this But without making of comparisons it shall only suffice to say this complaint was ridiculous seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance and his Kindred as many whereas some great Houses of France had more Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges but of his Person likewise He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne But how Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea which had been much decayed during the late Governours times because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest was because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places and committed them to him But what Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them but would presently fly out into Rebellion upon the first noise of any insurrection Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments with intent of bestowing them on such persons of whose fidelity he was well assured as upon those of the Cardinals Family who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties service and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs as might make them unworthy of it The advantage which this alteration brought with it was soon after apparent for how would it have been if one had continued Governour of Brest if another had kept his Government of Brouage and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints Politique Observation NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State then the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince The experience which France hath so often had hath been too sad to be forgotten seeing the most part of Civil wars nay of Forraign too had not been broached but by the defect of Governours more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service Few are the Grandees who are not discontented if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them nay if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands that their Authorities may be greater A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions and to diminish the Soveraign by advancing their own private power Admit they be discontented 't is without cause for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service It is prudence not to regard such discontents they are inconsiderable when the publike Peace is in question A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own if any Division should arise Now of whom can he better be assured then of such a Minister of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies and who when he sees him brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him As for those related to him seeing they absolutely depend upon him and that their Power is as his own dependant upon his Majesties good favour they are equally obliged to be faithful For this reason it is that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service Touching the distribution of Governments I add That a King is obliged what he may to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time unless he be very well assured of their fidelity they are so used to hold them when long continued that the fear of losing them doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction which gives them hopes of a longer continuance Besides when not received by his Majesty but his Predecessors they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction because they think not themselves beholden to him for them Withal in processe of time they get so absolute a Power that somtimes it exceeds their Masters it being usual that long command is accompanyed with pride and insolence Hence it is that in the most politique States their Governments were never but temporary Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country but by acquiring too great a Power over the souldiers by his long command The Cardinals Riches not to be envied NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal 's possessing of his Majesties favours to pass for a great crime although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness and concludes him to be so naturally generous that he values not all the goods of the world but only in order to the well disposing of them The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State necessitateth him to great expences and without them sure it is that both he and all those who are in the same employment would fall into dis-esteem and that inevitably unless they be accompanied with some splendour and extraordinary magnificence else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed Those charges once defrayed the rest he doth employ in good uses to the poor oâ— some actions becoming his virtue and bounty Ought his moderate estate to be envied who hath done so great services for France We have in our times beheld a
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
publick That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy is a dangerous cruelty to the State Cato was of opinion that they who did not hinder evil-doers when they might do it by chastizing them ought themselves to be punished For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples it is true Arostole saith The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority and that they are not easily induced to love Kings unlesse upon their owne advantage And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes that can afflict a State And the same Philosopher in his Morals esteemeth him uncapable to command who is never angry but affects to shew himself merciful on all occasions whatsoever To speak truth a King is bound to shew as much severity to them whom the publique Interest obligeth to be chastised as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties It is the onely means saith Tacitus in his Annals to render him as well feared by the wicked as esteemed and honoured by the good who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes than in the receiving of those rewards which art due to their virtue The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited it being improper to be delayed but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs which were dangerous to be published His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presidents of the Parliament of Britain The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant Chriqueville Master of Request and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain They met several times for instruction of the Processe Chalais was often times examined and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed that there was full information made of all his wicked designs he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde Le Sieur d'Effiat by the Maust exempt who had the charge of his person and by one of the Life-guard to all which he made no denial being brought face to face He discovered the Major part of his Associates he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court that he would have perswaded him to take up arms to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots to make himself Master of Havre Mets and diverse other places of the Kingdome and withal that being once at a Council where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison to poniard the Cardinal and then to fly into Flanders thinking that this once done they might easily obtain all their desires There were several other charges produced against him and amongst others certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant and that he had the honour to be in a charge which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person Justice could not save him and the several relapses which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit tied up the Kings Arms from mercy So this Chamber of Justice condemned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis and to be beheaded in the Befroy of Nantes That his head should be put upon a spear over the gate of Sanvetour that his body should be quartered into four parts and hung upon the four principal places of the City that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry His houses raized and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors he should be put on the Rack But the Kings clemency seconded by the affection which he alwayes had for him moderated the judgment and onely commanded his head to be cut off and that they should shew him the Rack but not torture him They who understood not that the whole Intreague was discovered or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him were astonished that he should so freely confesse those crimes whereof he was accused and withal some were so bold to report that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly upon the Cardinals suggestian and perswading him to believe that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour the attainment of which he gave him great cause to hope for But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes de Lourie Councellors of the Parliament both persons of a clear reputation and entrusted to exame him after judgment had passed upon him who having told him that a report was spread abroad that he had confessed his crimes wherewith he was charged partly through fear and partly through hope of life conjured him he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God to discover if it were so or not or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience and had no other answer from him but that what he had said was truth excepting onely where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse who had given him no reason for it and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes to clear himself and charge innocent persons and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion This proof was so much the more certain in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life in which he testified that he would dispose himself by a true repentance to obtain pardon from God of his faults There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court whom he had accused who were no small number but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles Politique Observation
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâ—gne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ— and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
good wil and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises if it find any overture to evade them and re-assume its lost advantage Asdrubal may serve for an example who finding himself so block'd up in Spain by Claudius Nero that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel sent him very fair Proposals of Peace and in the interim found away to escape his hand Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized for which he had been blam'd at Rome made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery but besides that this was not without indangering his whole Army yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy under shew of accommodation Pope Julius the Second that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace and conclude it that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity Mark Anthony held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days Fraates sent his Embassadours to him that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them Mark Anthony gave them present Audience and withall sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it but Fraates continuing his Treachery made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony and in conclusions added that as often as he should withdraw his Army from the place wherein he was incamp'd he would be content to make a Peace with him Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces without breaking down his Treches or carrying away his Engines of War he had not march'd far from his Camp before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe mastered it and destroyed all his Engines which he had inconsiderately left there though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them in case the Medes used any Treachery Besides part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse and by his example taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemies promises How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused THe Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August to meet his brother and the same day his Majesty who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes advanc'd towards Nancy but being neer St. Dezier the Cardinal returned to him and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands in order to the dissolution of that marriage and to surrender La Mothe unto him one of the strongest places of his State The King carried him to St. Dezier and had two hours conference with him at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc the Sieur de Brassac Bullion and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions but they were thought improper because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-assume his former designs so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer but this that he was resolv'd to have Nancy as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty however his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation he testified unto him that his inter position was not only acceptable but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest notwithstanding the injuries he had receiv'd from his Brother and withall offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality if he thought good to reside in France After this he returned to the Duke his brother to acquaint him with the Kings resolution and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesties just displeasure yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother to restore them unto him He discoursed of it with the Cardinal who having assured him that he would therein do whatever could be desired he beseeched him to return to the King to tell him that seeing he was so unfortunate that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises he had resolv'd to put his estates into his Brother the Cardinals hands and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment whould the more readily consent thereunto because then there was no cause of fear and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him then to see him reduc'd to the quality of a private person by devesting himself from that of a Soveraign The Cardinal de Lorrain return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson upon the 28. of the same moneth and proposed this to him renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands and so to indeavour the dissolution of that marriage The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal relying upon this grand Minister whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him and made the same Proposition unto him and withall told him that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity and of his positive intention to keep his word he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage and to procure the Kings consent unto it professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection as a most certian gage of his good will and a powerfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour and protested totally to imbrace his counsels and to have no other will then his whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorrain he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction but that this was not to cure the disease because M. de Lorrain might repent of his surrender and return into his states either by open force or under-hand dealing and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient and that the Deposite of Nancy was the only secure way which could be taken This was sufficient to let him know that it was mistrusted lest there were some collusion between them but
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect especially to preserve that neer friendship wherein they had alwaies lived So he had nothing to reply and his Maiesty to punish the insolence which had given so much boldness to the Collonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesties will commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile and shortly after in the Castle of Caen. The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes he lookt upon his fault with so much resentment that there was not any protestation of fidelity left unmade by him from his friends to his Majesty and finally having recourse to the Cardinals intercession that grand Minister whose Counsels are never accompanied with rigour unless when he is inforced by Justice dealt so with his Majesty that at last he procured his liberty After the Marqness de la Viville who had diverted him had been so unhappy his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison and beleeving his Promises restored him in his place with the Monsieur and withall gratified him with a considerable sum Whereas he instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment of his Liberty or of the Benefits which he afterwards received threw himself upon the Intregues of women and some Fantastical hair-brain'd young men who put it into his head that he was much redoubted on his Masters accompt which made him conceive so great a vanity that he boasted in many places that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur to carry him from the Court unless himself were made a Marshal of France The Collonel d' Ornano is made Marshal of France THE King upon advice had was counselled by people of Quality either to Arrest him or make him Marshal of France otherwise some great mishap might follow The King was inclined to chastise him not being able to indeavour or consent that any such honour should be granted to him out of fear or to hinder his doing of more villanies However his Clemency moderated his just indignation and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshals Staffe to reduce him within his duty and to make him carry himself better for the future It is true the Cardinal setled and fixed him in those thoughts and withall begged him to pardon him seeing in creating him a Marshal there would be no cause of fear for that it would be as easie then as before to clap him up into the Bastile and that what punishment should be inflicted on him would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal signalizing his Conduct by acts of mercy not less considerable then the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned Politick Observation IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince with design to prevail against his Soveraign for besides that a Soveraign grows quickly jealous if he finde any to pertake of that Honour which is due to himself alone Which one thing is the ordinary fomentation of Civil Wars Tiberius testified a great resentment for that their Chief-Priests making their prayers to the Gods for his health took the boldness to adde the name of Nero and Drusius though they were neer a kin to him and the next successours to the Empire he acquainted the Senate with it as also the Priests and briskly told them he was offended at it The same Emperour seeing the Senatours prepare great Honours for his own Mother did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse that those Honours which were given to Women should be moderate and that he himself too would use the same modesty in those which were offered to him When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards courting Caligula did he not rattle him up with high language for that he forsook the Sun setting to adore him Rising Kings are so sensible in this particular that it is not without trouble that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children Thus though Philip of Macedon did intirely love Demetrius his son yet he was much offended when the Macedonians followed him in Troops and shewed an earnest desire to insinnuate themselves into his good favour But admit this jealousie do not spring up however such like actions ought not to be allowed seeing infallibly it will breed broyls in the State It is also true that men not being less capable to quit their wicked designs then to hatch and contrive them it were dangerous to drive things to extremity and to ruine them at the same instant they were discovered That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion who makes use of violent remedies upon the first beginning of a sicknesse without staying to expect what Nature might do of her own self and that Minister is too severe who discovering some designs against his Masters service presently destroys the Authors of it without giving time that they might repent themselves Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders before he had given leisure to those who were guilty to repent But on the contrary Julius Agricola is much commended in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledgment of a fault and did not cruelly chastise any when there was the least hopes of amendment above all a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation when he is newly admitted into affairs and it is conducing to his Masters service in regard it is a means to render himself beloved The Sun at his Rising never appears burning hot his heat is welcome and favourable and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example and ought to take it for granted that whatsoever favours he shall do at the beginning of his Conduct will gain him the affection of the People and in prosecution will heap up upon him as much Happinesse as Glory The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germans and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Ornano which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down and then again to raise him up to great Honours were not the onely marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration and to the Superintendance of the Treasuries she was pleased so to cast him down that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Laye about the beginning of August and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse To speak truly it was no such great cause of admiration seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in to have taken a great delight as it
were to raise several men unto a high point of favour to expose them shortly after to the greater overthrows every one had reason to attribute it to her most usual conduct which accustometh all men to this Law that being once mounted to a certain degree of Honour they must then of necessity fall back again and that sometimes with such violence that they fall into as great a number of miseries as they formerly had of felicities No one can be ignorant of this truth but as Envy doth frequently asperse the principal Ministers of a Prince so she gave the impudence to a Pen envenomed by the Spaniards to write that the Cardinal was the cause of it by reason of the fear he was in least the Marquis de la Vieville should rob him of the Ministerial honour But how little hath this Enemy of this King as wel as of his Ministers proved his discourse so contrary to the Truth After the disrepute which they in whose behalf he writ had of the Marquis they made no long use of him without being sensible that he was not an Instrument any way proper to raise their fortunes after the ruining of his own out of a Gallantry of Humour only He went from St. Germans too with too much flowting ever to invite his Majesty by his services to make him the Minister of his Intentions Besides could he be so extream ignorant of the Cardinals high and eminent Genius in perswading himself that the Cardinal could be any wayes suspitious of the Marquis's undermining his Fortune It were to perswade the Sun that the least Stars would obscure his light it were also to accuse the King himself of great Imprudence seeing it is to declare him incapable of distinguishing whether the Marquis of Vieville or the Cardinal were more proper for his Affairs Certainly if the Sun discovers the deformity of a visage which had layen hid during the night and maketh the Stars which twinkle in the dark to withdraw themselves upon his first approach The Cardinal entering upon the Administration and discovering to his Majesty the incomparable discretion of his Counsels was enough to detect the little sufficiency of the Marquis and to hide under the vailes of an obscure darkness those advices which his vivacity and promptness of discourse did make appear with some splendor might give his Majesty just cause to make no greater esteem of him And who so would accuse him in this occasion must also reproach the Sun for having too much light and to call that in Great Persons a Crime which renders them the more to be admired Every one then knew the true causes of the Marquis's disgraces the King having given an Accompt of it to the Parliament the very day after his Arresting that he might be accused as his Majesty observed to that Illustrious company for his evil conduct which indeed was such that all men of any sense thought him incapable of long subsisting That he had changed those very resolutions which were made in his Majesties presence without acquainting him with it That he had treated with Ambassadors resident near him contrary to his order That he had oftentimes cast that hatred which he had contracted in exercising his passionate disgusts against some particular persons upon his Majesty and that he had feigned several advices with design to induce him to be jealous of those in whom hee might put a most intire confidence all all which is so true that the King that he might not take him unprovided had often given him advice to alter his behaviour and to become more exact in prosecution of his Orders and more reserved in his words and in his procedure as his Majesty had signified in the same Letter After all which his faults were so much the more known to the King he having contracted the enmity of most part of the Grandees of the Court by those outrages wherewith he had provoked them when they demanded those gratuities which his Majesty had granted to them and by that excessive rigour wherewith he would cut off the Pensions and other Benefits which they had formerly obtained of his Majesty as soon as ever he was entred upon the Treasury For they being once so provoked wanted no address to acquaint his Majesty with it and also to accuse him of divers other unhandsome Carriages by several informers who offered to prove that he had diverted great sums from the Service of Spain to his own profit and his Father in Laws the Sieur de Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers all which carried on his Majesty to clap him up in Prison Politick Observation NO one can doubt but that a Minister who upon his first entrance into Affairs finds them in disorder is obliged to apply necessary remedies to them but the Laws of Prudence teach us that it ought to be with moderation and affability without which he doth like a rash Physitian who by giving his medicines in too great a proportion and using too much rigour towards his Patient doth so move and heat his natural temperature that his sicknesse by it is rather increased then diminished It is very dangerous to force men to pass in an instant from one extremity to another and who so attempts it shall never escape the darts of Envy and Hatred which will not onely render all his designs and labour to no purpose but also expose him too to very great dangers The first Actions of a Minister are they which lay the Foundation of that Love or Hatred which he shall afterwards reap from the people a harsh rigorous procedure can procure him nothing but ill will and it is impossible for him to escape the doing many ill-offices neer this Prince and though those Customes and Uses which he would alter be abuses to the State yet the Plurality of the People will hardly be conduced to think so when they have been accustomed to those others a long time together upon which consideration it will be absolutely necessary to give them time to know better and to disuse them by little and little The wise Tatitus saith he who finds an estate in disorder shall do much better at first dash to submit himself to the violence of inveterated Habit and redress it afterwards with dexterity rather then to fall presently aboard it and to break all in peeces by a precipitated rashness and he furnisheth us with two examples both very considerable for their contrariety The first is Tiberius who finding the People in a great licentiousness which the long Peace and meekness of the Emperour Augustus had brought them too seemed at first not to regard it his Prudence making him judge it improper to treat them with severity so soon and that it was fitter for him to dissemble with them a little while which procedure of his gave an advantagious issue to whatsoever he designed Whereas the Emperour Galba though a better Prince then Tiberius was as unfortunate as rash in that at his very
Cardinal could hardly have imagined how much it was to be wished that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his which he manifested during those troubles in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be master when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Councellour of State which moderation of his gave good cause to hope that his riper Age had totally extinguished that sedicious fire which had almost consumed him in his younger days Politique Observation SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust which is had of persons chosen to serve in publique affairs as also that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none or to remove a person from the Goverment whose reputation and conduct seems to ingage a Trust in him so on the contrary the confidence which a Minister hath of a person who hath the repute of a great vertue though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct is no slight testimonie of her owne integritie A depraved Nature can beleeve no one hardly himselfe whereas a vertuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect that there need no great labour to make them be credited I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poysons which Phisitians sometimes use in their Medicines which administred with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses whereas given in a little excess they presently kilso doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it moderately and on the other side if too much made use of it causeth a thousand disasters both to the State and the Minister himself Hee who is too distrustful hath never any quiet hee never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him no one cometh neere him but hee suspecteth it is with some ill design if any one salute him with a little more then usual respect he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him and vertue it selfe passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion And if by this means hee createth a Hell to himself his suspitions too are offensive to all who have any manner of conversation with him I passe by those inferiour persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State and yet being denied the liberty of presenting themselves do at last hate the chief Minister when they think themselves dis-respected On the contrary confidence puts the mind in great repose gaines affection from all the world induceth to imploy all such as are able to do service with Freedome and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence for they never made any difficulty to re-place those again into their Offices whom they had formerly removed They recalled Camillus whom they had banished made him Dictator honoured him with the Consul-ship and General of the Army under Marcus Lâ—vius command whom they disgraced And the Emperour Augustus instead of punishing Lucius Cinna who whould have attempted upon his person had such confidence in him that he not onely did not distrust him but advanced him to the Consul-ship and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him that he was ever after very faithfull and very affectionate to all which concerned him Mens inclinations are not irrecoverable and they who have heretofore been incendiaries may turn to be faithfull servants Whence it comes that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men is that it be not with excesse not totally and absolutely to lay by and reject all who have been culpable of evil management but to examine the true cause of their disorder whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident if the occasion which induced them be removed or not and whether there be good ground to beleeve that their vertue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition judging so much the more favourably of those who are reputed vertuous because the integrity of a Prince and his principal Minister of State is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they imploy but withall still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct if they abuse that confidence which it had of them The Garde de Seaux d' Haligre is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France by the death of Monsieur de Sillery FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquess de la Vieville for the advancement of these two Councellors of State death would also take its turn to shew its power giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre to the charge of Chancellour of Franch This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time both in matters of his Counsel the Seal and his own particular importment whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him not long before by those bad Offices which the Marquess de la Vieville did him who was not able to indure that any mans discretion should over shadow him was but a Triumph to his vertue He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery that he might be eased of the trouble of the world He made known both to his confident friends who visited him and to such with whom he held an inter-course by Letters that this change wrought not upon his Constancy and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind He told them that he had alwaies held it for a maxime to consider Accidents by their true cause which is the divine Providence and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer it were but reasonable to conform our wills to those orders which are established here upon earth that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places doth not follow so much their persons as their fortunes and that the solitude wherein he now was made him find it so by experience that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants that in fine he in-joyed a great liberty such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable imployments that the sweetnesse which he found in it invited him to lament their condition who were still bound to such Slaveries And that lastly the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty It was a middest such prudent meditations that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court untill at last death came to put a period to his days but
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
the chief men of their towns But the Cardinals vigilance was the principal obstacle which rendered all their Combinations void He induced the King to send with all hast about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc with certain Regiments to oppose the first commotions and to employ many persons of discretion to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party and made them believe that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel That the losse of their Religion was inevitable if they did not defend themselves by Armes and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel was an assured signe of it as also those other advantages which he had taken against them He prevented them in believing his Majesties Edicts and Proclamations by that supposition which he instilled into them that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques It 's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations that most were taken with them particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Religion to encourage them and to stir up the Popular Ministers who after this looked for nothing but when to rise not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to were contrived by the Spaniards who make open profession of being their ennemies and who pretended not to make use of them but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy Politique Observations NO one but a King ought to take up Arms As formerly among the Romans it only belonged to the Consuls who had the superintendency of State to open the two gates barred with Iron and fastned with a hundred hinges which were opened in token of war so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies because he had attempted it without the command of the People and Senate Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext And those Hereticks who make profession of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ have ill studied it if they have not observed this truth in it that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though Infidels then others God saith in Esay speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians who had no knowledge of his holy name I have called thee though thou hast not known me I have named thee by thy name and have raised thee up to honour and power though thou hast had no knowledge of me and I will that both they of the East and West shall know that it is I who have established thee and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth that hath not received his Power from me and my hand and afterwards he addeth that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand that he might bring the Nations into Subjection whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings who breaketh the Gate of Brass and bursteth the Bars of Iron to whom all things are manifest and nothing is concealed from him Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen besieged taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem razed the Walls demolished the Houses burned the Temple prophaned the Sanctuary took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service killed the Kings Children with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple and carried the reâ—t Captive into Babylon Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch saying to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People God who hath created men and the beasts of the Field by his great power and stretched out Arm hath given it to whom he pleased and hath placed it in the hands of his servant Nebuchadonozer He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke and serve him and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke God wil visit him with the Famine the Sword and the Pestilence Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Balthasar his son to the end they may live as long upon the Earth as the Heavens shall indure Which being so can it be lawfull or in the power of men for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Authority to give them a Law contrary to Gods command In St. Pauls time and the rest of the Apostles there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith yet they commanded that they should be prayed for and that they should give them all manner of Honour Subjection and Obedience and to bear themselves humbly before them for the love of God and a good Conscience Whence it is That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince under whom God hath subjected them or to assume to themselves any power over him to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions Subjects have not by the Law of God any other defence then flight That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince or Commonwealth and Commonwealth yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline obliged his Majesty to do the like by him in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first a weaknesse worth the observation in regard there was not one Fort there excepting that of Rive which could indure any long Siege So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them unlesse their Arms who would re-take them be so strongly diverted that they may be hindred from comming to them Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts before they were deposited in the Popes hands was a sufficient token of his design long since concluded on in
Majesty were to be joynt Judges Nothing more could be desired But however the Legat whether it were because he was somwhat cautious or reserved or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of importance or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope which peradventure might be limited was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed and more especially seeing Count Gondamor the Spanish Ambassador then at Court declared openly that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Legat's proceeding seeing he every day created new difficulties It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope was one cause of it His Holyness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons the Spaniards would disable the Counsel in regard several of the Roman Clergy were of opinion that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards did mightily molest and trouble him The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court. NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour caused him to dine with him sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour But at last they were to settle upon some resolution The King pressed him but he instead of facilitating the business stood firm to his first demands to which he was answered that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September hee took leave of the King giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown His Majesty likewise testified to him that he had a great kindness towards his Person a great respect for his Holiness and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair And lastly told him that the Affairs which he had been treated withall were so important to the publick good that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom and of his Supream Courts to take their advices and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution It was hoped he would have expected the result of them but he departed before it was suspected and his Officers who were left behind him could give no other reason for it but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting Politique Observations GOD hath established two sorts of Powers for the Government of the Universe and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity as the learned Hinomar writing to Carloman and the Bishops of France saith that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other Kings to Ecclesiastiques and Ecclesiastiques to Kings yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one another It is true the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal according to the order of dignity but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority insomuch that who is indued with it may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons and that of Powers for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers and all his Ministers to Kings yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions without bestowing on either power to destroy the other Which being so the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes but of a Mediator to end their differences He hath Power indeed over their Consciences but not over their Estates or that Authority which they have received from God for the government of them It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands and whatever Proposal he shall make to them can be received but as Councels It is Glorious for him as we have said to accommodate differences but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak for the ordering of which the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled by reason of those remedies which refresh the one are commonly stark nought for the other And thus it is seldome or never seen that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties The highest point of Prudence in this case is to imitate the discreet Physitian who cannot bring to passe his intent of curing his Patient but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one and not annoy another part for thus it is unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down bee weighed with Justice Equality and Moderation they will rather provoke then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them An Assembly of the Nobles by the Kings Order upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assembly where the chief Lords of the Court and the principal Officers of the Kingdome might understand the true state of the case and to prevent that the keeping of it secret might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace but that the King had absolutely refused them by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth but against the honour was due to the Kings Justice which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours when he might do it without offence to his Reputation or the Interests of his Allies as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion as also in all others which presented themselves so
their designs subsist and end in glory whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes losses and utter ruin Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither those others which were raised by the Grisons and those which after much ado were sent from Venice he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Cantons of Vry and Vndernal making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it These Recruits arrived very seasonably for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply which gave them the means to execute an enterprise which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the custody of the Albanois and Capelets amongst whom it struck such a terrour that there was no possible means to make them stand to it and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd resolved with the Council of War to retake it and on the seventeenth of October having appointed Pont de Gâ—des for a Rendezvous he gave order for the Assault The Fight was stoutly begun and after two houres continuance the Intrenchments were re-taken which had been formerly lost but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them and with more honour for that they were at that time exceedingly strong After this Expedition was over the Duke of Candale received intelligence that eight hundred foot and four hundred of the Spanish party had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it The Duke mustered his Army the better to know his own forces and so went to invest Chaumont and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon soon made a Breach fit for an Assault and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them who should appear to defend the Breach and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates which forced them in peeces so that two companies of French entred the Town and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition which was that they should march away with their Arms onely and leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town So accordingly they went out and left the Town to the Duke of Candâ—le There remained onely Morbeignâ— to take in the Valtoline and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it but the major part of them alledged and that very judiciously that the place was strongly scituated and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men both within and in the Country thereabouts that it was impossible to shut them up for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come which was the way which they had all their provisions and withall they concluded it was not much material whether they had it or not seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards either to shut up or open the Passes Their advice was followed and their courages submitted to the Laws of Discretion which made it appear that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises Others did wish that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place as afterwards it was done for that it is the most important of all the other places not in relation to the Passages but the securing of the Valley and to keep all the rest in their dutyes for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it for the keeping of it as being the most considerable of all and that once done impossible to be taken Politique observation THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories or the taking of Towns which many times have no dependencie upon them but by their Resoluteness and Constancy which they make appear without the least dread in doing all that can be done to vanquish Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power In the making of War in a Forraign Country it is needful if possible it may so be done to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first especially if it may not otherwise be taken then by a surprise The reason is clear for what ever assault is made elswhere gives an Allarm to the whole Country so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it Let us first seize on Rome said the Enemies of the Roman Empire in Herodatus which is the heart and Castle of the Empire and we shall quickly have the rest with ease The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul untill they had become Masters of Authun which was the chief City and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended And as it 's true that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole so it is likewise most certain that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress hath a curb on the rest so that he may do what he will himself especially if he can but so order his business that he may keep it in his power The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party THese were the most remarkable passages both in Italy and the Valtoline during that year but let us now return to the Affairs at home The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party untill he had conferred with an Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
to lose these hopes sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality to procure a quick dispatch they had many fair promises made them and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on so that the Revolt was now concluded on It was so much the easier to obtain those succours for that of late England had conceived some ill designs against France It much troubled them to see the Hugonot Party and those of Rochel reduced to greater weaknesses then ever and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there said in full Counsel that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there did not a little encrease it who were all mad to be dealing with France so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred I shall now only add the resentment which he took at his Majesties denial to let him come into France was that and only that which incensed him to that height But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court assuring him that it would be easie to raise some advantages out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither and that at last he could only end as Icarus did who perished for aspiring too high Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance she became Mistres of the Counsel which so exasperated Buckingham that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse who was discontented too and then in Lorrain did not a little blow the Coales of his passion and serve to nourish his anger but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour to have openly declared it so he wanted some pretences to cloak it He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies in presence of the English Ambassadours that though the King could not be induced to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours and in prosecution of them he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master was bound by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain by his Ambassador that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton Extraordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence as was most agreeable to the Hugonots and all that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it But it was absolutely denied that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel performed or that he had been treated with or his Ambassadours in any sort whatever But on the contrary it was represented to them how it was not forgotten what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was that in case they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty the King would not give his consent to any thing but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois if they should fall back from their duties This had been told them once and again and that plainly enough as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois were groundless as also that frivolous pretext of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charleâ—ous Declaration which being a thing of their own drawing and done as best pleased themselves was of no value However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of in their Declaration to justifie their Arms when they entred upon Ree And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France though it was not unknown that his private Spleen was the true cause of his design yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England and pretend assisting of the Rochelois and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France and enter upon it with security and advantage Upon these scores the King of England laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet all April May and June not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France Politique Observation KIngs when they have a mind to make a war never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any without urgent necessity I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just when it is necessary and that Arms are never attended with Justice but when there are no other hopes but from them And who can think otherwise of it seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries War it is which ushers in disorders and evil customes which taketh away the lives of the Innocent which bringeth the Rich into want and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war from whence it followeth that who so begins it without absolute necessity may be well compared to those Chymists who administer such potions to their patients that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases A wise man will abstain from war saith Xenophon though he have some reason for it Craesus did ever prefer peace before war if onely for this reason because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature The He Wolf is so
contained the depth of his employment and it was the happier for France that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie The Duke of Orleans hearing of it took his part made a great noise about it and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I le of Ree that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother then at Paris in his Majesty absence to demand Mountagu of her and in case she did refuse it to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time protesting withal that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction for this injurie which he pretended had been done him because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie where Mountagu was then Prisoner as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris together with the defeat given the English at Ree as shall anon be declared made him and the Duke of Savoy too change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua which he thought to surprise by a Stratugem which had been contrived and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him that Mountagu should be set at liberty soon after his Majesties return to Paris His anger was like storms which after much noise are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty to expect the Kings return to Paris whither he soon after arrived Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers from which there had been discovered as much as was desired his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree that he had promised to assist them That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt that he had assisted him with succours That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot and twelve hundred Horse There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King his Ministers of State and the Government of his affairs Politique Observation TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State is a Commission as little happy as honourable If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him It hath ever had such ill successe that one may say of him who arms them that in shaking the Pillars of the State Justice and obedience he only burries them in their own ruines If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another they last so little that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion Then comes distruct between them no one obtains any glory which t'other doth not envy nay and hinder too if he can Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine like structures built upon a foundation of sand War is of it self so uncertain that he who begins it is not sure to gain any thing by it A Command mis-apprehended an Order ill executed an enterprise not well timed an inconsiderate rashness and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout Besides negotiations being often considered by their Events all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish who first perswaded to the design On the other side God favoureth Just Arms and vallour signifies nothing saith Bâ—llisarius without Justice so that he who ingageth any without a lawful cause may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States against whom he attempteth to make a war Not to stop him were a madness in any Prince and a greater not to punish him for his rashness But admit he escape that mis-fortune his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch to Leosthenes who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full but beareth no fruit for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit from such a war tending to the States good so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune who employed their whole time provoked to it only by their particular passions any unjust reasons to raise wars amongst Princes The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles his glory vanished like smoak and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines but for that seditious Spirit which animated him against the house of Medicis and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens but the blame he reaped by it sullyed all his glory and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of
the intended siege of Rochel The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle were taken they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future when they had a mind to procure any thing by force neither were they a little startled at the assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken of carrying the place The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power a diminution to their own private authorities and they of France were not ignorant that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed they had then no game left to play but that of submission This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design The King had learn't from some of the old Court that that which hindred the taking od Rochel when as Charles the ninth besieged it was only the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal least they should by joyning themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took to give an assured remedie hereunto was to clap up in the Bastille several sedicious turbulent persons who began to speak aloud such things as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing it being his Majesties desire only to prevent them from doing any hurt The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet de Montpinson d' Oy were first of all secured and shortly after Fancan and La Milletiere with other inferiours to keep them Company which made them perceive who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live within their limits and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour Thus every one for love or fear was quiet and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the repose of his State then those who are able to serve him It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits but little Prudence for they of his Temper are usually wicked ambitious Lovers of Novelties insurrections and all sorts of intreagues Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number when after a recital of his vertues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent On the other side he ought to be vigilant over those who are ready to undergo any meannesses upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse as Caesar did according to Dions report who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person on mean and base men if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power In this last age Mâ—nsâ—eur ae Guise hath done the same thing in the eyes of all men but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown Withall he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts That Cneus Piso was ingaged in all his undertakings by his being reduced to extream necessity and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times change their Fashions when they please who of Lyons turn to be Lambs and from Lambs become Lyons again and this with much facility all to make advantage of whatsoever comes uppermost to swim with the stream and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another without any apparent reasons for it of such as onely converse with turbulent minds of such as seem to be discontented at affairs of such as are in debt or have received some distasts in their private interests I could produce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it But making profession of being short I shall onely for conclusion say that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons especially on the least occasion given to suspect that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague The least delay which shall be given them will onely fix them so much the more whereas the dispatch in securing of them rather sooner then later is a kind of Pitty for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes Ambition Covetousnesse Revenge and Poverty meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul never let him be at rest or free from some embroyl or other if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-doing by too imprudent a compassion Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourdeaux reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal THere was about the same time ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon Governour of Guyenne and the Parliament of Bourdeaux might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concenter to stifle rebellion in its birth and to keep
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holyness When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither It was not as yet arrived but hourly expected and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria that they must forthwith marry or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua It was a business of so great importance that it would admit of no longer consultation so that it was concluded and married they were about nine in the night on Christmasse Eve the marriage was consummated and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers Who without it might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua At that present he was in France but hearing of it he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua where finding all things according to his own desire he took proffession of the State and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France He passed by Thurin and used new endeavours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation but it would not be yet he served the King in this occasion by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine from the Duke of Savoy's Army who had ingaged themselves with him not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of was much offended and told him it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin Politique Observation THat Prudence which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected without the assurance of an Hair to succeed Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular who governing an Empire not Hereditary would however joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred in the conduct of affairs to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators Souldiers and people he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity For this reason it was according as Tacitus hath well observed that he finding himself destitute of Sons and that Fortune had taken from him first Marcus Agrippa and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews advanced Tiberus who though he had a Son then grown up he caused to adopt Germanicus to the succession of the Empie and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns Adrian in the like manner seeing he had not any Sons which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours as Dion hath observed in his life and all this was with intent that they who were to succeed in the Empire might be alwayes ready to receive it and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves To how many misfortunes have they who have been defective in this Care exposed their Countries Jane the second Queen of Napels dying without nominating her successour d' Anâ—ou whom she had once named being deceased before her left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War and him whom she least of all desired to inherit after her It is very rarely seen that a Kingdome changeth its Family without great wars and that Prince whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person whence it follows that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes ought betimes to appoint his successour to keep him near to him with Honour to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity for that were to cure one evil by a greater seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes might perchance ingage him in some ill design to be master of it before his time Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance and long before their landing in Ree he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns and engage considerable persons in his private interests Presently after their landing he openly declared himself strengthned his party with Men perswaded some places to rise and sollicited others to do the like He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils That he mâ—â—ht the better strik these Panick fears into them he sent them a Manifest filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year But may it not be said that he imitated those Pirates who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them For thus did he lay before the sight of them who were sufficiently enclined to â—action diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs he â—ound means to make an assembly in the Viâ—e d'Vsez where diverse of their Deputies met together and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to They approved of those succours which he had negotiated in England as just and necessary they commended his prudence and zeal and gave him a thousand thanks for it But this was not all They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty without the King of Englands consent and his own in particular Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyennâ— withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them for the good of the cause They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls the Governours of Towns Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with
stone in their presence beseeching Jupiter to strike them in the same manner if they should break the Treaty We likewise read in the History of the Sieur de Join'eville that St. Lewis the King being at Caesarea a Knight of the House of Concy came to him and desired him for a greater assurance of his fidelity that he would be pleased that his Majesties Souldiers and his might in token of a strait alliance mingle blond with Wine and drink it one to t'other and that the King approved thereof and the same History addeth that moreover they forced a Dog to passe between their Ranks at which every one struck with his Sword saying so may he be struck that fails of his word The Monsieurs retreit into Lorain AFter the Kings return from Languedoc the Queen Mother passionately desiring that Monsieur should marry one of the Princes of Florence though he could no way resolve to love her shee being no beauty saving the Honour of her Family otherwise little recommendable suffered with great impatience that Monsieur should bear any good will unto the Princesse Marie Whereupon she was very earnest with his Majesty that he would expresly prohibite him to marry her without his Royal permission Now though the King seemed to have a good esteem of this Princesse yet however the rule which he had alwayes imposed on himself to give the Queen Mother al content obliged him to forbid and respect and obedience the other to accept of it but which such discontent it was that unable longer to stay at Court he retired into Lorain The Duke of Lorain received him with great Honour whether it were because he was bound to respect him or because himself being already discontented with France and of the Spanish faction did hope to find some occasion to satisfie his own hatred His faithful Servants indeed would gladly have diverted him from this retreat but as most great men become jealous and suspicious of them who give them not such Counsels as tend to extremity but endeavour to moderate their actions so they durst not speak their thoughts to him The most judicious among them found themselves reduced to the condition of the Romans who seeing their City on fire by Nero's command durst not endeavour to quench it lest they might anger the Emperour for that they saw several of his servants adding more fuel to the fire whereby they might please him Neither wanted there some persons about Monsieur who having no other design then to flatter him for their own ends perswaded him to such resolutions as in their own consciences they could not but condemne I may add that they endeavoured from that time more then ever to raise distrusts in him against the King and the Cardinal whereby they might possesse him with fear and they became so much the more considerable unto him in that they found means to oblige him to look upon themselves as the onely means of his safety They having been thus the principal causes of his departure deserved much more to be blamed then he did because he having once confided in them it would be an hard matter for him to defend himself from their treacheries The Queen Mother was not to be excused shee having something contributed to drive him into these extremities which could be advantagious to no one but very dangerous to France as experience hath made it appear and withal the Cabal which was then at Court having grounded all those broils which since hapned upon his departure The Cardinal foresaw the ill consequences if not remedied therefore he omitted nothing in his power which might induce his Majesty to sollicite him to return but the discontents of Grandees are like those sicknesses which must necessarily have their course and cannot be cured until the natural heat hath overpowered the maligne powers in the body so there was a necessity of expecting what time might produce that he might be perswaded to return Politique Observation PRinces of the Bloud Royal cannot possibly follow worse counsel than to withdraw themselves from the place of their birth There it is that the Center of their glory is and where they are respected with more honour than they can hope for there they onely see the King above them whereas in other Countries they are inferiour to many The Stars in the Firmanent have not any light but when they are within sight of the Sun and Princes are never so glorious as when in their Kings presence it being their greatest glory to be of his bloud they are like burning-glasses which out of the Sun are of no use Their King is as their soul and all their greatness consisteth in his Majesty and the splendor â—â—ich they receive from him gives them so great Authority that they may upon the matter do whatsoever they desire whereas when once they go out of the limits of their own Country they change their Commands into intreaties It is onely near their King that they live in the abundance of pleasure and delight but when once they forsake him they are presently reduced to want and necessity Here they are onely restrained from being Prodigal nothing is refused them that is necessary whereas among strangers they are forced to be contented with that which at home would hardly maintain their Officers neither have they that without submission Is it not then with little reason pretended that they retire for more liberty seeing they are never so much observed as amongst strangers where every thing they do is suspected If they have any liberty it is to foment divisions in their own Country But why do they not consider that in so doing they act against themselves against their own greatnesse for that they are not at all considerable but by the Kingdom from whence they are extracted The Reasons and Causes of Monsieurs Retirement AS it is natural to seek pretences for the hiding of faults so Monsieur gave divers reasons of his departure for his own justification Those Grandees who complain of a State where they are born cannot better be compared then to those who are in a deep water where they lay hold on every thing to secure themselves from danger He first of all complained of the disorders in the State a thing usual in all those that revolt as if the true reason of their discontent were not known when the truth is nothing but their own particular interest withdraws them They who had been with him should have informed him what alterations the Cardinal had made in France since he first came to the State He found it in the most deplorable condition that could be by the ill management of certain Ministers who unable to second the Kings prudent and generous intentions had cast all things into confusion The Hugonot party was then so strong that they would shake off the yoke of obedience at their own pleasures The Princes of the Bloud would usually revolt upon the least discontents The Governours of
and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well pleased and contented Politique Observation OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations They drive on with too much vigour to the conclusion of an affair without considering what way is the most honourable or advantageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with that they might have a quick dispatch Strangers who know our humours and dispositions use to delay us and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say in our heats and passions and to weary us out by length of time by which means they keep our very souls as 't were in prison amongst the intricacies of several proposals giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them from whence it follows that at the first Proposals they make us be they never so little agreeable it is with us as with Prisoners whose design being only how to get forth they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open indangering the breaking of their very Necks and will not expect till the dore be unlockt that they may walk out with more Honour and Security which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business beyond the Rules of Prudence or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity that he may mock and laugh at their artifices and with an invincible Patience to surmount all their coldnesses that he may make them despair of ever raising any advantages by their delayes The Affairs of Italy AT length the Cardinal found by experience that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont did end in nothing but the retarding the Army which till then he had pass'd by and put up that it might be known to all Christendome that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion as also that he might revictual Cazal but being now satisfied that he could not longer endure it but with much dishonour and the losse of his Army he resolved to give an end to this affair to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schomberg the Sieurs d' Auriac de Thoiras de Fenquires de Servient and d' Esmery and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time both concerning the General and particular Peace he desired their advices what was proper to be done in that juncture of time The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy and for their retreat back again as occasion should serve Withal that to passe thither was not so difficult they being strong enough to force their way in despight of any opposition but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits of men mony victuals and other necessaries for the refreshing of the Army and to assure themselves of a safe regresse in case the Army should be worsted this was the main debates That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd after he had so often played fast and loose and after he had falsified his word to their great damage already The result of all at last came to this that they were to make themselves Masters of the field and neither to leave an Enemy or a Place behind them which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least that truth and sincerity being like the soul once out of the body it never returns but by miracle so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest that if they should have left his Army behind them he might with ease stop up the Passages against any recruits whatever as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny and on all the Keys upon the Doria and that there was so much the more reason to defie him because he did openly side with the Spaniards That they were no longer to defer the declaring of the War against him for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses and many Troups were forced to disband as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King in so often breaking his word and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse and ruin of them all That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us that a Prince may justly raise a War if any injury which he hath received make him take up Arms or if any just fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies he is obliged to provide against the worst though he be not as yet openly assaulted Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts that they could admit of no reply It was then unanimously concluded on to assault the Duke of Savoy Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy the Cardinal sent both once and again to him to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Person Cause and Army Politique Observation HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions And this cannot be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith that stability resteth upon Counsel as if he would have said that no resolution carries more certainty with it then that which is grounded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments opinions The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gallantries and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies then by good directions and advises It is to be doubted that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution when as a sound discussing of them many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing which he would fain bring to passe provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in
Politique Observation NOthing doth more alarum the common people then the noise of new impositions they think it is to take away their lives at least to make them insupportable if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance which is the reason that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition they being desirous and greedy of novelties and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed they have more to get then to lose by such revolts and turmoils Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty but the obedience which is due to Magistrates and the recessity of contributing to the publick charge renders them culpable without excuse Those who lead them on and incite them to their mutinies ought most principally to be punished for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms and to keep the rest in slavery by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them saith Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear which is one of the best Rays in his Crown He ought so to pardon offences that he do not by it give way to or allow of that liberty which the people assume to themselves who will be quickly quelled if their Ringleaders be but punished To pardon all were an excessive liberty and would breed a like licentiousnesse and to chastise the most culpable is an effect of Prudent Justice Impunity authoriseth licentiousnesse and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses and 〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resolutions and extremities It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience by sending some grave personage amongst them as T. Livy hath observed whom they hold in some esteem and respect because Reputation and a good beleef is as the Soul of all other Reasons for that very cause it was as the same Author reports it that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus unto Sardigna when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection The quick and timely dispatch of such person is of great consequence too for that Rebellion are like flames which do increase every day more then other if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings The Monsieurs return to France THe King went to Troys and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resolution which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother who after the conclusion of the accommodation about the end of the year last past which we have already spoken of retired to Nancy and testifying to him his hearty affections by all ways of lively demonstrations and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him and augmented his Pensions 〈◊〉 we have already declared The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April and in hâ—s Company besides his own retinue came divers Princes and Lords who were thâ—â— at the Court and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to meâ—â— him He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings and the King stood expecting of him in the Court and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it but imbraced him so long and ardently that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts in their wishes in their wills in their designs and even in their very recreations so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together The Court was filled with joy and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Trâ—yâ—â— so that there was great reason to hope that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉 make a breach between them had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it thinking perhaps they should become the more considerable by keeping them at a greater distance and raise more advantages to themselves by their divisions Politique Observation NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting after a little breach or falling out provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up as the minds of persons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other And in this the power of Nature is very much observed and the truth of their opinion made good who say that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us affections and inclinations to love those objects which she doth oblige us to seek after And as the Creator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards and to others which are heavy an inclination which forceth them by nature to tend towards the Center of the earth so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity as well as for those objects which are proper for him so that he can neither check his eyes or curb his heart but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit hence it comes to passe as we see that kindred love and that tenderly one another upon their first meeting though they had not known one another before this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits as to entertain by the presence its object for that they had not differed to love but onely because they had not seen one another before The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne and of Paris to the Monsieur THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his duty not onely of respect but of friendship he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection but sent to him two Commissions the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne the other to govern not onely the City of Paris but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome Politique Observation JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in
which was out of Cannon shot This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governour of the Place who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes without punishing them with rigor in the conclusion so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King to beg 3 dayes time that they might consider and confer what they should do but his Majesty replyed that he would quarter in the Town that very day so they then presently surrendered knowing it to be Rashness to resist a Prince so couragious and one who knew so well to conduct his Army Politique Observation DElay which a man granteth to an Enemy is frequently of such consequence that a good or bad successe doth depend on it One dayes time gives the besieged leave to make such trenches as will not be regained in a whole month Henry the second for having attended thus but a very little was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta the same night that he sat down before it he had then taken it without difficulty which he could not the next day Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis recorded by Guiccardine who stayed only one or two hours to let the rain passe and so came too late to Florence and found that his Enemies had but one hours notice of his arrival which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him and in fine they did hinder and prevent his entrance which otherwise he had gained had it not been for that little stop It is as much follie to give time to a mans Enemies to fortifie themselves as it is discretion and advantagious to take them unprovided and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence The taking of divers other Castels THE Castles of Clermont of Meyrac of Allinge and divers others thereabouts rendered themselves upon the first summons and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men in a place very advantagious and where a few men might stop a very great Army but he no sooner saw the Kings Forces appear but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the Kings Army which followed him until he had past the â—â—ount St. Bernard he not so much as offering to make any resistance which he might easily have done the Passages being very narrow and strait Politique Observation HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains the impetuous course of a Torrent which running along the plain â—nters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest roots up the trees turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers forceth the Country people to clime the tops of Trees drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins hath a most perfect view of what passed in the Tarente upon the comming in of his Majesties Army where ever he came they did all things whatever to obey his commands the most advantagious Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers whom their own very fear had routed all the Towns deserted and particularly in the City of Constance there was not one man to be found to fight withall The King makes himself Master of all Savoy AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this Vallie he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy and hindred the march of any Forces which would passe into it It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men whom he lest there so that there was no other avenue for to be taken but that of Morienne which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers Accordingly his Majesty commanded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian which was as soon executed as commanded So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy the Cardinal shewed him in his Tent that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time Three several Sieges that of Montmelian that of Charbonniers and that of Laville from all which he might see the smoak of his Cannons Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken and Montmelian was so blocked up that it was impossible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it all the Passages being shut up Politique Observation SUch victories as these being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal cannot be sufficiently admired Whence it comes that leaving the usual method of this History I shall turn the Politique Observations into Praises Is it not to be concluded that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune both which conspire in emulation of one another to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe Doth not truth oblige us to acknowledge that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain that every yet was and that the Rayes of hâ—s Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders whom Antiquitie dâ—d so much admire In the Ages which shall succeed us his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Scepter The Generousness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glasse and a School to all such as would follow his tracts The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces and admirable vertues wherewith Heaven endued him had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries which justly belong to him if the mis-fortunes of this Kingdom and those who are of neerest relation to it had not obstructed and opposed it There was not any one Enemy who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage admit it were in the siege of a Place where a hundred might beat a 1000 or where the quantities of their Forces did much exceed his Majesty Numbers But to add new Rayes to his Glory never durst they stay to expect him and they placed their safety in the swiftnesse of their feet and a shameful flight The King marcheth toward Lyon at the perswasion of the Queen Mother THough the happy successes of his Majesties Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear yet as Women are naturally timerous The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency that his Majestie should ingage himself any farther in the War particularly against the Spaniard partly for the natural inclination shee had for Spain by her
Wars yet they are necessary to oppose themselves against the incursion of Forrainers And a Sage Politician that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars followed this example which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes and which preserved France in the happiness of a long Peace by keeping Troops still on foot who were still ready to suppresse any insurrections which might arise and not suffering them to be vanting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists PResently after the Imperialists were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they address't themselves with so much the more readiness to execute their design because they knew that a great number of the Souldiers in Garrison there were much discreased in several losses which they received upon divers assaults that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months Aldringuer and Galas looked out all those Places where they might make an assault which was the easier for them to do they having good intelligence in Mantua by the means of Guastale who pretended to the Dutche before the Duke of Mantua as we have declared about the latter end of the last year They understood that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side and St. George's Bridge by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side where no great Guard was kept for that the Place was thought to be â—naccessible and few there were who durst attempt it because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge and certain chains reaching to the Gate and the new Tower so that no boat could passe there for at least half a mile downwards However there they resolved to surprise it by means of certain Souldiers who were clapt in there upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places at the same time that they should enter This enterprise was accordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy an hour before day with so much violence and courage that all the resistence which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée could make and they did all that could be expected from valiant men on that occasion was to no purpose and could not defend them from being compelled to render themselves upon composition after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place that was capable of defence Politique Observation THere are hardly any Towns which are not lyable to surprises Breda a place extreamly strong was surprised by Prince Maurice by making use of a Boatman who using to carry Turf into the Castle filled his Boat with armed Souldiers covered both above and beneath with Turfs who by this means entred upon the Castle and made themselves Masters both of it and the Town being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in Watchtendone upon the River of Niers was surprised by a Bark full of straw in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed and one Souldier who used to guide in the straw who being known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand to help him out and so drew him into the Water giving oportunity to the rest to land undiscovered to seize on the Corps du Guard and to kill the Souldiers on the Bridge where they let in Henry de Bergue who was neer at hand to second them with 400 men Thus one might produce many the like examples it being difficult for a Town to be so fortified on all sides that it cannot be surprised in some place or other The Causes of the taking of Mantua THE losse of Mantua is principaly attributed to three causes The first was Guastale who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists from within so that they were not only well informed of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place and what courses they ought to take to arrive there by the-Inhabitants themselves but were also seconded by some of the Inhabitants after they were once entred The Venetians bore another part of the Blame by reason of the long delayes which they used in revictualling of Mantua for the last convoy which they sent could not enter the Imperialists having stop't up the Avenues as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troups it being certain that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year they might have taken all Imperial Garisons and cut them in pieces whereas they stayed until the new German Army came and their Souldiers being al unskilful and not trained up the Wars it was not difficult for the Imperialists to defeat them to make themselves Masters of the field and to take in all the little holds thereabouts The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too for not being careful enough to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies at the same times that the sickness decreased them whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect The neglect whereof was the cause that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town to oppose their fury or beat them off which doubtlesse might have been done had there been barely a thousand men in it Politique Observation IT is too great an excesse of bounty and very hurtful to a new Prince who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change which may clash with the minds of the people to permit those to live in liberty under him who have pretended to the same Government and may peradventure hinder him in the enjoyment of it To do so were to leave fire amongst straw which wil soon raise great flames and he may be very sure his Country will not long continue without troubles The rules of Tyrannie oblige him to put such a one to death and declare to us that to take away his State and not his life were a cruel pitty But not regarding those the Laws of Justice which permit him to restrain him of his liberty exempt him from all blame for that his possession being just he is obliged to make use of all his Authority to preserve his State by all warrantable means and wayes whatever Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies and their designs We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity and a dexterous dispatch is in warfare and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us For besides the infallibleness of a good successe the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Souldiers and the custome of overcoming is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises which are afterwards to be attempted Above all the keeping of necessary Souldiers in a Town which the Enemies have either invested or made their
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
they were procured and bestowed upon him as so many just recompences of his services or to ingage him to do others of more importance as the effects of a pure liberallity But after all either these indeavours these cares these services these respects or these submissions could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit They wrought for some time so much upon her reason that she kept all fair and seemed not to be displeased but assoon as she was arrived at Paris her Passion revived and to that height that she removed out of her family Madam de Combalâ—t and Monsieur de la Meâ—lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed Politique Observation AS Women do not ordinarily love men though the most amiable with or by reason the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred which they shall once conceive They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies The strongest reasons of truth passe in their opinions for Artifices and the most humble submissions do not at all touch their high minds and the greatest in stances make them the greater Rebels They being of the same humour with fortune who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour JT cannot be denied but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion as cannot be imagined and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him for he had learnt by a long experience that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours and that those who govern an Estate are like the Celestial Bodies which receive much honour from the earth but have no rest at all so that he had most readily renounced all according as he supplicated his Majesty if his Majesty would have thought it fit who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State It could not be that he did suspect his Majesties goodnesse or constancy to whom hee knew his fidelity was better known then to all the rest of France and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory made it so much the more insupportable by how much lesse he had deserved it He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peoples minds their particular thoughts for infallible truths and that she might in France and to posterity make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him It was for this that he could not imagine no more then he Kings loyal servants that after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him the Artifices of some seditious spirits would be able to counterpoise his glory Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted cannot be accused But surely he cannot be called ingratefull who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations and who hath no more apparent grief then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies onely that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life to serve her who had obliged him Can he be called ingratefull who would lose the first place of Honour in a State to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactâ—ix seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion He whom she made his principle accuser never durst disavow it in his writings But not welâ— knowing how to describe his ingratitude he would fain make him passe for ingratefull because he did not adhere to and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was before the Kings service And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust It is true that her birth might oblige him to extraordinary services but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him and what is due by Justice to the King his Master and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses before the Interest of the State which is entrusted to his conduct He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother which was only in matters contrary to her opinion as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Designe The sagest Polititians have said He is the wisest King who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed communicates his resolution of what shall be done but only to a few persons Politique Observation HAtred which hath no just foundation is so inconsiderate that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible nay strong reasons without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes There are no
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
but so full of dissimulations of which the Court is the most perfect School that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them in regard the most part of those who come neer them do hardly ever tell them any truth at all The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger and to how many submissions he stooped that he might recover her good favour Shortly after St. Martins day she used her very utmost power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him insomuch that she would not indure to see him But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity next that of serving his Majesty to render all testimonies of his fidelity and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him which some of her Confidents had now diverted The Good Father did it so much the more readily perceiving that this bitterness of the Queen-Mother did set the whole Court into Factions that it did divide the State raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself he represented to her that God commanded her to moderate her hatred and to behold him with respect who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose for he could not at all discover any disposition in her tending to follow his advices The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio a Prelat not lesse recommendable for the greatnesse of his Soul then that of his dignity to attempt and indeavour with her upon the same score There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion at last he obtained this advantage that she condiscended to see him and to promise him she would forget what was past The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace where the King was present But she discovering by her eyes her words and actions that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that which neither the Piety of Father Suffren nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to The King took the pains upon himself to speak to her once and again with great earnestness conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs of which he had already laid the ground-work He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals to assist at Councels where of late she would no more appear and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three several times It is true some have been bold to say that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will that he might gain a greater power over his Soul and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul and the she might find out new occasions fit to destroy the Cardinal But for my own part I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point I shall only say this much indeed the Passion which she conceived against him was so violent that she could not long forbear so much did his very sight torment her and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth THe Marshal de Schomberg whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels being return'd from Piedmont imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind he resolved accordingly to assault her with all kinds of reasons and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests to give up her self though she would not do it either for the Love or Respect which she owed the King He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Personages are taken He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels and that whilest she had followed them she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World whereas now she was in a maze by having adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies It is true Madam would he sometimes say he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King to have no other then his interests and to be inseparably united with him for that he well knew all your greatness and quiet depended upon it whereas they who now advise you put other imaginations into your Majesties head but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her He entreated her to open her eyes and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects and made her apprehend and confess that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal That if she desired any authority from the King he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions and had in a manner divided his power with her That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her The great zeal which he had to serve her did even transport him to tel her that her separating her self as she did from the King would force the King to withdraw himself from her which if it should so happen she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects These reasons were so potent and considerable that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them but that some factious spirits about her perswaded her that she should add to her authority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish though in never so little a manner In fine she became inflexible and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe that she refused his Majesty when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal which she was so much the more obliged to have done he never having really offended her at all Politique Observation NOthing is more easily effected then to infuse violences into the minds of
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
was alwaies receiv'd and entertain'd at his return with honour and magnificence and when he took his last leave was presented with a Cross of Diamonds worth two thousand Crowns But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits then prudence in his undertaking and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty Politique Observation ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour Civility is a vertue which ought to be used every where Alexander whose example is the more considerable seeing he was alwaies esteemed for generous used it even to excess and that towards his very enemies He ought to hold a correspondence with others though he hath neither reason to love them nor to think that he is beloved by them It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him whereas at is discretion to entertain him with Civilities for the easier surprizing of him the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him being the best devices he can use to give him no cause of jealousie which may induce him to stand upon his guard One of the Ancient Sages said A Prince never ought to receive the kindnesses of others but with distrust Pompey was decived by the pretenses of peace and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship as Tacitus hath observed In general it may be said that Civilities are like a winding lane which lead by a Trap door into any designed place what-ever They are alwaies seasonable and although they are not alwaies accompanied with frankness yet are they nevertheless agreeable to the Receiver and advantagious to the Giver The Wise man somtimes seemeth to be highly satisfied though he be inwardly displeased which he doth that he may the better take his time and shew his anger to the purpose for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure neither ought he to shew his Teeth but when he is in a condition to bite But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him but with Honour and respect seeing their Quality hath alwaies made them pass for venerable in consideration of the person whom they represent Neither is the Honour done them cast away for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust who may thereby be intic'd to take less care in his affairs then otherwise he would withal it keeps his Neighbours in suspence and hinders them from associating themselves with him for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans HAving related the causes of the Queen-Mothers discontent and the manner of her retreat it will not be amiss to speak somthing of Monsieur's affairs of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War and at last to with-draw himself out of the Kingdom Upon his Majesties return from Compeigne where he had left the Queen-Mother he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him and to withdraw him from the Queen-Mothers intreagues and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits which had been a little exasperated then to marry him his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him then at Orleans to assure him that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denyed him in case he would return as he was desired more particularly that he would very willingly yeild to his marriage with the Princess Maria which heretofore had been importunately entreated This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affection seeing he could not marry himself without engaging his Majesties Interests in it and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice in case he should have any children Yet some ill Counsellors then neer him stopp'd his eyes that he might not see it The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection But he found him in a thousand jealousies which Coigneux and others had instilled into him on purpose to decline him from his Majesties Interests and to make themselves the more considerable with him For his own part he was well enough inclin'd to do what-ever could be required of him but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him by their tricks and devices that in a minute they unravelled what-ever the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and perswaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her which were Chimeras only and that it were a great dishonour for him to forsake her she having cast her self as it were into his Arms withaâ— they terrified him with panique fears and protested to him that they would not assure him of his liberty if once he came within the Cardinal's reach as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him whilest he was at Orleans had he been so inclined and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him unless in the fetters of Love which he thought a tye strong enough to continue him neer unto him But this too they perswaded him was a Lure to draw him to into the ginns provided for him insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back or to perswade him to have any confidence in his Majesty Thus did those Creatures of his tryumph over his goodness sacrifice his glory to their own Interests and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Authority Politique Observation AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes so a bad one serves only to ingage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes Princes ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service and they are obliged to remove such from the Court seeing they themselves do but seldome take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them whence by the advices of such men they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends are their Masters glory and this is his Majesties present happiness for they being neither passionate nor
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took â—et and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâ—gonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going â—orth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâ—ux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxâ—rre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bâ—â—carre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâ—garde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâ—re de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâ—r insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ— to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
not then consider how they themselves abuse it by resisting it and that whilest they violate his Authority their own flowing from his cannot remain entire and survive it When as the Moon jealous of the Sun attempts to obscure his Rays and sets her self just before his face she depriveth us of his light but we all know she loseth her own likewise and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth As true it is that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority which alone hath cloathed them with lustre and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects and attempt to abridge their Majesties of their Power and Glory cannot so do without wounding themselves and eclipsing their own light Monsieur's Request to the Parliament to Indict the Cardinal THe Cardinals ruine was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive they verily beleeved that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion and to give credit unto those Crimes wherewith he should be charged but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken seeing they could not be ignorant that it lay not in the Parliaments Power and withall seeing they could not but know that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever would never permit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude However in order to this design of theirs they caused a request signed by Monsieur to be presented unto the Parliament wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal had forced him to go out of the Kingdom He desired an instrument of his Protest that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies and that he might be admitted as a Party against the Cardinal This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration of which we shall anon speak and which made them culpable in not publishing that of his Majesty But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel it was ordered by Arrest that it should be suppressed as contumelious contrary to the good of his Service the Peace of his Subjects the safety of his State and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers against whom no charge or complaint can or may be given although there were cause for it but by way of humble Petition to his Majesties own person who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings Besides his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau to let his Subject know that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur had carried him out of the Kingdom as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity concluding that his Majesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown and the good of his State and lastly conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue and his high services from the violences of a factious potent Party Politique Observation NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wisdom who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them but great persons like rocks are not to be shaken though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather It is said that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds whereby he may secure himself from storms and upon this reason it is that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time which once pass'd they dissipate of themselves and become annihilated All the attempts made against their Fortunes are but like so many blows in the Ayr so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them The Prudence wherewith they are endued affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs as also to secure themselves and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection then the services they do him for those alone will easily make apparent that all the slanders spread abroad against them are only inventions of some base people who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack notwithstanding all which they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious designs which they have laid and make it daylie evident that souls which are truly great do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers without receiving any hurt neither will they be discouraged from continuing to act what they have well begun Their generousness is like and armed Souldier prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation Their Fidelity is like a Wall impregnable against all Force and Artifice Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them so that any advantage may be taken against them Their address dictates unto them to watch the time when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince where it is impossible for him to get their like In a word those excellent qualities of theirs do discover unto them their enemies contrivances and renders them Masters of their own Fortune which is impossible to be ravished out of their power The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory for from that time laying their heads together with those of the Queen-Mother they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels The
the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny by the example of some in the last age at Rouen and Valence O strange fury to render that a weaknesse in the most puissant King of the World which is a true effect of his wisedom when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents it self of which the Cardinal doth not fore-see the end consequences and causes that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compasse and that he never proposed any enterprise which he did not happily bring to passe Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels seeing his spirit is as it were forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them Politique Observation AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity and if himself be of excellent parts he will not scruple it it being an assured signe of judgment to conform a mans actions to the counsel of wise men so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch to trouble himself with trivial matters He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders but surely he is much to be pityed God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns to entertain their minds with trivial affairs Tiberius one of the greatest Monarchs that governed the Romane Empire being retired for his greater quiet into the Isle of Cherreâ— writ a Letter to the Senate wherein as Tacitus observeth he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs and gave them to understand that neither Aedile nor Praetor nor Consul should have any access unto him but in matters of great concernment Thus Themistocles one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said as Plutarch acquaints us that as the Ship of Salavere which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice never Launched out into the Sea but for the reception of Princes or some extraordiniry occasion So the Common-wealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters Now as for matters of great consequence it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue The honour which herein he doth him is so far from taking off from his own authority that on the contrary it doth rather raise his greatness and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bent upon his own judgement such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruine The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarks within the bounds of modesty and humility hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel as the rest of men unto them The most Prudent are alwaies the most stayed and it is generally agreed that to be wedded to ones own opinion contrary to the sences of great men is an assured mark of want of discretion because every one is blind in his own affairs I may hereunto adde that this stayednesse is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousnesse of their passions Nature hath not formed Princes more then other men so perfect that they should alwaies swim in the right stream and never erre unlesse they have some one who may serve them for a guide The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions they having more authority it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousnesse It is my opinion that no greater harm can betide them then to want some person neer them whom they respect and who may have the liberty of advising them as he shall find most expedient whose advice they may follow with a respectfull condiscention Prosecution of the Subject THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people noâ— that he was either the cause of them or that they were excessive but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France had made use of True it is they were charged with some impositions but besides that they were not excessive they were absolutely necessary Never was there yet that time when the people dâ—d not apprehend their burthens to be extream It is a burthen to them to demand part of that for the King which they got not but with pain nor do injoy in any great plenty But it is without cause for that the impositions were necessary and there was not any mis-government in the disposal of the treasures Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon were unavoidable cannot be doubted because those Wars and Designs began after his comming to the Administration In consideration whereof those Charges imposed where absolutely necessary They were ingaged to allay the factious insolency of the Hugonots to succour Allies to suppresse the ambition of the house of Austria who after the invasion of our neighbours would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State This being so who can deny them to have been necessary which admitted the Impositions could be no lesse and I may safely add that those very factious spirits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand and the same pace poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their enemies The peoples misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country where a good Harvest puts them in statu quo prius but it is not the same in the advantaâ—es which the enemies of France are permitted to have there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War I assure
my self they question not these truths but besides that those expences were absolutely necessary do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom The glory will remain for ever but the incommodity is already forgotten What reason is there to complain I shall onely make this answer the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct to have made such carefull provisions If the Impositions were thus necessary the money which did rise from them was no lesse carefully expended during those times of which they speak in which it may be said much was done with little money Can any one deny that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King to the shame of his enemies at an easier rate then others have done who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us It must be confessed that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed the Possessors and Raters were faulty and deserved to be punished because they oppressed the weak and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship Politique Observation JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince to force a contribution from his Subjects towards the urgent necessities of the publike No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order be it in Peace or War That Prince is easily surprized whose Exchequer is exhausted for he that wants money wants wherewith to levy men and he who is defective of men is to be vanquished without difficulty Now as to matter of War every one knows that Monies are its principal Nerves whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute said in the Emperour Otho's Councel where the means of carrying on a War were discussed that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army Hath not Thucydides recorded to us how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War was by convincing to them that they were in a capacity of so doing because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions from that abundant Treasure of which they were Masters War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince who finding himself ingaged in Wars and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences not to compell his Subjects to contribute towards the publike Concernments Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes who according to Plutarch were forced to a War without monies to support his Souldiery was compelled to flie into Egypt If there be any thing of Prudence in it there is as much of Justice too The common Axiom is that every one may make use of his own now is it not I pray most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences It is a right so undubitable inherent to them that the most able and sincere Divines assure us that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar and the example which himself shewed Herein consisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods I shall moreover adde that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes but doth oblige Kings to require them for the preservation of its lustre and to demand them as a debt due to the State as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it it being but just that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the publike good and better it were a Nation were impoverished then a kingdom lost Prosecution of the Subject THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State as the Queen mother her self once said to some who complained of her Agents during her Regency Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct because Man is naturally an enemy to Government and propense to judge the worst of his Governours whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours but not the causes inducements and circumstances of them they remain lock'd up in secret Revilings are the rewards of their watchings and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes as well as that of the publike Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded and for this very reason whatever was said against the Cardinal was regarded by wise men but as the effect of a furious faction who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests without consideration of the Kings Honour so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular discourse Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them was well inform'd that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them did carry Letters under the notion of Officers and packets of correspondency for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot Whereupon his Majesty to suppresse that disorder ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons or else to confine themselves unto their own houses inhibiting any one either to go or come the time once expired without his particular licence under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace of being punished with confiscation of their Estates and the â—osse of exemption from payment of Tributes which they then enjoyed it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offiâ—es others might without comâ—trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom which cost so dear to extinguish Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom so to do were to leave fire in straw Although â—ome may be mindfull of their obligations in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other yet undoâ—btedly many there wil be more affectionate to their
hath solidly resolved and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him without receding from those fundamental propositions upon which the main chance is to be decided Irresolution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him not only because it gives great advantages to the opposite party but because it allays that vigour of spirit with which his advice ought to be accompanied and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent for experience hath evinced unto us that they who are only crafty do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts and follow such expedients which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies then Truth or Solidity Such ruine affairs by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains Secresie is a quality the more needfull in him because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body besides as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation he ought to have a Soul strong enough and wel adjusted to disguise his designs to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance for the most part behaving himself with great freedom to beget the reputation of being sincere which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths by reason he useth them so seldom In fine it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse both for the well deducing of his reasons as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation and which might render them as effectual as faintnesse renders them uselesse when they are therewith accompanied A Treaty of Peace at Querasque THe Deputies were no sooner arrived but the conference began yet not untill after the order of their sitting had been concluded It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place the Baron of Galas on his left hand the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas the President de Banies over against him and the Chancellour Guichardy at the lower end over against the Nuncio At first indeed and before the beginning of the Assembly there was some difference upon this score because the Baron de Galas and the Comte de la Rocque comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient did likewise pretend to take place of Galas they being too much concern'd in their Masers glory to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminution which must have been if representing his person they should have given place to him of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas because he was only qualified as a Comissary pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries though not of his Embassadours In fine it was adjudged that for this once the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours To conclude they went publickly through the Town the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next after him their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone in order to that which concern'd Italy for as to the rest the Most Christian King would never ratifie it his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions There were two chief causes of difficulty the first in regard of the eighteen thousand Crowns rent accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat for which the Town of Trin was left him and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes which did amount to that sum The second was about the manner of restoring the places both of Mantua and Montferrat as also Savoy and Piedmont the contests of either party were hot and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat valuing the Crown at eight Florins in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him which was concluded by the Assembly as concerning the restitution of places it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished that each party should withdraw his forces and lastly that the places should be restored at the same time and that for assurance of the restitution hostages should interchangeably be given and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne neverthelesse it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons seeing the possession of them would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan it was concluded by a secret Article that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane should be delivered into the hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons allied with France and Savoy to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name untill such time as the Forts and Passages held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted This general Treaty being concluded there were particular indeavours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects It was not long unconcluded because there was nothing of difficulty in it only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year These two Treaties being thus finished were signed to a general satisfaction of all except Monsieur de Mantua who was something troubled to pay the charge and the Comte de la Rocque who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever all the rest thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy which for three years last past had been the Theatre of Sorrow Politique Observation HAppy is the Prince who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars can at last settle it in Peace He will find this great Mistris of Arts to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglected during the troubles He will see Religion upon which as an Emperour once said dependeth all the good or bad fortune
Roche-Guyon and the Comtes de St Pol de Coussii de Brenni de Harcourt and de grand Pre. This is so usual that it will be needless to add any more The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque followed by that of Mire-Fleur ALthough all these places were restored yet the Spaniards whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them could not resolve to withdraw their Forces from Italy or to send the Emperours into Germany they stayed them whiles they could in Milan and thereabouts pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare to transport the rest into Naples Those whom the Duke de Feria had promised to disband in July were on foot in September and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded Besides the King was certainly informed that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour which they caused to be published in the Imperial Chancery by which it was nullified in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed although concluded in express terms that it should be given without any limitation Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty if they could but find any favourable opportunity seeing particularly that this Declaration was a firebrand for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty Neither was this the only Index of their minds the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria committed all sorts of violence in the Grisons as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach moreover the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier who were more careful of his money then papers left no cause of doubt to them who saw them of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur to such an height as should be irreconcilable that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtained against them They likewise raised new Troops in Milan as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs and lastly they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize whereby he might be so disabled that they might with ease over-run his Country which being so and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assurance of Peace and Liberty by other means then that of a Treaty Should he not have so done he had thrown away his charges in vain and the lives of so many French to no purpose This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies and to inform the Duke of Savoy that he himself was in no greater assurance them others considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him and how much discontented with his late proceedings On the other side the Cardinal represented to his Majesty that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy to obtain some one of his places which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy if occasion should draw them thither a third time His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just apprehended the importance of this advice so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient who was yet with the Duke of Savoy to desire him to put Pignerol Suze Avigliane or Savillan into his Majesties hands for some time that he might keep the Spaniards in aw and prevent them from making new attempts This Proposition indeed was somewhat strange but did not exasperate him as it happened for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy which if once effected all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates The Sieur de Servient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes made him loath to part with a place of importance and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately restored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory by the defence of his Allies he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace This Treaty was concluded and signed at Mireâ—leur upon the 19 of October and presently put in execution It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other since his bounty had restored him to those States of which the War raised by others had despoiled him Politique Observation THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch whose power can secure him from all misfortunes He who assures himself of the protection of a potent King secures in it his Crown and peace to his Subjects strikes a terrour into his enemies and makes them afraid of falling on him These advantages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm and imitate the wise Pilot who fearing a total shipwrack throws part of his goods into the Sea â—e cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times and he ought to think himself happy if by the losse of one Town he can secure the rest It is advantage enough for a Prince saith Augustus in Suetonius to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him One City indeed may
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyâ—nvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâ—ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâ—aâ— Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâ—zard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ— in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ— which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ— in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
Germany to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country to secure them in a case of need and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr if the wheel of Fortune should turn about This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat The Elector of Treves adhering unto the Neutrality under the Kings protection it was thought requisite for his greater security that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs and consequently would force the rest as they had already done part of his Towns out of his hands which if they should effect what were it but to run upon one Rock by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities During these things the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty in order to his promises which he seemed but coldly to receive having already been assured from the Swedish King that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him whilest he was under his protection They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him it was dishonourable for their Master to receive him into his protection and that others should hold his Towns from him whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands a place considerable both for its Form and Scituation which is such that it may block up the River Rhine at the foot whereof it is seated Twelve Companies of French marched into it under the command of Saludie who had long treated with the said Elector as well as the Sieur de Charnace The like he would have done with his chief City had it been within his power but the Chapter being gained by the Imperialists had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence The next thing he did was to deliver Philipsbourg into their hands but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands in receiving the Garrison protested he would not deliver the Places unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint Hereupon the Spaniards apprehended the Elector being in this humour that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty to prevent which they found means to clap a Garrison into it This place was more important then strong is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle where they joyn their waters so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard which had been enough to have kept them at peace had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out The King was engaged to project him neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion required which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together without engagements on either party and their emulation had increased had they continued their Neighbourhood any longer together The City of Treves besieged and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspondency between the two Crowns neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time which he did by the King of Swede's interposition who perswaded them to march forth from thence and divers other places The Design was concluded and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence with eight thousand Horse and six score Companies of Foot all well appointed The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens before which he came about mid June invested the place and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition which once delivered he restored unto the French having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege and his march thither The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards that they resolved to quit divers others at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal only they made some difficulty in relinquishing the City of Treves which they hoped to keep by the means of some new fortification they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it but whilest he was drawing his Army thither Death which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence both in his Councels and Embassies with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries and with an illustrious courage in the command of his Armies The King received the news hereof with grief and there being no time to be lost in preventing the Spaniards fortifying themselves his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army where he found the Vicomte de Arpajon and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp who had undertaken the command of the Army since the Marshal d' Effiats death already advanced near Treves which they had summoned to deliver the garrison refused being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon made his approaches with the Army and gave orders to invest the place which was performed with such expedition that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it but quartered at Grafeumacher neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men which considering the French power he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it together with a good convoy of Ammunition In order to which he made his approaches but the Marshal d' Estree comming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design he took such course that they could not effect it for he no sooner received the news but he commanded the Comte de la Suze and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place by which they were of necessity to passe thither they went and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis and twenty light horse who advancing further then was requisite were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse who forced them to give ground but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants by the Companies of
Interests in any thing That Town is of no small consideration it having formerly given the English when and as often as they desired an uncontrouled entrance into the Kingdom and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King for Calais as it is far removed from Paris so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain But his Majesty whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories did easily endure the troubles of the Journey He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands intimating that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world In order whereunto he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom which he did not readily encounter in his own person upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided who had contrived any thing against his State or person and thereby overcome them with less trouble and more ease The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May and not long after came to Calais where being arrived he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel commanded the Sieur de Vaâ—ance to retire himself to one of his Houses left the Sieur de Râ—mbures to command it until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it and having stay'd two days he departed towards Lorrain that he might let the Duke know his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms. Politique Observation GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty then the crimes of their Subjects To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice intrusted with them unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries He who hath so little courage as to pass them by will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn every one will trample on him and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them then the Justice of their Soveraigns whom he hath commanded to right them but otherwise it is with Kings unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them be they of what quality soever There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion and Kings those primary causes of a State have no superiour authority over them to direct them in point of War It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms have given them cause so to do Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just which is undertaken to revenge injuries And Archidamus in Thucydides saith Every War is just which is made to revenge any groundless injury Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom of violating Treaties and recommencing old Quarrels are most justifiable The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as lawful against them who come and besiege Towns and commit disorders in another State no they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm but it sufficeth to have only known discovered their designs and malicious intentions for otherwise it were a very great imprudence the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade then to expect him in our own In fine The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word and Princes may not put it up if it be of never so little concernment without making war upon it With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial Wind carries Words and Feathers The wisest Politicians do tell us That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed is to scorn a Prince and Homer saith He who promiseth one thing and intendeth another ought to be reputed for an Enemy Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms. THe King being at Laon was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour a little Village between Verdun and Mets and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's and by another near the same time that Monsieur no sooner arrived but he began the war having cut off a Troop of Carabines sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage and in fine that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in â—ast towards the Army which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany and commanded the Duke de Chaune and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers To make short he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain in case he offered to stir a foot or send and Forces with Monsieur into France but he was better advised as it fell out then so to do The Mareschal d' Effiat without more loss of time presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson which so terrified the Inhabitants that they opened their Garet without resistance The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished and now beginning to foresee his ruine desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy protesting it was not by his procurement and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity The Mareschal acquainted his Majesty therewith who thought it not best to pardon him a second time without some kind of revenge especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt to enter upon Lorrain In the mean time having Intelligence brought that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt was not far from Rouuray that he might teach him
to be another time more wary he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse his own Musquettiers thirty of the Cardinals Guard two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes all mounted upon small Naggs and to go charge them which was effected accordingly with such courage and success that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place many wounded and taken besides five Cornets and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease The King's loss was not great there being only seven killed and some few hurt amongst whom the Duke d' Halvin Commander of the light Horse and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service but he was hindred by thirty of the King 's light horse and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg who by his Majesty's order charged them so home and so suddenly that they had not leisure to make any defence but were all brought away Prisoners The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain and took divers places one after another Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons Saint Mihel did the like into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray and his whole Army to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants who were not used to behold so great a Power He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance he prohibited them to exercise their Offices and appointed others in their stead hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain that his ruine was inevitable as often as he durst attempt any thing against France or recede from his devoir In earnest I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly then unto the earth which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing For just thus who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance the preparations he hath made and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Dukedom must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms which have in the end fallen upon his own head to his great loss and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder Politique Observation NO War is just but that which is necessary according to the opinion of the wisest Politicians So that a Prince never ought to undertake it but upon just considerations War is know to be the source of all misfortunes it filleth a State with impieties violences extortions and cruelties it destroyeth the innocent incommodateth the rich and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor what reason therefore to commence it unlesse upon good ground and when necessity doth even inforce it Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity then those who build designs disproportionable to their powers such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces or of making a Peace upon dishonourable conditions Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power and glory but in conclusion they are driven to exigencies and confusions which had never befallen them bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires that he had before our births pre-ordained what condition we should here injoy that our lives and our fortunes are both limited and that notwithstanding all our care all our indeavours we cannot increase the one or protract the t'other one tittle unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts They find by experience that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded To conclude they who are truly wise do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be and do refer the management of affairs unto their Judgement without following the impetuousness of their emotions they know that who so is master of his passions is master of his Fortune and they imitate Caesar's Prudence who never took the Field until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory The first whereof is To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force of his Advantages and of his Wants before he encounter with him The second is To have an Army in readiness if possible before he hear of it The third is To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a readiness And the fourth is To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Conquests with success and to bring great exploits to perfection in a very small time He who would imitate his Victories ought to imitate the example of his Prudence otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence who ushered in by the morning darkens them at his only sight In vain do the great Rivers which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters endeavour to contest with the Ocean which forceth them to pour all their store into his Bosome as a Tribute due to his greatness And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces in presence of those of a great King before whom he is only esteemed as a small star which hath neither light nor luster when the Sun comes in view The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much though against his Will both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces and loss of his Towns In fine he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty The King amidst the greatest Victories was ever wont to prefer peace before war yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war his Word and Actions being disconsonant Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun which is only two Leagues distant from it and sent another part of his Army within half a league from it The Duke well perceived that the King was resolved in good
courage all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his constancy which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year In fine all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him served only to manifest that his services had made his favour inexpugnable Politique Observation IT cannot but be an unjust reward to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return what reason can there then be injuriously to attaint his honour who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good It is faith an Ancient a great mans misery when he seeth himself appayed with slanders yet notwithstanding the most famous men of Antiquity and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services have found themselves ingratefully rewarded Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy and take a view of those who have served our Kings hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed accused condemned We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places at present I shall insert this only That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him and the Glory which they obtain by their services are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Monarchy No it is of longer standing and more universal For did not the Athenians banish Themistocles the greatest man of his time and one who had done them unspeakable service Was not Coriolanus hated accused banished by the Romans whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses who had how-ever done so many miracles before their eyes A thousand other examples might be produced were the universality hereof a thing questionable Surely a deplorable thing it is either in respect of its injustice it being unreasonable that a person who hath done the State good service should be therefore ill requited or else in respect of the ill consequences it being frequently seen that it begets troubles to which only end such defamations are spread abroad Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in Râ—me against Camillus after he had secured the City from the French who had surprized it then by raising of scandals upon him and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure But what may it not I pray in general be said That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Revolts which ever hapned in France and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby except shame hatred and confusion Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon as when she is at her full and shineth brightest and true it is that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour did never spread abroad more aspersions against the Cardinal then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard the English the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time But as the fair star which ruleth the night ceaseth not to prosecute her course notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath so likewise this grand Minister whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds wherewith the hatred and envy of the French indeavoured to eclipse him did noâ— discontinue his Career nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted out of a sence of fear either of the one or the other All their attempts served only to reinforce his diligence that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption which was designed to burn the whole Kingdom Monsieur was marched into France with about two thousand Horse Liegeois Walloons and Germans commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves and des Granges of Liege at first he fell into Bourgogne because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters acquainted him how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service which made him resolve to spend some time there Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs as also unto the Parliament to induce them to favour his stay and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance thinking with himself that in case they should condiscend thereunto he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City and become Master thereof But as it fell out they were not inclined to give him that content rather on the contrary having received his Letters with great respect they sent them all unto the King and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions they might follow his instructions in that particular In the mean time they raised the whole City and mounted their Canon in case need should require Whereupon a Body of Monsieurs Horse comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas the great shot gave them so hot a welcome that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men whom they lest upon the place amongst whom was a certain Captain a Liegeois much esteemed by Monsieur who departed the next morning Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster that they resolved to be revenged In conclusion they committed such disorders that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned being first of all plundered But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country the Marshal de la Force who followed him at hand was the chief cause of his removal from those parts For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France knowing no time ought to be lost in preventing a Revolt and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces and seize upon strong places he commanded the Marshal de la Force to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces and to attend upon his motions to prevent any further inconveniency so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once concluded Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design with fifteen hundred Maistros Gensdarmes and Light-horse as also nine hundred Musquetiers mounted which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard so that hating these two in his Rear he was forced to march with the more speed His Troops being all composed of strangers committed great insolencies where-ever they went which thing besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty obliged
divers Provinces in his absence AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make especially in the absence of heir Soveraign His Majesty before his removal from Paris thought good to commit the Government of that place and the adjacent Provinces unto the management of some Princes of the Blood Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde to impower him to command in Nivernois Berry Bourbon Tourain Poictou Aunis Zainctonge Haut and Basse Marcke Limosin and Auvergne to preserve them in peace and quiet which he intrusted with him especially in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service as also his Prudence and good Conduct would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimitted power which did a little surprize some people of small understanding who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood But indeed it was an effect and that a very remarkable one of the Cardinal's Prudence who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee where there is any assurance of his being discreet The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular by preserving their Kings Authority Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands He rested there some time to refresh his Army and from thence he went leaving five hundred horse behind him unto Carcassenne where he held some intelligence but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties he passed on Beziers and gave order for a new Fortification From thence he designed to march to Narbone and make sure of that place by the help of some Intelligence which he there had which would have been a Port at command to have received any assistance from Spain as likewise to retire unto in case of necessity But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop and some other of his Majesty's servants who under pretence of assisting him got into the place and so mastered it Now the King being informed of all these proceedings The Result of the States she Revolt of Cities and of the inclinations of some Lords thought his presence would be necessary about those parts The Cardinal was of the same opinion and assured his Majesty that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time as it fell out accordingly Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition and before he left Paris caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form against all those who followed Monsieur or favoured his designs proclaiming them to be Rebels guilty of high Treason and Disturbers of the Publike Peace commanding all Officers to proceed against them according to the Rigour of the Law yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty but it s the Declaration published That he would totally forgive him if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason degraded from all honours and dignities the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct and re-united in the Crown and all his goods confiscate enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process and requiring all Prelats Barons Consuls and Deputies of any Cities who had assisted subscribed or assented unto the Result of the States to appear before the Parliament at Tholose or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses within fifteen days after publication thereof to dis-own their Actions and Consents and in case of non-obedience to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors degraded from all honour and dignity prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes by vertue of any order from the said States Moreover his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force and de Schomberg to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance These things thus setled he departed from Paris the eleventh of August The very news of his march out of Paris so encouraged his Majesties servants and disheartned the Rebels that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall The first thing which befel them but which was a great good Fortune for France was a division between their Leaders which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General which however the Duke would not admit off in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them it was thought requisite to part them and to assigne every one what he should command who being thus divided by and amongst themselves were easily overcome by his Majesties Forces Politique Observation THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts and in general all enemies then the division of their Commanders and Forces if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder fortune is to be thanked and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto it ought the more industriously to be attempted in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing Coriolanus warring against the Romans destroyed the possessions of all their principal men but saved those of the people that so he might provoke the one against the other Hannibal on the contrary he preserved those of Fabius but burnt all the rest The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians that the rest might be jealous of it And Cleomenius the Athenian assaulting the Fraezenians cast certain darts into the City with Letters fastened to them which served to raise a sedition amongst them in the heat whereof he fell upon them and became Master of the City To prevent this disorder the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power unlesse every one so commanded in particular that there should be only one
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
you will do me the honor to believe me This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion that alone prevented it insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion Hereupon the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obedience both by exhortation and example to excite them to Rebellion could not put up such disorders but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks to receive their Revenues and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses and Episcopal Seas and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal persoâ—s he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bishop of Arles the Bâ—shops of St. Flâ—ur and St. Malo to draw up their process against them His Majesty might have made use of his own power and have punished them by his ordinary Justice inasmuch as it was Treason from which there is no exemption neither could it have been thought strange by themselves seeing Jesus Christ himself and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel refused not to be judged by the Laiety Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men would not commit their judgment but unto persons of their own Coat who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only death preventing the Bishop of Vssez from receiving the like punishment the rest they restored to their Bishopricks having not evidences enough to condemn them although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty Politique Observation ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Manritius acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority It is moreover true that Bishops are more especially obliged beyond any other Subjects to live in an exemplary Loyalty and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity the take a new Oath of Allegiance which as it were a second Chain tieth them to the yoke of obedience but admitting that were not so yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother which is a spirit of peace are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exasperating an insurrection in Florence against the Medicis when he publiquely preached that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some and the Libertie of others They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts do render themselves the more unworthy of their callings by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood We should think it very strange if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God to inlighten the World with its stars to produce nourishments by its influences for the preservation of all creatures to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits should in a sudden alter its nature and only fill us with darknesse terrifie us with Thunders and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns And would it not be more wonderfull to behold the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing then to be obedient and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind Bishops their Successors indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood to divert people from their duties to arm them against their lawfull Prince and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns This were absolutely repugnant to the Orders by him established and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine rendreth their example of a more dangerous consequence and their discourses more powerfull to perswade whatever they are disposed to inculcate For this very reason was it that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes was deposed by Childebert that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen In the time of Childery that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis upon this score it was that Lewis the Debonair forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims Volsphod Bishop of Cremone and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Treason to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims It is the ancient politique custom of France a Right belonging to our Kings and which Pope Zachary himself advised Pepin to put in execution without any scruple when and so often as occasion should require And what probability I pray is there that the Bishops and Church-men of a Kingdom should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion and not be punished for so doing to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it or depose them from their functions after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them by their evil deportment Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc Monsieur le Cardinal invited him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment for at least a year before had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province in consideration of other recompences offered unto him and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty not to proceed unto the extremities of rigor but when he should be as it were inforced it by the extremities of dis-obedience But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise to beg leave of his Majesty that he might passe away two
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the
Archers and to hinder any Religious person from entring in pretending it might disturb the publique Peace for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide The Arch-Bishop was very sensibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them he went in person to the Religious to carry them to his Palace a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people only as a gallantry of spirit The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power by any Ecclesiastical priviledge went to meet him in person with his guards and some other Gentlemen at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister and the Arch-Bishop coming thither he went up to him spoke some angry words struck off his Hat and Cap and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken by authority of Parliament put the end of the stick which he had in his hand to his breast This Procedure made a great noise in the City and the Arch-Bishop losing no time the very next morning being the eleventh of November assembled those of his Clergy and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac The Parliament seeing this great trouble did what they could to make an accommodation but it was to little purpose all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux to expect the Popes resolution to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness which hung in suspence about five or six moneths nor was it ended untill the yeer following till when I forbear to say any more of it That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people nay Emperors themselves have been oblig'd to respect them Plutarch alledging the cause saith it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends but for all mankind The Romans in the times of Paganism did so much honour them that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City had a Lictor and a cella curulis and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus he was not only appeas'd but as the History saith worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests and held it a great crime to offend them If the light of nature hath induc'd them so to respect them Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church for the Successors of Religion and the Pastors of Jesus Christ they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living as certain rules of good works as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things as so māy bright stars whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God as living books of the true Doctrine as the true Organs of Christianity and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives Constantine the great said he did not consider them as common men but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited for which reason he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly and threatned those with death who offended him as is to be seen in History and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them I shall likewise add a particular care in punishing those who injure them History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert I shall only add that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition because as the shadow cannot be without the body so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory without meriting it by virtue An Edict to abate superfluous expences THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver Laces Bone-laces and other like vanities not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace It was the more needfull to redress these disorders because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities there was a great deal of silver transported out of France which thereby was much impoverished whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December by which the wearing of any Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver lace or any bone-lace of above nine Livres the Ell was prohibited upon pain of confiscation and six hundred Livres to be levied on them on them who should wear it and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it His Majesty knowing how powerfull the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule and was so carefull in it that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences are profitable both to Soveraign and People EDicts which forbid vain Expences are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people especially in times of War Private mens plenty is the Princes treasure which he may make use of in time of necessity and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality which prohibiteth the use of
unnecessary things so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it then to establish it by law It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull How should the people assist him at a time of need if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them but that must be by force whereby not only their ill will but a thousand imprecations folow their monies It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd they contribute more then the people to the publick charge and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires but is forc'd to keep at home whereas they who perserve their wealth by the means of a well regulated expence may put himself in a equipage to appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries nor can a Soveraign permit the use of them without enriching him from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own which State if it be an enemy or powerfull enough to render it self suspected it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt upon him In fine the necessities of man are satisfied with so little that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience Content your selves with that which is enough saith St. Austine the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom instead of refreshing it from care and superfluous expences which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour have very troublesom consequences A Difference between the Bishops and Religious decided by a Judgement from the Councel ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles to which no man else could have brought them yet so it was that some troublesom spirits publish'd books some for one part and some for another The main ground of the quarrel was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange and not in others They who were for the Religious raised this consequence from it That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism Those on the other side unable to salve the matter maintained the contrary All that the Laws of History permit me to say is that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious was very dangerous because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England might be easily pass'd by seeing all the exercises of Christianity might be practic'd there by the Catholicks excepting confirmation only The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine and to fall foul upon some Subjects which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected and disturb the publick quiet The course at first taken was to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature without leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery but the Doctors of Divinity of Paris not satisfied therewith ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond made to maintain that word should be re-examined so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christian peace and charity which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks The King took notice thereof and not to leave it unremedied commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it who order'd that the books printed and published under the name of Pere Sirmond and Petrus Aurelius the two chief of the parties should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge complain'd of this Arrest pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church but they were not long unanswer'd for Monsieur le Garde des Seaux was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature and determin'd them in order to the good of their State and the continuation of the publick quiet The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs Though God hath chiefly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a temporal power over their people yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church that writing to the Bishops he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church And in fine he undertook the management thereof with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion as is to be seen in an ancient inscription It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine and that he prohibited the reading of his books To shew that his procedure was without usurpation every one may see in History that the Popes themselves and particular Clergies likewise have from time to time made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hapned unto them The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church and to suppress Heresies Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Honorius in Ecclesiastical affairs that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Christianity made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France to be seen at this present intire and undefac'd for above eleven ages He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks without his Majesties permission and at their intreaty he confirm'd their Canons I will go a little further and say that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to determine their personal causes where the good of the State may be interessed a thing not to be doubted of that the power of judging is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty and that he who is a Princes Subject is of necessity to submit to his Justice and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects seeing as hath been already said the greatest Poper themselves have not made any difficulty to put themselves in this rank as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first in profession of his Faith which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice What reason can they pretend to resist it seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have acknowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power Did not Jesus Christ tell Pilate by way of acknowledging his Authority that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven whereupon St. Austine and St. Bernard expounding those words say that Pilates sentence though very unjust was not usurp'd because he had a lawfull authority So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal to that of St. Peter but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters The End of the Second Part.
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion were their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as they desired and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's and besides the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them It was likewise considered that divers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity who should have full power to judge seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money of which there were store in the Nation the toleration of which did much endamage Trade so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges The King to carry on the businesse with the more sweetnesse was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Goodnesse to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament and to appoint their meeting in the Palace the common Seat of Justice But the Parliament little considering this grace raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal and to compose it of two Counsellors of State six Masters of Requests and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel all chosen for their extraordinary merit who began to sit the tenth day of August Politique Observation THe King is the Head of Justice and may commit the administration of it to whom he will The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth by subterranean passages unto all Fountains neither bath any thing right to controul her distribution the Sun that inexhaustible source of all worldly light communicateth splendor unto the Stars as God hath ordained neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others So a King whom God hath endued with Soveraign Authority to distribute Justice to his people may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments but they ought to remember that he who hath given them this Authority may likewise take it from them may bound it or give it to others as he pleaseth The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities cannot be altered by any Princes because it partakes of Authority with them and is established to confine their Prudence But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies where the Magâ—strates have no other glory but that of being Ministers to execute Justice in their Master's behalf they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth which are by him refined to represent his Image not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others to whom he may impart the same favours Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality Judgement given against several Persons THis Chamber of Justice being thus established they began to act with as much zeal as integrity to the punishment of the Coyners and those who had brought the State into trouble Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished and amongst the factious Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies the Duke Rouannez the Marquis de la Viâ—ville and the Marquis de Fargis were beheaded in Effigie the rest were remitted till the next year Now as he who condemneth the Body confiscateth the Goods so those of the condemned did undoubtedly belong to the King whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged his Majesty being at Troyes established a Chamber of Domain composed of Counsellors of State and Masters of Request to attend the Court who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret the Dukes d' Elboeuf de Bellegarde and de Rouannez the Marquis de Boissy de la Viâ—ville and de Sourdeac and of the President le Coigneux to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown In fine they who had any Governments or Offices were deprived of them the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf and bestowed on the Duke de Cheâ—reuse that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde and Monsieur â—e Prince appointed in his place the King's Lievtenance which the Marquis de la Vieville had in Champagne was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux and conferred on the Sieur de Lamognon and so of divers others Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height of finishing the Process of these factious persons and of confiscating their Goods and Offices was a discovery of their designs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom They had gained the Marquis de Valençay who promised them Calais La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres The Captain du Val was hanged for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon that he would raise a party in Sedan one of the Ports of the Kingdom and that he would let in Forreigners that way when thereunto desired There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain England and Holland and to all Neighbour Princes to procure what Souldiers they could for him What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpunished Such a patience had been unjust That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance which commanded to execute after six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason who had been condemned by Out-lawry in regard of an ancient Ordinance might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes but surely not in the behalf of Traytors such as these were who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family who had attempted against his Authority who had endeavoured to surprize divers places who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory What reason I say could there be that such men as these should longer continue unpunished by confiscating their Offices and Goods seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it Politique Observation AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns that of making Laws is
into Germany for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him the Electors of Cologne and Treves the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength that in conclusion he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still provided they did totally decline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion a thing much taking with the people it would evidently follow that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution The King of Swâ—den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze with a great deal of honour but being a Prince of great understanding he forthwith â—ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises and made apparent unto him that their Proposals were not real that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them of forsaking his enemies and injoying their estates in quiet under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them He likewise declared unto him the resolutions of the League concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat which were directly repugnant to these proposals as also the Duke of Baviâ—rs Letters who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility did not however cease to raise forces fortifie Towns and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies by all which it was evident enough that his designs tended only to linger out the time whereby he might take better aim in future The Marquesse de Breze replied unto him that in truth the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be executed in regard of he time pass'd especially after sight of their Letters yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly if there were a Treaty concluded with them That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences but that in case they should be reduced to reason as his Majesty well hoped and themselves had fairly promised he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still in order whereunto he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days in which time some reasonable end might be concluded The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France without which he should hardly have been perswaded to passe over the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes after those affronts received from them In fine it was no more then he might have desired he being too prudent not to observe how by granting them to become Neuters he did much weaken his enemies and how that satisfying the World he intended not an invasion of the Church the Emperours Forces would not be so zealous in his service by which means he might the easilier perfect their destruction Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War not to declare himself against Religion a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becomâ— partakers so that if a Crown of Laurel proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens animate the courages of the Souldiers They are informed how the death with which they meet is not so much a death as a happy passage from death which leadeth them from the grave to immortality from unavoidable miseries to infinite goods from tears to unspeakable joy and from a fight to triumph Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage The most fearfull are stout and bold in defence of their Religion of which the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours He who never thought to go out of his own house willingly taketh up Arms when the Churches Liberty is in question The Jews saith Tacitus were not much concerned to die in their wars because they believed another life And Gaesar saith The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field because they believed the Transmigration of Souls and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again What resolution then would the Catholique have amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength as the resolution of his soul and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart which infuseth an universal heat and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire and to infuse it with power for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God No passion doth so encourage as the zeal of Realigion it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings converteth stripes into pleasures causeth labour to be delightful and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters and consented to a cessation for fifteen days there were Articles drawn up and those the most reasonable that could be wished they implyed 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests and relinquish all Intelligence with him 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army 3. That the Palatinate should be restored 4. That the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands for their performance of the Treaty 7. That in consideration of these agreements the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them or exact any contributions from them There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them and relinquish those which his Armies