this opinion was r◅olued that Supreame Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction was in the Popes And therefore we prouing that Supreame and last Appellation doth by the law of God belong to none but to the Soueraigne Prince conclude vndoubtedly that Supreame Iurisdiction belongeth to him onely 10. Heere a question may be mooued whether Saint Paul did well and orderly when he appealed to Caesar and whether Caesar was made iudge of these questions which were Doctrines We aunswere Saint Paul had no meaning to make C◅sar iudge of any point of faith But whereas hee was persecuted by the high Priests who sought his life in this matter of coactiue power Saint Paul giueth Iurisdiction to Caesar. There is also a difference betweene that power which heathen Princes haue and that which Christian Princes haue for heathen Princes haue all power coactiue whatsoeuer the cause be and without this helpe the Church could neuer deale in matters of this nature Christian Princes besides this coactiue power haue also as appeareth in the gouernment of Israel externall discipline in matters Ecclesiasticall 11. Thus we haue declared the distinct right of the King and the Priest after that they were distinguished by the written law of God we haue prooued that the Soueraigne Iurisdiction coactiue resteth in the Prince by a right which God hath giuen and therefore may not be taken away by man It followeth to consider how this right hath beene accordingly exercised by the godly Kings of Israel Ios◅ commanded the people to be circumcised and not Eleazerus the cause was Eccles◅ticall but to command in such causes declareth iurisdiction Dauid reduceth the Arke he appointeth Priests Leuites Singers Porters to serue at the Tabernacle he assigneth Officers of the sonnes of Aaro◅ All which being matters Ecclesiasticall the Prince as hauing soueraigne authority in both causes ordaineth Solomon buildeth the Temple and consecrateth it Asa remoueth Idols and dedicated the Altar of God that was before the porch of the Lord. Iehosaphat abolisheth Idolatry cutteth downe the groues sendeth Priests and Leuites to teach in Townes and Cities Setteth vp Iudges both ciuill and Ecclesiasticall and commandeth both to iudge according to godlinesse truth and Iustice. Because in the words of Iehosaphat these things are distinctly deliuered we will obserue the whole place The wordes are these And hee set iudges in the land throughout all the strong Cities of Iuda Citie by Citie And said to the Iudges take heed what you doe for you execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord and he will be with you in the cause and iudgement Wherefore now let the feare of the Lord be vpon you take heed and doe it for there is no iniquitie with the Lord our God neither respect of persons nor receiuing of reward Moreouer in Ierusalem did Iehosaphat set of the Leuites and of the Priests and of the chiefe of the families in Israel for the iudgement and cause of the Lord and they returned to Ierusalem And he charged them saying thus shall you doe in the feare of the Lord with a perfect heart And in euery cause that shall come to you of your brethren that dwell in your Cities betweene blood and blood betweene Law and precept Statutes and iudgements you shall iudge them and admonish them that they trespasse not against the Lord that wrath come not vpon you and vpon your brethren And behold Amariah the high Preist shall be the chiefe ouer you in all matters of the Lord. 12. From which words we collect thus much concerning ◅he Kings Iurisdiction and the things wherein it consisteth ◅irst the King appointeth and placeth both Temporall and clesi◅sticall Iudges and commandeth and chargeth them so placed to execute their functions faithfully we inferre vpon this command in both alike that hee hath Iurisdiction ouer both causes But here let me remember a trifling obiection which some of our aduersaries haue deuised of late they would distinguish betweene command and Iurisdiction For they deny not but that all sortes of persons are vnder the Kings commaund and gouernment whom he may command each to doe their Office and yet they vtterly deny the Kings Iurisdiction and tell vs that command and Iurisdiction must not be hudled vp together Now let vs consider what hudling is in this when the Kings command and his Iurisdiction are set as things depending and cohaering one to the other When we say the King may command we meane plainely as we speake that the King hath from God lawfull authoritie to command and to punish them that breake his command This is the common vnderstanding of the Kings command But these Romish sophisters when they say the King may command do not vnderstand neither will they acknowledge at any hand that the King hath lawfull authoritie from God to punish the breach of his command for they vtterly deny that the King hath any authoritie to punish a Clarke though he should breake his commandement And call you this a command The King may command and goe without as the saying is This is the deuils sophistry taken vp by men hardned against shame content to stoupe downe to gather vp the meanest and basest shifts to dazell the simple The Iesuites resolue of this as of a truth most soundly concluded in their schooles That the King may not punish Ecclesiasticall persons that the Kings Court may not heare examine and iudge them though they should commit murders adulteries robberies or what other wickednesse soeuer And yet they tell vs that the King may command them Now to say one thing and yet to let the world see that they are resolued in the contrary this sauoreth strongly of the spirit of illusion when reason learning honestie and all faileth yet well fare a bold and hardned face which neuer faileth this generation 13. The truth is if the King haue not lawfull authority to punish he hath not lawfull authoritie to command and punish he cannot vnlesse he hath authority to iudge or cause iudgement to be done so that they who take away from the King power to iudge persons Ecclesiasticall take from him power to punish and consequently power to command but the Doctrine of the Papists this day as shall hereafter appeare in his due place taketh from the king power to iudge per sons Ecclesiastical therefore they rob him of power to punish and to cōmaund for nothing can more strongly take away the Kings command then to deny him power to punish and to iudge And yet they are not ashamed to tell vs that they deny not the kings cōmand but his Iurisdiction Then to leaue these men with their absurd and perplexed contradictions where the King ◅ay command he may iudge and punish the breach of that command and therefore his Iurisdiction appeareth in his lawfull authority and command Then by this charge and commaund of Iehosaph◅ is declared his Iurisdiction in these causes wherein he hath this authority
an end of the institution of these orders to make some chaunge in that ancient religion which before stood in the Church of Rome in some tollerable measure and to vexe and persecute the professors thereof and especially to bring in a new Iurisdiction of the Pope it will better appeare if wee consider what hath bene in the beginning of their institution and since obserued of their innouations libertie luxuriousnesse and what desolation they haue brought into the Church That these men may better be knowen I will note what Iohn Wiclife and some others haue obserued Friars taught saith Wiclife that the King of England is not Lord of the Clargie but that the Pope is their Lord. Friars so streitched the priuiledges of the Clargie that though an Abbot and all his couent ben open traitours conspiring vnto death of the King and Queene and other Lords and inforce them to destroy all the Realme the King may not take fro them an half-penny ne farthing worth When Parish-churches ben appropred to men of singular religion that is to Friars such appropriation is made by false suggestion that such religious men han not ynough for lifelode and healing but in truth they han ouâ—…rmuch Let me obserue this by the way as being now better instructed in the opinion of Iohn Wiâ—…life concerning tithes Whereas he seemeth to be against tithes it is to be vnderstood as he doth in diuers places open himselfe against tithes as then they were abused by Fryars For Fryers then had power from the Pope to appropriate tithes to their Couents by which meanes tithes came into their possession This thing Wiclife thought vnlawfull and would haue had tithes reduced to their ancient vse againe now let vs returne to his obseruations Fryers sayen that their religion founden on sinfull men is more perfit then that religion or order which Christ himselfe made They sayen also that begging is lawfull the which is damned of God both in the old Testament and in the new Fryers after they had procured impropriations and left a poore Curat in place drewe also from Curats their office and Sacraments they got the confession of Lords and Ladies They pursuen true Priests and letten them to preach the Gospell Christ chargeth all his Priests to preach the Gospell truely and they pursuen them for this deed yea to the fire they will slea Priests for they doe Gods bidding When the King by his officers prisons a man that is commonly done for great and open trespasse and that is good warning to other misdoers some profit comes of the Kings Ministers but when Friars prisonen their brethren the paine is not knowen to men though the sinne were neuer so open and slaunderous and that does harme to other Liegemen Friars sayen that they han more power then the Curat and thus they make dissention and discord among Ch istian men Friars labour to roote out true Priests that preach Christs Gospel themselues han their chamber and seruice like Lords or Kings and senden out idiots full of couetise to preach not the Gospell but Chronicles Fables and leesings to please the people to rob them And yet for sending of those couetous fooles that ben limitors goes much Symonie enuy much foule Marchandise And who can best rob the poore people by false begging and other deceits that shall haue this Iudas office and so a nest of Antichrists Clarkes is maintained They shew not to the people their great sinnes and namely to mighty men of the world but pursuen other true preachers for they will not glose mighty men and comfort them in their sins Thus mighty men hire by great costs a false traitour to lead them to hell Friars deceiuen the people in faith and robben them of Temporall goods make the people trust more in dead parchment sealed with leesings and in vaine prayers of hypocrites that in case ben damned deuils then in the holy helpe of God and their owne good liuing Friars peruert the right faith of the Sacrament of the Auter bringing in a new heresie saying there is an accident withouten subiect which heresie neuer came into the Church till the foule fende Satan was vnbounden after a thousand yeeres Friars vndoe Parish Churches by building other needlesse meaning Abbeyes and Priories c. They destroy the obedience of Gods law magnifien singular obedience made to sinfull men and in case to diuels this is blind obedience brought in by them which obedience Christ insampled neuer ne in himselfe ne in his Apostles Friars being made Bishops robben men by extorsion as in punishing of sin for money and suffren men to lie in sinne they beare out the gold of our land to Aliens and sometimes to our enemies to get of Antichrist false exemptions They teach Lords and Ladies that if they die in Francis habite they shall neuer come to hell They are neither ruled by Gods law ne lawes of the Church ne lawes of the King They ben the cause and procuratours of all warres They say apertly that if the King and Lords and other standen thus against their false begging c. they will goe out of the land and come againe with bright heads and looke whether this be treason or none They teach and maintaine that holy writ is false and so they putten falsnesse vpon our Lord Iesus Christ and vpon the holy Ghost and vpon the blessed Trinitie Friars teach that it is not lawfull to a Priest or any other man to keepe the Gospell in his bounds and cleannesse without errour of sinnefull men but if he haue leaue thereto of Antichrist Friars by hypocrisie binden them to impossible things that they may not doe for they binden them ouer the commaundements of God as they say themselues hence are works of supererogation They burne Priests and the Gospell of Christ written in English to most honour of our Nation They call the curse of God the lesse curse and the curse of sinfull men the more curse They distroyen this Article of Christian mens faith I beleeue a common or generall Church For they teachen that tho men that shall be damned be members of holy Church and thus they wedden Christ and the diuell together They waste the treasures of the land for dispensations and vaine Pardons They ben most subtill and priuy procurators of Symonie and most priuily make Lords to maintaine the Pope and his robbing our land of treasure by his Pardons Priuiledges first fruits of Benefices in our land and Disâ—…es and Subsidies 23. By this wee may in part see those innouations which Friars brought into the Church raysing a new Iurisdiction to the Pope defrauding and robbing the King of his auncient Iurisdiction these are they who first taught and practised obedience to another Soueraigne then the King conspiracy against the life of Princes
gouernments I meane Ecclesiasticall and Temporal be directed by coactiue power there is no difference in the point of Iurisdiction betweene Temporall and Ecclesiasticall authoritie For the King and only the King is to appoint iudges in matters Temporall and Ecclesiasticall the King hath no more authoritie in reuersing the iudgement of the one then of the other being true iust and lawfull So that the Kings Iurisdiction standeth not in a power to dissanull true and righteous iudgemens but in a power supereminent by which he is charged First to confirme lawes Ecclesiasticall and Temporall Secondly to place Iudges for both causes Thirdly to see that those iudges of both sortes iudge iustly according to right and equity Fourthly to punish them if they shall be found to giue vniust and corrupt sentences Fiftly and last of all his Iurisdiction appeareth in appellations 7. But heere a question will be moued whether a man may appeale from an Ecclesiasticall iudge to the Prince For that one may appeale from a Temporall iudge I suppose it is not doubted at least I see no reason why it should be doubted But in a cause Ecclesiasticall and from a iudge Ecclesiasticall to appeale to the Temporall Magistrate of this some Romish Doctors doubt This doubt which the Canonists haue made may be increased by that place Deu. 17. 10. Thou shalt not decline from that thing which they shall shew thee neither to the right hand nor to the left And that man that will do presumptuously not hearkning to the Priest that standeth before the Lord thy God to minister there or vnto the iudge that man shall die It might seeme to be collected hence that there is no appellation from the Priest no though hee should iudge as some Rabbins expound the words I will declare their exposition because it sauoureth much like the expositions of some Papists where the text saith thou shalt not decline to the right hand nor to the left they expound it that if the Priest shall say thy right hand is thy left or thy left is thy right this sentence thou must receiue and therein rest 8. But this is a fond assertion not only without reason but against the expresse words of the Scripture for it is said according to the law which shall teach thee and according to the iudgement which they shall tell thee thou shalt doe Where we finde two rules for these two kindes of Iudges the Priest and the iudge the sentence of the Priest must be according to the written lawe the sentence of the other according to the truth of iustice and iudgement If a man be able to shew that he is wronged he may vndoubtedly appeale to a Superiour now a man may be able to shew that he is wronged if hee can shew that the Priest declineth from the law of God which is appointed his rule or the Temporall iudge from iustice And therefore if there be a Superiour in the land he may appeale but if there be no Superiour he is without remedie as when Hely was both Priest and iudge from him at that time there could be no appellation but where the forme of a kingdome is established where one King is set vp in lawfull authoritie by whose power iudges Spirituall and Temporall are placed in his dominions heere appeareth a fountaine of Iurisdiction deriued as it were into two inferiour riuers and from these inferior powers appellation may be brought if they shall not in their sentences keepe their rules prescribed to them the lawe and iustice for the appellation being grounded vpon the lawe of Nature to moderate the peruersitie and partialitie of iudges it were an absurd thing to denie this in causes Ecclesiasticall vnlesse a man would suppose that persons Ecclesiasticall may not be corrupt in their iudgements Now if we shall once graunt appellations then assuredly wee confirme the Iurisdiction of Princes in all matters wherein appellation may bee made to them And because Iurisdiction is assuredly proued by appellation we will for the farther manifestation of the truth seeke to cleere this point the rather becâ—…use our aduersaries tell vs confidently that in matters Ecclesiasticall all appellation belongeth to the Pope The Popes say so and they beleeue them we hold that appellation in causes Ecclesiasticall is to bee directed to the King who is by God set ouer the persons appellant 9. In the Old Testament we haue fewe examples or none that I remember of any that appealed from any inferior iudge Ecclesiasticall to the Soueraigne but in the New Testament there is one example sufficient to confirme the truth S. Paul being accused for causes Ecclesiasticall appealed from the high Priest to Câ—…sar Therfore it is lawfull in matters Ecclesiasticall to appeale from iudges Ecclesiasticall to the Ciuill Magistrate The consequence resteth vpon this that Saint Paul heerein did nothing but that which he might doe iustly and lawfully which thing I suppose the greatest enemie of Saint Pauls Doctrine will not denie for he came vp to Ierusalem with this profession and purpose I am ready not to bee bound onely but euen to die for the name of the Lord Iesus Neither durst he for sauing of his life giue a scandall to the Gospell The antecedent consisteth of these two parts First that the matters for which Saint Paul was accused were matters Ecclesiasticall Secondly that therein he appealed from the high Priest both are witnessed by the expresse words of the Scripture For Festusâ—…aith â—…aith They brought no crime against him but had certaine questions against him of their owne superstition and of one Iesus which was dead whom Paul affirmed to be aliue These questions be out of doubt Ecclesiasticall euen in the iudgement of our aduersaries that he appealed from the high Priest reskuing himselfe from his iudgement it is euident by the words in the twentie three Chapter where the Apostle speaketh to the high Priest as to his iudge Thou sittest to iudge me according to the law And when he was reskued from the Priests by Lysias and sent to Felix and left by him to Festus he neuer thinketh of appealing from any of theâ—…e ciuill gouernours But when Festus asked him if he will goe to Ierusalem and there be iudged of these things then Pâ—…ul vtterly refusing the high-Priest appealed to Câ—…sar by which it followeth that in matters Ecclesiasticall a man may appeale from iudges Ecclesiasticall to the Soueraigne Prince Whereupon this vndoubtedly followeth that there resteth Soueraigne Iurisdiction in the Prince And therefore the Popes their flatterers vnderstanding well that Supreame Iurisdiction could neuer bee prooued to rest in the Popes vnlesse first Appellation should be made to them wrought by all subtilty as hereafter we shall declare by right or wrong they neither cared nor spared to cause Appellations to be made to them which thing when once they had obtained that in all causes Ecclesiasticall Appellation might be made to the Popes then and not before
to command for otherwise the Kings command is but as the word of a priuat man or of a child if he haue not power to iudge and punish 14. Moreouer whereas Iehosaphat commandeth the Priests and Leuites to iudge betweene blood and blood Law and precepts statutes and iudgements In things that concerned questions of blood as when blood was shed by casualtie in which case the party offending had remedy by sanctuary and the high Priest was the immediat iudge as also in matters concerning lawes precepts â—…tutes iudgements that is ordinances ceremoniall or morall In these things stood the Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction which then was practised in the Church for to take that distinction which we must often remember in this question it is confessed that all Ecclesiasticall power is either of order or Iurisdiction In both which the King hath a part bâ—…t differently In the power of orders the Kings part and office was to see that things of that nature were orderly done and the breach thereof punished but himselfe was not to execute any thing whereunto the Priests were apointed by the power of their orders as to offer incense c. Wherefore Vzziah was smitten with leprosie for medling with that part of the Priests office Now Iurisdiction is diuided into power internall which as often wee haue said belongeth not to the King and power externall which power externall when it is coactiue is nothing but that which wee call the Kings Iurisdiction though it be in matters Ecclesiastical And this Iurisdiction is here testified to be in Iehosaphat and from him deriued to all to all iudges vnder him both Temporall and Ecclesiasticall For as he commaunded the Temporall iudges so in like sort he commaunded the Ecclesiasticall And as the Ecclesiasticall iudges might replie if they had bene such as now these are of the Romane Clergie that Ecclesiasticall iudgements were holy and the cause of God and not of the King so doth the King witnesse of Temporall iudgements for speaking to Temporall iudges he saith you execute not the iudgements of man but of the Lord. Then Temporall iudgements are the Lords cause aswell as Ecclesiasticall and herein they differ not 15. Now this Iurisdiction which is in coactiue power wee prooue to be in the King and onely in the King I speake according to the forme of the state of Israel in those dayes wherof we now speake aunswerable to which is the Soueraigne magistrate in any other state This right I say we prooue to bee onely in the King and from him deriued to other iudges both Temporall and Spirituall by these reasons first the King and onely the King commaundeth both iudges to doe their duties in their seuerall places and hath lawfull power to punish them if they doe otherwise therfore the Kings Iurisdiction coactiue is ouer both sorts alike The antecedent hath two parts the first drawen from the expresse words of the Scripture in this text the second followeth by a necessitie For the commaund of a King is ridiculous and no commaund vnlesse he haue authoritie to punish The consequence followeth by the very definition of Iurisdiction which will prooue the second part of the antecedent For this Iurisdiction for which we plead is defined by the most learned of the Church of Rome authority coactiue If it be authoritie it may command if coactiue it may punish then it followeth that where Iehosaphat had first authoritie to commaund and last to punish that questionlesse hee had this Soueraigne Iurisdiction 16. If against this any obiect that the King may command in matters of orders of preaching the Word administring the Sacraments c. In all these things the King may lawfully command the parties to doe their duties and may punish them if they doe otherwise and yet no man will put the Kings Iurisdiction in these matters of orders Preaching Sacraments c. For aunswere let me intreat the reader with attention to consider these three things First to commaund secondly to execute thirdly to punish Iurisdiction standeth wholly in the first and last and nothing at all in the second that is in authoritie and not in action So that though the King should execute a thing which belongeth to his office yet in the execution therof his Iurisdiction should not appeare howsoeuer his wisedome knowledge and actiue vertues might appeare therein for Iurisdiction is in the authoritie of commaunding and power of punishing and supereminence that riseth from both And therefore in the preaching of the Word administration of Sacraments the King hath no part because therein Iurisdiction standeth not these things being matters of execution not of commaund but the authoritie to commaund these things by making or vrging lawes for them and to punish the transgression by corporall punishments this because it includeth coactiue power is in the Soueraigne Magistrate onely If the Magistrate should either neglect his dutie as the heathen did or commaund false doctrines to be preached as the Arian Emperours did in this case the Church hath warrant to maintaine the truth but without tumults and rebellion and rather in patience to loose their liues then to forgo any part of the truth 17. Another reason to prooue this Soueraigne authoritie coactiue to be only in the King and from him respectiuely deriued to both sorts of iudges may thus bee drawen For the iudges Temporall there is not so much question made all the doubt is of iudges Ecclesiasticall the chiefe of which iudges Ecclesiasticall in the Church of Israel was the high Priest Then this Iurisdiction whereof we speake must be confessed to haue been principally and originally either in the king or in the high Priest but in the high Priest it was not Therefore in the King it must be That it was not in the high Priest we proue by these reasons The high Priest is commaunded corrected punished and deposed by the King and not the King by the Priest therefore the Soueraigne Iurisdiction is not in the high Priest but in the King Againe the high Priests did neuer practise coactiue authoritie vnlesse when they were Soueraigne Magistrates as sometimes the high Priests in Israel were but as high Priestâ—… they had no such power for the causes betweene blood and blood which were of their cognisance are by the interpreters vnderdood such cases wherein a man was killed by chaunce without the purpose or against the will of the offender in which case the high Priest might graunt him the prâ—…uiledge of sanctuary and so deliuer him from the auenger of blood but he had no power coactiue to inflict death or such punishments at his pleasure which trueth was so constantly receiued and preserued in the Church afterward that euen in the greatest power highest ruffe of Poperie the Church of Rome did not take this full â—…oactiue power but onely proceeded to degradation and then to deliuer men vp to the secular powers which was a â—…ecret confession that they had no right to
of his auncetours Saluo in omnibus or dine suo honore dei saâ—…cta ecclesiâ—… This clause was thought new scrupulous and offensiue The King would haue him yeeld without exception but the Archbishop would not In this contention Philippus a Legat from the Popes side came into England by him the Pope and all the Cardinals commanded the Archbishop to yeeld to the King without exception whereupon hee did so but afterward reuolted from that promise Hence a new contention began but being againe perswaded hee promised obedience to the Kings Lawes The King to hold fast this slippery Merchant required all the Bishops to fet to their approbation and seales to those Lawes Hereunto when other assented the Archbishop swore that hee would neuer set his seale to them nor allowe them Afterward the Archbishop suspended himselfe from celebrating Masse and desired to goe to Rome but the King denied him The Bishop of London accused him of Magick The King perceiuing his rebellious disposition required the Barons to giue iudgement of him that being his subiect would not be ruled by his Lawes Cito facite mihi iusticiâ—…m de illo qui homo meus ligius est stare iuri in curia mea recusat As the Barons were attending this seruice and now ready to giue sentence I prohibite you quoth the Archbishop in the behalfe of Almighty God to giue sentence vpon me for I haue appealed to the Pope And so he departed Omnibus clamantibus saith mine Author quo progrederis prodiâ—…er exspecta â—… iudicium tuum The Archbishop after this stole away out of the land changing his apparrell and name for hee called himselfe Deerman The Archbishop thus conueying himselfe out of the land came to the Pope and shewed him a Copy of these Lawes which the King called his Grandfathers Lawes When the Pope heard them reade in the presence of his Cardinals and diuers others he condemned the Lawes and excommunicated all that maintained them Condemnauit illas in perpâ—…tuum anaâ—…hematizauit omnes qui eaâ—… tenerent alâ—…quo modo fauerent saith Houeden 80. Thus did the Popes then stirre to aduance their spirituall Iurisdiction as they called it to such an height that the Kings of the earth who are set vp by God to iudge the world could not execute iustice and iudgement vpon offenders might not be suffered according to the commaundements of God to take vengeance of murtherers robbers incendiaries traytors might not execute that office for which onely they beare the sword Now because the deuotion sense and iudgement of all ages is pretended to be for the Popes Iurisdiction and against the Kings let vs obserue the iudgement of the men that liued at this time We shall finde in all this question of Iurisdiction and of these exemptions in particular that the king was iustified and the Archbishop condemned The Kings auncient Iurisdiction acknowledged the Popes new Iurisdiction and the Archbishops disobedience disallowed and abhorred of all For all the Bishops of the Prouince of Canterbury wrote a letter to the Archbishop the letter is extant in Houeden Therein they entreat him to yeeld to the King they commend the Kings care and zeale for the Church They testifie that the king requireth no more of him then the due honour which his ancestours haue alwaies had Rex a Domino constitutus pacem prouidet subiectorum per omnia vt haâ—…c conserâ—…et Ecclesijs commissis sibi populis dignitates regibus ante se debitas exhibitas sibi vult exhiberi exigit The King ordained by God prouideth his subiects peace by all meanes that he may preserue this in the Churches and people vnder him hee requireth and exacteth that Iurisdiction which was due and exhibited to the Kings which were before him They charge him with rashnesse and furious anger for suspending and condemning the Bishop of Salisbury and the Deane before any question of their fault was moued Ordo iudiciorum nouus say they hic est huc vsque legibus eanonibus vt speramus incognitus damnare primum dâ—… culpa postremo cognoscere This is a new proceeding of iudgements and as wee hope vnknowne in Lawes and Canons to this day first to condemne a man and last of all to know the fault 81. And that the iustification of the King in this cause and the condemnation of the Archbishoppe might be made more euident to all the world the same Suffraganes that is all the Bishops of the Prouince of Canterbury wrote to Pope Alexander the third to whom they giue a worthy famous testimonie of the Kings iustice temperance and chastitie declaring that the King could not be suffred to execute his Princely office nor effect his good and godly purposes in execution of Iustice for the filthinesse of some of the Clergie Rex say they fide Christian ssimus in copula â—…oiugalis castimonij honestissimus pacis iusticiae coÌ„seâ—…uator dilataâ—…or incoÌ„parabiliter strenuissimus hoc voâ—… is agit totis in his feruet desiderijs vt de regno suo tollantur scandala cuÌ„spurciâ—…ijs suis eliminentur peccata pax totum obtineat atque iustitia c. Qui cum pacem regnisui enormi insolentium quorundam Clericorum excessu non medioâ—…riter turbari cognosceret c. That is The King in faith most Christian in the bond of matrimoniall chastity most honest for preseruation and dilatation of peace and iustice without comparison the stoutest doeth with great zeale and affections desire this that scandals may be remoued out of his Kingdome that sinnes with their filth may be banished c. and finding the peace of his Kingdome not a little troubled with the enormous excesse of some insolent Clerks c. And thus they proceede declaring wherein those strange exemptions stood which then began first to bee knowne in the world For say they if a Clerke should commit murder c. the Archbishoppe would haue him punished onely by degrading but the King thought that punishment not sufficient for establishing of peace and order and for execution of iustice Hiâ—… non dominationis ambitâ—… non opprimendae Ecclesia libertatis intuitâ—… sed solummodo pacis affectu eò Rex progressus est vt regni sui consuetudines regibus ante se in regno Angliae à personis Ecclesiasticis obseruatas pacificè reuerenter exhibitas Dominus noster Rex deduci vellet in medium That is Hereupon not through ambition of Domination not with any purpose to oppresse the liberties of the Church but onely in a zeale of peace the King proceedeth thus farre as that hee will haue the customes of his Kingdome now brought to open knowledge which Ecclesiasticall persons haue obserued and peaceably and reuerently exhibited vnto the Kings of the kingdome of England before him And a little after Haec est Domini nostri regis in Ecclesiam Dei toto orbe declamata crudelitas hac ab eo persecutio That is
tearme it from whence all Spirituall Iurisdiction must proceed to others some adde also Temporall of Spirituall Iurisdiction Bellarmine saith all Bishops receiue Iurisdiction from the Pope The like some of them or some others teach also of Temporall power the difference which they obserue is that Spirituall power is deriued from the Pope to all Bishops but Temporall power is giuen to execute some seruice Augustinus Triumphus of Ancona who wrote about three hundreth yeeres agoe at the commaundement of Iohn 22. Pope set foorth of late by the authoritie and priuiledge of Gregorie 13. did long before the Iesuits dispute this question of the Popes Soueraigne authoritie ouer Princes since which time the Friars haue closely followed his footsteps His assertion is Omnis potestas imperatorum regum est subdelegata respectu potestatis Papae And againe in the same place Omnis potestas saecularis est restringenda amplianda executioni mandanda ad imperium Papâ—… These and the like positions are now resolutely and stiffely maintained by the Iesuits and others of that faction 3. This agreeth well with the Canon lawes which are the fundamentall lawes of the court of Rome For thus they say Nos tam ex superioritate quam ad imperium non est dubium nos habere c. That is we aswell by that soueraignetie and right which without all doubt we haue to the Empire as also by that power whereby we succâ—…ed the Emperour in the vacancie of the Empire and no lesse also by the fulnesse of that power which Christ the King of kings and Lord of lords hath in the person of Saint Peter graunted to vs though vnworthy declare all such sentences and processes made by Henry 7. void and of none effect Thus saith Clement 5. Pope against Henrie 7. Emperour To the same purpose saith Boniface 8. Pope in a Constitution of his Oportet gladâ—…um esse sub gladio c. That is one sword must be vnder another sword and the Temporall authoritie must be subiected to the Spirituall authoritie for when the Apostle saith there is no power but of God and the powers that are are ordained of God They could not be ordinated vnlesse one sword were vnder another and a little after Thus of the Church and of the power Ecclesiasticall is verified the prophecie of Ieremie behold I haue sâ—…t thee ouer nations and kingdomes to plucke vp and to root out and to destroy and to throw downe and to build and to plant And againe we declare we say we define we pronounce that it is necessarie to saluation to beleeue that euery humane creature is subiect to the Pope of Rome These be the lawes of the court of Rome which some of late haue so much adored as to call them Catholike Diuinitie and which for truth and certaintie and for authoritie ouer their consciences they hold comparable euen with the holy Scriptures 4. By all which wee collect the doctrine of the court of Rome or the Popes faction to be that the Pope hath all power Spirituall and Temporall aboue all other whatsoeuer This I call the opinion of the Court of Rome or the Popes faction because we finde the most learned of the Church of Rome to hold the contrary For concerning spirituall power the best learned of the Church of Rome yea and whole councels maintaine the Spiritual power of the Church to be aboue the Pope as hereafter we shall declare And for this Temporall power aboue Kings and Emperours claimed by the Popes in their Canon Lawe maintained by their flatterers it seemeth so straunge so new and absurd that they who maintaine it are not as yet agreed vpon the state of the question For some hold that the Pope hath this power directly ouer Princes as the Canonists to whom some of the Shoole-men may be added as Triumphus and some of late called Congregationis Oratorij as Cardinall Baronius Bozius and such Others denying this direct power hold that the Pope hath the same power but indirectly as depending vpon his Spirituall power of this opinion is Cardinall Bellarmine and others these both hold the same conclusion but differ in the manner of holding it Others there be who are in some sort content to allowe the Popes Fatherhood in spirituall matters in case lie would not prooue incorrigible but vtterly denie this power ouer princes both direct and indirect of this opinion was Guil. Occham Ma' silius Patauinus and other learned men of the Church of Rome And of late Guil. Berclaius a French Lawyer hath with great learning refuted both the former opinions of the Popes power direct and indirect against Bozius and Bellarmine and yet this man professeth himselfe to be resolued to liue and die a Papist so that on the one side stand all the reformed Churches and many of the best learned of the Church of Rome I may say all the Church of old and of late On the other side standeth the Pope with his faction that is his flatterers and this I call with some of former ages the Court of Rome this is the opinion of our aduersaries 5. Our positiue sentence against this standeth in two parts as the Pope hath incroached on two sides both vpon the right of Kings and of the Church Concerning the Kings right we hold that in externall coactiue Iurisdiction the King hath supreame authoritie in all causes and ouer all persons Ecclesiasticall aswell as Ciuill This is that which hath bene published by diuerse writings and ordinances which by publike authoritie haue beene enacted and published declaring that the King within hi Dominions hath this soueraigne authoritie and that heerein there is no forraine power aboue the King The authority of the Church hath beene in like sort vsurped by the Pope by drawing to himselfe a supposed title of the head of the vniuersall Church by deuising a straunge authority in the fulnesse of power by claiming a newe and straunge priuiledge of his not erring iudgement and making himselfe the onely iudge of controuersies of faith This power in iudging and determining of controuersies of faith and religion being partly in the Church partly in the Scriptures the Pope hath wrested from both first extolling the Church aboue the Scriptures and then setting himselfe aboue the Church Then that the limits of each power may be truely knowne we giue all spirituall power to the Church all externall coactiue iurisdiction to the King when each of these shall haue taken vp his owne right there will not be so much left to the Pope as these great flatterers the Iesuits seeke to heape vpon him Our purpose is first to dispute the right which Kings haue in coactiue power ouer all persons and in all causes euen Ecclesiasticall within his dominions by persons ecclesiasticall wee vnderstand Archbishops Bishops Deans Rectors and all other set in calling and place Ecclesiasticall by causes Ecclesiasticall wee vnderstand causes Ecclesiasticall of externall coactiue
Iurisdiction 6. From this consideration of persons and causes arise two great questions First concerning the exemption of all causes Ecclesiasticall from the Kings Iurisdiction secondly concerning the exemption of Ecclesiasticall persons from temporall audience and iudicature For the better vnderstanding hereof we may proceede by some distinctions for when our aduersaries teach that the Pope is the head of the Church and we that the King is the supreame gouernor of the Church though in some sound of wordes these things seeme not much to differ yet in truth there is great difference betweene their meaning and ours For they calling the Pope the head to distinguish him from Christ whom the Apostle calleth the head of the Church say that the Pope is the ministeriall head which deuise was first brought in by the Schoolemen for among the auncients it was not knowne but all that speake of the head of the Church before acknowledge none but Christ. Concerning this deuise of the ministeriall head we say with the ancient Fathers that the Catholike Church is but one and hath one head Christ Iesus because to one bodie there can bee but one head from whom grace is infused to the whole body This Catholike Church is as that head is both perfectly known to God not to man this then is but one in all times and places But the visible Churches or particular are many at many times in many places and therefore must haue heads or gouernours aunswerable to themselues for many Churches many gouernours These are either Spirituall gouernours or Temporall The spirituall gouernment of the Church is committed to spirituall gouernours as first from Christ to his twelue Apostles of whom none was aboue the rest in this spirituall gouernment or kingdome of Christ as the Lord doth often expresly declare to them from them to Bishops and Pastors their successors Temporall gouernours are such as haue the custody of externall coactiue Iurisdiction both in Temporall and Ecclesiasticall causes for the power of the Church with all her spirituall Iurisdiction neuer reached to coaction This was by God first giuen to Magistrates and neuer reuoked in all times practised but when the Church and Kings were oppressed by the great power of Antichrist When wee call the King the supreame gouernour of the Church our meaning is that hee is appointed by God to be a Father and preseruer of religion a keeper of Ecclesiasticall discipline and as the Prophet Isaiah calleth him a nourcing father of the Church he is the soueraigne in all affaires of coactiue Iurisdiction Likewise this word Church is not taken in the same sense by them and vs for our aduersaries saying that the Pope is the head of the Church vnderstand thereby the. Catholike Church spread ouer the whole world but we vnderstand a particular Church yeelding the King to bee gouernour next and immediatly vnder God of his own dominions and consequently of persons and causes within his owne dominions so that there is much difference betweene their meaning and ours Then we must come to such an issue wherein without equiuocating the question betweene vs is set for wee shall otherwise run into that fault which is so rife with the Popes Clarks that Bellarmine himselfe confesseth it Notandum est saith he multos ex nostris tempus terere dum probant quod Caluinus caeteri haeretici concedunt This is most common among them to bee large in disputing that which is not in question betweene vs and it is a signe of some ingenuitie to confesse it but neither doth himselfe for all his confession auoid it neither doe they that write since and depend vpon his learning shunne it after so faire warning neither in truth can a false cause be maintained in so many bookes and large volumes as now they set out vnlesse they tooke this libertie to themselues to be large in disputing things which are not in question The question then is concerning the lawfull authoritie of Kings in their owne dominions touching this part of Iurisdiction which is called Ecclesiasticall coactiue Iurisdiction 7. For better proceeding let the distinction be remembred which is vsually receiued of Ecclesiasticall power for all power Ecclesiasticall is commonly deuided into power of order and of Iurisdiction The power of order by all writers that I could see euen of the Church of Rome is vnderstood to be immediatly from Christ giuen to all Bishops and Priests alike by their consecration wherein the Pope hath no priuiledge aboue other Thus teach Bonauentuâ—…e in 4. sent d. 17. q 1. August Triumphus lib. de potest eccles qu. 1. ar 1. Ioh. Gerson li. de potest eccles consid 1. Cardinal Cusanus lib. de cathol concord 2. cap. 13. Cardinal Contarenus tract de eccles potest pontificis Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 22. This then being the common confession of all that the Pope hath no more power herein then any other Bishop or Pastor we moue no contradiction in this As they confesse that in this power the Pope hath no praeeminence but that it is giuen from Christto all Bishops and pastors equally so wee confesse that in this power the prince hath no part and that Bishops and pastors haue this power onely from the diuine ordinance and not from earthly princes then our question is onely of the power of Iurisdiction 8. This power of Iurisdiction is diuersly vnderstood by the writers of the Church of Rome Augustinus Triumphus doth deliuer it thus The power of Iurisdiction is Temporall or Spirituall and this power considered in generall is threefold immediate deriued or giuen to execute some seruice the power of Iurisdiction immediate of all things Spirituall and Temporall is onely in the Pope The power of Iurisdiction deriued is in Bishops to them deriued from the Pope the power of Temporall Iurisdiction giuen to execute some seruice for the helpe of the Church is in Emperours Kings and secular princes this power is not immediat from God but is giuen first to the Pope and so to Kings for the vse of the Church and â—…elpe of Pope and Prelates I haue deliuered this in the â—…ery words of Triumphus whom in this thing others followe though of late some of the finer Iesuits who hold the same are growen more cunning in the manner of deliuering it Bellarmine loath to leaue the opinion and ashamed so grossely to propose it deuiseth a mollification of it thus Asserimus Pontiâ—…icem vt pontiâ—…icem et si non habeat vllam meré temporalem potestatem tamen habere in ordine ad spirituale bonum summam potestatem disponendi de temporalibus rebus omnium Christianorum That is We auer that the Pope albeit he hath not any power merely Temporall as Pope yet hath power supreame in respect of Spirituall good to dispose of all the Temporalties of all Christians And in the next Chapter concludeth that the Pope hath authoritie to depose hereticall kings and princes
not be extended to these practises What can be denied heere For neither can they denie but that the censures of the Church should bee of greatest power there where they were first instituted neither can they denie that excommunication was first instituted in that Church of the Iewes neither can they shew vs that any King of that Nation was at any time deposed for pretended heresie or for knowne and professed idolatry though the Kings there were often great idolaters though the Priests were bolde and couragious in Gods cause yet we neuer finde that any Priest did by excommunication depose the King or destroy the bond of allegeance This thing then being neither practised by the Iewes where these censures were in first and chiefe force nor by Christ and his Apostles nor by the Fathers of the Primitiue Church nor known in the Church for the space of almost a thousand yeares as hereafter wee shall declare wee haue great reason to conclude that excommunication as it is an Ecclesiasticall censure hath no power coactine to alter any temporall authority to depose Kings to destroy and dissolue allegeance or to trouble any lawfull authority established in this world 18 This will no lesse appeare if wee consider the power which the Church hath alwaies practised for coactiue power was a thing which the Chnrch yeelded alwayes to the â—…iuill Magistrate And if the Bishops of Rome did sometimes breake out beyond their bounds yet were they in those ancient times alwayes repressed by the authority of the Church For that we may take a short suruay of the Iurisdiction of the Church during the first three hundred yeres so long as the Apostles liued no man doubteth but that they ruled all and that the greatest Iurisdiction of the Church was in them if we speake of spirituall Iurisdiction And if any one Apostle liued after the rest there was more power acknowledged to be in him then in any one that liued in the Church in his time Now it is for an assured historicall truth recorded by Eusebius and before him by Irenaeus whom the full consent of the auncients follow heerein that S. Iohn liued after all the other Apostles were dead that he continued in the gouernment of the Church vntill the times of Traian Emperour In which time the Bishops of Rome after Peter are recorded to be these Linus Anacletus Clemens Eâ—…aristus Alexander If the Bishop of Rome had then been the head of the Church the chiefe Pastor the Monarch the fountaine of all Iurisdiction as his flatterers now make him it must be confessed that Alexander in his time and Euaristus before him was S. Iohns head and before him Clemens and before him Anaclet and before him Linus Did these rule and gouerne S. Iohn or S. Iohn them shall we say that they had Iurisdiction ouer S. Iohn or S. Iohn ouer them If these Bishops each in his time had Iurisdiction ouer S. Iohn then there was an authority in the Church aboue the authority of the Apostles If they were gouerned by him then the Bishop of Rome was not the head of the Church There is no sober spirit that can doubt of these things or can thinke that in those dayes any liued in the Church who was not vnder the Iurisdiction of an Apostle 19 After Saint Iohns death who was liuing in the yeare of Christ 100. and after in the Church of Rome were Sixtus Telesphorus Hyginus Pius Anicetus Soter Eleutherius Victor These gouerned the Church of Rome in succession by the space of one hundred yeares together In which times they seemed willing to put to their helping hands to aduance the Church of Rome For Sathan hauing a purpose thence to raise Antichrist began betime to worke and to abuse those good men as it was not hard for him to beguile better men then they were though we admit them to be good men and holy Martyres Then were they drawne into a loue to aduance their seate and Iurisdiction yet so as neither in them is proued pernicious neither was it thought by the church to be very dangerous seeing they yeelded and submitted themselues in the end to the graue and godly aduise of the Church 20 The things wherein the Bishops of Rome sought first to aduance their power was by imposing ceremonies vpon other Churches Thus did Anicet contend for the celebration of Easter but was quieted by Polycarp who for the peace of the Church made a iourney to Rome and pacified Anicetus And was so much honoured of Anicetus that there he practised the function of a Bishop as Eusebius reporteth taking the storie from Irenaeus Thus was peace and loue then maintained on all sides whilest the Bishops of Rome were content to be ruled by others 21 A little after Victor grewe more violent in the fame quarrell and excommunicated the Easterne Churches which did not obserue Easter after the maner of the Church of Rome But Uictor was resisted and sharply reproued by Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus and the rost of the Easterne Bishops as also by Irenaeus Bishop of Lions in Fraunce These did freely reproue Victor for that he regarded not the peace of the Church they declare that in ceremonies there was great difference of olde and yet the Bishops liued in loue and peace together that the differences in ceremonies did not breake the consent in faith that these differences were before the time of Victor and that hee was therein to followe the examples of his auncients who preserued loue and peace and the doctrines of faith sincere with some diuersity in outward ceremonies This was all that the Bishops of Rome attempted in those dayes wherein there appeareth no Iurisdiction ouer others but rather the contrary For the godly Bishops of Asia reproued them and made them see and acknowledge their owne rashnesse and caused them to desist therefore the Church did not then acknowledge the Popes Iurisdiction 22 Betweene Victor and Syluester the first succeeded 18. Bishops of Rome in the space of 100 yeares next In which time there was no great attempt made for superiority or Iurisdiction onely the Bishops of other Churches did honour the Bishop of Rome following the Apostles rule In giuing honor goe one before another Which honour if they could haue remembred as well to giue to others as they did to receiue from others there could haue risen no question of Iurisdiction but that which began in loue and courtesie was afterward drawne to Iurisdiction We denie not but some of the auncients haue yeelded to S. Peter a Priority among the rest of the Apostles because of his great zeale and loue to Christ and to his trueth and for his excellent vertâ—…es and to the Bishops of Rome wee finde likewise that the auncients yeelded great and honourable titles but this was in respect of their vertue learning and integrity For the auncients knewe no other rule of fauouring men but vertue he was in the Church most honourable and
Catholike 10. If this kinde of proofe please them to prooue the Popes Soueraigne supreame authoritie â—…hey may haue ynough thereof For as Pope Zaâ—…harie dispensed with the oath of Pipin and all the French Barons and subiects so doe the Popes since practise this part of Iurisdiction with great feruency or rather surie they dispense with the oathes of subiects they raise vp rebellions against true natural and lawfull Kings they aduance vsurpers This Iurisdiction wee graunt Popes haue practised but with shame ynough heere is the difference betweene them and vs betweene an euill cause and a good betweene impudencie and confidence in the truth both they and we bring the same examples but to contrary ends they bring these examples of the Popes practises to prooue Iurisdiction wee vrge the same examples to shame the Pope with his Iurisdiction Let the indifferent and ingenuous reader iudge whether applie them to the true right and proper end For let them aunswere vs if they can whence the Popes haue authoritie to execute such a Iurisdiction as they haue neither from Christ nor from the Princes of this world For certaine it is that to dispense with oathes to stirre vp subiects against their naturall Princes to mooue rebellions is a power which the Pope hath not receiued from Christ nor from the Princes of this world From whence then hath he it let them tell vs who make it a part of his Iurisdiction 11. After this Charles the great sonne to Pipin was made Emperour by Leo the third Pope At this time it appeareth that the Iurisdiction which by the Emperour before this was vsually practised vpon the Bishop of Rome and other Bishops began to be taken out of the hand of the Magistrate For when Charles hearing many complaints against this Leo concerning his life and conuersation called him to an examination in a great meeting of Bishops it was aunswered by a great acclamation Sedem Apostolicam omnium Ecclesiarum caput à nemine laico praesertim iudicari debere That is It is not meet that the Apostolicke Sea the head of all Churches should be iudged of any man especiall a Lay-man This moued Châ—…rles to omit the matter so soone had they learned to turne this power against the Emperor which they had some two hundred yeres before receiued from the Emperor This Iurisdiction then by this time had receiued a great change for in former times as the inquisition of false doctrines belonged to the care of Bishops so the examination of the life and manners of Bishops belonged alwayes to the Magistrate So Solomon deposed Abiathar So Constantine banished diuers Bishops and reformed the Clergie The godly Popes and Bishops in former times yeelded this power to the Magistrate which God hath giuen him knowing that euery soule is subiect to them euen Bishops euen Popes yea Apostles themselues But now by the fall of the Empire Papacy rising and a newe straunge image of the Empire rising vp in the Papacy this Iurisdiction was then in hatching which afterward was brought foorth by a monstrous birth 12. My purpose is to note the occasions of alteration of Iurisdiction in the Church of Rome and how the Popes hauing cast off the Iurisdiction of the Ciuill Magistrate did in time draw to themselues a new forme of Iurisdiction increasing the same by degrees For wheras at the beginning as we haue shewed the Bishops of Rome with others were vnder the coactiue Iurisdiction of the Ciuill Magistrate the absence and fall of the Empire gaue opportunity to the Bishops of Rome to raise theÌ„selues The first beginning of their Iurisdiction was by getting appeales to be made to them the enlarging aduancing of it was by obtaining the title of caput Ecclesiae vniuersall B. The Pope was not called caput Ecclesiae but the Church of Rome got that title vnder Phocas the Pope got it by his flatterers long after And in the time of Charles the great they had gotten in one foote farther into this Iurisdiction for then they began to refuse the coactiue Iurisdiction of the ciuill Magistrate All this while they were not come to the height and top of thei Iurisdiction to practise coactiue power ouer and against the ciuill Magistrate to depose Princes to raise vp rebellions to absolue subiects from their faith and alleageance though some of these things were a new founding yet they were not come to their perfection till after this time as we purpose in order to declare And as we note their practises so we must no lesse haue an eye to the men and meanes which withstood them in these ambitious courses 13 These attempts of Iurisdiction were then most famously withstood when they were brought to their full hight For after that the Popes had begun to stretch their Iurisdiction to the preiudice of Kings and Princes then began the opposition most to appeare learned men being stirred vp to write and throughly to examine this question Whereof my purpose is to speake farther in the last Chapter of this Treatise Here we will onely note what resistance it found at the beginning before it was growne vp to that hight whereunto it came in time First wee finde that both Charles the great himselfe and other Princes and Bishops haue withstood the Bishop of Rome heerein and seeking to giue euery one his right haue giuen many parts of that Iurisdiction which now the Pope claimeth to the ciuill Magistrate For after that Charles had subdued the Lumbards as his father Pipin had done before him and besieging Desiderius King of the Lumbards came to Rome from the siege to know what hee should haue for his trauaile for recouering S. Peters Patrimonie as the late Patrimonie of the Emperour faling to the Pope then began to be called for the Pope had promised to Charles for oppressing the Lumbards and recouering this new Patrimonie so much desired so hotely pursued so dearely bought that hee should be made Emperour of the West and the auncient authority and Iurisdiction of the Empire should be restored to him For the better effecting of these affaires Charles hauing set a strong siege about Pauy and taken order with his Captaines for that seruice left the siege came to Rome bringing with him a great number of Bishops Abbots to holde a Synod with Pope Hadrian and therein by all their industry and knowledge to finde out what were the true and auncient priuiledges of the Empire and what was the Emperours Iurisdiction confessed Pope Hadrian receiued Charles honourably and at his pleasure called a councell Wherein questionlesse some parts of the auncient Iurisdiction were restored to Charles For that Synod gaue him power to choose the Bishop of Rome and in all Prouinces of his gouernment to inuest all Archbishops and Bishops Thus much is acknowledged by as many witnesses in a manner as are Writers of the Story of this time But of late some haue quarrelled against this Story denying it to be true which
quarrell I purpose to handle and discusse in the next Chapter in his proper place Theodoricus de Niem writing of this councell and of the end and purpose of those that held it saith that this Synod was gathered purposely to search out the auncient vses lawes and customes of the Empire and Church that each power knowing their owne limits the one might not encroach vpon the other Celebrata est saith he ab 153. viris religiosis Episcopis Abbatibus c. ab vniuersis regionibus et oramibus almae vrbis à cuncto etiâ—…m Clero huius sanctae Rom. Ecclesiae ex quirentibus vsus leges mores eiusdem Ecclesiae et imperij That is It was celebrated by one hundred and fifty three religious men Bishops Abbots c. by all the regions and degrees of the City of Rome by all the Clergy of this holy Church of Rome making search and inquisition for the vses lawes and customes both of this Church and of the Empire Then we see that Charles recouered some part of the auncient Iurisdiction of the Empire Which notwithstanding since his time the Popes by inuincible contentions wrested from the Emperours chalenging it to be a part of their owne Iurisdiction and charging the Emperours with Heresie and Schisme for practising that right which other Popes before them acknowledged to bee the auncient right of the Empire 14 And because to the Iurisdiction of Princes it belonged of olde both to call councels and to confirme them therefore Charles did not omit this part of Iurisdiction though as the euent declared it was much against the Popes pleasure He called a Synod at Frankford wherein was condemned the doctrine of worshipping of images which doctrine the Pope had late before confirmed The occasion hereof grew thus Leo Isaurus Emperour being much offended that the Saracines had that great and iust exception against Christians that they worshipped images called a Synod at Constantinople wherein the worship of images was condemned and the images burned He sent also to the Bishop of Rome as then Gregory the second commaunding him to doe the like if he would haue his fauour saith Paulus Diaconus Gregory the second tooke this in suâ—…h indignation that he rebelled against the Emperour and raised all Italy into a rebellion by which meanes the Emperour lost all that then was left in Italy Gregory the second in the middes of these stirres died and Gregory the third succeeded who prosecuting the purpose of his predecessour called a Synod at Rome in the yeare seuen hundred thirty three by Sigebert seuen hundred thirty nine by Palmerius In this Synod the doctrine of worshipping images was confirmed Leo the Emperor was excommunicated and depriued Thus began the Pope to practise a new Iurisdiction in deposing Emperours After this Constantine sirnamed or rather nick-named Copronimus in the yeare of Christ saith Sigebert seuen hundred fifty fiue called a Synod at CoÌ„stantinople wherein the worship of images was againe condemned But another Synod was held at Rome by Pope Stephen the third in the yeare of Christ seuen hundred threescore and eight wherein the worshipping of images was againe approued Which was more famously confirmed in the yeare of Christ seuen hundred foure score and eight by another Constanstine and his mother Irene who called the second Nycen Synod wherein Imagerie preuailed much by the helpe of Pope Hadrian 15. Vpon these stirres Charles the great was moued to call a Synod at Franckford Thither sent Pope Hadrian the acts of the second Nicen Synod to be approued there and to direct this Synod at Frankford if they would take any direction from the Pope But the Fathers of this Synode not regarding the Popes direction tooke a meane course betweene the Greekes who destroyed and defaced images and the Church of Rome which maintained the worship thereof For they decreed that it was not impious to set vp images but to giue any worship to them this they held to be vtterly against Christian faith and to be a thing receiued from the superstition of the Gentiles This Synod was called and confirmed by Charles the great Then belike the Pope had not gotten all Iurisdiction ouer Kings which now he claimeth For the Emperour called Synods not the Pope Neither as then had hee gotten Iurisdiction ouer all Bishops because we see many Bishops were found in Germany France Aquitany and England for all these Nations Charles nameth in his letter to Elepandus Metropolitane of Tolet as fauouring and maintaining the trueth against the worship of images which resisted the Pope in this matter so that his great and soueraigne Iurisdiction was not then established 16. About this time that most worthy most religious and learned King Alfred raigned in England Aser Meneuensis writing his life entituleth him Omnium Britanniae insulae Christianorum rectorem Which title doth not much differ from that which is now in part giuen to the King supreame Gouernour of all persons Ecclesiasticall For whereas at this day the discipline of the Court of Rome exempteth Clerkes from the Kings Courts and consequently from the Kings gouernment it appeareth that in King Alfreds time this thing was vtterly vnknowne to the world therefore this King is called and acknowledged to bee the Gouernour of all Christians within his dominions Now because Bishops and Clerks were Christians he was hereby questionlesse vnderstood the gouernour of Clerkes aswell as of others As then all forraine gouernement and Iurisdiction was excluded by that title so nowe there is no other thing sought but in like sort to exclude all forraine power and Iurisdiction whether the Popes or any other At this time whe n King Alsred liued and raigned the sense iudgement and vnderstanding of the world was no other but that Kings were supreme gouernours of all persons and caufes Ecclesiasticall and Temporall within their owne Dominions Ivnderstand gouernment here as throughout this question I haue often admonished gouernment or power coactiue for this exemption of criminous Clarkes from their Kings Courts was a thing vnknowen in the world in those dayes And therfore whereas it is commonly taken by our aduersaries who vse to begge such principles as they cannot prooue that the religion sense and iudgement of the world ranne wholly for the Iurisdiction which now is practised in the Court of Rome this wee vtterly denie For we are able to shew when the sense iudgement and religion of the Church was against them in euery part of their pretended Iurisdiction For first whereas the Pope claimeth Iurisdiction ouer Bishops this is one part of his Iurisdiction and is now the sense and iudgement of the Court of Rome but in the times of the sixt and seuenth Carthaginian Councels of the Affrican and Mileuitan Synodes at this time I say and alwayes before the religion sense and iudgement of the whole world ran contrary If any obiect that these were not generall Councels but prouinciall I
nation of the Iewes did take sauing o◅ely the Pharises And therefore these Pharises he describeth to be seditious and intollerable stirrers in States euen such as the Friars prooued afterward The words of Iosephus though they be long yet I will set downe because they open the practise of this Oath of Allegance the consent of the auncient Church of the Iewes and the seditious and pestiferous practise of the Pharises that the Iesuites the broode of these Vipers may the better be knowen his words are these There was a sort of men among the Iewes glorying in the scrupulositie and subtiltie of the law by hypocrisie and simulation counterfeiting the holy worship of God by whom women were much moued and drawen c. These were called Pharises who had great power either to helpe or to hurt the kings State For they were troublesome seditious the stirrers of wars iniurious and immoderate prouokers of trouble without cause or ground For when the whole nation of the Iewes bound themselues by an Oath to be faithfull and true to Caesar and to obey him only these Pharises did not sweare these were in number somewhat aboue sixe thousand whom the King punished with a mulct pecuniarie which summe of money the wife of Pherora disbursed for them But they to recompence this her great liberalitie tooke vpon them the foretelling of things to come as men forsooth indued with diuine inspiration they prophesied that K. Herods end was at hand decreed by the diuine Maiestie and the end of all his issue and kinred and that this woman their Benefactour with her husband Pherora and the children descending of them should be Kings When this practise of the Pharises came to the Kings knowledge he killed them as stirrers of sedition and traitours to the State Thus fa◅re Iosephus Whereby we vnderstand that this Oath of Allegeance was well approoued of the Church of the Iewes and onely denied by the seditious Pharises who then inueigled women and weake men and by such meanes stirred rebellions as now their successors the Iesuites doe In like manner was this Oath practised in the Church of Christians as appeareth by the testimonies before cited and by these that followe The second Synode of Rhemes was gathered about the yeere nine hundred and ninetie against Arnulphus Archbishop of Rhemes where it was witnessed of that Archbishop that in the presence of the Kings and Bishops and Clergie and people he was of his owne consent bound by an Oath that to the vtmost of his skill and power he would be true and faithfull in Councell and aide to his Prince the manner and forme of his Oath is set downe thus Ego Arnulphus gratia Dei praeueniente Rhemorum Archiepiscopus promitto regibus Francorum Hugoni Rotberto me sidem purissimam seruaturum consilium auxi lium secundum meum scire posse in omnibus negotijs praebiturum inimicos ◅orū nec consilio nec auxilio ad eorum infidelitatem scienter adiuturum And so it proceedeth with a long execration vpon the breaker 30. Nauclerus doth likewise obserue that Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour perceiuing that the Pope by his excommunications practised secret conspiracies drawing subiects from Allegeance from faith and obedience to preuent these new and subtill practises did exact an Oath of Allegeance of all Bishops vnder his Dominions commaunding the Popes Agents to bee excluded from Germany vnlesse hee sent for them The same exclusion of the Papall Legats was often vsed by the Kings of England and France after that these Princes perceiued that the end of such Legacies was to strengthen the Popes excommunications and to stirre the people to rebellions or to robbe the land of tr◅asure The same Fredericke did also forbid his subiects to appeale to Rome and to goe thither By this iniunction of Fredericke the Popes Legate being forced to trudge home returning to Pope Hadrian made a grieuous complaint the Pope hereupon wrote a letter to the Emperour which because it openeth the Popes meaning concerning the Oath of Allegeance I will here set it downe Hadrian the fourth seruant of Gods seruants to Fredericke Emperour of Romanes health and Apostolicall blessing 31. THe law of God promiseth a long life to them that honour their parents and threatneth the sentence of death to such as curse their Father or Mother And we are taught by the voice of the truth it selfe that hee that exalteth himselfe shall be brought lowe Wherfore my sonne beloued in the Lord we maruaile not a little at your wisedome for that you seeme not to yeeld so much reuerence to S. Peter and the Church of Rome as you ought to doe for in the letters which you wrote to vs you set your name before curs wherein you doe incurre the note of insolency that I may not say arrogancie What shall I say of the Allegeance by you promised and sworne to S. Peter and to vs How can you keepe that Allegeance seeing that you your selfe require homage Allegeance of those that are Gods That are the sons of the most high that is Bishops and you haue held their hallowed hands in your hands manifestly declaring your selfe contrary to vs you shut out our Cardinals not onely out of your Churches but euen out of your Cities Repent therfore repentwe aduise you for whilst you seeke the Crown and Consecration at our hands we feare that seeking more you will loose that which you haue 32. By this wee perceiue the Popes meaning in denying that Kings ought to exact an Oath of Allegeance of Clarkes especially of Bishops for they finding that the Oath of Allegeance draweth subiects to the obedience of Princes resist it by all possible meanes because the Popes seeke Soueraigne Allegeance which cannot be performed both to the Pope and to Princes so that if the Popes purposes stand ciuill obedience to Princes cannot stand And howsoeuer the Iesuites cauill at the late Oath of Allegeance by Parliament enacted quarrelling against it as if it were not a meere Ciuill Oath yet this is but their friuoulous exception for it is euident by this Epistle of the Pope that an Oath of meere Ciuill Allegeance standeth against the Popes purposes For this Oath which Fredericke exacteth was for meere Ciuill Allegeance and yet the Pope denieth that the Emperour ought to take such an Oath of Bishops the reason was that which Iohn Wiolife descried because Bishops must be the Popes subiects not the Kings This was also a part of that quarrell wherewith Thomas Becket troubled the State in his time for he hauing first taken the Oath of Allegeance to King Henrie the second afterward repenting sought to be absolued of the Pope 33. Then this Oath of Allegeance to Kings was in vse before we finde it exacted by the Pope the Pope did first exact it of Archbishops The first that I can find to binde himselfe in an Oath to the Pope was Boniface tearmed the Germane
it must be before his Bishoppe if he will accuse the Bishoppe it must be in a prouinciall Synode if he will draw a Metropolitane to answer for some things which he hath done it must be either before the Primate or before the Bishoppe of Constantinople All this we graunt to be orderly established the things intended are matters of Ecclesiasticall Cognisance which are to bee heard in such Courts but our question is of Clerks that are conuinced to be murtherers or Traytors c. Whether such are to bee exempt from triall at Common Law Of which exemptions these auncient Bishops neuer dreamed 76. It is moreouer to be noted that diuers of these places which he citeth as that from Sulpitius of S. Martin and from Ambrose c. are vnderstoode of another thing and not of exemption of Clarkes at all For the auncient Bishops as before I haue declared thought it not lawfull that matters of faith and doctrine should be determined in ciuill Courts by ciuill Magistrates This is true and this is that which those testimonies speake of but what is this to criminous Clarks that Robbers Traytors murtherers of the Clergy should be protected by reason of their Order from triall in Kings Courts this is a doctrine neuer knowne to the auncients It was first knowne in England in the dayes of Henry the second stirred seditiously by Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury when as before that time it was neuer heard of in this land The manner heereof I will briefly recite out of Roger Houeden 77. In the yeare of Christ 1163. the contention concerning exemption of Clerkes grew famous betweene King Henry the second and Thomas Becket Archbishop Rex volebat saith Houeden Presbyteros Diaconos Subdiaconos alios Ecclesiae rectores si comprehensi fuissent in latrocinio vel murdra vel felonia vel iniqua combustione vel in his similibus ducere ad saecularia examina punire sicâ—…t laicum Contra quod Archiepiscopus dicebat quod si Clericus in sacris ordinibus constitutus vel quilibet alius rector Ecclesiae calumniatus fuerit de aliqua re per viros Ecclesiasticos in curia Ecclesiastica debet iudicari Et si conusctus fuerit ordines suos amittere sic alâ—…enatus ab officio beneficio Ecclesiastico si postea forisfecerit secundum voluntatem Regis baliuorum suorum iudicetur That is The King required that Priests Deacons Subdeacons and other Rectors of Churches if they were taken in murther robbery felony burning of houses or such like should be brought to secular Courts and there punished as Lay-men were Against this the Archbishop affirmed that if a Clerke being within holy Orders or any other Parson of a Church were accused of any thing he must be iudged by Ecclesiasticall Iudges in the Ecclesiasticall Court and if he were conuict he should loose his orders And so being excluded from office and benefice Ecclesiasticall if after this he incurred the like fault then might he be iudged at the pleasure of the King and his Officers Thus farre Houeden 78. This manner of degrading and afterward deliuering criminous Clarkes to the Secular power crept in about the time of the Conquest Bellarmine pretending greater antiquity for it can neither bring reason nor testimony for his opinion For whereas he saith Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia was first deposed by the Nicen Councell and afterward banished by Constantine by this offering to proue that they must first be deliuered to the Secular power before the Magistrate may punish and reproueth Caluin for not considering thus much We answere Bellarmine sheweth his skill in shifting and hiding the truth to deceiue the simple For Caluin in that place which he citeth against this Romish immunitie proueth two things First that coactiue power is in the hand of the Prince and not of the Church Ecclesia cogendi non habet potestatem de ciuili coactione loquor saith he Secondly that criminous Clarkes had no immunities from the ciuill Courts of Princes Now that Bellarmine saith Eusebius was first deposed by the Councell and then banished is nothing against Caluin but for him For the Church did not inflict the coactiue punishment of banishment but the Emperour And Caluin proueth at large in the same place that Kings and Emperours haue no authority to iudge in causes of faith Producing the example of Ambrose who in such a cause resisted the Emperour Valentinian Such a cause was that of Eusebius the Emperour knew not whether he was in fault or not before the Church had iudged the cause But Caluines iudgement and our question standeth in two thinges against which Bellarmine doth not so much as speake one word First that coactiue power was not then in the Church but in the Emperour Secondly that criminous Clerkes were then punished by the Magistrate Eusebius is not there proposed as a criminous Clerke but as an example wherein the coactiue power of the Magistrate appeared But now they say if a Clerke bee proued to be a felon murderer traytor c. the Kings Courts may not censure this man before he be degraded Against these immunities wee speake for which Bellarmine offereth not any proofe Let the manner of Bellarmines answering bee considered for it is easie for him thus to answere Caluin and all Protestants when he toucheth not the point in question but singling out of some peece from the whole wresteth that also from the true intent that he may shape a mis-shapen answere to it Then we say that before those desperate times wherein Iohn Wiclife saith and often affirmeth that Satan was loosed no man claymed such a beastly priuiledge as to be exempt from the Kings Lawes for murder treason and such like Godlinesse reason and the light of Nature seemeth to be extinguished in these men that being contented to take the benefite of Lawes will not be contented to bee ordered by Lawes This hath forced some Princes and States to ordaine Lawes that such should be out of the Kings protection Thus did that noble Prince Edward the third King of England Wherein the King seemed to open the true way to his successors to deale with these men for seeing as then they did so now they doe denie themselues to be the Kings subiects and affirme that neither by Diuine nor humane right they are bound to obey the King with his coactiue Lawes and that they are onely vnder the subiection of the Pope that for no crimes they are to bee examined in the Kings Courts is it not great reason that the protection of the King and of his Lawes should bee denyed to them that reiect both 79. Houeden declareth also that in the yeare one thousand one hundred sixtie foure the King called a Synod and required the Bishops vpon their allegeance to receiue his Graundfathers Lawes to vse and obserue them Thomas Becket answered for him and the rest they would keepe all the Lawes
Now this is the crueltie of our Lord the King that is so much spoken of through the world against the Church this is that persecution that he raiseth Then it is an auncient complaint of these Romish Catholickes to call the iust lawfull godly and necessary execution of iustice crueltie and persecution this complaint hath beene euer since continued by them and most of all where there is least cause euen in the milde and mercifull gouernement of the late Queene of famous memory What crueltie did they impute to her What persecution to her Gouernement When they are not able to proue that one man was executed for Religion but for treason Which was so much the more dangerous because it was masked with the visard of Religion but Religion is not nor euer was the cause why our Kings punished the Popes Clerkes but onely Iurisdiction For when the Pope will stretch his Iurisdiction so farre as to include coactiue power and to exclude Kings from the gouernement of their Subiects drawing the Clergie from the obedience of their Kings to the obedience and subiection of the Pope drawing the subiects of other Kings vnder his subiection by an Oath of Allegiance and hereupon perswading al that will hearken to him that they may not yeelde an Oath of Alleageance to their owne Princes the Popes Iurisdiction being drawne to these points as now by the confession of themselues they are the question betweene the Pope and Christian Princes is not of Religion but of Iurisdiction of ciuill and coactiue Iurisdiction and the summe of all is this Whether the Princes of Christendome shall be free Princes or the Popes Vassals 82. By this which we haue declared we see the cause of our Kings iustified against the Archbishoppe and the exemption of Clerkes for which the Archbishoppe stroue and which since that time is claimed to be an especiall priuilege of that Church to be condemned by the chiefe of the Clergy by all the Bishops of that Prouince and that euen to the Pope himselfe Which thing the Bishoppes of the English Church would neuer haue done vnlesse they had beene well assured that the Kings cause was good and that the contrary opinion was a pernicious nouelty a late vpstart deuice in the Church But howsoeuer the Popes Clerkes pretended their new forged priuiledges yet the Kings of this land held still their olde course in the auncient manner of execution of iustice against them that offended And therefore Henry the second by law commaunded as Houeden saith that the Bishoppes of London and Norwich should be summoned that they might be before the Kings Iustices to answere for that they against the statutes of the kingdome did interdict the land of the Earle Hugh 83. This exemption of Clarks was a new practise in the time of Marsilius of Padua and not so new as pestiferous occasioning the ruine of States and being as a furie sent abroad from hell to disorder all gouernment For thus he complaineth of it Quibus non contenti sed saecularium contra Christi Apostolorum praeceptum appetentes fastigia in legum Lationes seorsum ab ijs quae Ciuium vniuersitatis sunt proruperuut Omnem clerum ab his decernentes exemptum ciuile sâ—…hisma principatuum supremoruÌ„ pluralitatâ—…m inducentes ex ipsis c. Haec pestilentiae Italici regni radix est origo ex qua cuncta scandala germinauerunt prodeunt qua stante nunquaÌ„ ciuiles ibidem cessabunt discordiae c. That is Not content herewith they the Popes seeking the honour of secular gouernement against the commandement of Christ and his Apostles haue taken vpon them the ordaining of Lawes and Canons other then such as serue for the common good They decree that all the Clergie are exempt from temporall Princes heereby inducing a pluralitie of Soueraignties c. This is the roote and spring of the pestilence of the Empire from whence all scandals grow and which standing ciuill discord shall neuer haue an end c. Thus were these exemptions then found and acknowledged to be the pestilence and ruine of all states especially of the Empire And his reason is well to be obserued because saith he it bringeth in Pluralitatem supremorum principatuum quam velut impossibilem humanae quieti demonstrauimus he proueth the plurality of Soueraignty a thing impossible to stand with the quiet and peaceable Gouernement of the world Now this exemption must eyther induce a plurality of Soueraignties when the Pope is one Soueraigne and the Prince another which is impossible in nature saith Marsilius or else it denieth the Kings Soueraignty to establish the Popes which thing can neuer bee indured by any Prince §. VI. Of the Popes power in giuing lawes 84. ANother thing whereby this new Iurisdiction of the Pope was so highly aduanced was giuing of Lawes to Princes and their subiects whereas before Princes had giuen lawes to him Marsilius in the wordes last cyted in the end of the last Paragraffe speaking of these laws saith They now break out into a practise of Iurisdiction taking vpon them to make lawes separat and distinct from such lawes as are for the common and publique good of all meaning the Canon lawes which because they intend onely the priuate aduancement of the Pope and not the publique good of the Church being also made onely by the authority of the Pope and not by the publique consent of the Church therefore he doth not account them lawes but Oligarchicall and tyrannicall Decrees these lawes are to be considered because they make so great a shew of the Popes Iurisdiction 85. The Church before was gouerned by Bishoppes and Metropolitanes in such order that the affaires of euery particular Diocesse were ordered by the Bishoppe or by a Synode of his calling the affaires of the Prouince were determined by the Metropolitane or by a Prouinciall Synode of his calling from an Episcopall Synode a man might appeale to a prouinciall Synode and from a Prouinciall Synode to a nationall but from a prouinciall or from a nationall Synode none might appeale to the Bishoppe of Rome for which thing diuers Decrees were made in prouinciall Synodes as we haue before declared As the Bishoppes were Gouernours so the lawes whereby they did then gouerne the Church were the Canons of auncient Councels especially of those foure most famous Councels of Nice Constantinople Ephesus and Chalcedon For that the Canons of these Councels were held for the lawes of the Church it appeareth by a Constitution of Iustinian extant in the fift Synode held at Constantinople wherein Iustinian the Emperour declareth that Aâ—…thimus was deposed from the Bishoprike of Constantinople by Pope Agapetus and a whole Synode with him consenting for that he had departed from the doctrines of those foure holy Synodes the Nicen the Constantinopolitan the Ephesian and the Chalcedonian The Emperor also declareth that he being deposed by the Church should be banished by him ioyning his
flatterie in his seruants then to resume these old condemned priuiledges and therewithall to patch yp a Iurisdiction standing so directly against the iudgement and practise of the ancient godly Fathers 92. And yet was Anselme as resolute in this as Augustine was in the contrarie But heerein a great difference appeared which might much sway the iudgement of indifferent readers if there were no other meanes to informe them that Saint Augustine standing against appellations to Rome had heerein the full consent of all his fellow Bishoppes not one dissenting But Anselme standing for appellations to Rome stood alone without the consent of so much as one Bishoppe which thing I report for the honour of the Church of England and of all the Bishoppes of England at this time who heerein resisted their Archbishoppe standing for the ancient liberties of the Church William Malmsburie witnesseth thus much In his exequendis saith he omnes Episcopi Angliae Primati suo suffragium negarunt That is In the execution of these things all the Bishops of England denied their consent to their Primate This sheweth that Archbishoppes were made the Popes seruants before Bishoppes were the reason was because the Archbishoppes vsed to purchase a Pall from the Pope which Pall Anselme had not yet at this time of his variance with the King obtained for Malmsbury saith he first asked leaue to goe to Rome for the Pall. Now the Pope in graunting the Pall conueyed an Oath of Alleageance with it as before we haue obserued which was the reason that moued our Archbishopps to stirre such rebellious tumults against the Kings of this land Such was this faction which Anselme maintained for the Pope against the King wherein he was condemned by all the Bishops of England in the question of Appellation as Thomas Becket was after this time condemned by all the Bishoppes in like sort in the question of Inuestitures 93. And therefore Henry the second had iust cause to publish that law which Roger Houeden calleth graue edictum execrabile against the Pope beginning Si quis inuentus fuerit literas vel mandatū ferens Domini Papae c. capiatur de eo sicut de regis traditore regui siue dilatione fiat iusticia That is If any be found bringing in the Popes Letters or Mandat c. let him be apprehended and let iustice be executed without delay vpon him as vpon a traytor to the King and Kingdome In the same law it is said Item generaliter interdictum est ne quis appellet ad Dominum Papam That is It is simply by law prohibited that no man appeale to the Pope This was not a new law now inuented by Henry the second but an auncient law now renued and vpon a iust occasion put in execution for William Rufus as before we haue declared vrged this law against Anselme proouing it to be one of his Fathers lawes and auerring that such appeales did stand against the auncient lawes and customes of his Kingdome so that the Kings Iurisdiction in such matters was maintained by the auncient lawes of this land 94. But because the antiquity of the lawes of our land is questioned by our aduersaries though this thing belong not to my profession yet let me in a few wordes declare what I haue met with in Stories concerning this point that it may appeare that the lawes of this land are much more auncient then that Religion which now is called the Religion of the Church of Rome King William Rufus the Conquerours sonne declareth as Malmsbury witnesseth that it was a custome of this kingdome confirmed by his father that without the Kings licence no man might appeale to the Pope Now these lawes and customes which William the Conquerour did publish and confirme were the auncient lawes and customes of the Saxons before him not first inuented by the Conquerour though enacted and established by him For Roger Houeden writing of these lawes which the Conquerour enacted saith that the King being once in minde to establish the lawes of the Danes was after much and earnest intreaty of the Barons perswaded to yeelde that the lawes of King Edward the Confessour should be retained still The Barons saith Houeden vrged the King Pro anima regis Eduardi qui et post diem suum concesserat coronam regnum cuius erant Leges Unde Concilio habito praecatui Baronum tandem acquieuit ex illa ergo die visa authoritate veneratae per vniuersam Angliam corroboratae confirmatae sunt prae caeteris patriae legibus leges Eduardiregis quae prius inuentae Constitutae erant in tempore Adgari aui sui For King Edwards soule who bequeathed him his Crowne and Kingdome after his death and whose lawes they were whereupon holding a Parliament he yeelded at last to the Barons request from that day forward the lawes of King Edward were by his authority honoured established and confirmed through all England which lawes were before found out and enacted in the time of Edgar Grandfather to King Edward After this Houeden entreth into a large discourse to proue that the lawes which the Conquerour established were King Edwards lawes which lawes saith he were called King Edwards lawes not because hee inuented them first but because after they had beene buried in some neglect lying vnregarded and not put in due execution for the space of three score and eight yeares after Edgars death for so many yeares are betweene King Edgars death and S. Edwards Coronation he reuiued them And thus much he confirmeth that the lawes established by the Conquerour were S. Edwards lawes and the same which were in vse here in the daies of that peaceable King Edgar And it is not without good reason collected that the same lawes proceeded from King Alphred for he like another Iustinian is reported to haue compiled certaine volumes of lawes not onely from the lawes of the Britaines Saxons and Danes but also of the ancient Grecians and other Besides that he translated into the Saxon tongue those lawes which were called the Molmucin lawes and also the Martia◅ lawes the one of Dunwallo Molmucius an auncient Brittish King the other so named of Martia Proba an auncient Brittish Queene And that William the Conquerour established the Saxon lawes it is likewise testified by Henry Huntingdon who saith thus Saxones pro viribus paulatim terram bello capessentes captam obtiuebant obtentam aedificabant aedificatam legibus regebant Nee non Normanici cito breuiter terram subdentes sibi victis vitam libertatem legesque antiquas regni iure concesserunt The Saxons by a strong hand ouercame the land in time by war built as they ouer came and as they built gouerned it by lawes The Normans also quickly subduing the land vnder them yet graunted by the right of the Kingdome lise and libertie and the auncient lawes to them whom they subdued 95. Then whereas William Rufus
they whom he had banished from Parma were returned thither by the Popes practise and taking the Towne by force had giuen a great ouerthrow to the other Citizens fearing least this example might draw other Cities to the like reuolt he gaue ouer the iourney to Lions and wrote Letters to the French King and all Prelates refuting the Popes friuolous obiections declaring the iustice of his cause and his innocency Innocentius regarding neither iustice nor innocency pursued him by violence malice open warres secret conspiracies seeking all meanes that his vnholy head could inuent to take away the life of Fredericke As he was taking his recreation in hauking at Grossetum by the Sea shore neare to Sien the Pope drew his owne seruants to a conspiracy the conspiracy was detected and the traytors had the reward of their treason Innocentius who could not rest till he had done some Pontificall exploit against the life of this Prince stirred vp the Princes of Germany to thrust downe Fredericke and to set vp another first was set vp Henry Lantgraue of Thuringia this man besieging Vâ—…mes was wounded by the shot of an Arrow and shortly after resigned both his life and the Empire After this was William Earle of Holland set vp this man was slaine in the warres which he had gaged against the Frisians neither of these saith Naucler were numbred among the Emperours At last after so many secret traps laid for the life of this Prince behold the end of the Popes malice where strength faileth the Emperour was destroyed by poison King Iohn of England 124. THe King of England sped no better then others for by this vnbridled power of vsurped Iurisdiction King Iohn with the whole Kingdome was brought into great trouble and perplexity these troubles grew vpon a quarrell of Election betweene the Monkes of Canterbury and the Suffraganes in the seuenth yeare of King Iohn for after the death of Hubert Archbishoppe of Canterbury the Monkes without the knowledge of the King or respect of the Suffraganes chose Reynold the Subpriour of the house to be Archbishoppe who secretly went to Rome to haue this his election confirmed by the Pope but stay was made at Rome because he shewed not Letters commendatory from the King The Monkes perceiuing that without those letters commendatory they could not proceede made request to the King that they might chuse another whom the King might commend this the King liked well and commended Iohn Gray the Bishoppe of Norwich being his Chaplaine and President of his Counsell as Hollinshed saith but Mat. Paris whom he cyteth hath not so much The Monkes gladly obeyed the Kings request and madâ—… choise of this man but the Pope refusing both thrust vpon them Stephen Langton commanding and compelling so many of those Monkes of that Couent as were then at Rome to chuse him the King was herewith much moued because Stephen Langton was brought vp vnder the French King and bound to him betweene whom and King Iohn there was at that time much warre and dissention wherefore the King banished the Monkes that had chosen Stephen and wrote to the Pope that he had no reason to admit Stephen to such a place in his Kingdome a man promoted by the French King and at his commaund This contention continuing the Pope sent to the Bishoppes of England commaunding them to put the King and his land vnder the sentence of interdiction denouncing him and his land accursed The Bishoppes to whom the Pope wrote being by this time become the Popes subiects and sâ—…ruants and not the Kings which is the end which the Pope seeketh by his Iurisdiction denounced the interdiction and then fledde to Rome King Iohn seeing many fall from his obedience to the obedience of the Pope drewe his people to an Oath of Alleageance After this came Paâ—…dulph Legat from the Pope who after that he had beene here a while was commaunded by the Pope to repaire to the French King there with Stephen Langton to take Councell and to stirre vp the French to make warres vpon King Iohn Thus King Iohn was depriuâ—…d of his Gouernement his subiects absolued from their Alleageance by which practise many reuolted from him so that he was left weake and when the Popâ—… had thus weakned him then he set vp the French King in armes against him The issue was this The King circumuented by these practises of the Pope and oppressed being also bereaued of all helpe was forced to deliuer his Crowne to Pandulph and receiued it from him againe as from the Popes hands And thus was Stephen Langton made Archbishoppe this was done in the fifteenth yeare of King Iohn An. Dom. 1213. The Earle of Tholous 125. WHen Frederick the second liued so persecuted by the Pope as we haue declared a new and strange generation rose vp of a suddaine neuer seene in the world before starting vp like those armed Souldiers which the Poets faine to haue sprung vp suddenly of the Serpents teeth being sowed by Cadmus Such a serpentine generation of Friars were newly hatched at this time the first founders of them were Francis and Doâ—…inick For the Popes hauing a purpose to raise themselues aboue the Church and aboue Kings and Emperours as both by their profession and claime in the Canon Law and by their practise was apparant and for this purpose thundring out their excommunications vpon euery occasion practising this power in deposing Princes found themselues much crossed in these courses by Bishops and especially by the Bishops of Germany who stood out for a long time faithfull in the Church and couragious against the Popes tyranny Auentiâ—…us giueth many testimonies of the courage of the German Bishops as else-where also we haue obserued of the English Bishops for he writing of the times of Frederick the second the Bishops then saith he were not as now they are addict to the seruice of the Pope giuen to idlenesse and pleasure but learned industrious louing Christ and declaring their loue by feeding their flockes diligently These were not for the Popes purpose For in diuers Synodes they censured the Popes folly and ambition freely and withstood his tyrannie Then was the Church so gouerned by Bishops all matters so iudged and determined that the Pope might aduise but hee could not by authority attempt any thing in the Prouince of any Bishop thinges being guided by truth law the iudgement of the wisest and best learned in the Prouince and by the Councel and common consent of the Clergy of that Prouince Who had reason to know the estate of their Church and Prouince better then the Pope or any stranger could doe This godly order in the Church the Pope had a purpose to confound to oppâ—…esse the Bishops authority and to draw all power to himselfe Hoc iâ—…stitutum to vse the words of Aueâ—…tinus tollere antiquare Episcoporum autoruatem Labefactare ad vnius cuâ—…cta potestatem redigere complacitum est 126. This being the purpose of Popes
his Kingdome to such as would inuade it absolued his Subâ—…ects from their faith alleageance drew those that had taken the Crosse for the warres of Ierusalem to fight against Peter And when Martiâ—… was dead Hoâ—…orius the fourth did redouble his curses vpon Peter After all these curses and so much bloud and warres procured by the Popes to the vexation of Christendome yet Peter maintained his chalenge and held those Kingdomes Philip the French King 136. BOnâ—…face the eight pretending to aduance the holy warres for this was not the least pollicy of that Sea to send Princes abroad that in the meane time they might suck their Kingdomes and draw the sinewes thereof to Rome for this purpose sent the Bishop of Ariminum to Philip the faire the French King The Bishop hauing vsed all perswasions hee could by faire meanes and finding the King nothing mooued with all that he alleadged from perswasions hee fell to threatnings The King being much offended at his threatnings and because as some adde the Bishoppe had rauished an ingenuous maid threw the Bishoppe in prison Others say he apprehended the Bishoppe Quod esset paterinus 〈◊〉 Whatsoeuer the cause was of the Kings offence Boniface was highly displeased and sent the Archdeacon of Narbon to command the King to acknowledge that he held his Kingdome of the Church of Rome or else to denounce the Anathema against him and obsolue all French men from their Oath of Alleageance When the Archdeacon arriued at Paris the King would not permit his Bulles to be published The Popes letters were taken from him and burned with fire The King also vnderstanding the end of the Popes earnest motion for his iourney to Ierusalem to be that in his absence he might draw great treasures out of France to Rome published an Edict wherein it was made vnlawfull for any to depart out of France to Rome or thither to carry money Whereupon Boniface cursed Philip to the fourth generation absolued his Nobles and gaue his Kingdome to Albert the Emperour inuesting Albert by his letters into the Kingdome of France but Albert protested that he would not stirre against the King vnlesse hee might haue thaâ—… Kingdome confirmed to him and to his heyres No quoth the Pope that may not be as long as Iezebell liueth meaning Elizabeth wife to Albert a woman of great fame and honour whom he hated for no other cause but for that her brethren and auncestors had done valiantly against the Sea of Rome 137. Against this furious attempt of Boniface Philip the French King in an Assembly at Paris appealed from the Pope to a generall Councell this appeale is diuersly reported All agreâ—… that he appealed from the Pope Platina confoundeth the Narration thus Adsedeâ—… Apostolicam tum vt ipse dicebat 〈◊〉 futuruâ—… que Concilium appellauit That is He appealed to the Sea Apostolicke then vacant as he said and to a Councâ—…ll which should after this be held Naucler deliuereth it thus Rex 〈◊〉 congregari fâ—…cit Paritijs omnâ—…s Praelatos Franciâ—… nec non Barones facto Concilio pro sui iustificatione appellauit ab illa senteÌ„â—…a se excusando contra Bonifacium inuehendo c. That is The French King gathered a Councell at Paris of Prelates and Barons and for his owne iustification hee appealed from that sentence excusing himself inueighing against Boniface This man then hath nothing of any appellation to the emptie Sea but the appellation was as diuers were about these times from the Pope to a generall Councell this appeale was sent by Sarra Columna a Nobleman of Rome and one Nogarelius a French Knight a man faithfull to the King The pretence was diuulged that they should goe to publish the Kings appeale against the Popes Decree but Sarra hauing another secret purpose came into Italy in the habite of a seruant gathered closely by the helpe of his friends a band of souldiers and with great secresie and silence came to Anagnia where the Pope lodged then in his fathers house Sarra breaking vp the doores tooke Boniface in bed bound him and brought him to Rome where after a few daies in great sorrow and desperation he ended his wretched life Ranulphus saith that he was set vpon an Horse vnbridled with his face turned to the horse taile and so running to and fro was famished with hunger and died like a Dogge as the common saying was of him that he entred like a Foxe raigned like a Lion and died like a Dogge It may be truely said of all the Popes that liued since the yeare of Christ one thousand which Naucler obserueth of this Pope Imperatoribus Regibus Principibus nationibusque torrorem potius quam religionem inij cere conabâ—…tur dare regna auferre pro arbitrio c. He sought not so much to plaâ—… Religion as terrour in Emperours Kings Princes and nations to giue and take away kingdomes at his pleasure Where hee doth truely describe the fruite of the Popes excommunications it is not for planting of Religion but for striking a terrour in Princes and breeding a confusion in the world and therfore it is no censure of Christs Church because all these censures plant Religion without confusion of Princes and disordering of the world 138. Finding in Story two Epistles one from Boniface to this Philip the other from Philip to Boniface I thought good to set them downe they are but short Boniface seruant of Gods seruants to Philip the French King feare God and keepe his commandements VVEe will haue you to vnderstand that you are subiect to vs both in spirituall and temporall affaires No collation of Benefices or Prebends belongeth to you and if you haue the vacation of any reserue the fruits thereof to the successours if you haue made any collation we iudge that such shall be of no validity that are to come and those that are past we reuoke reputing all Hereticks that thinke otherwise Dated at Later an c. The answere was thus returned Philip by the grace of God King of France to Boniface bearing himselfe as Pope health little or none at all YOur singular fooleship may vnderstand that in temporall affaires we are subiect to none that the collation of Churches and Prebends perteineth to vs by royall prerogatiue and the fruits thereof during the Vacation that the collation already made or hereafter to bee made are of iust force and validity and thatwe will defend the possessours thereof against all men reputing all foolish and madde men that thinke otherwise Henry the seuenth 139. HEnry the seuenth Emperor was much fauoured at the first by Clement 5. Pope for that Clement was highly offended with Philip the French King who then sought the Empire the hatred of Philip drew fauour to Henry but as passion ruled the Pope so pride ouer-ruled the passion and turned this fauour into greater hatred for when Henry came to order the State of Italy at that
of Christendome are to be intreated in the behalfe of God to remoue these greeuances from the Church which the insatiable couetousnesse of Popes brought in And seeing they haue remoued the Harpyes themselues why should they leaue the markes of their abhominable couetousnesse to the eternall oppression of the Church Why should these vncleane spoiles be found in the hands of godly Princes It would be the eternall honour of our Princes not to chaunge the oppressour but to remooue the oppression It was the honour of this land that when the Pope had oppressed all other Churches onely the Church of England was free Hanc consuetudinem omnes adâ—…isere praeter Anglos saith Naucler It was first imposed in the yeare one thousand and foure hundred it was not vsed in England when Naucler wrote as he witnesseth that is not before the yeare one thousand fiue hundred so odious an abuse so lately bred might soone be remoued if the cup of these sweete wines wherein the Pope began had not beguiled many men 152. When Boniface the ninth had begun this oppression much money was thereby gathered from the Clergie throughout the Emperours Dominions the money being thus collected was deteined by the greedy Emperour Wenceslaus from the more greedy Popes This turned the hearts of the Popes against him therefore Gregory the ninth deposed him and set vp Rupertus Count Palatine of Rhene against him George King of Bohemia 153. AFter the death of Ladislaus King of Bohemia who died without issue two great Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungaria with the Duchy of Austria being vacant many Princes sought the Kingdome of Bohemia Charles King of Fraunce whose daughter Ladislaus married would haue placed one of his sonnes Casimire King of Polonia hauing married a sister sought it in her right so did Guilliam Duke of Saxony who married the elder sister of Ladâ—…slaus Sigismund and Albert Dukes of Austria were in good hope and Frederick the Emperour would haue had the administration of the Kingdome because the homage due to the Empire had beene neglected When the day of Election came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was chosen King and afterward confirmed by Fredericke the Emperour but Paul the second finding that this George fauored the Hussites or as Platinâ—… saith daily withdrew himselfe from the body of Christianity meaning from the obedience of the Pope did excommunicate and depose him setting vp Mathiâ—… King of Hungary against him Mathiâ—… gaue the Bohemians a great ouerthrow in the yeare one thousand foure hundred and 〈◊〉 and with such mortall hatred was Pope 〈◊〉 set against this King that he sent many Bishoppes to negociâ—…te these warres and to raise vp the Hungarians and Germanes against him and so farre preuailed that he eâ—…tinguished all the posterity and discent of George and would saith 〈◊〉 vtterly haue rooted out all the name and memory of the Heretickes vnlesse the Polonians had stayed 〈◊〉 For the Polonians claimed the Kingdome of 〈◊〉 as due to them 〈◊〉 being already busied enough with the warres of the Turke thought good not to draw new troubleâ—… vpon himselfe by prouoking the Polonians Thus the Pope rested at that time contented with the blood of George and his children seeing the power of his malice could then proceed no further King Iohn of Nauâ—…rre 154. POpe Iulius the second the scourge of Christendome in his time vsed the like courtesie to Iohâ—… King of Nauarre for when this Vicar of Christ 〈◊〉 raised warres against the French King Iohâ—… King of Nauâ—…rre held as he had reason with the French King being a French-man by birth and hauing the greatest part of his paâ—…imony in Fraunce 〈◊〉 King of Arragon then fauoured the Pope This 〈◊〉 prepared warre against the French King and to turne the mindes and speech of all men vpon the French warres from that purpose which secretly hee intended hee intreated Henry the â—…ighth King of England to send him an Army to helpe him in the warres of Franâ—…e King Henry hauiâ—…g maried the daughter of Ferdinand sent him sixe thousand footmen these came to the Frontiers of France and there stayed long for the army of Ferdiâ—…nd who for his better passage into Fraunce required of Iâ—…hn King oâ—… Nauarre through whose Dominions hee was to passe that he would deliâ—…er vp to his hands three of the strongest Castles that he would demaund the request as vniust was denied by the King of Nauarre Ferdinaâ—…d referreth the matter to the Pope The Pope Iâ—…lius not regarding the iustice or iniustice of the cause pronounceth the King of Nauarre a Schismaticke and Hereticke for fauouring the French King and therefore depriueth him of his kingdome and giueth his right to Ferdinand Who thereupon sent his army of a suddaine against the King of Nauarre who fled into France Thus was the kingdomâ—… of Nauarre surprised and no title pretended sauing onely the Popes excommunication The state of Venice 155. IT were too long to recompt all the mischiefes and miseries that the Popes Excommunications haue brought vpon Christendome I haue collected the chiefe and most eminent and will end this discourse with the memory of that affliction and desolation which the Pope brought vpon the Venetians Iulâ—…s the second following the steppes of his predecessours brought an armie before Bononia besieged the towne and tooke it The familie of the Bentiuoli he vtterly ruinated killing some banishing other When thus hee had ouerthrowne the Bentiuoli Then he set himselfe in like sort to root out the Venetian name Ad venetâ—… 〈◊〉 excidiuâ—… saith 〈◊〉 The better to effect the malice against the Venetians he drew 〈◊〉 the Emperour the French King the King of Spaine the Duke of Ferrara and the Duke of Mantua into a league when first himselfe had excommunicated and câ—…sed them hee set all these vpon them at once The Pope made choice of a fit time to doe them the greatest hurt he could for a little before this the state of Venice was brought so low that a weake enemie might soone haue â—…dangered them hauing had their whole army brought vnto Internecion at Abdua after that ouerthrowen in a great battell by Lewes the French King their chiefe generals Liuianus taken prisoner Petilianus put to flight The Pope tooke the aduantage of this their weakenesse and seeing them falling labored to thrust them headlong that they might neuer be able to rise againe Mâ—…ximilian tooke Verona Vicetia Padway Carni the French King surprised Bergamum Brixia Cremona Crema the Spaniard wan Tranum Monopolis and Barletta in Apulia The Popes share was Rauenna Ariminum all Aemilia The Duke of Ferrara got Rodigium and the Duke of Mantua Asula Thus was that noble state brought in manner to vtter ruine 156. Iulius hauing thus satisfied his malice and obtained his purpose in some measure against the Venetians being ledde by a spirit that would giue him no rest began to turne his furious wrath in like sort against 〈◊〉 contrary to his faith often promised and
confirmed in the publike assembly of the States And so furious was this Vicar of Christ that himselfe led the Army vsing these words as hee went out of Rome that seeing Saint Peters keyes would not preuaile hee would trie what Saint Pauls sword could doe and so hee threw the keyes into Tiber. 157. And thus when the Princes of Christendome shall recompt their miseries the spoâ—…le and desolation of their kingdomes the ruine of auncient houses the vexation of their subiects the circumuention of their persons the exâ—…irpation and extermination of many noble families the bloody warre and by reason of warres all the troubles and calamities of Christendome then must the Pope come to remembrance with his excommunication as a firebrand in his hand taken out of the infernall pit and carried in the handes of these furies who onely hath brought all these troubles vpon the Princes of the earth so that since the time that hee began to exercise his excommunication against Princes there hath not beene much warres in these westerne parts of Christendome but such as the Pope himselfe hath raised dashing one Prince against another when first he had cast them into a deadly sleepe to make them insensible of the wrongs which hee hath done them but when they are awaked out of their sleepe they will remember all For the Popes as the great conspiratours against the States of Princes haue set Friars their resolute creatures to practise all secret treasons against the persons of Princes And because this cannot be done without great bloodshed they come resolued to shed blood like hungry wolues so headlong are they carried herein seeking a temporall Iurisdiction ouer Princes secretly by the conspiracâ—…e of Friars openly by their excommunications that if the world should stand long before the Pope with his Babylon be ouerthrowen wee haue reason to thinke that the Popes will in time vtterly cast off and reiect the maske of religion wherewith they couer their practises now and will in plaine tearmes quarrell the Princes of Christendome for their Temporall right and Iurisdiction And then will the Princes thinke it is time for them to awake CHAP. VIII Wherein is declared what opposition this Iurisdiction found in the Church after it was thus established by Popes It was confuted first by particular learned men then by generall Councels 1. AFter that this Iurisdiction thus deuised and maintained began to bee well knowen in Christendome men of learning and iudgement began to be mooued with the noueltie and examined the whole matter with care and industrie the occasion which first moued them to examine this question was the defence of this strange Iurisdiction first claimed by the Popes and afterward more fully disputed and maintained by â—…ugustinus Triumphus 〈◊〉 who was set on worke vpon this taske by the Pope For in the end of his booke we finde this written 〈◊〉 iâ—… suâ—…ma dâ—… 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticâ—…â—…dita à frâ—…tre 〈◊〉 Triumpho 〈◊〉 in sacra 〈◊〉 magistro 〈◊〉 Eremit â—…rum sancti Augusti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22. 〈◊〉 M. Aâ—… 〈◊〉 1320. Where we find from what spirit this defence of this new Iurisdiction proceedeth conâ—…ing from the especiall direction of the Pope This 〈◊〉 proceedeth herein according to his direction concluding all Iurisdiction both Spirituall and Temporall to be from the Pope 2. Which thing though it seemed straunge newe absurd yet in truth 〈◊〉 could no lesse then publish for he laboureth not so much to prooue it as to publish it the Popes challenge hauing vndertaken the businesse Foâ—… the Popes before this had begunne to prescribe in their Canons so much that their flatterers had their rules now prescribed to them â—…ow farre they must stretch their consciences for the mainetenance of Iurisdiction For â—…ither they â—…ust maintaine all that the Popes had taken vpon them or else giue ouer the cause as desperate From this spirit and direction Triumphus entreth into this cause as an hireling speaking for his fee taking this ground that the Pope is as directly lord of the whole world in Temporalibus as hee is the head of the vniuersall Church in 〈◊〉 and that he hath directly Soueraigne authoritie in respect of such his worldly Dominion ouer all Emperours Kings and Princes to dispose of them and their kingdomes This opinion is now strongly maintained by the Iesuits and hath beene of late by Tho. Bozâ—…us Francisc. Bozius Card. Baronâ—…us Zecchus Carerius and other But because Triumphus is as I take it the first Friar that hath handled this question on the Popes behalfe and the learned men that first wrote against the Popes Iurisdiction haue beene mooued thereto by his writings as alâ—…o because the booke is rare to bee had I will set downe some of his 〈◊〉 poâ—…itions that the Reader may the better vnderstand what it is which they seeke and what is that against which these learned men that I am hereafter to produce doe oppose themselues 3. One poâ—…ition of 〈◊〉 is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—… Deâ—… 〈◊〉 alijs Prâ—…latis Ecclesiâ—… iâ—… quibâ—… residet potestâ—… 〈◊〉 which he proâ—…eth by such reasons as need no other reâ—…utation sauing only the recitall thereof For it was truely said of 〈◊〉 Martyr that to know and truely to vnderstand an absurd reason is a sufficient refutation thereof His reason is 〈◊〉 potestaâ—… est data in 〈◊〉 alteri per quâ—…m habet institâ—…i regulari ordinari atque 〈◊〉 si â—…ona sit per quam habet iudâ—…cari si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit sed talis est potestas sâ—…cularium Imperatorum regum c. Quia per potestatem Papâ—… habet institui regulari ordiâ—…ari si bâ—…a fit pâ—…r ipsam habet condemâ—…ari iudicari â—…i mala sit That power is giuen for seruice to another by which it must be instituted oâ—…dered and confirmed being good and iudged being euill but such is the power of secular Emperours and Princes c. For by the Pope it must be instituted ruled and ordered being good and by him it must be condemned and iudged being euill All the proofe that he bringeth for this is that Pope Zâ—…chary deposed the French King Câ—…ilperic and set â—…p 〈◊〉 in his place Aâ—… other reason is this Illa pâ—…testas est iâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alteri â—…i 〈◊〉 â—…delitatis prâ—…stat ab ea 〈◊〉 esse â—…ne quod habet sed omnis potestas saecâ—…arium Principum Imperatorâ—… â—…iorum â—…st â—…alis Dist. 63. Can. cum tibâ—… 〈◊〉 That power is giuen and subiected for seruice to another to whom it yeeldeth an Oath of Alleageanâ—…e acknowledging all that it hath from the same but such is all the power of temporall Princes Emperours and such like Againe he saith thus Sâ—… 〈◊〉 quandoqâ—…e 〈◊〉 â—…mperatores deâ—…isse aliqua 〈◊〉 sumâ—…is 〈◊〉 sicut 〈◊〉 â—…edit Silâ—…estro hâ—…c non est 〈◊〉 â—…os dâ—…re quod sâ—…m est sed restituere quâ—…d iniusâ—… tyâ—…annice â—…blatum 〈◊〉 If sometimes we finde that
7. Caluin in Amos 7. 13. Praefat. in Centro 7. 2. Sam. 6. 7. Apoc. 20. 8. 9. De Rom. Pontific lib. 4. cap. 24 Lib. de potest Eccles q. 1. Art 1. Clement lib. 2. de senten re iudic Can. 2. Extrau Com. lib. 1. de maior obed c. vnam sanctam Ierem. 1. 10. Answere to the fift part of Reports Iniunctions An. 1559 and Anno 1562. Ephes. 1. 22. Matâ—…h 18. 1. Maâ—…c 9. 34. Luke 9. 46. Isai. 49. 32. De eccles militant lib. 3. ca. 13 De potest eccles qu. 1. art 1 Lib. 5. de Rom. pont cap. 6. Lib. 4. cap. 22. de Rom. Pont. What is the Iurisdiction in question De potest Eccleconsid 4. Gen. 14. 19. Gen. 9. 26 27. Gen. 27. 29. Gen. 4. 26. Gen. 9. 26. 27. Num. 3. 12. 8. 6. Lyra in Num. 3. 12. In Num. 8. 16 In Gen. 14. Plato in politic Arist. 3. de repub Cic. 1. de diuinat Clem. Alex. str 8. Heb. 5. 4. 10. H. 7. 18. Jren. li. 4. ca. 43. Tertul. prescript Num. 3. 12. 8. 6. Num. 3. Gen. 36 31. Deut. 33. 5. Num. 3. 3. Deut. 17. 12â—… Verse 11. Act. 25. 23. Act. 21. 13. Act. 25. 18 19. Act. 23. 3. Act. 25. 10. Iâ—…s 5. 2. Sam. 6. 1. Paral. 16. 1. Paral. 24. 2. Paral. 6. 2. Paral. 15. 2. Chron. 19. 5 6. â—… 8. 9. 10. 11. Answere to the first part of reports c. 9. 2. Chron. 26. 1. 2. 3. 4. Rom. 13. 4. Psal. 82. Mat. Tortus Papiensis Exod. 4. 16. Moses Legislator interpres Dei. Ioh. 10. 35. Malach. 2. 7. 2. Reg. 11. 12. Deut. 17. 18. Psalm 99. 6. So 2. Sam. 20. 26. Where Tharg hath a Prince or mighty Num. 33. 39. Deut. 34. 7. Num. 27. 17. 18. Deut. 31. 14. Ios. 1. 17. Exod. 24. 5. 2. Reg. 23. 2. 2. Chron. 26. 1. Reg 2. 26. Mat. 18. 18. Joh. 20. 23. Answere to the fift part of Reports Mat. 16. 18. Joh. 20. 15. Serm. pro viagio regis Rom. direc 1. Lib. de gestis Basil. consil 1. Act. 14. 23. Titus 1. 5. 2. 1. Tim. 1. 3. Tit. 1. 11. Apoc. 2. 20. Tit. 1. 5. 7. 10. 11. 1. Tim. 1. 3. 1. Tim. 5. 19. 4. Acts 15. 6. 7. Acts. 5. Lib. 5. Lib. 3. cap. 3. Cyprian Epist. 75. Epist. ad Euagrium Lib. 5. Lib. 2. ca. 57. 1. Tim. 1. 3. Ambrose lib. 4. Epist. 32. Idem ibid. Orat. in Auxent Lib. ad Constantium August Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 32. Lib. 3. epist. 20. De sacerdotio lib. 3. August epist. 9. Synes epist. 57. Mat. 18. 1. Marc 9. 34. Luc. 9. 46. Luke 10. 1. Cypr. lib. de vnitat Eccle. Hiero. ad Euagrium tom 2. Lib. 5. cap. 7. de Rom. Pont. Iohn 18 36. Mat. 2. 3. Joh. 15. 19. Iohn 18. 36. Mat. 5. 44. Iust. apol 2. Plin. epist. li. 10. Tertul. apoâ—… cap. 39. Optat. lib. 3. De ciuit dei lib. 5. cap. 21. Lib. de natur boni aduers. 〈◊〉 cap. 2. Expositio quarund questionum ex epist. ad Rom. proposit 72. Orat. in Auxent Lib. indist 11. cap. 100. Elias Thisbet verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. lib. 5. ca. 24. Euseb. ibid. Rom. 12. 10. Titles of honour giuen to other Bishops as much as to the Bishops of Rome Basil. Epist. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. 6. Epist. 1. Lib. 6. Epist. 4. Lib. 7. Epist. 4. Lib. 6. Epist. 7. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 23. 24 25. c. Damnatur ab omnibus quae sub coelo sunt Ecclesiis Christi Euseb. ibid. Omni Ecclesiae Catholicae quae sub Coelo est ibid. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 4. 5. Cyprian Epist. 55 Ibid. Optatus lib. 1. Euseb. li. 10. ca. 5 Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 19. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 33. 34. Russin hâ—…tor Eccle. li. 10. ca. 1 Lib. 2. Tom. 2. heres â—…8 Hieron in chron catalog Ruffi li. 10. ca. 27 Platin. Liberio Theodoret. lib. 2. cap. 16. Lib. 7. cap. 46. Sozom. lib. 1. ca. 9. Tripartit lib. 1. cap. 9. Arift Elench Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constantini Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 23. Ambios Epist. ad Theodos. August Epist. 162. et â—…libi Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 2. Prosper in Chroniâ—…is Leo. Epist. 12. Ibid. Epist. 17. Epist. 24. Epist. 31. Bellarm. de concil cap. 12. Bellar. Ibid. Leo Iunior Act. 18. Synodus sextae Regist. ca. 273. Cusanus lib. de Cath. concordantia 3. cap. 19 Prosper in Chrenicis Concil Affrican cap. 101. Concil Carthag 6. Concil Carthag 6. cap. 3. Concil Affrican cap. 101. Concil Affrica cap. 105. Concil Affrican cap. 105. Quaecunque negotia in suis locis vbi orta sunt finienda nec gratiam spiritus S. vnicuique Prouinciae defutâ—…ram Apoc. 9. 2. Concil Affrica cap. 92. Cyprian Epist. 55 Concil Mileuit cap. 22. Epist. 2. Bonis 2. inter decreta eiusdem Epist. Stephanâ—… 3. apud Sabellicum Platin. Stephano 9. Lib. 4. indict 13. Epist. 82. Epist. 36. lib. 4. Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 13. Bellar. ibid. â—…aub VVarnefrid Pâ—…uca Vspergens Chronic Platin. Bonifac 3. Vol. 2. Generat 21. In chronic an 726. Naueler Voâ—… 2. generat 25. Uspergensis Nauâ—…ler An answere of a Catholike Diuine to the fift part of reports of Sir Edward Cooke P. 123. Platin. Leone 3. Naucler gener 27. Theodor. de Niem Paulus Diacon Sigebert Palmerius Sigebert In Synodo Francsord Aser praefat ad Alphredum Metrop Crantzij lib. 2. cap. 29. Beno Cardinal in vita gestis Hildâ—…brand Auent lib. 5. Annal. Beno Cardinal Naucler 2. generation 36. Auentin lib. 5. Naucler 2. generation 37. Tertul. apol ca. 5 Naucler Vol. 2. gener 36. Beno Cardin. Lib. 2. Cap. 14. de Rom. Pont. Anaclet Epist. 1. Ibid. Anaclet Epist. 2. Euarist Epist. 2. Euseb. Epist. 1. Anaclet Epist. 3. Sixtus Epist. 2. Zepherin Epist. 1 Marcel Epist. 2. 2. 3. 4. Concil Trid. sess 4. decret 1 Bellar. de verbo Dei non scrip lib. 4. cap. 9. Paul Iouius li. 2. historiarum Iouius ibid. Card. Contaren tract de iustificatione The Councell of Trent Not a generall Councell Iohn Sleidan lib. 11. Sleidan lib. 22. The Councell of Trent not free Sleidan lib. 23 Lex diuina praxis Christi Apostolica Ecclesiae primitiuae vna cum consilijs doctoribusque fâ—…ndantibus sâ—… veraciter in eadem pro verissimo indifferente iudico in hoc Basiliensi consilio ad mittentur consili Basil. sess 4. Epist. 4. The Councell of Trent not a lawfull Councell Sleidan lib. 19. Sleidan lib. â—…6 Sâ—…eidan lib. 23. Sleidan lib. 17. Sleidan lib. 14. Sleidan lib. 17. VViclifâ—…s complaint to the King and Parliament art 1. Fasciculus temp The first cause of persecution by Popes not for doctrine but for Iurisdiction Reinerius VViclife lib. de sundam legum Angl. cap. 36. pag. 42. 4. Companit pag. 9 Ibid. pag. 14. Treat against Friars pag. 19. p. 24. p. 2â—… p. 55. p. 3â—… p. 40. p. 28. p.
would haue imputed hereticall prauity to the Councell Thirdly and last of all the distinction betweene the Church of Rome and the Court of Rome wherof we haue so often spoken is here againe confirmed For these flatterers stood for the Popes Iurisdiction against the Church of Rome heere assembled in a Councell but howsoeuer they haue preuailed since wee see heere that by the Church of Rome they were accounted then but a base companie of flatterers These bee they who afterward preuailed in the Councell of Trent lifting vp the priuiledges of the Pope aboue the Church And this is that Church on the other side which then was in danger to be pronounced heretickes by the Pope and these who are marked and branded not by me but by Gerson Cusanus Aeneas Siluius and the rest of both these Councels of Constance and Basil to bee no better then a generation of base flatterers 54. Then there is no great thing done or at which the world may maruel when we see the reformed Churches at this day accounted heretickes by the Pope and his flatterers for this was a thing long looked for The Church did beare the pride of the Pope the ignorance and insolency of his flatterers as long as she could indure it And when there was no remedie made a separation indeede from the Pope and his flatterers holding on still in the auncient waies of our fathers who haue from time to time made resistance against the Pope and his seruants from which auncient way of our forefathers from their profession sense iudgement and religion the Councell of Trent hath made a famous defection hauing declined and turned aside from the ancient and constant profession of the truth in doctrine and Iurisdiction vnto these new and straunge deuises taken vp of late and inuented by Friars and flatterers of the Court of Rome This defection which the Pope hath made from the Church and the Church from him was long before looked for and diuers did speake of it before it came to passe as Mat. Paris declareth that some feared it might haue beene done by Bishop Grost head so Cardinall Cusanus declareth as hereafter we are to shew how the Church may depart from the Pope 55. The same Gerson saith also Concilium generale potestatem à Christo immediatè habet cui quilibet cuiuscunque status etiamsi Papalis existat obedire tenetur in his quae ad fidem extirpationem schismat is pertinent That is A generall Councell hath power immediatly from Christ whereunto euery man is bound to obey in things concerning faith and the extirpation of Schisme of what state soeuer he be though a Pope And he addeth thus much Saluberima haec determinatio lex fundamentalis velut infallibilis aduersus monstrosum horrendùque offendiculum quod positum erat per multos determinantes ex texibus grossè non ad regulam Euangelicam acceptis c. generale concilium totum â Papa robur immeditate sumere That is This most sound determination is a sundamentall law and as it were infallible against that monstrous and horrible offence which is giuen by many concluding from texts grossely vnderstood and not according to the Euangelicall rule c. That a generall Councell receiueth all strength immediatly from the Pope In which wordes hee obserueth that the Popes flatterers who brought in this Papall Iurisdiction aboue the Church Councels did induce hereby a monstrous and horrible offence in the Church This offence saith hee was giuen by such as would proue this Iurisdiction from certaine texts of Scripture as Tu es Petrus super hanc Petram aedisicubo Ecclesiam meam and oraui pro te Petre c. And such like which are wire-drawen to countenance this Papall Iurisdiction Which texts saith Gerson are grossely taken by these flatterers and not according to the rule of the Gospell And seeing we finde that the Iesuites at this day haue no other ground for the Popes Iurisdiction then the same texts by them and their forefathers distorted into a wrong sense as it is obserued by our forefathers against them let the Iesuites know themselues to be the generation of those that haue distorted the holy Scriptures and thereby brought a monstrous and damnable offence into the Church Gerson presenly after this declareth that against these flatterers the reuerend Cardinall Cameracensis whom he calleth his worthy master did write in defence of the truth Scripsit saith he super hanc materiam reuerendiss pater dominus Cardinalis Cameracensis praceptor meus inclytus which booke of Cameracensis if it be extant for I could not see it though I much desired I suppose might make these flatterers to be better knowen and the right of the Church more strongly confirmed 56. Gerson proceedeth and of that Iurisdiction which the Pope claimeth by imposing his Canon lawes vpon other Princes he saith Papa non debet 〈◊〉 vt Canones positi aut alienae traditiones humanaeâ—…nuariabiluer obseruentur per omnes nationes That is The Pope ought not to striue to impose his Canons or that other humane traditions bee kept inuariable of all nations Where he declareth that this imposing of the Popes Iurisdiction vpon other nations gaue occasion to the Greekes to make a separation from the Latins and daily ministreth occasions of contention through Christendome In the same Booke which he Intituleth De â—…uferibilitate Papae he holdeth positiuely that howsoeuer in some other respects there might be some vse of a Pope yet concerning this our question of Iurisdiction the Pope with all his pretensed Iurisdiction might be vtterly remoued from the Church his position is Auferibilis est Papa per generâ—…le concilium perpetuo 〈◊〉 adtempus quoad ea omnia quae sunt â—…urisdictionis That is The Pope may be remooued by a generall Councell either for euer or for a time in respect of all things pertaining to Iurisdiction Now if the Pope may be remoued from the Church in respect of Iurisdiction then the Canonists are quite put downe who hold that the very essence of the Papacy standeth in Iurifdiction Further concerning this question of Iurisdiction the same Iohn Gerson hath made a Treatise wherein he handâ—…eth this question An liceat in causis fidei a summo Poâ—…tifice appellare Wherein he determineth that a man may appeale from the Pope §. VI. Cardinall Cusanus 57. SOmewhat after this wrote Cardinall Cusanus who offered his Booke De concordantia Catholica to the Councell of Basil submitting himselfe and his labours to the iudgement of that Councell It appeareth that about this time there were some motions and consultations of a reuolt from the Pope and Court of Rome which consultations were moderated then for a time by such learned men as were in greatest estimation but afterward vpon the like reasons it brake foorth Cusanus disputeth this point in an Epistle written to Roderic de Treuino â—…rator to the King of Castile Wherein he seemeth first
to disswade the separation producing that out of Augustine Nullam posse causam dari ob quam necessarium sit ad schisma perâ—…enire That is That no cause can bee giuen for which it may bee necessary to come to a schisme But after much dispute at last hee resolueth that the case may be such that the Church may well depart from the Pope Quando sacer Princeps saith he contra sanctorum patrum statuta aliquid praesumit vbi non constat eum ex causa 〈◊〉 aut necessitatis moueri sed ex aliqua particulari indigâ—…a causa time ipse in priora Petri mandata offendit exiens vires potestatis suae Quapropter non esset inconâ—…eniens si pertinaciter in hoc persisteret Ab eo recedi posse per Ecclesiaâ—… That is When the holy Prince presumeth against the lawes of holy Fathers where it appeareth that he is not moued thereto because of the publike good or necessitie but from some particular of his owne and an vnworthy cause then hath he first offended against the former precepts of Peter going beyond the limits and strength of his power Therfore if hee persist therein incorrigibly it is nothing inconuenient for the Church to depart from him 58. Then if a Pope make a departure first from the Mandates Doctrines and faith of Saint Peter thus going out of the bounds of his power in this case it is the iudgement of the graue Cardinals of Rome who liued and wrote long before M. Luther was borne that the Church might make a separation from the Pope Iohn Gerson saith as before we heard that this separation may be for a time or for euer Now then whereas this separation is made from the Pope by the reformed Churches there is nothing done but that which the Church had in consultation to doe long before in case the Pope should persist in his pride and transgressions and shew himselfe incorrigible So that it is no maruaile if the Church which hath so long before thought of this departure being thereunto so much prouoked by the intollerable ambition of the Pope hath once performed that thing which was so long in consultation especially seeing the Church hath for the same both the warrant of holy Scriptures which doth fully not only prophesie of this departure which the Pope hath made from the truth and consequently which the Church was to make from the Pope but also giueth expresse commaundement to the people of God to depart from thence Go out of her my people And besides this warrant of holy Scriptures they had also the iudgement of the Church before them which Church whether we consider it in particular members as the learned men principall instructours and preseruers of doctrine or in generall Councels hath as we see oftentimes declared herselfe to bee wearied with bearing the Popes proud and ambitious Iurisdiction and hath beene in great consultation to cast off the yoake of this Aegyptian bondage 59. Now from that booke which this Cardinall Cusanus wrote De 〈◊〉 Catholicâ—… we will obserue some things wherein he declareth his iudgement against this Papall Iurisdiction And first he disputeth against them that thinke the Pope hath more power then other Bishops Oportet primum si hoc verum foret Petrum aliqâ—…d à Christo singularitatis recepisse Papam in hoc successorem esse sed scimus quod Petrus nihil plus potestatis à Christâ—… accepit alijs Apostolis 21. d. in nouo 24. q. loquitur That is First if this be true it must bee graunted that Peter receiued some singular power from Christ and that herein the Pope is his successor but wee know that Peter receiued no more power from Christ then the other Apostles 21. d. in nouâ—… 24. q. loquitur And of this spirituall Iurisdiction he saith thus Cum potestas ligandi soluendi in qua fundatur omnis Ecclesiastica Iurisâ—…ictio sit immediate à Christo quia ab illa potestate ligandâ—… soluendi sit diuiâ—…a Iurisdictionis potestas patet omnes Episcopos forte etiam presbyteros aequales esse quoad Iurisdictionem That is Seeing the power of binding and loosing in which all Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction is founded is immediately from Christ and because the power of diuine Iurisdiction is from this power of binding and loosing it is euident that all Bishops perhaps also all Priests are equall in respect of this Iurisdiction And againe hee saith Quod vniuersale concilium propriè captuÌ„ scilicet quod vniuersam EcclesiaÌ„ representat sit supra Patriarchas Roman Pontificem credo â—…ubium esse non debere That is I hold it a truth not to bee doubted that a generall Councell properly taken that is as it representeth the vniuersall Church is aboue Patriarches and the Bishop of Rome And againe Papa per Synodum in criminibus etiam alijs quam hâ—…resi iâ—…dicari potest That is The Pope may be iudged by a Synod for other crimes also besides heresie Now for the Iurisdiction of the ciuill Magistrate the same Author speaketh thus Imperator Christianorum in sua praesidentia est Christi vicarius That is A Christian Emperour in his office is Christs Vicar And againe Omnis rex Imperator habet officium Publicum ad Publicam vtilitatem or diâ—…atum Publica vtilitas est paâ—…ad quam ordinantur iusticia iusta praelia principium autem pacis est ad â—…inem 〈◊〉 â—…rigere subditâ—…s media illum 〈◊〉 sunt sacra institâ—…ta religionum quare prima cura Imperialis in 〈◊〉 obseruandis verâ—…ur That is Euery King and Emperour hath a publike office ordinate to the publike good the publike good is peace whereunto iustice and iust warres are ordinated the fountaine of peace to direct subiects to an eternall end the meanes to obtaine that end the holy ordinances of religion wherefore the first and chiefe care Imperiall consisteth in the obseruation of those ordinances And therefore he saith Imperator curam custodiae gerit And againe isto modo imperator dicitur aduocatus vniuerâ—…alis Ecclesiae custos sides orthodoxae Which thing he proueth by the ancient practise of the Church because in the Chalcedon Councell the Emperour Martiaâ—…us is called custos fidei and the Emperour Basilius in the beginning of the eight Councell saith that the gouernement of the Church was by the prouidence of God committed to his hands 60. The same Author speaking further of the office of Kings and of their Iurisdiction in Church affaires and in Councels saith Debent râ—…ges principes Synodos congregare iuxta admonitionem sancts Gregorij ad Theodoricum regem Francorum ex registro 273. Iterata vos per vestram mercedem adhortatione pulsamus vt congregari Synodum iubeatis That is Kings and Princes ought to gather Synodes according to the admonition of Gregory writing to Theodoricus the French King ex registro 273. We moue you with our redoubled petition that euen for that