obiected that the Amalekites dealt not so hardly with them for they put not any to the sword in Ziklag I answer 1. that there was no resistance against the Amalekites and therefore they had no cause to put any to the sword 2. and in that they spared their wiues they did it rather of a couetous mind to haue them raunsomed then of any mercifull inclination 3. Dauid knew that the Amalekites were of God appointed to destruction as professed enemies to his people and therefore he doubted not but that he might execute the sentence of God vpon them Mart. 6. Quest. v. 17. How long the slaughter of the Amalekites continued 1. Some read Dauid smote them from the twilight vnto the euening that is of the next day and vnto their morow that is the morow after the two euenings Vatablus he thinketh that the slaughter continued vntill the third day and beganne vpon the euening and so held out till the next euening and so on vntill the morrow after two euenings but the pronoune affix am being of the mascuuline gender plural cannot be referred to ghereb euening being of the singular 2. Some therefore doe read that he smote them from the euening vntill the euening of the next day L. or from the twilight vnto the euening of the next day B. G. so also Pellican But it seemeth that Dauid came not vpon them in the night because they were eating and drinking and dauncing but rather in the morning watch as Saul came vpon the Ammonites c. 11.11 3. A third interpretation there is that Dauid smote them from the morning vntill the euening and so vntill the next day so the Septuag these doe beginne the time right but they extend it too farre vntill the next day it is like that the night did breake off the pursuit neither could Dauid and his men haue endured a whole day and night without any intermission 4. Wherefore the meaning rather is that Dauid smote them from the twilight in the morning vntill the euening of the same day for nesheph signifieth the twilight either in the morning or euening but here rather of the morning because an other word ghereb is vsed to expresse the twilight of the euening And Iosephus also so expoundeth that the fight endured à prandio vsque ad vesperam from dinner or eating time vntill the euening Now it is called the euening of their morrow not because the euening beginneth the next day as Osiand but in saying their morrow he hath relation vnto the men that it was the morrow after they set forth to follow the Amalekits Iun. 7. Quest. v. 20. Why it was lawfull for Dauid to carie away the catell of the Amalekites which was vnlawfull for Saul Saul was reprooued for sauing the best of the Amalekites cattell and bringing of them away c. 15. but it was lawfull for Dauid to doe so 1. The reason is because Saul had a speciall commandement to put euen the cattell to th● sword and therefore he sinned because he disobeied the Lords commandement but Dauid hauing no such charge therein offended not Mar. 2. An other reason may be yeilded because this pray which Dauid tooke from the Amalekites was not of their owne cattell but such as they had taken before from other cities of Iudah beside Ziklag and therefore Dauid might lawfully recouer them Vatab. 3. Some thinke that this difference betweene Saul and Dauid herein dependeth vpon the secret counsell of God which can not be searched out Borr. but I rather insist vpon the former reasons 4. Now they diuided the whole pray into two parts which consisted either of the cattell which were taken from Ziklag which are called his that is Dauids cattell or of such cattell as the Amalekites had robbed and spoiled from other places and this was driuen before the other and they called it Dauids pray not onely for that the praise of the victorie redoundeth to the captaine Mart. but because Dauid was the onely cause of this exploit in consulting with God by whose direction this enterprise was taken in hand and by this meanes they make amends for their former ouersight when in their heate they would haue risen against Dauid Pellican And further it is called Dauids pray because the other part of the spoile was to be restored to the inhabitants of Ziklag againe 8. Quest. v. 23. How Dauid could call them brethren which in the former verse are said to be wicked men 1. Dauid calleth them brethren either in respect of their nation and countrey being all of Israel or because they were all of one profession and religion and though they were now euill disposed yet he perswaded himselfe that they might come to be of a better minde whereby we are
and worldly not belonging to religion yet it that is the bread should be sanctified in their vessells that is their bodies beeing cleane Osiand some applie it to the way and iourney it selfe that though they could not choose but meete with diuers pollutions and prophanations in the way yet their present necessitie did sanctifie the bread vnto them that is make it lawfull for them to eate it Pellican some referre the latter part to themselues that they after they had eatē the bread should be more carefull to be sanctified in their vessells Genevens some thus the bread should be kept in his purenes in their vessells wherein they caried it it should not be prophaned by any pollution Vatab. 2. But the words are better translated and it is in a manner common that is the bread 1. for in that sense it is called before chol lechem common bread it is not like that the Priest would speake in one sense and Dauid in an other 2. Beside derech the way is of the feminine chol of the masculine therefore they must not be ioyned together as substantiue and adjectiue 3. It is vsuall in Scripture to take derech in that sense for ratio or modus a manner or respect as Isa. 10.26 After the manner of Egypt 4. That which is said to be prophane is the same that is sanctified in the vessells but the bread is said to be sanctified for so v. 4. the opposition is betweene chol lechem and lechem kodesh common bread and hallowed bread this then is the meaning that the bread was in a manner common that is vnto the Priests specially seeing that for so the wordes veaph chi rather signifie then how much more Iun. A.P. other bread was sanctified in the vessells that is vpon the Sabboth new hote bread was consecrated and the old was taken away for the Priests vse Iun. This to be the best interpretation is euident both by Ahimelechs question before-going and by the words following for Ahimelech made two exceptions to Dauids motion first the bread was hallowed bread and so not for any but the Priests to eate of and then it might be that they were not cleane from women Dauid answeareth to both these for the second which he toucheth first he answeareth that not onely themselues were cleane in that behalfe but the vessels also and instruments of their iourney were pure for the first he telleth the Priest that the hallowed bread when it was taken from the dishes and other put in place thereof was in a manner as common bread to the Priests and so it might be lawfull for Dauid also in respect of his necessitie to eate thereof The words also following shew this to be the meaning where mention is made of taking away the shew bread the same day from before the Lord and putting hote bread in stead thereof v. 6. 10. Quest. v. 7. Of Doeg the Adomites staying in the Tabernacle 1. Whereas Doeg is called as the most read an Edomite yet in the original he is said to be an Adomite either of Adam a citie of Nephthali Iosh. 19.36 Iun. or rather of Edom for the transmutation and change of pricks and points is vsuall in the Hebrew he was an Edomite by nation but in profession an Israelite as Ahimelech one of Dauids followers is in the same sense called a Gittite c. 26.6 Iun. Mart. 2. This Doeg was staied before the Lord either for the religion of the Sabboth or by occasion of some vow Iun. he staied not in the inward but in the outward court whether the people had accesse Mar. 3. This his beeing there about a religious office was the cause by his wicked accusation of the cruell murder following yet was not the exercise of religion the cause but his bloodie mind abusing religion Pellic. for hypocrites though they pretend sanctitie yet doe reteine malice in their hearts still Osiand 4. This Doeg is fitly by some made to be a type and forerunner of Iudas who betraied Christ and brought his Apostles into danger as here Doeg accuseth Dauid worketh the ouerthrow of the innocent Priests Mar. 5. Yet Gods secret prouidence is here to be considered which by this meanes maketh good his sentence against the house of Eli. Borr. 11. Quest. v. 9. Of the meaning of these words Behind the Ephod 1. The most doe so take these words as though the Priest should describe the place where Goliaths sword lay wrapped vp in a cloath behinde the place where the Ephod the high Priests garment lay Genevens Vatab. Osiand But to this interpretation it may be excepted that if Goliaths sword were wrapped vp it is like the holy Ephod whereto was annexed the brestplate with twelue precious stones with the Vrim and Thummim lay not open and vncouered to be a marke to finde out the sword by and againe the Ephod was kept and laid vp in the holy place whether it was not lawfull for Dauid to come yet here the Priest doth bid him take it and further the Priest gaue it him c. 18.10 Dauid tooke it not which it should seeme he did if these words did cary any such sense 2. Therfore the meaning rather is after the Ephod that is after he had applied the Ephod and consulted with God whereof mention is made c. 22.10 but in no place but this is it touched that he consulted with God beside thus interpret the Chalde and one Ieshaia an Hebrew interpreter the like phrase also see Deut. 24.20 thou shalt not gather the grapes after thee that is after thou hast made an ende of gathering Iun. 12. Quest. v. 9. Whether Dauid sinned in taking Goliaths sword 1. Some thinke that Dauid offended in taking that sword to conuert it to prophane vses which was consecrated vnto God as a monument of that great victorie against Goliath and by this meanes in bringing the Priest into danger Pellic. 2. But although it be acknowledged that it was Dauids ouersight in the presence of Doeg whom he suspected to aske and receiue these things of the Priest as is shewed before v. 4. And beside it might haue giuen occasion also to haue endaungered Dauids person among the Philistims when they saw Goliaths sword yet simply in vsing the sword there beeing no other Dauid is excused by his necessitie as before in taking of the shew bread As the Iewes to redeeme their peace gaue vnto the Chaldeans the vessels of siluer and gold and were not reprooued therefore by the Prophets And who doubteth but that the Church may and ought where there is no other remedie to sell the Church vessels to redeeme poore captiues Mart. Beside Dauid tooke this sword the rather to put him in minde of Gods former deliuerance that he might by the sight thereof be stirred vp to waite vpon him still Osiand And further it is not vnlike but that Dauid afterward when he was King restored this monument againe Mar. 3. By this example of Dauid it is gathered against the
phantasticall opinion of the Anabaptists that it is lawfull for the seruants of God where their cause is good to weare armour and weapons Mar. And much vnlike vnto this high Priest who had no other armour or weapons but Goliaths sword are the high Priests of the Church of Rome that professe themselues to be warriours and wage battell beeing more addicted to warre then praier to weapons then workes Osiand 13. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids chaunging of his behaviour before Achish whether he offended in so dissembling 1. The word here vsed tagham signifieth properly the outward tast and by a metaphor the inward faculty of discerning some read he chaunged his speech P. B. his countenance L.S. his sense A. his habit V. his shew I. any of these interpretations may safely be receiued but the best is he chaunged his discretion for so the word is vsed c. 25.33 blessed be thy discretion or counsell saith Dauid to Abighail he altered his countenance words and behauiour 2. Now to decide this question whether Dauid did well herein many things must be considered 1. There is great difference to be made betweene dissembling in words which properly is to lie and in signes for signes are not so properly ordained to expresse the minde as words are it may be lawfull for a man to dissemble in his behauiour when he can not in speech 2. There are three things in the act of semblance or dissimulation to be obserued the minde of him that dissembleth the thing and subiect wherein and the ende for first if he dissembleth to saue himselfe of a distrustfull or diffident minde he sinneth not if vsing this as a meane he still depend vpon God and trust in him as Dauid did in this place as is euident Psal. 34.6 He cried still vnto God euen when he chaunged his behauiour as the title of the Psalme sheweth secondly in some things it is vtterly vnlawfull to dissemble as in religious matters as for a man to make a shew of religion to aspire to honour as hypocrites doe as Simon Magus was baptized or for one to dissemble his religion as to bow to an Idol which he hateth in his heart thirdly if his dissimulation tend to an vncharitable ende as Cain spake faire to his brother to entise him into the field there to kill him If the outward semblance or pretense which one maketh faileth in any of these it is vnlawfull otherwise it is not condemned as Dauid obserued all three he put his trust in God it was not in any religious matter which tended to the deniall of his faith but in his ciuill behauiour neither did any receiue hurt thereby but he intended his own deliuerance without dammage to any So our Sauiour vsed a kind of semblance when to take triall of the disciples humanitie he made shew as though he would haue gone further but Peter offended and was iustly reprooued of S. Paul Gal. 2. that in a religious matter dissembled withdrawing himselfe from the Gentiles with whome he had eaten before for feare of them of the circumcision and so made a difference betweene the beleeuing Iewes and the beleeuing Gentiles 3. Some to excuse this fact of Dauid say that for the time Dauid was striken with a fitt of madnesse or frensie indeede and so dissembled not but the text shewing that Dauid chāged his behauiour maketh it his owne voluntarie act some say that Dauid did it by a diuine instinct Pellican But we not seeke any other defence then this before alleadged taken from the manner and nature of this dissimulation Some make herein Dauid a type and figure of Christ who was counted of the Iewes as a Demoniake and one beside himselfe and S. Paul sheweth that the Gospel was esteemed as foolishnes among the Grecians 1. Cor. 1.23 14. Quest. Whether any kinde of lie be lawfull 1. There are three things which must concurre in the telling of a lie first that there be vntruth in the matter which is vttered secondly that he which telleth an vntruth haue a purpose to deceiue thirdly that he take a pleasure and delight in it the first belongeth to the matter of a lie the other concerne the forme Mart. But these three are thus further to be distinguished that in euery kinde of lie all these are not necessarie as the first and the third for if a man haue a purpose to deceiue though vnwittingly he speake the truth he is guiltie of a lie as Augustine saith Nec vllo modo liber est à mendacio qui ore nesciens verum loquitur sciens autem voluntate mentitur He is not free from lying which with his mouth vnwittingly speaketh the truth but yet wittingly intended to lie So the third is wanting in some kinde of lie as when one lieth of necessitie to saue his owne life or his brothers but without the second there can be no lie as Augustine saith Qui dicit falsum quod putat verum non fallit sed fallitur non itaque mendacij sed temeritatis arguendus est He that telleth that which is false supposing it to be true is deceiued rather then deceiueth and is to be reprooued rather for his rashnes then for lying August ibid. And in an other place he giueth this reason Illud quod non habet duplex cor ne mendacium quidem dicendum est that which hath not a double heart is not to be counted a lie As if a man receiue a sword of one and promise to deliuer it againe and afterward the owner of the sword beeing madde requireth it and he refuseth to restore it in this case he is no lyer nor deceiuer for he did not once dreame furentem posse repetere that he could aske it in his madnesse to this purpose August Gelasius putteth an other case non mentitur qui animum fallendi non habuit he lieth not which had no minde to deceiue as Paul when he purposed to goe into Spaine and Peter when he said Christ should not wash his feete for neither of them thought at that time otherwise to doe then they saide where then there is not animus fallendi no minde or purpose to deceiue there they can not be said to lie 2. The diuerse kinds of lying are to be considered Augustine maketh these diuersities of lying 1. in doctrina religionis when one maketh a lie in matter of religion which he calleth capitale mendacium a capitall lie and it is worst of all admitting no excuse 2. Cum nulli prodest alicui obest when one by his lie profiteth none but hurteth some 3. Quod ita prodest vni vt obsit alteri a third kinde is when a lie hindreth one and profiteth an other 4. Quod fit sola mentiendi libidine a fourth kinde of lie is which is made onely of a desire to lie and deceiue 5. Quod fit placendi cupiditate which is done onely with a desire to please 6. The sixth kinde is quod nulli
people of God because he saw that they so mightily encreased and so Saul was enemie to Dauid because the Lord had caused him to be Anointed King Mart. 7. Quest. v. 19. In what sense they bid Dauid goe serue other gods 1. Dauid as yet was no exile but he grieued if Saul persisted in his purpose still that he should be driuen out of the land as indeede it came shortly after to passe Pellican 2. He grieueth not so much to leaue his parents friends and countrey as that he should be sequestred from the seruice of God and be compelled to liue among idolaters and so be occasioned prouoked as much as lay in them to forsake his God it was not then the land it selfe that Dauid so much affected as because it was the land of promise in which regard Abraham preferred it before his owne countrey of Mesopotamia and Ioseph before the riches of Egypt 3. If then Dauid complaineth herof as of the greatest calamitie that he should be absent from the seruice of God and be conuersant among Idolaters then they are worthie of reproofe which neglect the assemblies of religion which they may lawfully frequent as the Recusants of both sorts among vs and carnall worldlings as also they which doe without any necessitie runne vnto the countries of Idolaters yea make no conscience of assembling with them before their Idols 4. And if this be so heauie a thing to be sent out from among the people of God Peter Martyr further thus noteth Gravissime peccant Principes qui homines pios è ditionibus suis extrudunt quod enim aliud faciunt quam vt cogantur illi miseri sub Turca vivere then such Princes doe greatly offend which thrust out godly men out of their dominions for what doe they else then that the poore men be forced to liue vnder the Turke sic Martyr 8. Quest. v. 20. What Dauid meaneth when he saith Let not my blood fall to the earth before the face of Iehouah 1. Iunius reades thus let not my blood fall procul à conspectu farre off out of the sight of Iehouah that is before I come to be tried in the presence of the iudge who is in Gods place But neither did Dauid intend to yeild himselfe to an ordinarie triall before the Iudge for he knew that there was no iustice to be had at Sauls hand and the word mineger signifieth ex adverso S. or à regione ouer against or directly as Gen. 21.16 and is better translated directly in the sight 2. Some thinke that Dauid vttereth these words by way of supplication vnto God that the Lord would not suffer his blood to be spilt but defend and protect him But it seemeth by Sauls answer that presently followed v. 21. I will doe thee no more harme that he spake these wordes to Saul 3. Others take these wordes to be spoken by Dauid positiuely and affirmatiuely that his blood should not be spilt vpon the ground doe what he could he laboured in vaine and troubled himselfe to no ende sic Borr. Mar. 4. But the best interpretation is that his blood should not fall to the ground and be spilt as water in the sight of the Lord the Lord seeing and beholding it but that the Lord would reuenge and iudge it Vatab. and therefore Dauid aduiseth Saul to take heede how he shedde his innocent blood for the Lord would see it and not suffer it to goe vnpunished 9. Quest. v. 21. How Saul is saide to haue erred There are three sorts of error 1. There is a voluntarie or wilfull error and an inuoluntarie which proceedeth of meere ignorance the first is of two sores either when there is an error in the iudgement and vnderstanding as those of whome our Sauiour speaketh they shall think they doe good seruice when they put you to death Ioh. 16.1 and the Iewes as the Apostle saith Rom. 10.2 had zeale but not according to knowledge 2. The other voluntarie error is in the will and affection when the iudgement is not corrupted but the will consenteth not beeing caried along as a violent streame to subscribe vnto that which the minde seeth to be euill And this error is of two sorts when the iudgement is obscured and cast ouer for a time with the cloudes of carnall desire and affection as Dauid yeilded vnto the temptation of lust which in his iudgement cleared though for that time obscured he condemned as when one wittingly and willingly against his iudgement and conscience doth euill as Saul persecuted Dauid knowing him to be innocent onely of malice and hatred because he was appointed to the kingdome This kinde of error excuseth not at all 3. The inuoluntarie kind of error is when there is a totall ignorance and 〈◊〉 first in the iudgement and then in the will following the iudgement as Iaakob tooke Lea for Rachel this kind of error excuseth wholly sic fere Martyr 10. Quest. v. 23. Of the rewarding or rendring vnto a man his righteousnes where also of merits 1. Some read The Lord reward euery man according to his righteousnes L.B.G.V. but it is better read The Lord render vnto euery one his righteousnes A.P.C. Iun. for the preposition eeth here is an article of the accusatiue case 2. The meaning is that as euery one hath behaued himselfe iustly or vniustly so he shall receiue at Gods hand There are two kinde of righteousnes one is the righteousnes of faith which is imputed vnto vs whereby the righteousnes of Christ is made ours there is a righteousnes of workes proceeding of faith which is imperfect of which kind Dauid speaketh here which is rewarded and crowned in the mercie of God 3. This righteousnes is called both the iustice and righteousnes of God as it proceedeth from him the fountaine and author of good things it is also called ours because it is wrought in vs as the subiect and by vs as the instruments otherwise we haue no righteousnes of our selues for our Sauiour saith Without me ye can doe nothing 4. Our works are not the cause of the reward which proceedeth from the fauour of God for eternall life is the gift of God through Iesus Christ Rom. 6.23 but they are the means and the way appointed for vs to walk in as the Apostle saith Eph. 2.10 nay they are not generally causa sine qua non the cause without the which a thing can not be for infants are saued without them but as Bernard saith via sunt regni non causa regnandi they are the way to the kingdome not the cause of the kingdome like as a man can not goe vnto the citie but by the way nor clime vp into an high place but by steppes and degrees yet the way is not the cause of our going nor the steppes of our ascending So by good works we must walke vnto the kingdome of heauen but good workes doe not procure vnto vs the kingdome 5. Then we refuse vpon these grounds the