once mov'd the best Remedy is to cut off the Spring that feeds it by pleasing all sorts of People so far as Possible and by Disobliging none but upon Necessity Which Publique Tendernesse must be so menaged that the Majesty of the Prince be not lost in the Goodnesse of the Person for nothing can be more Dangerous to a Monarch then so to over-court the Love of his People as to lose their Respect or to suffer them to impute that to his Easinesse which ought to be ascrib'd purely to his Generosity Offences of That Daring and Unthankfull Quality can scarce be pardon'd without some hazard to the Authority that remits them Secret Contempts being much more fatal to Kings then Publick and Audacious Malice the latter commonly spending it self in a particular and fruitlesse Malignity toward the Person and that with Terror too as being secur'd under a Thousand Guards of Majesty and Power whereas the Other privily teints the whole Masse of the People with a Mutinous Leaven giving Boldnesse to contrive Courage to execute and if the Plot miscarryes there 's the hope of Mercy to Ballance the peril of the Undertaking For a Conclusion of this Point He that but Thinks Irroverently of his Prince deposes him Concerning the Materials of Sedition viz. Poverty and Discontentment it would be endless to dissolve these General Heads into Particularâ—â—leâ— â—â—leâ— the best advice in This Case must be General too that is to endeavour to remove whatever Causes them referring the Particulars to Counsell and Occasion 'T is very well observ'd by the Lord St. Albans touching Poverty So many overthrown Estates so many Votes for Troubles and if this Poverty and Broken Estate in the Better sort be joyn'd with a Want and Necessity in the mean People the Danger is Great and Imminent which to prevent Above all things sayes the same Author good Policy is to be used that the Treasure and Moneys in a State be not gathered into few Hands For otherwise a State may have a great Stock and yet starve And Money is like Muck not good except it be spread And again A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty and Inconvenience in a State for it is a Surcharge of Expence As to the Seeds of Discontentments they are as various as the Humours they encounter dependent many times upon Opinion and inconsiderable in Themselves however Notorious in their Effects Touching the Discontentments Themselves it is the Advice of the Lord Verulam That no Prince measure the danger of them by This Whether they be Iust or Unjust for that were to imagine People to be too Reasonable Nor yet by This whether the griefs whereupon they rise be in Fact great or small For They are the most Dangerous where the Fear is greater then the Feeling Such were those furious and implacable Iealousies that started the late Warr which doubtless may more properly be accompted among the Dotages of a Disease or the Illusions of a dark Melancholy then the Deliberate Operations of a Sober Reason Proceed we now from the Matter and more remote Causes of Seditions to the Approches and Prognosticks of them CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognostiques of Seditions IT is in many Cases with Bodies Politique as it is with Natural Bodies Both perish by Delaying till the Distemper be grown too strong for the Medicine Whereas by watching over and applying to the first Indispositions of the Patient how easie is the Remedy of a Disease which in one day more perhaps becomes Incurable Some take it for a poynt of Bravery not to own any Danger at a Distance lest they should seem to fear it Others are too short-sighted to discern it So that betwixt the Rash and the Stupid a large Proportion in the Division of the World we are past the help of Physick before we can perswade our selves we need it Dangers sayes the Incomparable Bacon are 〈◊〉 more light if they once seem light and more danger have deceived Men than forced them Nay it werâ— better to meet some Dangers half way though they come nothing near than to keep too long a watch upon their Approches for if a man watch too long it is odds he will fall asleep Neither let any man measure the Quality of the Danger by That of the Offender for again 't is the Matter not the Person that is to be consider'd Treason is contagious and a Raskal may bring the Plague into the City as well as a Great man I do the rather press This Caution because Security was the fault of those to whom I direct it But what avails it to wary of Dangers without the skill and providence to foresee and prevent them Or what hinders us from the fore-knowledge of Those Effects to which we are led by a most evident and certain train of Causes States have their Maladies as well as Persons and Those Ill habits have their peculiar Aecidents and Affections their proper Issues and Prognostiques upon the true Iudgement of which Circumstances depends the Life and Safety of the Publique Not to play the fool with an Allegory Be it our care to observe the Gathering of the Clouds before they are wrought into a Storm Among the Presages of foul weather the Lord St. Albans reckons Libels and Licentious Discourses against the Government when they are frequent and open and in like sort false newes often running up and down and hastily embraced to the disadvantage of the State We need not run beyond our Memories to Agree This Point it being within the Ken of our own Notice that Libells were not only the Forerunners but in a high Degree the Causes of our late Troubles and what were the frequent open and Licentious Discourses of 〈◊〉 in Pulpets but the ill-boding Play of 〈◊〉 before a Tempest We may remember also the false Newes of Plotts against the Religion and Liberâ—ies of the Nation and how the King was charg'd as an Abettor of the Design We may remember likewise how the Irish Bloud was cast upon the accompt of his late Sacred Majesty even by Those men whose guilty Souls are to Reckon with Divine Justice for every Drop of it Neither have we forgotten with what Care and Diligence These Falshoods were dispers'd with what Greedinesse they were swallow'd nor what ensu'd upon it If we look well about us we may finde This Kingdom at this Instant labouring under the same Distempers the â—â—esse as Busie and as Bold Sermons as factious Pamphlets as seditious the Government defam'd and the Defamers of it if Presbyteriane scape better then their Accusers The Lectures of the Faction are throng'd with Pretended Converts and Seandalous Reports against the King and State are as current now as they were twenty years agoe These were ill Tokens Then and do they signifie just nothing Now What means all This but the new Christening of the Old Cause the doing over again of the Prologue to the last Tragedy Sir Francis Bacon proceeds
the generality of the People discharging Counsellors and Iudges of their Allegiance and threatning them with Excommunication in case they disobeyed the Assembly All this they did according to the Covenant and whether This was Religion or Ambition let the World judge These Affronts drew the King down with an Army to the Borders and with two miles of Barwick the two Bodies had an Enterview March 28. 1639. But the Scots craving a Treaty his Majesty most graciously accorded it Commissioners were appointed Articles agreed upon and a Pacification Concluded Iune 17. Not one Article of this Agreement was observ'd on the Covenanters part but immediately upon the Discharge of his Majesties Forces the Scots brake forth into fresh Insolencies and Encroachments upon the Prerogative addressing to the French King for assistance against their Native Soveraign And yet the Quarrel was as they pretended for the Protestant Religion and against Popery In August 1640. they entred England and upon a Treaty at Rippon soon after a cessation is agreed upon referring the decision of all differences to a more General Treaty at London In November began the Long Parliament and now the Scene is London Where with great License and Security Parties are made and Insolences against the Government committed and Authorised under protection of the Scotch Army and the City-Tumults By degrees matters being prepar'd and ripened they found it opportune soon after to make something a more direct attempt upon the Soveraignty but by request first and resolving if that way fail to try to force it In Ian they Petition for the Militia In February they secure the Tower and in March Petition again for 't but so that they Protest if his Majesty persist to deny it they are Resolv'd to take it And the next day it is Resolv'd upon the Question That the Kingdom be forthwith put into a Posture of defence by Authority of both Houses of Parliament In April 1642. the Earl of Warwick seizes the Navy and Sir Iohn Hotham Hull Refusing the King entrance which was Iustified by an Ensuing Vote and his Majesties Proclayming him Traytor for it was Voted a Breach of Privilege In May the pretended Governour of Hull sends out Warrants to raise the Trayned Bands and the King then at York forbids them moving the Country for a Regiment of the Trayned Foot and a Troop of Horse for the Guard of his Royal Person whereupon it was Voted That the King seduced by wicked Counsell intended to make a Warr against his Parliament and that whosoever should assist him were Traytors They proceed then to corrupt and displace divers of his Servants forbidding others to go to him They stop and seize his Majesties Revenue and declare that whatsoever they should Vote is not by Law to be Questioned either by the King or Subjects No Precedent can limit or bound their proceedings A Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or People have any right The Sovereign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament The King hath no Negative Voyce The levying of Warr against the Personal commands of the King though accompanied with his presence is not a levying of Warr against the King but a levying Warr against his Laws and Authority which they have power to declare is levying Warr against the King Treason cannot be committed against his Person otherwise then as he was Intrusted They have Power to judge whether he discharge his Trust or not that if they should follow the highest precedents of other Parliaments Patterns there would be no cause to complain of want of Modesty or Duty in them and that it belonged only to them to Judge of the Law Having stated and extended their Powers by an Absurd Illegal and Impious severing of the Kings Person from his Office their next work is to put Those Powers in Execution And to subject the sacred Authority of a Lawfull Monarch to the Ridiculous and Monstrous Pageantry of a Headlesse Parliament and That 's the Business of the 19. Propositions demanding That the great affairs of the Kingdom and Militia may be menaged by consent and Apprebation of Parliament all the great affairs of State Privy Councell Ambassadours and Ministers of State and Judges be chosen by Them that the Government Education and Marriage of the Kings Children be by Their consent and approbation and all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom put under the Command and Custody of such as They should approve of and that no Peers to be made hereafter should sit and Vote in Parliament They desire further that his Majesty would discharge his Guards Eject the Popish Lords out of the House of Peers and put the Penal Lawes against them strictly in Execution and finally that the Nation may be govern'd either by the Major part of the Two Houses or in the Intervals of Parliament by the Major part of the Councell and that no Act of State may be esteemed of any validity as proceeding from the Royal Authority without Them Upon These terms they insisted and Rais'd a Warr to Extort them So that 't is clear they both design'd and fought to Dethrone his Majesty and exercise the Soveraign Power Themselves which was to suit their Liberty of Acting to That of Sitting and to make themselves an Almighty as well as an Everlasting Parliament CAP. IV. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators imployed to make a Party THat Their Design was to Usurp the Government is Manifest Now to the Instruments and Sleights they us'd to compass it The Grand Projectors knew very well that the strength of their Cause depended upon the favour of the Ignorant and Licencius Multitude which made them court all people of That Mixture to their Party for men of Brain and Conscience would never have agreed to a Conspiracy against so clear a Light so just an Interest and Those they found their fast Friends whom neither the Horrour of Sin nor the brightest evidence of Reason was able to work upon To fit and dispose Both Humours to their purpose the first scruple they Started was Religion which taken as they used it in the external form and jâ—ngle of it is beyond doubt the best Cloke for a Knave and the best Rattle for a Fool in Nature Under This Countenance the Murther of the King pass'd for a Sacrifice of Expiation and those Brute-Animals that scarce knew the Bible from the Alcoran were made the Arbitratours of the Difference The fear of Popery was the Leading Iealousie which Fear was much promoted by Pamphlets Lectures and Conventicles Still coupling Popery and Prelacy Ceremonies and the Abominations of the Whore by these resemblances of the Church of England to That of Rome tacitly instilling and bespeaking the same Disaffection to the one which the people had to the other Their Zeal was first employ'd upon the Names of Priests and Altar the Service-book Church-habits and Ceremonies From Thence
This Watchfulness to Prevent Mischief any hinderance to the Readinesse of the Nation to Suppresse it The Nobility and Gentry that held by Knights-Service were still to be Ready with Horse and Armes at any Summons and upon pein of Forfeiture to attend the King or his Lieutenant Generall either at Home or Abroad for Forty Dayes at their proper Charge If That were not sufficient the King had the whole Body of the Common People for his Infantry and an unquestionable Right by his Commissions of Array to put the Nation in a Posture from Eighteen to Threescore Beside his Navall Guards to cleere the Seas and watch the Coast And This without any Dispute in those blessed days who should be judg of the Danger As Nothing was here wanting to the Security of the Nation which good Lawes could Contritribute so was there as little wanting to the Felicity of the People in regard of the Constitution of the Government If it be True as Salust sayes that the Desire of Rule is the Cause of Warr Where there 's no place for such Desire there can be consequently no Cause of Quarrell At least there can be no Ambitious Cause the Canker of Great Minds and deadly Enemy of all Politique Settlements This is the Happy case betwixt the King of England and the People Ambition presses forward still and he that 's Uppermost already is above it The Object of it is Conquest not Tyranny and in a Monarch as I have said else-where rather Enlargement of Empire then of Prerogative The People on the Other side They are as much Below it For the Nobility stands betwixt Them and Home and 't is not for a Faction to take Two Stairs at a step So that Their Businesse is but Freedome from Oppression without the least Thought of Dominion Yet Differences break out and Bloudy ones which by a Grosse Mistake we are too subject to assign unto Wrong Causes If ye would know the Right Cui prodest Scelus ille fecit The Gayners by a Publique Ruine are commonly the Contrivers of it and in all Wrangles betwixt the Royall and the Popular Interest we may observe that a Third Party reaps the Fruit of Their Division and seizes the Booty The People only giving in Exchange for the Name of Liberty the Substance of it sinking a Monarchy into an Oligarchy and slipping the Nooze of One Government to be Halter'd in another Were not the Multitude directly Mad they would understand that Their Well-beeing is so Inseparable from the King 's and His from Theirs that the One cannot long survive the Ruines of the Other And that when ever They Divide the Factious part of the Nobility deceives them Both. Therefore why should They either design upon the King or suspect His designing upon Them Touching the Peerage I think we may consider them under this Note of Participation either as Petty Kings or Powerfull Subjects In the One Capacity they may seem Dangerous to the People in the Other to the King If they presume on This hand The Commons are to Assist the King If They bear hard on the Other the King is to help the Commons by virtue of which Mediating mixture of Power in the Nobility as to the People and of Subjection as to the King together with the mutuall Need and Interest of a Fair Understanding betwixt King and Commons All Parties are Secur'd to the utmost possibility of Safety and Satisfaction Yet after all This There may be Danger of an Aristocracy But concerning Government and the severall Formes of it in all their Latitudes and Limitations the Rights and Interests of Kings and the Bounds of Subjects more then enough is said already and the Ball toss'd so long till both the Gamesters and By-standers are sick of the Dispute This Constitution which we have here represented so Eminent both for Defence and Comfort was neverthelesse by a Mean Wretched Faction undermin'd and yet no Age could ever boast greater examples of Love Faith and Duty of Christian Civill or of Military Virtues then were among the Assertours of That Government But all This stresse of Armes and Arguments was not sufficient to uphold the King the Church the Law the Freedome and the Honour of the Nation Their Actings were enough to Cleere the Cause but not to carry it for they Began too Late The Storme was Gather'd and the Shipp of the Publique engag'd among a Thousand Rocks before the Mariners would believe the Danger Accomâ—ting it in Truth too Little to be Consider'd till it was too Great to be Resisted But reserving the more Particular Accompt of the Late Kings Fate for the next Chapter Let us at present look about us where we are yes and Above us too for we have cause of Fear both from Divinity and Reason In This Place now do I expect Observatours in Abundance Here a Marginall Note for Taxing the Government There a for a Scandalum Magnatum And in fine Twenty Peevish Glosses upon my plain and harmlesse Meaning But let no man clap a false Bias upon my Bowle and carry That to the Wall that was Intended to the Hedg Yet let every man take his course I shall not begg so much as a Favourable Construction but readily submit every Syllable and Action of my Life in what concerns my Duty to my Prince and Countrey to the Extremest Rigour Only a Page or Two of good Advice to my Back-friends and I Proceed Good People of what Sort or Quality soever ye are Pray'e do not spare Me if you can do me any mischief but spare your selves if you cannot You that have formerly abus'd Me to the King do so no more For when he comes to find himself Betray'd by your Mis-enformations and Distress'd for want of Those plain honest Offices which so God save me I have ever Meant and Pay'd him with the strict Faith and Reverence of a Subject Will not his Sacred Majesty abhorr you fâ—r it Or if ye are Resolved to Try the utmost force of Power and Calumny upon a Poor and Single Innocent be sure ye be no Advocates for the Kings Murtherers at the same time that ye are of Counsel against his Friends â—he People will suspect you to be of the wrong side else Again since Proofs in Matters of Fact are so Easie and in Poynts of Honour so Necessary Prove what ye say or say Nothing for wherein I am Faultlesse I am a Fool if I cannot clear my self and a Slave if I do not Consider next What if ye crush me May not the Consequence of That Injustice prove Dangerous to your Selves Beside I am not now Now to Learn what 't is to Suffer for my Duty But above all Remember There 's a God that knows your Souls and Mine And at the worst to his Infallible Decision shall I remit my Innocence Now must I arm my self against These Objections Whom does This Sawcy Fellow mean
comes into my mind of Mark 15. 18. Haile King of the Iews and they smote him on the head with a Reed and spat upon him and bowed the Head and did him Reverence This Impious Libell was seconded with an Audacious Tumult even at the Gates of the Kings Palace and it was now high time for his Majesty to enquire into the Contrivers and Abettours of these and other the like Indignities and Proclamation was accordingly made for the Apprehending of them which very Proclamation was Declared to be a Paper False Scandalous and Illegal After This Language what had they more to do but by Armed Violence to invade the Sovereignty and to emprove a loose and Popular Sedition into a Regular Rebellion Which was a little hastened too even beside the Termes of Ordinary Prudence to emplunge their Complices beyond Retreat before they should discern that hideous Gulfe into which their Sin and Folly was about to lead them To keep their Zeal and Fury waking the Faction had a singular Faculty at Inventing of Plots Counterfeiting Letters Intercepting Messages over-hearing Conspiracies which Artificial Delusions especially asserted by the pretended Authority of a Parliament and a Pulpit could not but work strong Effects of Scruple and Iealousie upon a prejudging and distemper'd People These were the means and steps by which they gain'd That Power which afterward they Employ'd in Opposition to those very Ends for which they sware they Rays'd it leaving us neither Church nor King nor Law nor Parliaments nor Properties nor Freedoms Behold the Blessed Reformation Wee 'll slipp the Warr and see in the next place what Government they Gave us in Exchange for That they had Subverted CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions from 1648. to 1654. IT cannot be expected that a Power acquir'd by Bloud and Treason maintain'd by Tyranny the Object of a General Curse and Horrour both of God and Nature only United against Iustice and at Perpetual Variance with it self I say it cannot be expected that such a Power as This should be Immortal Yet is it not enough barely to argue the Fatality of Wickedness from the Certainty of Divine Vengeance and There to stopp Usurpers are not Rays'd by Miracle nor cast down by Thunder but by our Crimes or Follyes they are Exalted and Then by the Fatuâ—ty of their own Counsels down they Tumble Wherefore let us Enquire into the Springs and Reasons of their Fortunes and Falls as well as Gaze upon the Issues of them A timely search into the Grounds of one Rebellion may prevent another How the Religious Opposers of the late King advanced themselves against his Sacred Authority we have already shew'd be it our business here to Observe their workings one upon the other To begin with Them that began with Us The Presbyterians having first asserted the Peoples Cause against the Prerogative and attempting afterward to Establish Themselves by using Prerogative-Arguments against the People found it a harder matter to Erect on Aristocracy upon a Popular Foundation then to subvert a Monarchy upon a Popular Pretense or to dispose the Multitude whom they themselves had Declar'd to be the Supreme Power to lay down their Authority at the Feet of their Servants In fine they had great Difficulties to struggle with and more then they could overcome I mean great Difficulties in point of Interest and Conduct for those of Honour and Conscience they had subdu'd long since They strove however till opprest by a General Hatred and the Rebouud of their own Reasonings they Quitted to the Independents Thus departed the Formal Bauble Presbytery succeeded for the next Four years by the Phanaticisme of a Free-State The better half of which time being successfully Employ'd in the subjecting of Scotland and Ireland to their Power and Model and to complete their Tyranny over the Kings Best Subjects and their Usurpations over his Royal Dominions their next work was to make themselves Considerable Abroad and 't was the Fortune of the Dutch to feel the First proof of That Resolution Betwivt these Rivall States pass'd Six Encounters in 1652. most of them Fierce and Bloudy the Last especially a Tearing one Upon the whole the Dutch Lost more but the English got little beside the Honour of the Victory in which particular the Kingdom pay'd dear for the Reputation of the Common-wealth This Success rays'd the Pride and Vanity of the English so that at next Bout nothing less would serve them than an Absolute Conquest But while they are Providing for it and in the Huff of all their Glory behold the Dissolution of the Long-Parliament which whether it Began or Ended more to the Satisfaction of the People is a Point not yet decided Dissolved however it is and Rebuk'd for Corruptions and Delayes by Cromwell who with his Officers a while after Summon a new Representative and Constitute a new Counsell of State compos'd of Persons entirely disaffected to the Common-wealth This Little Ridiculous Convention thought to have done mighty Matters but the Plot Vented and Vanish'd Some of their Memorable Fopperies are These The Famous Act concerning Mariages was Theirs they pass'd likewise an Act for an Assessement of 120000 l. per Mensem they Voted down the Chancery and Tythes they Voted also a total Alteration of the Laws All of a mind they were not and for Distinction sake the company was divided into the Honest Party and the Godly Party Of the Former were Cromwell's Creatures and of the Other Barebones or rather Harrisons the Person they had design'd for General if they could perswade Cromwell to quit his Security for some additional Title of Dignity These Zealous Patriots Commonly brought their Bibles into the House with them and as I am Enform'd diverse of them were seeking the Lord with Vavasor Powell when This following trick was put upon them An Hour or two sooner in the morning then usuall Decemb. 12. he that they call'd their Speaker took the Chayre and it was presently Mov'd and Carry'd for several Reasons to re-assign their Power to him from whom they had it which was immediately persu'd and so they made Cromwell a Prince for making Them a Parliament This gratious Resignation produc'd that blessed Instrument of Government by which the Hypocrite was made Protector and now forsooth the style is chang'd from The Keepers of the Liberry of England by Authority of Parliament into Oliver Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England Scotland and Ireland c. who was Installed and Sworn Decemb. 16. 1653. To his Assistance was Appointed a Counsell of 21. the Quorum 13. By whom immediately upon the Death of the Present Protector should be chosen one to succeed him alwayes excepted the Right Line from the choice 'T is suppos'd that Lambert had an eye upon himself in the reach of That Article and a Particular influence upon the drawing of it being at
Impression of That Anguish went with him to his Grave as may be fairly Gather'd from the wild disproportion of his following Actions which well consider'd will appear rather the Products of Revenge Rage and Despair then the form'd Regular Polittiques of his wonted Reason Yet that he might not seem to abandon the persuit and utterly despond some Five weeks after the breaking up of the late Assembly The Maior of London and his Brethren were summon'd to White Hall and there March 2. 1658. the Citts are told a Formal Tale of the King of Scots 8000 Men in Readiness and 22 Vessels to Transport them A General Plot The City to be fired and twenty Terrible Things to start and Settle a New Militia which in some Six weeks time was perfected And Now from all Parts are to be procur'd Addresses which are no other then Leagues Offensive and Defensive Betwixt the Faction and the Usurper Sweet London leads the way Then Michell's Ashfields Cobbetts Regiments The Officers of the English Army and the Commission-Officers in Flanders All these in March In April the Officers of Biscoes Regiment and the Commission Officers of the Militia in Suffolk Leicester Sussex and my Country-men of Norwich After These follow the Souldiery of South-Wales and Daniels Regiment The Well-affected of Notingham c. These Numerous and Pretending Applications were but False Glosses upon his Power and Cromwell was too wise to think them Other Gain'd by Contrivement Force or at least Importunity Half a Score pitiful wretches call themseâ—ves the People of such or such a County and here 's the Totall of the Reckoning 'T is Rumour'd that his Daughter Cleypoole in the Agonies of her Death-Sickness rang him a Peal that troubled him Whether 't were so or no 't is past Dispute his Grand Distress was for the Losse of That which while he hop'd to gain made the most horrid of his helpful Sins seem Solaces and Pleasures While by the Artifice of These Addresses his broken Interest is pieced as Fair as well it may his Care is Divided between the engaging of One Party and the Destroying of Another And under the Masque of a pressing and Pious Necessity he breaks out into such Enormous Cruelties such Wanton and Conceited Butcheries that had not his Brain been Crackt as well as his Conscience Sear'd he would not have gone so Phantastical a way to the Devill Some of the Martyrs Hearts were quick and Springing in the Fire as I had it from several Ey-Witnesses Ashton did but desire to be Beheaded and it was seemingly Granted but the Order kept till 't was too late and Then tendered with a Ieere London was made the Altar for These Burnt-Offrings God grant That City be not at last purg'd by Fire I mean before the General Conflagration for Those Polluting Flames The Crime was Loyalty and made out against them more by the doubling Artifice of Mercenary Tongues than any Pregnancy of Proofes What could This Furious and Inhumane Rigour avail That miserable Politician further then as it Gratifi'd his Malice and Revenge for his Lost Hopes and Fortunes Without a Parliament or somewhat like one he Perishes for want of Mony and an Assembly to his mind throughout he utterly despayres of so that no Remedy remains but by extremities of Violence and Bloud to do his Business And to That end he faintly labours the new Modelling of his Army a way which he had found by Long Experience made Enemies as well as Friends Those certain and Implacable These prone to change their Interest and without Mony True to None In fine his Fate was Irresistible and his Tormented Soul Inconsolable He Sinks Sickens and Dies Upon the Day of his grand Anniversary for Dunbar and Worcester Sept. 3. The Night before his Death arose a Tempest that seem'd to signifie the Prince of the Ayre had some great work in hand and 't is Remarquable that during his Usurpation scarce any Eminent Action pass'd without a furious Storm I have drawn This Chapter to a length beyond my intention and should be too too Tedious to run through all his Wiles which were No other then an Habituall Craft diffused throughout the entire Course of his Tyranny But certain General rules he impos'd upon himself which must not be omitted One was to Buy Intelligence at any Rate by That means making every Plot bear it 's own Charges 2. Never to Engage Two Parties at once but to Flatter and Formalize with the One till he Ruin'd the Other Which was the Reason that he durst never make the Presbyterians Desperate for fear of Necessitating them to side with the King 3. To extirpate the Royallists by all possible means as Poverty Bondage Executions Transplantations and a Device he had to dispose of several Levies out of That Party Some to serve the Spaniard Others the French that they might be sure to meet in Opposition and cut One the Others Throats 4. He ever made his Army his own Particular Care 5. To keep the Nation in a perpetual Hatred and Iealousie of the Kings Party which he promoted either by forging of Plots or Procuring Them So much for Olivers Temper Streights and Politiques CAP. VII A short Account from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver to the Return of Charles the Second whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies THe Heart of the Cause was broken long since and now the Soul of it is gone though the Protectorate be formally devolv'd to Richard as the Declar'd Successour to his Father Whether Declar'd or not was I remember at That time a Question But whether Thus or So it Matters not Oliver's Dead his Son Proclaym'd and at night Bon-fires with all the Clamor Bustle and Confusion that commonly attends â—hose Vulgar Jollities The Souldiours took the Alarm and in my hearing threatned divers for daring to express their Joy so unseasonably but they came off with telling them that they were glad they had got a New Protector not that they had lost the Old In Truth the New Protector was look'd upon as a Person more Inclinable to do Good than Capable to do Mischief and the Exchange welcome to all that Lov'd his Majesty By the Court-Interest as they call'd it Addresses thick and threefold were brought in to Condole and Gratulate but Those Complements had no Sap in them The Dutch the Swede and the French sent their Embassadours on the same Errand And now the Funerals come on A Solemn and Expensive Pageantry yet in my Conscience the Chief-Mourners were his Highness Drapers These Ceremonies over to keep the Wheel in Motion a Supply was Resolv'd upon for the King of Swede and little further of Moment before Ian. 27. When in the Language of the Time met Richards Parliament The First and Last of his Reign It cost These people some time to agree the Powers of the Chief-Magistrate and the New Peerage which came to this result that Richard should be Recognized but
with lâ—mitations consistent with the Rights of Parliament and People and that for quiet sake they would transact with the Persons then sitting in the Other House as an House of Parliament during that Session The House proceeded by Degrees to make dangerous Inspections into the Militia the Revenue to look into the Exorbicances of Major Generals to threaten the Excise and finally by all Popular pretenses to engage the Multitude Effectually against both Protector and Army enduring the Government neither of the One nor of the Other Whereupon the Officers set up a Counsel at Wallingford-House the Protector advises at White-hall and Aprill 6. 1659. comes a Paper to Richard from the Generall Counsell of Officers Entituled A Representation and Petition c. importing the great danger of Good Old Cause is in from Enemies of all sorts the Poverty of the Souldiery the Persecution of Tender consciences c. which Particulars they Petition his Highnesse to represent to the Parliament with their Desire of Speedy Supply and Certainty of Pay for the future Declaring likewise their Resolution with their Lives and Fortunes to stand by and assist his Highness and Parliament in the plucking the Wicked out of their places wheresoever they may be discovered c. The Paper boded a Purge at least Sign'd it was by 230 Officers presented by Fleetwood Publish'd throughout the Army and followed soon after with a Day of Humiliation the never-failing Sign of Mischief at hand In this Juncture Each of the Three Parties was Enemy to the Other Two saving where Either Two were united to Maintein themselves against the Third and All Three of Them Enemies to the Good of the Nation The House being Biass'd for a Common-wealth and not yet enabled to go Through with it Dreaded the Army on the one hand and Hated the Single-Person on the Other Richard finding his Power limited by the Members and Envy'd by the Officers willing to please Both and Resolv'd to Hazzard nothing becomes a Common Property to the House and Army a Friend to Both by Turns Theirs to day T' others to Morrow and in all Tryals Meekly submitting to the Dispensation The Army on the other side had their Protector 's Measure to a Hair and behind him they Stalk'd to Ruffle That Faction in the House that was now grown so Bold with the Military Interest and it behov'd them to be quick with as the Case stood Then so Popular an Enemy The Members kept their Ground and April 18. pass'd These following Votes First That during the sitting of the Parliament there should be no General Counsell or meeting of the Officers of the Army without Direction Leave and Authority of his Highnesse the Lord Protector and Both Houses of Parliament Secondly That no Person shall Have and Continue any Command or Trust in any of the Armies or Navies of England Scotland or Ireland or any of the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging who shall refuse to Subscribe That he will not disturb or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament of any the Members of either House of Parliament or their freedom in their Debates and Counsels Upon These Peremptory Votes Richard Faces about joyning his small Authority to forbid their Meetings and great Assurances are Enterchang'd to stand the Shock of any Opposition Two or three dayes they stood upon their Guards continuing in that sharling Posture till April 22. when Richard at the suit or rather menace of Disborough and his Fellows signes a Commission to Dissolve his Parliament which to prevent the Members Adjourn for Three dayes and to avoid the shame of falling by an Enemy thâ— Catoe's kill themselves For at the Three dayes end they finde the Dore shut and a Guard upon the Passage to tell them They must Sit no more Their Dissolution being also Published by Proclamation His Highness steps aside next and now the Army undertakes the Government They Modell Cast about Contrive and after some Ten Dayes fooling with the Politiques they found it was much a harder matter to Compose a Government than to Disorder it and at This Plunge besought the Lord after their Wandrings and Back slidings to shew them where they turned out of the Way and where the Good Spirit left the Good Old Cause that through Mercy they might Return and give the Lord the Glory At last they call to mind that the Long Parliament sitting from 1648. to 1653. were eminent Assertâ—urs of that Cause and had a Speciall Presence of God with them Wherefore they Earnestly desire Those Members to Return to the Exercise of their Trust c. This is the Tenor of that Canting Declaration which the Army-Officers presented Lenthall the Good-Old-Speaker with at the Rolls May 6. in the Evening where a Resolve was taken by several of the Members to meet next morning in the Painted Chamber and There to advise about their Sitting They met accordingly and made a shift by Raking of Goals to get together a Quorum and so they sneak'd into the House of Commons and There Declar'd for a Common-wealth passing a Vote expresly against the Admission of the Members Secluded in 1648. This Device was far-fetch'd and not long-liv'd but These were Old Stagers and no ill Menagers of their Time To make short they Erect a Counsel of State Place and Displace mould their Faction settle the Godly appoint their Committees and so soon as ever they are Warm in their Gears begin where they left in 1653 Fleecing the Nation and Flaying the Cavaliers as briskly as if 't were but the Good-Morrow to a Six-Years Nap. But the sad Wretches were filthily mistaken to think Themselves brought in again to do their own Business for the Army makes bold to Cut them out their work in a Petition of May 12. containing 15. Proposals desiring First a Free-state 2. Râ—gulation of Law and Courts 3. An Act of Oblivion since April 19. 1653. 4. All Lawes c. since 1653. to stand good untill particularly Repeal'd 5. Publique Debts since 1653. to be Paid 6. Liberty of Worship c. not extending to Popery or Prelacy 7. A Preaching Ministry 8. The Reformation of Schools and Universities 9. the Exclusion of Cavaliers and loose Persons from Places of Power or Trust. 10. The Employment of the Godly in such Places 11. To provide for a Succession of the Legislative Authority 12. That Charles Fleetwood be Commander in Chief at Land 13. That the Legislative Power be in a Representative of the People and of a Select Senate Coordinate in Power 14. That the Executive-Power be in a Counsell of State 15. That the Debts of his Late Highness and his Father contracted since Decemb. 15. 1653. may be satisfi'd and Twenty Thousand Pounds per Annum setled upon him half for Life and half to him and his Heirs for ever The Principal point was Fleetwoods Command which they agreed to only reserving the Supreme Power to Themselves and constituting the Speaker
Fore-runner of Destruction and the Cause of it but the Loud and Crying Provoker of it Sect. VI. The COUNTRY THat Interest which contributes the Least to a Sedition and suffers the most by it is That of the Country which is properly comprised under Tillage and Pasture For I reckon all Populouâ— Places whether Towns or Villages that subsist by steady Traffique or Handy-crafts to be no other then Dependencies upon the Metropolis which is usually That in Proportion to the Kingdom which the Principal City of every Province is to the Other Parts of it This Interest seldome or never leads a Sedition upon it's own Accompt and when it does engage under Protection possibly of the next strong Hold or in favour of some neighbouring and Seditious Market-Town we do not find much hurt the Country-man does so long as the Sword and Plough are menaged by the same Hand If they forsake their Husbandry and turn Souldiours they fall under another Notion But in short let the Cause be what it will and the event of a Warr what it can They are sure to be undone by 't wherefore They may well be Friends to Peace to whom Warr is so great an Enemy Is there a Warr commenced Their Cariages must waite upon the Army Their Provisions feed them Their Persons attend them yes and Their Contribution Pay Them Their Teams must serve the State Their Wives and Girles the Souldiery They must be Mounting Dragoons when they should be Plowing Lugging their Beanes and Bacon to the Head-Quarter when they should be Sowing and at last scarce a Lame Iade to get in that little Harvest which the wild Troupes have left them Their Cattle are Driven away by one Party to day Their Corn taken by another to Morrow and when they are Throughly Plunder'd because they had something they must afterward expect to be Beaten too because they have Nothing Are not These faire Encouragements to make Husbandmen Seditious And yeâ— This Interest is severall wayes made use of to Promote Sedition Particularly by Three sorts of People The Discontented Nobleman the Rich Churle the Stiff and Contentious Free-born-Subject A Great Person may become Weary of the Court and withdraw into the Country out of divers unquiet Considerations Out of Ambition Pride or Revenge If his Trouble be Ambition his Course is to strengthen himself by Popularity and make a Party by spending his Revenue in a Bountifull and Open Hospitality upon the People which is the most Winning and the most spreading of all Obligations His Iades his Kites his Currs are free to all comers his Family is the whole World and his Companions are the Wits and the best of Good-fellowes If his Retirement be out of Pride as chusing rather to be the first Person in the Country then the Second or Third at Court His businesse is Popularity too though perhaps not Ayming so high for there are a sort of People insufferably haughty in their Looks Garbe and Language that have not Courage enough to be Ambitious This Man 's attended by the best Parasites that are to be had for Mony The Third Distemper is Revenge and That 's the worst of the Three In Ambition there 's somewhat that 's Noble Pride indeed is a Base and Abject Vice that is a Cowardly â— Pride Nay 't is at best but a Simple Sin But Revenge is Black and Diabolical Let it proceed whence it will Whether from some Affront Repulse Neglect Nay a Wry Look or a Mistaken Hint raises this Devill This is a Humour now of another Complexion Morose Unpleasant and rather watchful to Emprove an Opportunity of Mischief then Laborious to prepare it In the House of a Person haunted with â—his Fury you shall find Throngs of Silenc'd Ministers Discharged Officers Crop-eard Schismatiques Broken Citizens c. These are the Dangerous Malecontents whose Differing Inclinations of Temper are no hinderance to their Unity of Design where the Safety of the Prince and Government is the Question Next to This Discontented Nobleman Follows the Rich Churle which is a Creature that opposing Wealth to Dignity becomes the Head of the People for his Saucinesse of bearing up against the â—â—wer and Nobility of the Court It is scarce to be Imagined The Interest of This Chuff in a Popular Scuffle especially if he has gotten his Estate by a Rustical and â—lodding Industry for Then the Vulgar Reckon him as One of their own Rank and support him as the Gracâ— and Dignity of their Order We come now to the Stiff and Contentious Free-born Subject the Queintest and the Sharpest Youth of the Three Hee 'll tell ye to a hair upon what Point Prerogative becomes Tyranny How far a Subject may promote a Rebellion and yet be honest himself and Cleave the very Atome that divides the Rights of King and Subject Does any Minister of State or Iustice passe his Commission but the tenth part of a Scruple he cryes 'T is Arbitrary Illegal and an Encroachment upon the Birth-right of a Free-born Pâ—ople Let him be Question'd and the Matter Scann'd here 's his Dilemma Either by Carrying the Cause he Iustifies and Puffs up the People or by Suffering for it he Enrages them but still Obliging them both wayes the One way as their Champion and the Other as their Martyr Upon the Summe of the Matter That Government must be Carryed very even which These Instruments in Combination shall not be able to discompose Touching the Common Sort it is so little it their Power to Embroyle a Kingdome and so much lesse their Interest to do it that This Little is enough said concerning Them setting aside the Influence they have upon the Subject we are now entring upon Sect. VII The Body Representative THe Seaventh and Last Interest we are to Treat of is the Body Representative which is but One Grand Interest made up of all the Rest and as the Whole stands well or ill-affected to the Government so commonly does That Yet it falls out sometime that the Diligence and Stickling of a Faction gets the Start of a General Inclination It would aske an Age to reckon up all the Inconveniences which may arrive from the Evill Composition of This Assembly but so strict an Accompt will not be Necessary in regard that the Prince may at his Pleasure Remedy all by Dissolving them One great Defect is that in many places they have no Stated Rule how far their Cognisance extends No Measure of their Privileges through which Default more Time is spent and too too oft more Passion Stirr'd about the bounds of Their Authority then the main Businesse of their Meeting Beside the desperate Influence of This Mysterious Incertainty upon the Prince and Publique â—nder which Colour nothing so Seditious but it may both be Introduc'd and Protected Suppose a Motion in the Assembly directly against the Crown The Prince takes Notice of it and demands Reason for it Is 't not a fine Reply that
Dependencies Pag. 110. We proceed from the Direct Contrivance of Seditions to the more Remote Occasions of them As Corruption Monopolizing Non-payment of Debts c. This being the Order into which we have dispos'd the Causes of Seditions it will be suitable that some Degree of Methode be observ'd in the Remedies But first a word of Introduction We are to take for granted that Sedition is a kind of Clockwork and that the Main Spring of all Rebellions is Ambition We may be again as Confident that never any One Monarchy was destray'd but with design to set up Another The Talk of This or That Form of Government or of This or That Shape of Religion being no more then a Ball toss'd among the People for the Knaves to keep the Fools in play with It 's Truth that a Sinking Monarchy lapses into an Aristocracy and That again into a Popular State But what 's the Reason of all This Does any man Imagine that the Conspirâ—ours work for One-another or for Themselves They Ioyn in the Necessity of a Common Assistance but they Divide in the Proposition of a several Interest Who is He in the Senate that had not rather Rule Alone then in Company if he could help it To be short where more then One Govern 't is because what Every man Wishes no Particular can effect that is to Master the Rest. Understand me only of Medlers to overthrow a Government The next Slidâ—e from an Aristocracy downward comes a little clearer yet Some of the Craftyest of Those that help'd the Peers to Cast off the King are now as Busie with the People to Throw off the Nobility and Then they are within one Easie step of Confusion from whence the next Change brings him that can carry it from the Rest to the Sovereignty As arrant a Mockery is Religion in the Mouth of a Conspiratour Indeed it makes me smile sometime to hear how Soberly Men will talk of the Religion of This or That Faction as if a Traytour or an Hypocrite were of Any And Then they cry This is against the Principles of the Presbyterians and That against the Principles of the Independents when Truly and Shortly they are but Thus Distinguish'd Those would subvert the Government One Way These another And He that would rightly Understand them must Read for Presbytery ARISTOCRACY and DEMOCRACY for Independency I speak of the next Consequence if they Prevail not of the Ultimate Design of the Chief Leaders for That 's Monarchy Wee 'll drop ye a Little Story here An Officer of the Reformation advises with an Ingenious Surgeon of my Acquaintance about a Grief as he protended caught with a Streyn After diverse Questions how and how The Surgeon tells his Patient that by his leave the Trouble he compleyns of can be no other then to Phrase it Modestly a Ladies Favour The good man blesses himself and still it must be a Streyn Why then a Streyn let it be but This I 'll tell you Sir The thing that Cures That Streyn will Cure the Pox. In fine the Officer submits and the Surgeon does his work This is the Case of the Two Factions They Cry out of their Consciences but their Disease lyes somewhere else and Schism is Cur'd just as they Cure Sedition Nay does it not behove a Prince with the same strictnesse to require Submission to a Ceremony as to a Taxe Or why may not a Iustice as well refuse to Sweare Obedience to the Civill Government as a Minister to the Ecclesiastique What can be more reasonable then for a Master either to Punish or dismisse an undutiful Servant Briefly That Momarch that would be Safe must resolve to be Deaf to These Religious Clamours Alas let but the Ministers Begin the People Bawle in Course not that they are Troubled but they 'll do 't in Rudenesse or Imitation They are as arrantly Taught to do 't as a Friend of mine Taught his Beagles Let Him Gape first and the whole Kennell falls to Howling Let Him give off They 're Quiet too and just Thus stands the Case betwixt the Schismatical Clergy and the Multitude But it will be said what 's all This to the Court Oâ— to Seditions Thence proceeding Oh very much These Out-cryes of the Vulgar are but False Alarmes The Dint is nearer hand They have their Demagogues and their Patron as the late Glorious King and Martyr calls them and if a Prince look well about him in such a juncture as is here mention'd 't is odds he finds some of their Principalls even at his Eare or Elbow So that his first Concern is to Inspect and Purge where he sees Cause his Royall Palace Beginning with his Counsell Where as Sir Francis Bacon The Danger is either the Over-greatness of One or the Combination of Diverse Which Dangers we shall Obviate with their Remedies in Order Subsection I. The Remedies of certain hazzards arising from the OVERGREATNESS Of One COUNSELLOUR ONe over-great Counsellour may be Dangerous First in respect of His Particular Temper and Inclination Secondly in Regard of His Credit with his Master and Lastly in Consideration of the Influence of That Power and Inclination upon the People The Over-great Counsellour we here treat of is as the Malus Genius of a Nation and in Two Words behold the Ground and Summe of the whole Mischief 'T is either Vice or Weaknesse apply'd to the Dishonour or Damage of a Prince and People Now to the Application of That Vice or Weaknesse And first what ill use may be made of the One and what ill effects may proceed from the Other by virtue of his Credit with his Master If he be Ambitious Hee 's plac'd upon the very Point for Popularity Whom can he not Oblige by Hopes Rewards Preferments Whose Tongue cannot He Charme either to Speech or Silence Whose Reputation Suit Fortune nay in some Cases Whose very Life it self and Liberty are not dependent upon his Favour If This Aspiring Humour be accompanied with a Sharpnesse of Iudging a Felicity of Contriving and an Impulse of Enterprizing The Master of such a Servant should do well to Look about him It may be Reply'd that doubtlesse so he would if he saw any Reason to apprehend his Abuse of That Power But the Knowledge of the Person does sufficiently warrant the Reason of the Dispensation To which we Answer that though Sovereign Princes are not a comptable to Others yet they are to Themselves both for the Expedience and Equity of their Actions And enring into their own Souls it is very possible that they may discover some Incongruities betwixt their Affections and their Convenience Some Incongruities I say and such as may induce the wisest Prince and the most Indulgent Master even toward the most Loyall and Moriting Servant to limit the Graces of his Inclination to the Rules and Respects of his Office and to be wary least while he Divide his Heart with his Friend he
Particular Every single Person has Nine Spies upon him Another means which as I hear is now in Agitation may be the Assurance both of Reward and Pardon to the First Discoverer of a Conspiracy though one of the Complotters and This by Proclamation Sir Francis Bacon ' s advice is that the King either by himself which were the Best or by his Chancellour should make use of the Iudges in their Circuits Charging them at their Going forth according to Occurrences and receiving from them a Particular Accompt at their Return home They would Then sayes he be the best Intelligencers of the True State of the Kingdome and the surest means to prevent or remove all growing Mischieves within the Body of the Realm To These Generall excogitations of Prudence somewhat of more Particular relation to the matter in Question might be admitted as â—â—rst an Expresse Abrenunciation of Their Cause and Covenant They do not Deserve their Lives sure that refuse to confesse their Fault As to the Relief of Distressed Royallists I speak of such as want almost to the Degree of Perishing and there are many such 'T is but time Lost to Hunt for new wayes of Device and Project when every Bush is Beat already If it migh but now seem as Reasonable to allow them the Benefit of Forfeitures made since the Act of Indemnity as it did erewhile seem Convenient to debar them of all Remedy for Injuries suffered before it That might in some Proportion stay their Barking stomacks or at least yield them This spiteful Comfort not to fall Alone But possibly if This Course were Experimented it would afford more then the World Imagines I should End this Chapter here but that before I break off This Discourse I think 't is â—it to give some Reasons why I undertook it First it may serve to Those in Power as a Memorial or Note of certain Particulars which deserve not to be Neglected or Forgotten Next it may serve to instruct the People concerning the true Cause of some Miscariages which Popular and Licentious Ignorance is but too apt to place elsewere for in Truth there are many peevish Circumstances which the Discreet Pause upon and the Vulgar neither like nor understand In the Last Place I reckon my self bound by my Duty to the King and Nation not to conceal what I have here Declar'd And Particularly That Treasons are Encouraged by Impunity The Offenders Countenanced and brought off The Prosecutours Menaced and the most Pestilent Enemies of the last King as good as Protected in their Seditious Practises against This. If This falls into a Good hand good use may be made of it for I doe not speak at Guesse However at the worst Our Cause is the same Our Duty the same and our Affections ought to be the same The Sun is not lesse kind because his Influence may be intercepted by a Fogge which Time will certainly dissolve Nay and perchance Discover over and above that some of Those Blazes which the Common People take for Stars of the first Magnitude are in Effect but Comets Portents of That Mischief which they seldome live to see Accomplish'd But enough of These ungratefull and Seditious Machinatours against Their Prince and their Preserver And so from These Indignities against the Son wee 'll passe to Those Fatalities that made way to the Ruine of the most Pious Patient Mercifull and yet Murther'd Father CAP. XII What it was Principally that Ruin'd King CHARLES the MARTYR TO see an Imperial Prince Unking'd Arraign'd and Beheaded with all Formalities of Law and Iustice by his own Subjects and Those too People of sworn Faith and Holinesse Can any man forbear Demanding For what Prodigious Reasons so horrible an Action was Committed Was it for Religion No Hee Dy'd a Martyr for that Cause which to maintein They Sware they Fought Was it for Tyranny of Government Neither for ere the Warr began he had granted more in Favour of the Subject then all his Ancestours put them together Was it for Cruelty of Nature No nor That I can scarce call to Mind where ever he deny'd his Grace to any man that besought him for it unlesse where Mercy had been a sinne and where his Power was stinted by his Conscience Was it for want of skill to Rule or Courage to Protect his People For That his very Murtherers acknowledg'd him a Prince of singular Abilities and Valour And touching his Morals or Devotions Malice it self could never deny That King to be a Person of a most Regular Piety and restrein'd Appetite How came it then that a Prince Authorized by his Birth Sacred by his Office Guarded by his Laws Religious in his Practice Gracious in his Nature Temperate in his Likings and lastly Accomplish'd in his Person should come to Fall in the Heart of his Dominions before the Gates of his own Palace and by the Hands of his own People But Christ himself was Crucify'd Ambition drives Furiously and in the way to a Crown Those Christian Rubbs of Conscience or Humanity are not so much as Bulrushes In fine That Blessed Martyr's Actions were so Innocent they were fain to Quarrell with his Thoughts and for want of Faults to ruine him by abusing his Virtues This we shall manifest to have been Their Practice But wee 'll first take a short View of their Approches Never since Calvin bound the Head of the Holy Discipline was ever any Monarch Quiet that admitted it 'T is a Specifique Poyson to Monarchy And the Ground it gets is not so much by working upon the Iudgment as upon the Good Nature of Princes It Looks so Sillily and Beggs so Heartily 't is a hard matter to resist so great an earnestnesse accompanyed with so little shew of Danger If They are Repuls'd Good God! they cry That any man should go about to Damne so many Thousand Souls for such a Trifle when 't is come to That once 't is gone too far for such an Exclamation is enough to raise a Tumult King Iames his Answer to Knewstubb upon the Conference at Hampton-Court was as it should be and no Prince ever had a Truer measure of Sir Iohns Foot then himself Knewstubb desir'd to know how far an Ordinance of the Church was binding without offence to Christian Liberty The King turns quick upon him Le Roy s' avisera says he Wee 'll no more of Those Questions How far you are bound to Obey what the â—hurch has once Ordeyn'd Had he dealt otherwise his Majesty had given the Presbyterian the first Hold. At the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth brake forth Those Broyles in Scotland wherein the Lords of the Congregation so was the Faction distinguish'd Deprived the Queen-Regent by the Approbation and Advise of Willock and Knox to whom the Case was Referâ—'d The French assisted the Queen Dâ—wager and the Lords of the Revolt were for some Reasons of State assisted by Queen
Elizabeth At That Time it was Principally that the English took the Scotch Dâ—sâ—ase and upon the Peace brought it with them into England whereof we have abundantly tasted the blessed Fruits ever since Let such as are curious of Particulars look into the 11. 16. 31. and 36. of that Queens Reign and see what Prodigious Haeresies what Seditious Opinions and Practices what desperate Libels and Sermons proceeded from That Schismaticall Separation At length by an Exemplary Severity upon Hackett and Barrow she gave her self some Quiet Upon King Iames his coming to the Crown of England they Try'd Him too but when they fell to Scruplize about the Surplice and the Crosse in Baptism The King having first Choak'd them in Points more Materiall to make short work of it tells them 'T was Obstinacy not Tendernesse bids them Conforme at Perill For the Perill-sake They did Conforme and so That Prince was Quiet But though no Flame Appear'd the Fire was not Extinct but prudently Conceal'd and Cover'd in the Embers And now Succeeds King Charles the Martyr under the Disadvantages First of a Great Debt and a present Necessity Secondly of a Natural so void of Guile as hardly to believe that there was such a thing in Nature which made him somewhat apt to Credit And the Third Disadvantage was his Inexperience of That Faction which he was now to Cope with Upon his coming to the Crown Hee Calls a Parliament Tells them his wants which They knew of Themselves to be exceeding Great and Pressing Their Answer was in effect that Petitions were to precede Subsidies And thereupon Two they presented The One for Religion the Other concerning Grievances and to Both These his Majesty gave ample and Particular Satisfaction which in stead of Thankfulnesse and Supply produced only Expostulation and Boldnesse So high already were they Flown as to resolve upon a Remonstrance foul upon the Memory and Government of the Father and Imposing upon the Authority of the Son which mov'd the King to Prevent That Affront by Dissolving That Parliament This was in August 1625. See but how Great a Confidence did This small yielding give them And Thence wee 'll Date the History of his ensuing Troubles Marque forward how they grow upon him and abuse his aptnesse to comply with Them In Febr. following meets a Second Parliament wherein a matter of Three Moneths were spent in a Debate betwixt the King and the Lords concerning the Privileges of the House of Peers The Commons having in the Interim a Committee for Religion at work to spy Faults where at last was Retriv'd a Letter under the Signet for the Reprieve of some Iesuites c. and This Reported to the House by Mr. Bim These Petulancies did not at all discompose the King but he calmly again Sollicites them for Mony The Fleet being in great distresse and ready to Mutiny for want of Pay In stead of being Supply'd his Majesty is insufferably Affronted Particularly by Mr. Clement Coke and Doctor Turner of whom he compleins but without obteining satisfaction save upon such conditions as were utterly inconsistent with his Royalty In fine This Parliament prepares another Declaration of the same Stamp with the Former and so they are Dissolved too These Disappointments they knew must needs put the King upon Extraordinary wayes to furnish himself for the Present and that at the last his recourse must be to a Parliament into which they were sure to be Chosen and easily foresaw that the Greater his Majesties Necessities were the more Argument would there be for Compleint In This Intervall the King was left to his Choice of These Two Evills whether he would hazzard the Revolt of his Navy and the putting of his Kingdomes into a Flame for want of Mony or venture at some uncommon way of Raysing it This extremity puts him upon his Commissions of Loan Privy Seals A Project of Levy by Excize Nay such was his Necessity that he was fain to Part with 21000 li. per Annum of his own Lands to the Common-Counsell of London only for 120000 li. together with some other Debts of his Fathers which they Hedg'd and bought in for little and clapp'd upon his Majesties Accompt to the Uttermost Farthing The Loan was much Opposed and who but the Refusers of This Loan were the Popular men for the Next Parliament which was Summon'd to meet in March 1627. Accordingly they Meet and the King minds them of their Past Faylings and their Present Duties in a Speech worthy of the Prudence and the Majesty of a Great Prince In This time sayes the King of Common Danger I have taken the most Antient Speedy and Best way for Supply by calling you together If which God forbid in not contributing what may answer the Quality of my Occasions you do not your Duty it shall suffice I have done mine in the Conscience whereof I shall rest Content and take some other Course for which God hath empowred Mee to Save That which the Folly of Particular men might hazzard to Lose Take not This as a Menace for I scorn to Threaten my Inferiours but as an Admonition from him who is Ty'd both by Nature and Duty to provide for your Preservation This Tast of the Kings Mettle gave them to understand that Rufling would not do their work and put them rather upon a semblance of Closing with him But with Regard still to Their Trust and that the People might be as well Eas'd as his Majesty Supply'd Which being formally resolv'd upon and that the Kings Wants and the Subjects Grievances should march hand in hand By an Unanimous Vote they granted his Majesty Five Subsidies who being too syncere to take That Bounty for a Bait even Wept with Ioy at the surprize of a Kindnesse so unexpected But This is but the Guilding of the Pill now comes the Poyson Upon the Motion of Sir Edward Coke was fram'd The Petition of Right which Passes the House of Commons but Sticks with the Peers as utterly Destructive of the Prerogative Royall without a Salvo Whereupon they offer This Addition We present This our humble Petition to your Majesty not only with Care to Preserve our own Liberties but with regard to leave entire That Sovereign Power wherewith pour Maiesty is trusted for the Protection Safety and Happinesse of your People But this Addition was not for Their Turn whose businesse was more to Depresse the King and Advance Themselves then to provide for the Freedome of the People And in fine the Commons adhering after a long struggle it pass'd the Lords House without Amendment In regard that we are now upon the very Crisis of King or No King we shall be a little the more Particular After Five Dayes Consideration thereupon the King returns This Answer The King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customes of the Realm and that the Statutes be put in Execution that Subjects may
have no Cause to Complein of any Wrong or Oppressions Contrary to their Iust Rights and Liberties To the Preservation whereof he holds himself in Conscience as well obliged as of his prerogative This Answer though Clear and Full as possible to any just Intention did not yet Relish and the pretended Exception was not to the Matter of it but the Forme So that a New Petition is agreed upon for a more formal Answer Which his Majesty taking notice of Prevents with a Le droit soit fait comme il est Desirè This Grant finish'd Foundation of the Kings Ruine Now see the Return they made him for This Goodnesse how they Requited This Benignity and Trust. The Commissions Of Loan and Excize are Instantly Cancell'd and a Scandalous Remonstrance is Presented to his Majesty with the Bill of Subsidies Upon which the King reflects as he had Cause with some Displeasure and drawes a Stinging and a Punctuall Answer to it This puts the Commons upon Another Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage which Provok'd the King to give a sodain End to That Session Declaring before his Assent to the Bills The true Intent of what he Granted in That Petition And that as it was the Profession of Both Houses in the time of Hammering That Petition no way to Trench upon his Prerogative so he could not be conceiv'd to have Granted any New but only to have Confirm'd the Antient Privileges of his Subjects And here his Majesty Prorogues This Parliament In Ian. following they Meet again and Appoint Two Committees The One for Religion the Other for Civill Affairs And These are to Inspect Abuses and lay open the Kings Misgovernments to the People In the Heat of their haste his Majesty sends Secretary Coke upon an Interâ—eding Message to them with all the Gentlenesse Imaginable Whereat the House takes Snuffe and calls to Adjourn In short the King Adjourns them from Ianuary to the 2. of March and Then being Met Sir Iohn Eliot begins with a Bitter Invective against the Lord Treasurer After which the Speaker acquaints the House with his Majesties Command of their Adjournment till the 10th They give him a Check for his Peins and follow their Businesse Up rises Sir Iohn again and Offers a Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage to their Reading which both Speaker and Clerk Refusing Hee Reads it Himself When it should be put to the Vote whether or no to be Presented to the King the Speaker excuses himself as Commanded by the King to Leave the House and endeavouring to Rise he was forcibly kept in his Chaire till as the Protestation of the House was Read as Follows First Whosoever shall bring in Innovation of Religion or by favour seek to introduce Popery or Arminianisme or other Opinions disagreeing from the true Orthodox Church shall be reputed a capitall Enemy to this Kingdome and Common-wealth Secondly Whosoever shall Counsell or Advise the Taking or Levying of the Subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage not being Granted by Parliament or shall be an Actor or Instrument therein shall be likewise reputed a Capitall Enemy to this Common-wealth Thirdly If any man shall voluntarily yield or Pay the said Subsidies of Tonnage or Poundage not being Granted by Parliament he shall be reputed a Betrayer of the Liberties of England and an Enemy to this Common-wealth Upon Notice of These Distempers the King sends for the Sergeant of the Mace and the House refuses him Whereupon the Usher of the Black Rod is Dispatch'd to Dissolve them but finding no Entrance at length the Guard is call'd for and Then the Members Vanish After These Provocations and Contempts The King Himselfe Dissolves them This was the Embryo of our late Rebellion and the Indulgence of That Gratious Prince to That Ungrateful Faction was That which Ruin'd him Whether Design'd or not may appear from the Sequel Divers of the most Popular and Active persons in This Contest being found afterward among his Mortal Enemies in the Warr. Having Trac'd the Mischief to This Head we may be shorter with the Rest and taking for Granted that neither Scotland would be out at a Godly Project nor the English Faction upon any Terms reject their Brotherly Kindnesse we may rationally presume that they were of Intelligence in our succeeding Troubles especially if we observe what Time they kept in their motions towards one another In that which follows we shall not so much apply our selves to the Order of the Story as to the Noting of those Fatalities which had a most particular Influence upon the Life and Fortune of That Incomparable Prince In 1634. a Seditious Practice was discover'd in Scotland and the Lord Balmerino detected to be one of the Prime Conspiratours His Father out of Nothing became Chief Secretary to King Iames whom he Betray'd the Treachery was Prov'd and the Traytour Condemn'd but by the Mercy of the King Restored both in Bloud and Estate So was the Son found Guilty and Pardon'd likewise by the Successour of the Father's Master Never in shew a more remors-ful Penitent Yet in the next Conspiracy of 1637. who deeper In again then this Presbyterian It would be hard to find Two Persons of That Leaven to whom the Late King ever refused his Grace or that did not abuse it How easily had the Scotch Rebellion been Crush'd in the First Tumult had not his Majesty's Excessive Goodness ore-slipped the Time of Doing it by Force expecting their Return by fairer means He that would read the greatest Opposition that ever was in Nature of Truth and Falshood Kindnesse and Malice Mercy and Ingratitude Piety and Wickedness Let him but Read the Story of the Scotch-Rebellion in 1638. drawn by his Majestie 's expresse Command The Perjuries Insolencies Forgeries and Usurpations of the Holy Kirk at Glasgow and then say if ever such a Contest of Light and Darkness as betwixt That Saint and Those Monsters Nor was his Majesty's Clemency abused more then his Confidence betray'd for to the Publick Mockery they made of his Indulgence was added the Private Correspondence and Treachery of a Presbyterian Faction in his Counsell His Majesty himself avers as much This says the King in his large Declaration Our Commissioner did not adventure to communicate with the whole Counsell because he did know that some of our Counsellours were Covenanters in Their Hearts though for Dangerous ends they had forborn the Subscribing of the Covenant with their Hands and that They would acquaint the Covenanters with it with whom they kept Private Meetings The next Eminent Transaction was upon the Enterview of the Two Armies near Berwick where his Sacred Majesty had the Rebells Effectually at his Mercy and exhausted himself and his Friends to the Despair almost of ever Raysing another Army Yet even There also was his Majesty persuaded such was his Royall Charity and Tendernesse for his People upon the Supplication of the
Rebells to admit a Treaty and thereupon soon after to Conclude a Pacification whereof the Covenanters kept not One Article Nay after This they Libell'd the Kings Proceedings Broke forth into Fresh Insolencies and Sollicited the Assistance of the French King against their Native Sovereign We see the Faith and Loyalty of the Scotch Presbyterians Marque now if the English use him any Better And That but in a Word or Two for 't is a peevish Subject His Majesty calls a Parliament that Meets Novemb. 3. 1640. Which by the violence of Tumults abroad and the Artifice of Iuggles within-doors is with much adoe Modelled into a Faction Observe now the Proportion betwixt the Favours of the King and the Returns of the Party and see the Fruits of Clemency here likewise His Majesty passes the Trienniall Bill Abolishes the Star-chamber and High-Commission Court Passes an Act for the Continuance of the Parliament Not to insist upon the several other Concessions concerning Ship-mony Forrests and Stannary Courts Tonnage and Poundage Knighthood c. In Requitall of these Benefits The Presbyterians Clap up and prosecute his Majesties Friends Prefer Enlarge his Enemies Reward the Scots for a Rebellion Entertain their Commissioners Vote them Their Dear Brethren for Invading us Call in all Books and Proclamations against them Take away the Bishops Votes Impose a Protestation Deny the Earl of Straffords Life to the Intercession of his Majesty Present him with a Libellous Remonstrance to welcome him out of Scotland Charge 12. Bishops of High Treason Declare the Kings Proclamation to be False Scandalous and Illegall Petition for the Militia Keep the King out of his own Towns and Seize his Armes and Ammunition Send him 19. Propositions for the Delivery up of his Authority Vote a Generall and Raise an Army against him They give the King Battle Levy Monies Vote the Queen a Traytour Hang up the Kings Friends Enter into a Rebellious League Counterfeit a Great-Seal Call in the Scots Again Abolish the Common-Prayer Seize and Imprison the King Share the Revenues of the Church and Crown Sequester Banish Imprison his Majesties Adherents Sell him Depose him and at last call themselves his Majesties best Subjects because they did not MURTHER him Upon the whole Matter That Blessed Martyr's Transcendent Charity undid him How many did he Oblige and Advance in hopes to Win and Reclaime them How many did he Pardon and Cherish in Confidence of their Pretended Repentance How long did his Patience forbear Others in expectation of their Return And how unwilling was He to call any thing Schism which the Faction call'd Scruple Till Alas too Late he found his Bounties Abus'd His Mercies misplaced His Waitings Frustrated His Charity Deluded and in short no other use made of all his Pieties and Virtues then to his proper Ruine For while his Sacred Majesty suspended the exercise of his Politicall Severity under the amusement of a Religious Tendernesse the Sectaries became Bold upon his Favour and strong by the advantage they made of his Patience There were indeed some other praevious Encouragements to the Warr as the Remissnesse of Diverse Bishops in Matter of Uniformity The sufferance of Factious Meetings c. But the Two Grand Fatalities were These The King WANTED MONY and TRUSTED PRESBYTERIANS Dum Clementiam quam praestiterat expect at INCAUTUS ab INGRATIS Occupatus est Vell. Paterc Hist. Lib. 2. The End of the First Part. THE CONTENTS OF THE First Part. CAP. I. THE Matter and Causes of Seditions in Generall Pag. 1. CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognosticks of Seditions 4. CAP. III. The True Cause of the Late Warr was AMBITION 10. CAP. IV. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators employed to make a Party 16. CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions from 1648. to 1654. 24. CAP. VI. The Temper Streights and Politiques of Cromwell during his Protectorship 30. CAP. VII A short Accompt from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver to the Return of Charles the Second whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies 48. CAP. VIII The Usurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the Warr with Spain and his Standing-Army 61. CAP. IX Of Seditions in Particular and shewing in what maner they arise from These Seven Interests The Church the Bench the Court the Camp the City the Country and the Body Representative 85. SECT I. Seditions arising from the CHURCH Pag. 85. SECT II. The BENCH 96. SECT III. The COURT 99. Subsection I. Over-greatnesse in One Counsellour 100. Subsection II. The Combination of Divers Counsellours 106. SECT IV. The CAMP 114. SECT V. The CITY 117. Subsection I. Seditions arising from Religion 121. Subsection II. Oppression 126. Subsection III. Privileges 128. Subsection IV. Poverty 130. SECT VI. The COUNTRY 139. SECT VII The BODY REPRESENTATIVE 143. CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General together with certain Particular Remedies apply'd to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests mentioned in the foregoing Chapter Pag. 152. SECT I. By what means Haeresies and Schismes may be kept out of the CHURCH Their Encrease hinder'd and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented â— with the Remedies of other Mischieves arising from Disorders in the CHVRCH 159. SECT II. How to prevent Seditions arising from the Disorders of the BENCH 171. SECT III. How to Prevent or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT 177. Subsection I. The Remedies of certain hazzards arising from the Over-greatnesse of One Counsellour 182. Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Diverse Counsellours 197. SECT IV. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP 201. SECT V. How to Prevent or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY 205. SECT VI. How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY 212. SECT VII Certain Cautions directing how to prevent and avoid Dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE ibid. CAP. XI Certain Reflections upon the Felicity and Advantages of the Government of England with some Observations upon the Present Juncture 217. CAP. XII What it was Principally that Ruin'd King Charles the MARTYR 236. The End of the Contents of the First Part. The Matter of Sedition The Causes of it The Remedy Contempt more fatal to Kings then Hatred ☞ Poverty breedâ— Sedition ☜ A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty Fears and Jealousies The danger Libels ☜ Sir F. B. Sir F. B. ☜ The Rise of the late War The first Tumult against the Service-book The Covenanters Usurp the Supreme Authority The Institution of the Scotish Covenant The Promoters of it Hist. Iudep Appendix pag. 14. The Covenant a Rebellious Vow A Plea for Treason The Usurpâ—tions of the Covenanters A Pacification with the Scots Their Infidelity They enter England The influence of the Scotish Army and the City Tumults upon the long Parliament The two Houses usurp the Militia The Rebellion begins at Hull The Kings Defence of himself Voted a Warr against his Parliament Treasonous
Positions of the Two Houses Deposing Propositions of Iune 2. The Cause of the Warr was Ambition The Rabble were the Pillars of the Cause Religion the Pretense Their Zeal against Popery The Methode of the Reformation Rebellion divides God and the King Scandals Emproved and Invented The late King was betray'd by Presbyterians in his Counsel A Dear Peace the cause of a long Warr. Tria Priciipia The Methode of Treason Rebellion begins in Confusion and ends in Order ☜ ☞ The English follow the Scotish Pattern The Prologue to the late Warr. Loyalty persâ—cuted ☞ Rebellion Rewarded The King goes for Scotland His Welcome at his Return ☞ The King Affronted by Tumults first And Then for compleyning of them ☜ The Presbyterians ruin'd by their own Arguments England a Free-State Quarrels with the Dutch The Long-Parliament dissolved Barebones Parliament Their Acts. Their Zeal Their Dissolution The corruption of a Conventicle is the Generation of a Protector Cromwell Installed and Sworn Protector A Counsell of one and Twenty Cromwels Masteries The Foundation of Cromwels Greatness Cromwels Character Cromwell Jelous of his Counsell And of his Army Oliver erects Major Generals and then fools them ☞ The Persecution of the Cavaliers Cromwells Tâ—â—â— of the Hoâ—se The Recongition ☜ Cromwels design upon Sr. Domingo Disaâ—â—rous Blake makes amends at Tunis His Success against the Plate-Fleet near the Bay of Cadiz Addresses ☞ Olivers Kindred stood his Friends ☜ The Petition and Advice To Declare his Successour 〈◊〉 Other House Privy Counsel Revenue Cavaliers incapable of Office ☜ Cromwell Installed Protector ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ Oliâ—er durst not take upon him the Title of King For fear of the Sectaries His Reserve And the Reasons of it Olivers Other House Enraged the Commons The new Peers The Commons pâ—ck a Quarrell with the Other House Olivers heart-breaking cross He Fools the City of London Addresses Barbarous Cruelties ☞ Cromwels Death ☜ Olivers Maximes Richard Recognized upon condition Each of the Three Parties Enemy to the Other Two The Army Ruffles the House The House Opposes the Army Richard dissolves his Parliament And is laid aside himself The Army acknowledge their backslidings And invite the old Parliament to sit again The Rump 〈…〉 The Factioâ— fliâ—s high The Rump and the Army Clash The Rump thrown out The Army settles a Committee of Safety General M. Secuâ—es Scotlâ—nd Hewsons Insolence toward the City Hazelrigg seiâ—es Portsmouth The Rump sits again Lambert and his Party submit The City refuse to Levy Monies The Rump offended with the City The Secluded Members re-admitted ☞ Cromwel's Rise to the Sovereignty What hindered his Establishment He was Generally Hated The Warr with Spain was an Oversight A Standling Army dangerous The Rise of Cromwels Standing Army Exact Collect. Pap. 44. Ibid. ☞ The Consequences of the House of Commons Guard The Effects of a Standing Army Note ☞ ☞ Exit The Rump All Factions Unite against the King They Divide And Subdivide ☜ The Effects of a Military Government The English Impatient of of Slavery ☞ It seems to bâ— the Interest of France to maintain a 〈◊〉 Army ☞ A sad Mistake A Guard both Sutable and nâ—cessary about the Person of a King The Maiâ—es of Fraâ—â—e abus'd the Confidence of their Masters Pepin the Son of a Powerful Subject deposes his Prince and â—ets up 〈◊〉 The State of France ☜ The effects of a Standing Army in France ☞ A Standing Army more hazzardous in England than in France Alteratâ—ons of Câ—stoâ—es dangerous Our Saxon Kings kept no Standing Army Nâ—r Edmoâ—d 〈◊〉 Nor Wâ—lliam the Conquâ—ror Noâ— William Rufus Nor Hen. 3. Edw. 1. Edw. nor Ric. 2. Nor the Henries 4 5 6 7. Nor Hen. 8. â—dw 6. Queen Mâ—ry nor Qâ—een Eliz. Nor K. Iames nor Charles the MARTYR ☜ Expedients to prevent or disappoint Dangers A Standing Army destructive to the Government An Army without Pay is the most Dangerous Enemy Mony is the Interest of This World ☜ What 's the Benefit of a Standing Army The Mischief and Danger of it ☞ A Royall Guard Necessary and Sâ—fficient With the timely execuâ—ion of Good Laws ☜ Conscience the strongest Tie The Rise of Schism The Method of it The Motion of Schisâ— into Seditâ—on The Design ☞ And Effect of it Note Qu. May an enemy to Bishops exercise the Ministry Three Questions propounded by King Charles the Martyr concerning Church Government The Derivation of Episcopal Government Christs Mandate to the Apostles â—ipiscopacy unalterable Corruptio Optimi Pessima The Method of Schism A Scandalous Clergy makes a Seditious Laity Slander is the Sin and Practice of the Devil Shun Appearances of Scandal Ignorance a species of Scandal Bishops blamed by the more blameable Fears and Jealousies Bishops charged with Pride by the Prouder Brethren ☞ Conscience and Law Govern the world ☜ Occasions of Sedition Seditious Lawyers and Schifmarical Divines are the most abominable Seducers Plotters of Sedition Are of three Sorts Usurpers Monarchoma-châ—â—sts Jâ—suited Puritans Time is the best Tryall of Fidelity The Knowledge of Persons is more then the Understanding of Matters ☜ The Noblest Natures most easily Deceived Abuses from Great Persons hardly Rectify'd What he must do that undertakes it The Art of Flattery Conscientious Sedition An Ambitious Person The Test of an Honest Favourite An ill sign Another as bad Note Marque again The Advantages of a Confederacy in Counsell Their Method Rather to Countenance a Sedition then Head it How to know the Faction By their Haunts ☜ By their Cabales By their Debates By their Domestiques By their Favorites The Composition 〈…〉 sic Instrumâ—nt or a Corrupt States-man ☜ By their Conversation and Behaviour An honester sort of Ill Subjects A Caâ—eat to 〈◊〉 The Politiques of the Vulgâ—â— The Effects of Corruption in a Court. Court-Beggers Non payment of Debts The Interests of the Souldiery An Ambitious Commander does better Abroad then at Home A Haly War iâ— a Contrafiction ☜ Hazzard not a Rebellion in one Place for fear of a Sedition in another The Constitution of a Guard Royall Court and City seldom agree The Reason of it The Power of a City The Maner of Preparing the People for Sedition A Seditious Principle The King only Accomptable to God and the People to the King Cuâ—sed be the Sons of Châ—m ☞ Religious Sedion either referring to Haeresie or Schism Rebellion upon a point of Heresie more Pardonable then That from Schisme Seditions arising from Schisme The Means of provoking Sedition The Advantages of Great Towns for Seditions Cities are inclinable to Seditions from the Temper of the Inhabitants ☜ Religious Innovatours begin with Women Four Reasons why A Zealous Sister And her Confessour ☜ ☜ ☜ A Shee-Proselyte ☞ Oppression causes Sedition A Presbyterian Trick The Politique Hypocrite Loyalty is Indispensable Citizens are Tender of their Privileges Principally in point of Trade Their immunities are Precarious Neither Prince nor People can be secure but by Agreement ☞ Poverty an Irresistible Incentive to Sedition