Instrument of Approbation and all that are Tolerated an Instrument of Toleration and let no man be a chuser or a Ruler that holdeth not Communion with an Approved or Tolerated Church and is not signify'd under the Pastors hand to be a Member thereof Thes. 219. Mo. A most excellent Invention to advance the Empire of Presbytery and enslave all other degrees and Perswasions of men whatsoever Ba. The Humble Petition and Advice determineth that under the Penalty of a Thousand pounds and Imprisonment till it be paid no person be Elected and sit in Parliament but Such as are persons of known Integrity fear God and of Good Conversation They are sworn also for Fidelity to the Protector c. A more excellent Act hath not been made for the happynesse of England concerning Parliaments at least since the Reformation Ho. Com. 257.258 Mo. But what is it that you mean by this Known Integrity or who are to be the Iudges of it I take That man that Publickly Sacrifices his Life his Fortune his Family and his Freedome to the service of his Prince and Countrey according to the Law to be a man of Known Integrity and him that Acts in opposition to the Law and to his duty to be clearly the contrary I take the Publican that smites his breast and crys Lord be merciful unto me a sinner to have more of the Fear of God in him then the Pharisee that Prays in the Market Place and thanks God that he is not as Other men are And I take him to be of as Good a Conversation that submits quietly to the Rules of the Government Reverences Authority and contents himself with his Lawful Lot As he is that values himself upon Out-braving Publique Order Reviling his Betters Living upon the spoil and devouring the Bread of the Oppressed What would you say now to the turning of the Tables and setting up of your Qualifications on the other side and to the Kings excluding of the Non-Conformists by an Oath of Fidelity to himself as your Richard excluded delinquents in the late Eections Ho. Com. P. 244. So that the People durst not go according otheir Inclinations Ibid. But why do I argue from your Practises when your Positions do naturally leade to the same undutyfull Ends Ba. My dull Brain could never find out any one point of difference in Theology about the Power of Kings and the Duty of Obedience in the People between the Divines called Presbyterians and Episcopal If you know any name them me and tell me your Proofs R. B's Letter to Mr. Hinckly Pa. 26. Ri. 'T is a Confounding of your Metaphysicks methinks with your Politiques to talk of Points of Theology in matters of Civil Power and Obedience without distinguishing between our Credenda and Agenda Notion and Practice Supernaturall Truths and Moral Duties And why The Divines CALLED Presbyterians and not rather the Presbyterian Divines For they are not ALL Presbyterians that are so CALLED and there 's a great deal of difference betwixt the Principles of Presbyterian Divines as Presbyterian and the 〈◊〉 of those very Presbyterians as they are rangeâ— undâ—r â—he Bâ—nner of a Civil Interest But over and above all Thiâ— you have carry'd it a great deal â—oo far to say that the Episcopal and the Presbyterian Divines hold the same Principles in the Point of King and Subject You shâ—uld rather have acknowledg'd the disagreements and maintain'd the Pâ—iâ—ciple We hold 1. Thâ—t the Parliament by the Constitution have part of the Sovereâ—â—â—tâ— Ho. Com. Pa. 457. 2. That the Sovereignty is joyntly iâ— Kâ—â—g Lords and Commons as Three Estates 465. 3. The Parliaâ—ent have a Power of Enacting Laws as well as of â—roposing them Pa. 462. Whereas The Episcopal Party pronoâ—â—ce the Sovereignty to be only in the King 2. They assert the Kings sole Supremacy in all Causes and over all Persons whatsoever as well Ecclesiastical as Civill and 3. That the two Houses have no share at all in the Sanction We hold likewise that It was Treason to resist the Parliament as the Enemy did apparently in Order to their Subversion Ho. Com. 478. That the Parliament was the highest Interpreter of Laws that was then Existent in the Division Ibid. And so we find that every step of the Parliamentary War was Iustify'd by the Assembly and the whole Current of the Presbyterian-Divines The Episcopal Clergy Vnanimously declaring themselves to the contrary Who but the Assembly July 19. 43. in the Names of Themselves and Others to call for the Execution of Iustice on All delinquents Husband 2d Vol. of Collections 241. And who again Aug. 10. 1643. but The Divines of the Assembly that are Reâ—iants of the Associated Counties and now Attending the Assembly are desired to go down into their several Counties to stir up the people in Those severall Counties to rise for their Defence Ibid. 285. So that in the Main we differ upon the very Constitution of the Government the Power of the Prince the Duty of the Subject and upon every point of the Parliamentary War And we are no lesse divided upon the Scheme of Forms and Ceremonies Ba. Prove that I or any of my Acquaintance ever practised Ejecting Silencing ruining men for things Unnecessary yea or for Greater things Whom did we ever forbid to Preach the Truth Whom did we cast out of all Church-Maintenance Whom did we Imprison R. R's Answ. to Dr. Stillingfleet Pa. 97. Ri. You forget your self Brother and I am for speaking the Truth though I shame the Devill Pray look into Mercurius Rusticus his Accompt of the London Clergy that were Ejected Silenced and Ruin'd by Order of Parliament See his Querela Cantabrigiensis for the Heads Fellows and Students of Colledges that were There Ejected Plunder'd Imprison'd or Banish'd for their Affections to the King and the Establish'd Religion Consider thâ—â— You your self took the liberty to Graze upon another mans Pastâ—re And all these Violence were carry'd on by your Encouragement Influenced by your Approbation and the Principal directors of theâ— extold to the Skyes as the Best Governours for Wisdome aâ—d Holynesse Ho. Com. Pref. under the Cope of Heaven Ba. But however Either they must prove that we hold Rebellious Principles or they shew that they do but in Plot accuse us I know very well that The Transproser Rehearsed Pa. 48. saith Mr. Baxter in his Holy Common-wealth mayntainteth that he the King may be called to Account by any Single Peer Must we say nothing to such bloudly slanders Never such a Thought was in my mind nor word spoken or Written by me But all is a meer False-Fiction Nay in all the times of Usurpation and Since I said and Wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Judg'd by none either Peer or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they may call to accompt and Judge and Punish and
very Order of Aug. 10. 1643. For the Assembly-Divines to 〈◊〉 the People to rise for their Defence There is another person also who is engaged iâ— This present Controversy to whom I would gladly Recommend a due Consideration of this following Extract When Kings Command Unrighteous things and people suit them with willing Commplyance none doubts but the destruction of them both is Just and Righteous A Fast Sermon to the House of Commons Ian. 31. 1648. Pa. 5. He that is Entrusted with the Sword and dares not do Justice on every one that dares do Jnjustice is affraid of the Creature but makes very bold with the Creator Pa. 15. The Kings of the Eaâ—th have given their Power to Anti Christ. How have they earn'd their Titles Eldest Son of the Chuach The Catholick and most Christian King Defender of the Faith and the Like Hath it not been by the Bloud of Saints is there not in every corner of These Kingdomes the Slain and the Banish'd ones of Christ to Answer for A Fast Sermon of Apr. 19. 1649. Pa. 22. Do not the Kings of all these Nations stand up in the Room of their Progenitors with the same Implacable Enmity to the Power of the Gospel Pa. 22. There are Great and Mighty Works in hand in this Nation Tyrants are punish'd the Jaws of Oppressors are broken bloudy Revengefull people in Wars disappointed A Thanksgiving Sermon for the Scots defeat at Worcester Octo 24. 1651. P. 2. What is This Prelacy A meer Antichristian Encroachment upon the Inheritance of Christ Pa. 5. A Monarchy of some hundred years continuance allways affecting and at length wholly degenerated into Tyranny destroy'd pull'd down Swallow'd up a great mighty Potentate that had caused terrour in the Land of the Living and laid his Sword under his head brought to Punishment for Blood P. 6. If any persons in the World had cause to sing the Song of Moses and the Lamb We have this day The Bondage prepared for us was both in Spirituals and Temporalls about a Tyrant full of Revenge and a Discipline full of Persecution hath been our Contest whether the Yoke of the One and the Other should by the Sword and Violence be put upon our Necks and Consciences is our Controversy Pa. 7. Is it not a Prodigious boldness for such Spirits as These to obtrude themselves either upon the Government or the People as men of Scruple and the most competent Agents for the Promoting of Vnity and Peace And you your self Mr. Baxter have not been out neither at this great work of Reforming Confusion as your own Confessions in some measure but your Conversation and Writings do Abundantly bear Witness Mr. Richard here I must confess furnishes you with a Salvo that Ignatious Loyola himself would have blush'd at You were ever True to the King you say but you did not know Who was King Some would have him to be where he was NOT and Others would not allow him to be where he WAS. Sir This doctrine might have done well enough in a Pulpit at Coventry when you were helping the Lord against the Mighty but from such a Restauration Sermon the Lord deliver us There is first not one word of Restoring the King in 't though it was a Fast that had a Particular Regard to That Debate 2. It Asserts the Loyalty of the Presbyterians and yet at the same time supposes the Supreme Power in the Two Houses which in few words makes the Late King both a Subject and with Reverence a Rebell 3. The Setling of the Presbytery for that 's allways the English of their SOUND DOCTRINE and CHURCH GOVERNMENT Pa. 46. is violently prest as the first thing to be done Give FIRST to God the Things that are Gods 43. with a Pharisaical Ostentation of the Conscionable Prudent Godly People of the Land Pa. 46. in opposition to the Prophane You could not do any thing in the world more to obstruct his Majestys Return and yet you are pleased to make this Sermon an Instance of your Zeal to advance it Ri· The Parliament did not raise War against the Person or Authority of the King nor did I ever serve them on any such Account but to defend themselves against the Kings Mis-guided will Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 476. Their Commissions all that ever I saw were for King and Parliament We had Two Protestations and a Solemn League and Covenant Impos'd upon the Nation to be for King and Parliament And if Dâ—claâ—ations Professions Commissions and National Oaths and Covenants will not tell us what the cause of the War was thâ—n there is no Discovery Ibid. Pa. 477. Mo. These Commissions Oathes and Covenants tell you the Pretext of the War but you must go to their Proceedings and Practices to find the Cause of it The Two Houses Seize the Kings Towns Magazins Forts and Shipping They violently take the Militia into their own hands Vote an Ordinance of Both Houses as binding as an Act of Parliament Declare his Majestys Commissions Voyd Issue out Orders for Securing the Kingdome Vote the Maintaining of a War and the Seizing of his Majestys Magazins Sequester the Church and Crown Revenues and justify all these Injuries as done in pursuance of their Protestations and Covenants and This is your way now of being FOR the King Suppose that any man had beaten you and Plundred ye and Imprison'd ye and abus'd your Friends for your sake and a body should tell you all this while that this man was FOR Mr. Baxter If you were really for the King why would not For the King according to the Oath of Allegiance do the businesse as well as For the King according to the Covenant Or how came you to Alienate your self from his Majesties Iurisdictino and to turh Subject to the Two Houses Who Absolv'd you from the One Oath or who Authoris'd you in the Other or when you found that the King in the Covenant clash'd with the King in the Oath of Allegeance why did you not rather comply with the Law then with the Usurpation For it is Impossible to be True to both Interests under so manifest an Opposition You see the Colour of the War and I shall not need to tell you that the Cause of it was Ambition of Dominion which was exercised to the highest degree of Tyranny Ri. If a People that by Oath and Duty are obliged to a Sovereign shall sinfully dispossess him and contrary to their Covenants chuse and Covenant with Another they may be obliged by their Latter Covenants notwithstanding the Former Holy-Common-Wealth Pag. 188. Ba. That cannot be my Friend for we hold it Impious and Papal to pretend to absolve Subjects from their Oaths to their Sovereign Holy Com. Pa. 359. It is not in Subjects Power by Vows to with-draw themselves from Obedience to Authority Non-Confor Plea P. 213. Mo. But why can ye not now
the Republican Faction in England pay them their wages and call them their Dear Brethren for their pains And then the Presbyterian war was denounc'd in the Pulpiâ— and in the Parliament-house too long before the Republican broke out openly in the Field What if the first Publick Sticklers were not at that time Declar'd Presbyterians They were yet in the Conspiracy against Bishops though under another Notion and quickly after they Listed themselves under That very Profession as the best cover in nature for their purpose for That Schisme was never without a State-faction in the Belly on 't But nothing is more Notorious then the Intelligence that was held from the Beginning betwixt the Republican Caball and the Presbyterian Divines The one drew the Bellowes and the Other Play'd the Tune And take notice likewise That Presbyterian was a mark of the Faction rather then a note of the Religion and used in Contradistinction to Royallist But Pray'e finish your Repentance Ba. For All the rest of my Sins in this business which I know not of Particularly I do Implicitly and generally Repeâ—â— of and ask of God to give me a particular Conversion c. Ibid 53. Mo. If you have told all the Particulars you know of yoâ—â— Account Mr. Baxter is soon cast up You begin with a Genâ—rall Supposition All that ever I Thouâ—â—â— Said c. without any One Instance or Acknowledgement If you had sayd I have committed many Sins of This kinde and 〈◊〉 That it had been something Your Second Branch of Repentance is for no more discouragiâ—â— Peevishnesse toward Superiours and Then sometimes too 〈◊〉 Encouraging it by being too Sharp your self against what yoâ— took to be Church Corruptions Why Sorry for no MORE discouraging when you were so far from discouraging at all thâ—â— on the Contrary you Repent in the same Period for too 〈◊〉 Encouraging This is at the best but a Lame and a Geneâ—â—â— Particular Repentance That which you make no more of thâ—â— the Spirit of Peevish Quarrelling as if the people had only 〈◊〉 upon a Nettle you should have spoken out and call'd it the Spirit of Contumacy and Rebellion And what is it that yoâ— charge upon your self here more then that you were a little too Mealy-mouth'd But wher 's your Vindication of the Châ—râ—â—-Orders you mention where 's your Determination which 〈◊〉 the Right Superiours Why do ye not tell the People that yoâ— were mistaken in the Opinion of our Church-Corruptions and Instruct them in their Duties of Obedience to God and the King Without so doing That which you call Repentance is oâ—lâ— a Snare to the Multitude and a Scandal to the Government Your next Pang of Repentance is for not Consulting tâ—e best Lawyers that were against the Parliament more Impartially and dilligently then you did Is This the Repentance Mr. Baxter of a Confessor A Râ—pentance without a Confession an arrant peice of Artifice aâ—d Design to put on the Disguise of a Recantation and withoâ—â— any charge or discharge of Conscience to keep in with Boâ—h Parties The Sin does not Ly in your not Advising with Lawyers concerning the State of the Controversy but in Plungiâ—g your self and Others into Bloud hand over head contrary to the Laws of God and man without so much as consulting the grounds of the Quarrell To the Royallists it looks like an excuse of your Disloyalty to the King as who should say 'T is true I was to blame It was a Poynt of Law and I should have taken better Advise upon 't And if the Other Side accuse you as a desertor of the Cause you can acquit your self There too that you have not Repented of any one Poynt to their Prejudice If it be not as I say and that you mean Good Faith do but publish your Loyalty to the World in the manner or to the effect Following and I 'le ask your Pardon I Do Declare that the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament are still the Kings Subjects and that it is not Lawfull for them to exercise any Act of Sovereign Power without or Against the Kings Command or Consent I do lâ—kewise declare that the War Raised by the pretended Authority of the Lords and Commons in 1642. with all their Orders Ordinances and Impositions in pursuance thereof were also unlawfull And that All Acts of Hostility done by Them or their Order against the King or the Party Commssioned by hâ—m during the Command of the Earl of Essex were Acts of disloyalty and Rebellion If you be really the man that you would be thought to be you 'le never Boggle at This Test But if This will not down with ye let me tell you Sir that to my knowledge worse then this has you will make me think of the Lady in the Proverbs that Eateth and wipeth her Mouth and saith I have done no Wicâ—ednesse Ba. You Reflect in These Reproaches either upon my Particular Principles or upon the Principles of the Party or upon Both. As to my self If any man can prove that I was Guilty of hurt to the Person or destruction of the Power of the King or of Changing the Fundamental Constitution of the Common-Wealth c. Holy Com. Pa. 489.490 I will never gain-sâ—y him if he call me a most persidious Rebell and tell me that I am Guilty of far greater Sin then Murther Whoredome Drunkenesse or such like Ibid. Or if they can solidly Confute my Grounds I will thaâ—â— them and Confesse my Sin to all the World Ibid. Ri. Nay Brother Baxter you must give Me leave to put in â— Word now and first to your Practice then to your Grounds Diâ— not you animate the Party that was in Arms against the King 〈◊〉 much as any man and was That no hurt to his Person Rememâ—â— say you to the Army how far I have gone with you in the Wâ—â— And shall I be affraid of my Old most Intimate Friends c. Holy Com. Pref. Will you have it now that This Army your Oâ—â— and intimate Friends did no Hurt to his Majesties Person Aâ—â— now bethink your self of your Challenge in the Preface to your Hoâ—â— Common wealth Prove that the King was the Highest Powâ—â— in the time of Divisions and that he had Power to make 〈◊〉 War which he made and I will offer my Head to Iustice as a â—â—bell Is not This Destructive of the Kings Power And is not 〈◊〉 a Change of the Fundamental Constitution of the Common-weaâ—â—◠〈◊〉 say that the Members of Parliament considered disjunctly 〈…〉 Subjects but that Conjunctly as a House or Body they 〈◊〉 the Sovereignty Holy Com. Pa. 433. And again pa. 462. Teâ—â— the Parliament hath a part of the Legislative Power eve◠〈◊〉 ENACTING and not only of Proposing is undoubted Ba. Nay if you go to That Richard I shall call You to Aâ—compt for your Practises and Propositions too Do not you
Church and State your Lives Liberties and Estates the Peace Honour and Well being of Three Kingdoms and all This in Exchange for Infamy Beggery and Bondage and yet reckon your self a Gainer by the Bargain Ri. The Common-wealths-men persecuted me and Others so far as to make Orders to Sequester us for not taking the Engagemeâ—â— and for not keeping their Fasts and Thanksgivings for the 〈◊〉 â—â—gainst Scotland R. B's 2d Admonition to Bagshaw p. 9â— Ba. It is a dreadfull Observation to see so much of the Spirit of Malignity possessing those that once said they sought against Malignants and that the â—inisters and Servants of the Lord are rayled at by 〈…〉 as â—ormeâ—ly they were by the worst of Those 〈…〉 â—esâ—royed and with this dâ—â—â—dfull Aggravation that Then it â—as but Some that were Reviled and now wiâ—h many 〈◊〉 is All. Thâ—â— it was but under the Name of Puritanâ— and Rounâ—â—eads and Now it is openly as Ministers under the Name of Priests and Black-Câ—ats and Presbyters and Pulpiteers Sâ—lf-dâ—â—yal Ep. Monitory Mo. This is to Intimate that the Pâ—â—sbyterians were under a Persecution Who were the Persecutors I beseech ye Even Your own Ioâ—rney men who when they had wrought Seditâ—â—n long enough under you took the Tradâ— into their Own hands and set up for Themselves And that you may not value your selves upon the Merits of your sufferings Pray'e what was it that you suffer'd for Presbytery is too Tyrannical for the spirit of an Indepeâ—dent to bear The Stomack of That Party would not brook it and so they cast it up again For there is though a Licentious yet somewhat of a Practical and Accomodable Generosity in that Party But are not you aware Gentlemen that the worse you speak of these people the greater is your Condemnation for making the Episcopal Party still more Insupportable then These at the very Worst Ri. Was it not Persecution when many Anabaptists and Separatists made such work in England Scotland and Ireland in Cromwells time and after as they did when so many were turn'd out of the Universities for not Engaging and so many out of the Magistracy and Corporation-Priviledges And when an Ordinance was made to cast out all Ministers who would not pray for the success of the Wars against Scotland or that would not give God thanks for their Victories When I have heard them proâ—ess that there were many Thousand Godly men that were kill'd at Dunba◠〈◊〉 instance in no other and yet WE were all by their Ordinance to be cast out that would not give God thanks for This. Ch. Div. Pa. 256. 1668. What more harsh kinde of Persecution could there be then to force men to go Hypocritically to God against their Consciences and take on them to beg for the Success of a War which they Iudg'd Vnlawfull and to return him a Publick Counterfeit Thanks for Bloodshed yea for the bloud of Thousands c. Ibid. Ba. Only See to This Brethren that none of you suffer as an evill-doer as a busy-Body in other mens Matters as a Resister of the Commands of Lawfull Authority as Ungratefull to Those that have been Instruments of our Good as evill-Speakers against Dignities as Opposers of the Discipline and Ordinances of Christ as Scornfull Revilers of youâ— Christian Brethren as Reproachers of a Laborious Judicious Conscientious Ministry c. Saints Rest. Pa. 131. Mo. You do not speak I suppose of the Seven or Eight and Twenty Cathedralls that were Defaced The 115. Ministers forced out of their Livings within the Bills of Mortality nor of the History of Querela Cantabrigiensis You accounted it no Persecution the forcing of men to Pray for the Successe of a Rebellion against their Sovereign and to give God thanks for the Victories over the King and the Loyal Assertors of his Majesties and the Churches Rights and Government As for you Mr. Baxter your Counsell is very good if it were not that in the Dignities and Lawfull Powers you have plac'd the Crown upon the wrong head and directed an Obedience to the Faction in stead of the King after your usual Method of Crushing the One to Advance the Other But it will be a hard matter I believe to convince you that the Presbyterians destroy'd the King and that they did it as Presbyterians too though I reckon it to be very easily Probable both from their Practises and Positions And Tâ—is I should not at This time have made the Question but that your self Mr. Baxter have been pleased to bring it upon the Carpet Ba. The Generality of the Orthodox Sober Ministers and Godly people of This Nation did never consent to King-Killing and Resisting Sovereign Power nor to the Change of the Antient Government of this Land But they have been True to their Allegiance and Detesters of Unfaithfullness and Ambition in Subjects and Resisters of Heresy and Schisme in the Church and of Anarchy and Democraticall Confusions in the Common-wealth R.B. Sermon before the Commons Anno. â—0 1660. Pa. 44. Ri. It is most certain Brother that we did never directly consent as you say But Vnhappily there hath been a difference among us which is the higher Power when Those that have their Share in the Sovereignty are divided But whether we should be Subject to the higher Power is no question with us Ibid. 45. Mo. If by your Orthodox Sober Ministers you mean the Episcopal Divines your Assertion holds good or in a Litterall Construction either but if you intend the Non-Conformists under these Two Epithets of Orthodox and Sober What do ye think of Mr Manton Calamy Case Douglas Burton Herle Goodwyn Woodcock Brooks Bridges Marshall Cockayn Faircloath Saltmarsh Sterry Strictland Newcomen And for Brevity sake I. O. W. I. and R. B. shall make them up an even score I could shew ye how these Reverend Authors have traced the King killing Cause from the very Egg to the Apple as they say Preach'd the Lawfullness of the War the People into a Rebellion the Kings Head to the Block and then Justify'd all when they had done And yet who but these men of Bloud to Quarrell with the Government because they cannot get themselves Priviledg'd above the Peaceable and Obedient Sons of the Church What do ye think of the Author of CELEUSMA that told the Commons in a Sermon Sept. 25. 1656. That the Remove of Prelatical Innovations Countervail'd for the Bloud and Treasure shed and spent in the Late Distractions Is not this person now with his Clamor ad Coelum a very hopefull Solicitor for a Second Reformation He that has Solemnly declared that If the Re-Imposing of Ceremonies could have brought the Late King to Life again he would never have yielded to it At the Rate of Computation why shall not a Ceremony at this day out-weigh the Life of the Son as Formerly it did That of the Father But what needs more proof then the
remember a certain Dedicatory Epistle to Richard Protector iâ— your Key for Catholiques where you have these words Giâ—â— not leave to every seducer to do his worst to damn mens Soâ—lâ— when you will not Tolerate every Traytor to draw your Amâ—ieâ— or PEOPLE into Rebellion And again This is one thâ—t rejoyceth in the present happiness of England and honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought 〈◊〉 what we are Do not you here acknowledge Richard the Prâ—tectors Sovereignty and blesse all the Providences that have brought matters so Comfortably about Ri. Ay Ay Baxter That 's a Doctrine you taught me in your Commonwealth I am bound to submit to the Present Government as set over us by God and to Obey for Conscience-sakâ— and to behave my self as a Loyal Subject towards Them For a Full and Free Parliament hath own'd it and so there is notoriously the Consent of the People which is the Evidence that former Princes had to Iustify their Best Titles Pa. 484. Whereas in Truth neither was This a Free Parliament nor any Parliament at all neither wâ—s your submission to the present Power an Act of Conscience for the same Conscience would have oblig'd you as well to the King upon the same Grounds Ba. In good time Mr. Richard And who taught ye I wonder your Complements to Prince Richard in the Five disputations Where you Addresse your self To His Highnesse Richard Lord Protectour of the Common-Wealth of England Scotland and Ireland Ep. Ded. And further Your Zeal for God will kindle in your SUBJECTS a zeal for you The more your Life Government is Divine the more Divine will you appear and therefore the more Amiable and Honourable to the Good and Reverend to the Evill Parliaments will Love and honour you and abhor the Motions that tend to a Division or your Iust Displeasure Ministers will heartily pray for you and prayse the Lord for his Mercies by you and Teach all the People to Love Honour and Obey you The People will Rejoyce in you and you will be lov'd or Fear'd of All. Such Happinesse attendeth Serious Piety when Impiety selfishnesse and Neglect of Christ is the shame and Ruine of Prince and People I crave your Highnesse Pardon for this Boldness and your Favourable Acceptance of the Tender'd Service of A Faithfull Subject to your Highness as you are an Officer of the Universal King Richard Baxter Ri. I' keep still to my Old Master Doctour of the Aphorisms If a Person enter into a military State against the People and by Them be Conquered they are not obliged to Restore him unless there be some other Special Obligation upon them beside their Allegeance Thes. 145. And moreover If the Person dispossest though it were Vnjustly do afterward become Vncapable of Government It is not the Subjects duâ—y to seek his Restitution Thes. 146. And yet again Whosoever expâ—lls the Sovereign though Injuriâ—usly and resolves to revive the Common-Wealth rather then he shall be restored and if the Common-Wealth may prosper without his Restauration It is the Duty of such an Injur'd Prince for the Common Good to resign his Government and if he wâ—ll not the People ought to Iudge him as mâ—de Incable by Providence and not to seek his Restitution to the Apparent Ruine of the Common-Wealth Thes. 147. Mo. Praye let me put in a Word betwixt ye What do you call Incapacitys Ba. When Providence depriveth a man of his VNDERSTANDING He is Materia Indisposita and Vncapable of Government though not of the Name Thes. 135. If God permits Princes to turn so WICKED as to be Uncapable of Governing So as is consisâ—ent with the Ends of Government he permits them to depose Themselves Thes. 136. Again If Providence Statedly disable him that was the Sovereign from the executing of Laws Protecting the Just and other Ends of Government it maketh him an Uncapable Subject of the Power and so deposeth him For a Government so Impotent is None A capacity for the Work and Ends is necessary in the Person and when That ceaseth the Power ceaseth Hâ—l Comm. Pag. 137.138 Ri. And then you say further Thes. 153. That Any thing that is a sufficient Sign of the Will of God that This is the Person by whom we should be Governed is enough as Ioyned to Gods Laws to oblige us to Consent and Obey him as our Governour Vpon which Ground you your self do Iustify all that I have either said or doâ—e in submission to Richard And so you do likewise in your Thesis 149. If the Rightfull Governour be so long dispossest that the Common-Wealth can be no longer be without Government but to the apparâ—nt hazzard of it's Ruine we ought to Iudge that Providence has dispâ—â—sest the Former and presently consent to another We must not say that because we cannot have such a man wee 'l have none but be Vngoverned This is to break an Express Commandement and to cast off the Order and Ordinance of God for a Persons sake P. 162. And then there 's another thing You put all the Cases that ever you could muster up against the Kings Return If a King you say dissolves the Government he can be no Governour If an Enemy no King A destroyer cannot be a Ruler and Defender He proclaimeth Hostility and is Therefore not to be Trusted Pa. 539. Ba. Well well Richard If you had pleased you might have found out some other Aphorismes where I have done as much Right I 'm sure to Sovereign Power as any man living Do not I say Thes. 326. That It is the Subjects Duty to defend their Prince with their Strength and hazzard of their Lives against all Forreign and Domestique Enemies that seek his Life or Ruine Ri. If you speak This to the Cause in Question how will you come off where you say If I had known that the Parliament had been the Beginners and in most faâ—â—t yet the Ruine of our Trustees and Representives and so of all the Security of the Nation is a Punishment greater then any fault of theirs against a King can from him deserve and That Their saulâ—s cannot disoblige me from defending the Common-Wealth â— Owned not all that ever they did but I took it to be my Duty to look to the mayn End And I knâ—w that the King had all his Power for the Common Good and therefore had none against it and Therefore that no Cause can Warrant him to make the Common-Wealth the Party which he shall exercise Hostility against Ho. Com. Pa. 480. All this sâ—â—med plain to me And When I found so many things Conjunct as Two of the Three Estates against the Will of the King Alone the Kingdoms Representatives and Trustees assaulted in the Guarding of our Liberties and the Highest Court defending them against offending Subjects and seâ—king to bring them to a Legal Tryal and the Kingdoms Safety and the Common Good
involved in their Cause which may be more fully manifested but that I would not stir too much in the Evils of times past All these and many mâ—re concurring perswaded me that it was Sinfull to be Neutrals and Treachâ—rous to be against the Parliament in that Cause It were a wonder if so many humble honest Christians fearful of sinning and Praying for Direction should be all mistaken in so weighty a Case and so many Damme's all in the Right pa. 481. Ba. Very Learnedly apply'd But do not I say Pa. 437 That if a Parliament would wrong a King and depose him Unjustly and change the Government for which they have no Power the Body of the Nation may refuse to serve them in it yea may forcibly restrayn them If they Notâ—riously betray their Trust not in some Tolerable matters but in the Fundamentalls or Points that the Common Good dependeth on and engage in a Cause that would destroy the Happynesse of the Common-wealth It is then the Peoples duty to forsake them anâ— cleave to the King against them if they be Enemies to the Common-wealth Pag. 438. Ri. Now I beseech ye Mr. Baxter be pleased to Compare pa. 43â— with pa. 424. where you lay down This Thesâ—â— Though some injâ—ry to the King be the Occasion of the War it is the Duty of all the Pâ—â—ple to defend the Common-wealth against him Yâ—t so as thâ—t tâ—â—y protest against That Injury Ba. But what say ye all this while to the Case of making Coâ—nt to an Usurper When it is Notorious say I that where a maâ— has no Right to Govern People are not bound to Obey him unlesse by Accident Thesis 339. Ri. We detest their Oâ—inion who think that a strong and prâ—sperous Vsurper may be defended against the King or that the Kiâ—g is not to be defâ—ndâ—d against him to the hazzard of our Estates 〈◊〉 Lives Non-Conf 2d part Pa. 77. Meer Conquest withâ—â—â— Consent is no Just Title Ibid. P. 108. And again Vsâ—rpâ—â— have no True Power nor do their Commands bind anb one in Conscâ—ence to formal Obedience nor may they be set up and defended agaiâ—â—â— the Lawfull Governour Pa. 55. And Those are Vsurpers 〈◊〉 by Force or Fraud depose the Lawfull Governour and take his place Ibid. If Vsurpers claim the Crown the Suâ—ject must Iudge whâ—â— is their King and must defend his Right Non-Con Plea 70. Ba. But what if the People shall Miss-Judge All things are not destructive to the Common-wealth that are Judg'd so by Dissenting Subjects Holy Com. Pref. Nor are Subjeâ—ts allow'd to Resist whenever they are consident that Rulers would destroy the Common-wealth Ibid. Oh how happy would the best of Nations under Heaven be If they had the Rulers that our Ingratitude hath cast off Our old Constitution was King Lords and Commons which we were sworn and sworn and sworn again to be faithfull to and to Defend The King with-drawing the Lords and Commons Ruled alone though they Attempted not the Change of the Species of Government Next This we had the Major part of the House of Commons in the Exercise of Sovereign Power the Corrupt Majority as the Army call'd them being cast out Ibid. c. 'T is no matter for the Following Revolutions To resist or depose the Best Governours in all the world that have the Supremacy is forbidden to Subjects on point of Damnation Ibid. Ri. Pray'e hold your hand a little Mr. Baxter If the Government was iâ— King Lords and Commons how came the Two Houses â—o Rule Alone with an Vsurpation And without changing the Species of the Government or how came we that you say were sworn over and over to all Three to depose the Head and Submit to the other Two and to let the Government sink from a Monaâ—chy into aâ— Aristocracy and why might not the Commons cast out the Lords and the Army the Commons as well as the Two Houses cast off the King Especially by your own Comment upon Let every Soul be Subject to the Higher Powers Ho. Com. 3E9 Where you expound the Higher Power to be Intended of the Governours in Actual Possession What hindred this Aâ—gument from holding when the King was in Actual Possession Ba. A people may give an Honourary Title to the Prince and not give the same to Others that have part in the Sovereignty So that Names are not the only Notes of Sovereignty Wherefore one must not Judge of the Power of Princes by their Titles or Names Ho. Com. Pa. 432. The Law saith the King shall have the Power of the Militia supposing it to be against Enemies and not against the Common-wealth nor them that have part of the Sovereignty with him To Resist him here is not to Resist Power but Usurpation and Private Will In such a Case the Parliament is no more to be Resisted then he because they are also the Higher Power Ho. Com. Pa. 431. And there 's more in 't yet If a Prince be statedly made a Begger or forsaken or Ejected by a Conqueror and so Uncapable of Governing if it be but pro Tempore the Subjects for That time that have no opportunity to Restore him are disobliged from his Actual Government Pa. 139. Ri. So that the Sâ—izing of a Prince's Revenue deposes him from 〈◊〉 Soverâ—ignty and descharges his Subjects of their Obedience But I took Inferior Magistrates to be Subjects of the King as well as the meanest men and to have no more Power to Depose or take up Armâ— against him then other Subjects Non-Con Plea 2d part p. 5â— And In all the times of Vsurpation and since I said and wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Iudg'd by none either Peâ—r or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they mâ—y call to Account Iudge and Punish Pref. Ba. I shall leave Others to Judge in what Cases Subjeâ—â—s may Resist Kings by Arms We shall only Conclude that no Humane Power can Abrogate the Law of Nature Non-Câ—â— Plea 2 d. Part Pa. 57. Ri. And may not the Two Houses be Resisted by the Law of Nature as well as they oppoâ—â—â— the King Modâ—â—â— Subjâ—cts should rather study what Laws God hath made for Themselves then what 〈◊〉 he hath made for Kings and what 〈…〉 Own duty thâ—â— whâ—t iâ— the Kings Thâ—ugh 〈…〉 are not bound to be 〈◊〉 Non-Con Plea 2 d. Part. Pa. 48. Ba. Nay I am as little for Restraining of Sovereign Power as any â—lesh breathing It is not saâ—e or Lawfull for the People to Limit or Restrain the Sovereign Power from disposâ—â—g so far of the Estates of All as is necessary to the safety of Aâ—l which is the End of Government Thesis 115. Nay A Governour cannot Lawâ—ully be Restrayned by the People from preserving them Thes. 120. For the Multitude are Covetous Tenacious Injudicious and Incompetent Judges of the Necessities
Uniformiâ—y made Episcopacy and Common-pâ—ayer unlawfâ—ll 'T is the Law that Silences anâ— not the Bishops Non-Conformists silence themselves Berter particulars suffer then 〈◊〉 Order oâ—â—â—vernment be dissolved Richard agâ—ees with Dr Reynolds 〈◊〉 conform'd Richard pleads altogether for Love Baâ—ters way of eâ—pressing â—ichard against rash â—â—nsuring 〈…〉 Baxter agâ—inst Richâ—rd Mr Baâ—ters Chaâ—ity to the Clergy and discipâ—ine of â—he Chuâ—ch His brotherly Love Church ann State arraign d. Richard and Baxter of two quite different spirits The persecuted are the perssecutors Be sure first of what spirit â—he Non-Confoâ—mists are The spirit of the Non-Conformists His Late Majesties Judgement Experience upon it The spirit that Richard plâ—ads â—or Richards â—oleration Who are the Judges the Government or the People Modest Dissenters deserve pity The Dispute is not Scruple but Power Plain dealing Richard puts the Case of a Saint and a Schismatick Baxters Saints Baxter sully resolved to go to them that dy'd in Rebellion He joys to think what Company he shall have Baxter says that Professors will rail and lye c. But that neither Perjury drunkennesse Incest Concubines nor Idols can make them dotoriously ungodly The Saints that are cast out for hereticks Either Tolerate All or None but upon a Penalty No men must be Tolerated if no Errour Baxter shews the Inconveniences of Toleration Pride makes one mans Religion Faction anotheâ—s Which ends in bloud And yet passâ—â— for doing God good service And the motion of the spirit Enthusiastick zeaâ— Dotageâ—â—aâ—en foâ— Reâ—elations Scripture the Ruâ—e But who must expound it One mans Faith must not Impose upon anotâ—ers Mistake will not justifie the Errour nor exâ—use a Disobedience Men will be zealous even in Errour More zeal then understanding is not good None so fierce and bold as â—he Ignorant Even Teachers themselves are false Guides Mâ— Baxter himself has been mistaken Ill luck with his Aphorisms How Richard was wheedled in i. e. he was reconci ' d to the Church Richards best Christians found to â—e Schismaticks Great mâ—n misled and why not 〈…〉 Believe not every spirit Tâ—e Dissenters Cause is still Gods cause Their false Prophets Tâ—e Kings death directed by a Revelation Sedgwicks day of Judgment Vavasâ—r Poweâ—s Prophecy of no more Kings or Taxeâ— Rather the Law of the Land then the Humour of the people A Fear of sinning ought to be cherished even in a mistake Dangerous trusting to scruples Who would have thought it Thâ— Episcopal Clergy Simeon and Levi. O the force of a misguided Conâ—cience The very Case of the seduced muâ—â—iâ—ude The Name of Libeâ—ty does moâ—e â—â—en â—he consideâ—atio◠〈◊〉 Heaven it self Baxtâ—r against Liberty And Toleration Liberty the way to set up Popery Mr. Richard an Improper Advocate for Toleration Richard is a Conformist Mr. Baxters Sermon that brought the King in Presbytery for the Lords sake Oh the happy times when Presbyterians rul'd Have a care of scandalous Inventions The Ignorant Church-Tyrants Richard not absolutely against the Cross. â—axters a Loyallist Errour is no eâ—cuse for disobedience The Preâ—eoce of Natuâ—e and true Reason avoids â—ll Law A Popuâ—ar Fallacy The Presbyâ—eriâ—n way of bâ—inâ—ing in â—he King Richards challenge In justification oâ— the Non-Conformisâ—s The Non-Conformists charge A Presbyterian defin'd Presbyterians swallow ap all otheâ— Sectâ— at â—irst and tâ—en spâ—w theâ— up agâ—in Richard sayâ— that the Episcâ—pal mâ—n bâ—gan â—he war Tâ—e two Housâ—s Lord â—ieuâ—eâ—â—nâ—s Oâ—â—icâ—r Civil and Miâ—iâ—â—â—y Assembâ—y 〈◊〉 Divineâ— aâ—mâ—st all Episcopâ—l mâ—n The Kings â—â—gag'd Enemâ—â—â—â—ere all 〈◊〉 〈…〉 The Parliament bâ—ought in the Scots Few worthier Assemblies since the Apostles days Their good naâ—uâ—e toward the Independents The Guild-Hall haâ—â—ngue◠〈◊〉 brought in the Scots His Majesties Proclamation against the Assembly of Divines Jun 22. 1643. Painful Able Laborious Ministers The Loyall Presbyterians The 〈…〉 Kings Proclamation A Dutiful Proposition The Worthy 〈◊〉 The 〈…〉 An Abuse put upon the Nation An Extract of Parâ—iament Proceedings 1643. The Assembly stir up the people to rise Prov'd to he a Presbyterian War Richard says the War began about Religion Baxter says it began about matter of Law Richard says 't was about the Militia Baxter says the War was made for Reformation A lewd scandal upon the late Kings Government Râ—câ—ard will not allow of war â—ot Religion Baxter iâ— for a Reâ—igious Wer. They are fools that think â—ther 〈◊〉 In caâ—â— oâ— pâ—râ—secutiâ—â— we fighâ—â—or our own and our posâ—eriâ—â—â—â—â—alâ—ation The late Kings sâ—ffeâ—ings forgot en among gâ—eater 〈…〉 Pryn Burton and Bastwick lamented but not a word â—f the Royal Marâ—yr Presbytery not setled sayâ— Richâ—rd Baxter contradicts hiâ— And coâ—foâ—â—s himselâ— with comparing 〈◊〉 day of Richard Pâ—otector wiâ—h Charle â— Ten 〈◊〉 Hypocrites Now 〈◊〉 One 〈◊〉 Baxters Compâ—eâ—enâ— to the Sons of the 〈◊〉 1659 Richard Cromwells faitâ—full Subiects Mr. Baxters Political Aphorismes composed expresly to keep out the King Poor Râ—chard like 〈…〉 and prâ—ying againâ—t the Scots The spirit of Malignity has taken 〈◊〉 the Army The Presbyterians Perâ—ecuted The Presbyterians Journey-men the Army seâ— up for themselves Somewhat of an accomoda-Generosiâ—y in the Independents The poor Presbyterians persecuted by the Army for not joyning against the Scots Oh the persecution oâ— forcing men against their Conscienâ—es But so long as â—hey do not suffer as evil-doers No persecution to oppresse the Church and all that love it Mr. Baxtâ—r places the Crown upon the wrong Head The King destroy'd by Presbyterians as Presbyterians The Loyalty of â—axters Orthodox sober Ministers Richard subject to the Higher power but not resolv'd which it is An Even score of Orthodox sober Divines The last Kings bloud not valu'd at a Ceremony ☞ The Kings Murther justify'd the day after it was committed All Christian Kings Anti-Christianiz'd ☜ A Reflection upon â—is Majesâ—y aâ—â—er his Deâ—eâ—t at Woâ—cester Prelacy Anti-Christian A Pedant triumphing over Charles the II. and Monarchy it self And calling the King Tyrant Are These Fit Agents for Unity and Peace Richard True to the King but he mistook the King Baxters Reâ—stauration Sermon Asserts the Presbyterian Loyalty Makes the King a Subject and worse Pleads for Presbytery without a word of restoring the King The War raisâ—d for King and Parâ—iaâ—ent Their Oaths Covenants were fast and loose at pleasure The pretext of the War Religion the Cause Ambition The Loyal Presbyteâ—ians usurp Sovereign Power The Two Houses were the King in the Covenant No Reconciling of the Covenant King the Legal Richard holds Oaths to Princes to be Dispensable Baxter holds Oaths of Allegiance to be Indispensable Richard will hate the Covenant binding as it is a Vow The League and Covenant and Vow and Covenant The League and Covenant Impos d. Baxter is his own onâ—essor â—nd bsolves himseâ—f The Covenanâ— for the King qualify'd for Reâ—igion If the King be against Religion the Covenant is against him Richard lays the Death of the King to Oliver The Baxterians attack'd the King And they foughâ— to kill