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A01080 A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons & euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the ciuile lawes of the Empiere, as also all other lawes of the world, with a large discourse of the difference betwene the. ii. gouernements of kingdomes: whereof the one is onely regall, and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned. written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past, by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight ... And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster.; De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin Fortescue, John, Sir, 1394?-1476?; Mulcaster, Robert. 16th Century 1567 (1567) STC 11194; ESTC S102454 98,618 567

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liber legum quibus Reges Israell subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur Hunc librum legere iubet Moyses Reges vt discant timere deū custodire mandata eius quae in lege scripta sunt Ecce timere deū effectus est legis quem non consequi valet homo nisi prius sciat voluntatem dei quae in lege scripta est Nam principium omnis famulatus est scire voluntatem dn̄i cui seruitur Legis tn̄ lator Moyses primô in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei cōmemorat Deinde ad custodiā causae eius videlicet mandatorum dei ipse inuitat Nā effectus prior est quā causa in animo exhortātis Sed quis est timor iste quem promittunt leges obseruatoribus suis vere non ē timor ille de quo scribitur Quod perfecta caritas foras mittit timorem Timor tamen ille licet seruilis sepe ad legendum leges reges concitat sed non est ipse proles legis Timor vero de quo hic loquitur Moises quem et pariunt leges est ille de quo dicit propheta Timor domini sanctus permanet in seculum seculi Hic filialis est et non nouit penam vt ille qui per charitatem expellitur Nam iste a legibus proficiscitur que docēt facere volūtatē dei quo ipse penā nō meretur Sed gloria dn̄i est super metuentes eū quos et ipse glorificat Timor autē iste timor ille est de quo Iob postquā multifarie sapiētiā inuestigat sic ait Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia recedere a malo intelligentia Iob ca. xxviij Recedere a malo quôd intelligētia timoris dei est leges docent quo timorē hunc ipse parturiunt ¶ The Princes replie to the Chauncellours motion Chap. 2. THe Prince hearynge this and stedfastly be holding y e old man spake thus to him I know good Chauncelloure that the booke of Deutronomie whereof you speake is a booke of holye scripture The lawes also and ordinances therein contained are holy of the lords makinge and published by Moyses Wherefore the readinge of them is a plesant act of holye contemplacion But that law to the knowledge whereof you counsell me is humayne made by menne and intreating of worldlye matters Wherefore though Moyses bynde the Kinges of Israell to the readynge of goddes law yet that thereby hee forcethe all other Kynges to do the like in their own lawes that standethe by no good reason seeynge that of both the readinges the cause is not like HEc vt audiuit prīceps erecto in senem vultu sic locutus est Scio Cancellarie quod liber Deut. quem tu commemoras sacrae scripturae volumē est leges quoque cerimoniae in eo cōscriptae etiam sacrae sūt a dn̄o editae per Moisen promulgatae quare eas legere sāctae cōtēplacionis dulcedo est Sed lex ad cuius scienciā me inuitas humana est ab hoībus aedita tractans terrena quo licet Moyses ad Deut. lecturam reges Israel astrinxerit eū per hoc reges alios ad cōssīl’er faciēdū in suis legibus cōcitasse ōnē effugit rationē cū vtriusque lectur ’ nō sit eadem causa ¶ Here the Chauncelour Fortifieth his assertion Cap. 3. I perceaue ꝙ the Chaūcellour by youre aunswere most worthy prince howe earnestly you haue considered weighed the qualitie of my exhortaciō So that heareby you doe much encourage me both more plainly more largely also more deepelye to discourse y e same Wherefore you shal vnderstande that not only gods lawes but also mans are holye forsomuche as the lawe is diffined by these woordes The lawe is a holy sanction or decree cōmaūding things that be honest and forbiddinge y e contraries Now y e thing must needs be holy which by diffiniciō is determined to be holye Right also by description is called the arte of y t whiche is good streight so y t in this cespect a man may wel cal vs Sacerdotes that is to saye geeuers or teachers of holy things for so by interpretacion doothe Sacerdos signifie Forsomuche then as the lawes are holye it foloweth that the ministers and setters furth of thē may right wel be called Sacerdotes that iz geuers teachers of holy things Further more all lawes published by men haue also theire auctoritie frome godde For as the Apostell sayethe Al power is from the lord god Wherefore the lawes that are made by mā which thereunto hath receaued power from the lorde are also ordeined of god as also appeareth by this saiyng of the auctour of al causes Whatsoeuer the seconde cause doth the sāe dothe y e first cause by a higher and more excellent meane Wherefore Iosaphat the king of Iuda saiethe to his iudges The iudgements whiche ye execute are the iudgements of god in y e ninetinth chapter of the seconde booke of Chronicles Wherby you are taughte that to learne laws though they be mās lawes is toe learne holy lawes and the ordynāces of goode so that the studie of them is not with out a pleasant sweetenes of holy cōsolaciō And yet such sweete pleasure was not the cause as you suppose werefore Moyses cōmaunded the kings of Israel to reade the lawes of Deuteronomie For thys cause moueth not kynges no more to the reading of y e boke of Deuteronomie thenne of anye of the other bookes of Moyses in which aswel as ī y e booke of Deuteronomie is plentiful store of godly lessons holy instrucciōs Wherin to be deuoutly occupied is a holy thing Wherfore that there was non other cause of this commaundement thē for that y e lawes whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people are more precisely cōteined in y e booke of Deutronomie thē in y e other bokes of y e old testamēt y e circūstances of the same cōmaūdement do manifestly infourme vs. For whiche cause you ought moste worthy prince no lesse thē the kings of Israell to bee mooued and prouoked to be a diligent trauailer in the studie of those lawes wherebye hereafter yowe shal rule your people For that which was spoken to the kinge of Israell muste be vnderstande to be figuratiuely spoken to euerye kinge hauinge dominion ouer godly people And haue I not then wel and holsomelye propounded vnto you the commaundemēt geeuen to the kynges of Israell concernynge the learnynge of theire lawe Forasmuche as not onely his example but also hys like autoritie hath taught yowe and bounde you to the like dooinge in the lawes of the kyngedome whiche god willinge you shall inherit AT Cācellariꝰ Scio inquit ꝑ hec q̄ iā dicis princeps clarissim̄ quāta adūtētia exhortatiōis mee tu pōderas qualitat ’ quo me nō infime cōcītas suꝑ inceptis nedū clariꝰ sed et ꝓfūdiꝰ quodamodo tecūdisceptare
discreete and determinate perfectnes deepe vnder stādinge of the same beeynge lefte to his iudges So also oughte all princes to bee wel seene in the holye scriptures of god as sayethe vincentius Beluacensis in his booke of the morall institution of princes Forasmuche as the scripture aboue mentioned sayethe that vayne are all theye in whom is not the knowledge of god and for that in the sixteen the chapter of the prouerbes it is thus written Let prophecye or the woorde of god be in the lyppes of the kynge and then hys mouthe shall not go wrōge in iudgement And yet is not a kinge bounde to haue profounde knowledge and determinate vnderstāding in y e holy scriptures as it becommethe a professoure of dyuinitye For it shal be ynoughe for hī suꝑficially to tast y e sentēces therof as also of his lawes Thus did Charles the great Lewes his sonne and Robert sometime kinge of Fraunce whoe wrote thys sequence Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia and diuers other princes as the foresayde Vincēcius in the fiftenethe chapter of his booke aforesayd plainly shewethe Wherfore y e doctors of y e lawes do say y t an ēperour beareth al his lawes in y e box of his brest not for y t he knoweth all y e lawes reallye in deede but for that he vnderstandeth the principles of thē lykewise theire fourme theire nature in whiche respect he is iudged to bee skilfull in all hys lawes Whiche also he maye alter chaunge and repeale So that in him are potentiallye all his lawes as Eue was in Adam before she was made Butte now good Chauncellour seeynge I perceaue mye selfe sufficientlye perswaded to the studie of the lawes of England whiche thing in y e beginninge of this worke you promised to perfourme I wil no lōger trouble you in this behalfe But thus I instātly desire you y t ye wil īstruct me in y e prīciples of y e law as you once began to doe And that you will teache me to knowe and vnderstande the fourm and nature thereof For thys lawe shall bee euermore peculiar to me amonge al other lawes of the worlde amonge the whiche I see it shiene as lucifer amōge the starrs And forsomuch as I doubt not but youre intent whereby you were moued to this conference is fully satisfiyd bothe tyme and reason requirethe that we make an ende of our talke yeeldynge therfore laudes and thankes to him whiche beganne furthered and hathe fynished the same Whom we call Alpha et O who also be praysed of euerye lyuinge creature Amen Finis PRīceps Leges illas nedū bonas sed et optimas esse cācellarie ex ꝓsecutiōe tua in hoc dialogo certissime dep̄hēdi Et si q̄ ex eis meliorari deposcant id citissime fieri posse parliamentorū ibi dem formulae nos erudiunt Quo realiter potētialiterue regnum illud semper prestantissimis legibus gubernatur nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas futuris Angliae regibus inutiles fore conijtio dū nō dilectet regere legibus quae non delectant Fastidet namque artificem ineptio instrumenti et militem ignauum reddit debilitas lāciae et mucronis Sed sicut ad pugnā animatur miles cū nedū sibi ꝓnasīt arma sed et magis cū in actibꝰ bellicis ip̄e sit exꝑtus dicente Vegetio de re militari qd ’ sciencia rei bellicae dimicandi audaciam nutrit Quia nemo facere metuit quod se bene di dicisse confidit Sic et rex omnis ad iustitiam animatur dum leges quibus ipsa fiet nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit sed et earum ille expertus sit formam et naturam quas tantum in vniuersali inclusiuè et incōfuso principi scire sufficiet remanen te suis iudicibus earum discreta determinataque peritia et scientia altiori Sic equidē et scripturarum diuinarū peritiam vt dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de morali institutiōe prīcipum Omnis princeps habere deberet cum dicat scriptura superius memorata qd ’ vanae sunt oēs in quibus nō est scientia dei et ꝓuerbi .xvi. scribatur Diuinatio id est diuina sētentia vel sermo diuinus sit in labiis regis et tunc in iuditio non errabit os eius Non tamen profundè determinatèue intelligere tenetur Prīceps scripturas sacras vt decet sacrae theologiae ꝓfessor sufficit nāque ei earū in cōfusô degusta re sententias qualiter et peritiā legis suae Sic et fece●ūt Carolus Mag●us Lodouicꝰ filius eiꝰ et Robertꝰ quōdā rex Frāciae qui hanc scripsit seq̄ntiā Sācti spiritꝰ ad sit nobis gratia et quā plures alij vt ī .xv. ca. lib. p̄dicti Vincentius p̄dictꝰ luculenter docet Vnde et doctores legū dicūt qd ’ imperator gerit oīa iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui nō q̄a ōīa iura ip̄e noscit realiter et in actu sed dū prīcipia eorū ip̄e ꝑcepit formā similiter et naturā oīa iura sua ipse ītelliger ’ cēsetur q̄ etiā trāsformare ille potest mutare et cassare quo ī eo potētialiter sūt ōnia iura sua vt in Adā erat Eua antequā plasmaretur Sed quia Cācellarie ad legū Angliae disciplinatū mihi iā conspicio suffici enter esse suasum quod et in huiꝰ operis exordio facere ꝓmisisti Nō te āplius huius p̄textu solicitare conabor sed obnixê de posco vt in legis huius principijs vt quōdam incepisti me erudias docēs quodamodo eius agnoscere formā et naturam quia lex ista mihi semꝑ peculiaris erit īter ceteras legꝭ orbis inter quas ipsā lucere cōspicio vt lucifer inter stellas Et dū intentioni tuae qua ad collationē hanc concitatus es iā satisfactū esse nō ābigo tempus postulat et ratio vt nostris colloquiis terminū cōferamus reddētes ex eis laudes ei et gratias qui ea incepit prosecutꝰ est et finiuit Alpha et O quē dicimꝰ quē et laudet ōnis spiritus Amen ¶ The table AN Introduction to the matter Fo. 3. The Chanceller moueth the Prince to the knowlege of the lawe Fo. 4. The Princes replie to y e motion 7 The Chaūcellour fortifieth his assertion 8 The Chauncellour proueth that a Prince by the lawe may bee made happye and blessed 10 Ignorance of the lawe causeth contempte therof 14 The Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of his perswasion 17 The Prince yeldoth hym self to the studye of the lawes though he bee yet disquieted w t certein doubtes 19 So muche knowledge as is necessarie for a prince is soone had 20 A kinge whose gouernement is politique cannot chaunge hys lawes 25 The Prince demaundeth a question 27 The aunswere is omitted for that in an other woorke it is handled at large 28 How kingdomes ruled by roya●●●ouernement onely first beganne 28 Howe kingedōes of politique gouernance were first begonne 30 The Prince compend●●●sly abridgeth all that the Chauncellour before hath discoursed at large 33 All lawes are the lawe of Nature custōs or statutes 36 The lawe of Nature in all Countryes is one 37 The customes of Englande are of moste auncient antiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall Nations from one to another by successe 38 With what grauitie statutes are made in Englande 39 A meane to know the diuersitie betweene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of Englande 41 The first case wherein the Ciuile lawes the lawes of England differ 42 Inconueniēces that commeth of that law which no otherwise thē by witnesses admitteth trials 43 Of the crueltie of Rackinges 46 The Ciuile lawe ofte failethe in doinge of iustice 50 Howe counties are deuided and Sherifes chosen 51 How Iurers 〈…〉 chosen sworne 54 How Iurers 〈…〉 to be enformed by euydences and witnesses 57 Howe causes criminall are determined in England 61 The Prince granteth the lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects then y e Ciuile lawes in the case disputed 63 Why Inquestes are not made by Iuries of .xii. men in other realmes aswel as in Englande 65 The Prince cōmendeth the lawes of England of theire proceeding by Iuries 69 The Prince doubteth whether this proceding by Iuries be repugnant to Gods lawe or not 70 That the proceeding by a Iurie 〈◊〉 not repugnant to the law of God 72 Why certeine kinges of Englande haue had no delyghte in their own lawes 76 The Chaunceller openeth the cause which the Prince demaundeth 77 The commodities that proceede of y e ioynt gouernement politique regall in the realm of England 83 A comparison of y e worthines of both the regiments 86 The prince breaketh th●●●●uncellour of his tale 89 The second case wherein the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theirs iudgements 89 Speciall causes whye base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimonye ensuynge 93 The prince alloweth the lawe whych doth not legittimate children borne before matrymonye 98 The thirde case wherein the lawes aforesayde disagree 98 The prince approuethe the lawe whereby y e issue foloweth the wombe 102 The fowerthe case wherein y e said lawes varye 104 The prince commendethe the education of noble mens children beinge orphanes 106 Other cases wherin the foresayde lawes differ 108 The prince regardethe not a case rehearsed 109 The Chaunceller sheweth why the lawes of Englande are not taughte in the vniuersities 110 The disposition 〈◊〉 general study of the lawes of Englande 〈◊〉 that the same in nūber passeth certein vniuersities 113 Of the state and degree of a serieāt at lawe and howe he is created 116 After what maner a Iustice is created and of his habite and conuersacion 121 The prince fyndethe faute wythe delayes that are made in the kyngs courte 125 That delaies whiche happen in the kyngs courts are necessarie and reasonable 126 That the lawes of Englande are ryghte good the knoweledge thereof expediente for kyngs and that it shal suffice them to haue but a superficial knowledge of the same 129 Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple Barre at the signe of the hand and starre by Rychard Tottill 1567.
you would muche marueill beecause you knowe not the cause of this lawe Howebeeit the difficultie of this case nothing troubleth him y t is learned in the lawes of England Wherfore it is a commen sayinge that an art hath no foe but the ignoraunt person But god forbid O noble prince that you should be an enemye to the lawes of that royalme whyche you shall by succession inherite or that you should despise them seeing y t y e a fore cited text of scripture instructeth you to the loue of Iustyce Wherefore moste soueraigne Prince I doe with moste earnest affection require you to learne the lawes of youre fathers kingdome whom you shall succeede not onelye to the intent you maye the rather auoyde these inconuenyences but also because mannes mynde which naturally desireth the thing that is good and can desire nothing but in respects that it is good as soone as by learninge it hathe taken holde of that whiche is good it becommeth ioyefull and loueth the same the more that it is afterwarde occupied in the remembrance of the same so much it is more delited therin Whereby you are taughte y t if you once by learning attaine to y e vnderstanding of y e foresaid lawes wherein you are nowe ignoraunt seeinge they bee perfectlye good you must needes loue thē And y e more y t you record thē in your mīde so much y e more delyte pleasure shal you haue in them For what soeuer it is y e is loued the same draweth the louer of it into y e nature therof So that as the Phisopher sayeth vse or exercise becommeth an other nature So a slippe of a Peare tree beeynge graffed into the stocke of an appletree after that it hath taken it so draweth the appletree into the nature of the Peartree y e they bothe for euer after are rightly called a peare-tree and doe bring furth the fruite of a pearetree In lyke sorte continuall vse and practyse of vertu causeth a full perfection therof in so muche that the practyser of the same is afterward named therby as a man indued with modestye of the vse therof is named modest Hee that vseth continencye is called continent and one garnished with wisedom is called wise Wherfore you also moste myghtye prince when you are plesantly delyted in Iustice and therewith indued in respect of the perfeccion of the law you shal wortheli be called Iust For which cause it shal be saide vnto you Thou hast loued Iustice hated iniquitie and therfore the lord thy God hath anointed the with y e oyle of gladnes aboue the kings of the earth thy cōpanions SEd quomō iusticiam diligere poteris sinon primo legum scientiā quibus ipsa cognoscatur vtcūque apprehēderis Dicit namque Philosophus quod nihil amatū nisi cognitum Quare Fabius Orator ait qd ’ felices essent artes si de illis soli artifices iudicarent Ignotum vero nō solum nō amari sed sperni solet quô poeta quidā sic ait omnia que nescit dicit spernē da colonus Et nō coloni solum vox hec est sed et doctorum peritissimorum quoque virorū Nā si ad Philosophum natural ’ qui in mathe nunquā studuit methaphisicus dicat qd ’ scientia sua considerat resseperatas ab ōni materia et motu scd’m secundum esse et secūdū rationē Vel mathemathecus dicat quod sua scientia considerat res coniunctas materīae et motui secundum esse sed seꝑatas secundum rationem Ambos hos licet phōs philosophus ille naturalis qui nūquā nouit res aliquas seꝑatas a materia motu essentia vel ratione spernet eorumquè sciencias licet sua scientia nobili ores ipse deridebit non alia ductꝰ causa nisi quia eorum scientias ipse penitus ignorat Sic et tu princeps legis Anglie ꝑitū miraberis si dicat quod frater fratri sibi nequaquā vterino non succedet in hereditate paterna sed potiꝰ hereditas illa soro ri integri sanguinis sui descendet Aut capitali domino feodi accidet vt escaeta sua Cū causam legis huíus tu ignores in lege tamen Angliae doctū huius casus difficultas nullatenus perturbat Quare et vulgariterdicitur quod ars non habet inimicum nisi ignorantem Sed absit a te fili Regis vt inimiceris legibus regni quo tu successurus es vel vt eas spernes cum iusticiam diligere predicta sapientiae lectio te erudiat Iterum igitur atque iterum princeps inclitissime te adiuro vt leges regni patris tui cui successurus es addiscas Ne dum vt inconueniētias has tu euites Sed quia mens humana quae naturaliter bonum appetit et nihil potest appetere nisi sub ratione boni mox vt per doctrinam bonum apprehēderit guadet et illud amat ac quanto deinceps illud plus recordatur tanto amplius delectatur ī eodem quo doceris quód si leges predictas quas iam ignoras intellexeris ꝑ doctrinam cum optimae illae sint amabis eas Et quāto plus easdem mente pertractaueris tanto eisdem delectabilius tu frueris Nam omne quod amatur vsu trahit amatorem suum in naturani eius Vnde vt dicit Philosophus vsus altera fit natura sic ramunculus piri stipiti pomi insertus postquam coaluerit ita pomum trahit in naturam piri vt ambae deinceps merito pirus appellentur fructusque producant piri Sic et vsitata virtus habitum generat vt vtens ea deinde a virtute illa denominetur quo modestiae preditus vsu modestus nominatur continētiae continens et sapientiae sapiens Quare et tu princeps postquam iustitia delectabiliter functus fueris habitumque legis indutus fueris merito denominaberis iustus cuius gratia tibi dicetur dilexisti iusticiam quo et odisti iniquitatem propterea vnxit te dominus deus tuus oleo letitiae pre consortibus tuis regibus terrae ¶ Here the Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of all his perswacion Cap. 6. NOw moste gracious prince is not all thys enoughe to moue youre highnes to the studye of y e lawe Seing that thereby you shal indue your selfe with Iustice whiche shall yelde vnto you the name of a iuste man And shall also eschue the infamy of ignoraunce in the lawe And further by the lawe you enioying felicity shal be blessed in this life And finallye beinge furnished w t a louyng feare whiche is the wisedome of God you shall obtain possesse Charitie whiche is a stedfast loue to godward and by the meane thereof cleanynge to God you shall by the apostles sayenge bee made one Spirite wyth hym But forsomuche as the lawe without grace cannot accōplish these thīgs it is necessarie and requisite that aboue all things you
’ sinagoga dū sub solo deo rege qui eam in regnū peculiare adoptabat illa militabat sed demum eius petitione Rege homine sibi cōstituto sub lege tātum regali ipsa de inceps humiliata est Sub qua tamen dum optimi reges sibi prefuerunt ipsa plausit et cum discoli ei preessebant ipsa ī consolabiliter lugebat vt regū liber hec destinctiꝰ manifestauit Tamē q̄a de materia ista in opusculo qd tui contemplacione de natura legis naturae exaraui sufficienter puto me diceptasse plꝰ inde loqui iam de sisto Here the prince demaūdeth a question Cap. 10. Immediatly the prīce thꝰ said Howe cōmeth this to passe good Chauncellour that ōe kynge maye gouerne his people by power royal onely and y e an other kynge cā haue no such power seīg bothe this kynges are ī dignitie equall I cannot chose but muche muse and marueil why ī power they should thus differ TVnc princeps illico sic ait Vnde hoc cācellarie qd Rex vnus plebem suā regaliter tātū regere valeat et regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur equalis fastigii cū sint reges ambo Cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares nequeo nō admirari The aunswere to this question is here omitted for that in another worke it is handeled at large Cap. 11. I haue sufficiētly qd the chaūcellour declared in my foresaid worke y t the Kynge whose gouernemēt is politique is of no lesse power then he that royally ruelethe his people after his owne pleasure howbeit they differ ī autoritie ouer their subiets as in the sāe worke I haue shewed saye I styll Of whiche differēce I wyll opē vnto you the cause as I can CAncellarius Non minoris esse potestatis regem politicê imperātem quā qui vt vult regaliter regit populum suum in supradicto opusculo sufficiēter est ostensum Diuersae tamē autoritatis eos ī subditos suos ibidem vt iam nulla tenꝰ denegaui cuius diūsitatis causā vt potero tibi pādā Howe Kingedomes rueled by royall gouernement onely first beganne Cap. 12. Men ī tymes passed excellynge in power gredie of dignitie glorie did many tymes by plaīe force subdue vnto them their neighbours the nations adioynyng and cōpelled them to do thē seruice and to obeye their cōmaundements which cōmaundemētz afterward they decreed too be vnto those people verie lawes And by longe sufferaūce of the sāe y e people so subdued beyng by their subduers defended from the iniuries of other agreed consented to lyue vnder the dominion of the same their subduers thīkīge it better for thē to be vnder y e ēpiere of ōe mā whiche might be hable to defēde thē agaīst other thē to be ī daūger to be opp̄ssed of all such as would violētli offer them any wronge And thus certein kingedōes were begonne And those subduers thꝰ rulīg y e people vnto thē subdued tooke vpō thē of ruelīge to be called Rulers which our language termethe kynges And their ruele or dominiō was named onely royall or kingly So Nemroth was the first y t gott vnto hīself a kingedōe And yett ī the holie scripturs he is not called a kīge but a stout or mightie hūter before y e lorde For lyke as a hūter subdueth wyld beasts lyuīge at their libertie so did he brīge mē vnder his obediēt So did Belꝰ subdue y e Assyrians Ninꝰ the most ꝑte of Asia So also did the Romaines vsurpe the empier of the whole worlde And thus almost were the kīgdōes of all nations begonne Wherefore the lorde beinge displeased withe the children of Israell requierīge to haue a Kynge as then all other natiōs had commaūded the lawe regall to be declared vnto thē by y e prophett Which lawe regal was no other thinge but the pleasure of the kynge their gouernour as in the first book of the kynges more fully it is cōteyned Nowe you vnderstande as I suppose most noble prīce the fourme and fassion of the begynnyng of those Kyngedomes that be regally possessed and rueled Wherefore nowe I wyll assaye to make plaīe vnto you how by what meāes y e gouernemēt of the Kyngdō politique toke his first entraunce begynynge to the ende and intent y e when you knowe the begynnynges of them both it may be right easye for you thereby too discerne the cause of the diuersitie which in your questiō is conteyned HOmines quō dam potentia praepollētes auidi dignitatis et gloriae vicinas sepe gentes sibi viribꝰ subiugarūt ac ipsis seruire obtem perare quoque iussionibꝰ suis cōpulerunt quas iussiones extunc leges hominibus illis esse ipsi sanctierunt Quarū ꝑpetione diutina subiectus sic populꝰ dum ꝑ subitiētes a ceterorū iniuriis defēdebatur in subicientiū dominiū cōsentierūt Oportuniꝰ esse arbitrātes se vnius subdi Iꝑio quo erga alios defēder ’ quā ōniū eos īfestar ’ volētiū opp̄ssionibꝰ expōi Sicque regna quaedá inchoata sūt et subicientes illi dū subiectum populū sic rexerūt a regendo sibi nomē regis vsurpa rūt eorū quoque dominatꝰ tātū regalis dictꝰ est Sic Nēbrogh primus sibi regnū cōparauit tamē non rex ipse sed Robustꝰ venator corā domino sacris litteris appellatus est Quia vt venator feras libertat ’ fruētes ipse homines sibi cōpescuit obedire Sic Belus assirios et Ninus quā magnā Asiae ꝑtē ditioni suae subegerunt Sic et Rōani orbis iperiū vsurpar ’ qualit ’ ferè in omnibus gentibus regna īchoata sunt Quare dum filii Israel regem postu●abāt sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gētes dominus inde offensus legem regalem eis per prophetam explanari mandauit Quae nō aliud fuit quā placitum regis eis preessentis vt in primo Regum libro plenius edocetur Habes nunc ni fallor princeps clarissim̄ formam exordii regnorum regaliter possessorū Quare quomodo regnū politicè regulatū p̄mitꝰ erupit etiam iā propalare conabor vt cognitis amborum regnorum initiis causam diuersitatis quam tu queris inde elicer● tibi facillimum sit Howe Kyngedomes of politique gouernaūce were first begonne Cap. 13. SAint Austē ī y e xxiii chapter of his xix booke De ciuitate dei saith y e a People is a multitude of men associated by the consent of lawe and communion of wealthe And yett such a people beynge headless that is to saye without a heade is not worthye to be called a bodie For as in thynges naturall when the heade is cutt of the residue is not called a bodie but a truncheon so likewyse in thinges politique a cominalte w tout a head is in no wise corporate Wherefore Aristotle ī the first booke of his ciuile philosophie saieth y e whēsoeuer ōe is made of many
amonge y e sāe one shal be the rueler and the other shal be rueled wherfore a people that wyll rayse thēselfs into a kingdome or into any other bodie politique must euer appointe one to be chiefe rueler of the whole bodie which in kīgdōes is called a kīge After this kīde of order as out of the embryō rieseth a bodie natural ruled by ōe head euen so of a multitude of people arieseth a kyngedōe whiche is a bodie mistical goūned by ōe mā as by an head And like as in a natural body as saieth the Philosopher the hart is y e first y e liueth hauig w tin it bloud which it distributeth among all y e other members whereby they are quickened doe lyue sēblably in a bodye politik y e intēt of y e people is the first liuely thīg hauing w tin it bloud y t is to say politike prouision for the vtilitie welth of the same people which it dealeth furth imparteth aswel to the head as to al y e mēbers of the same body wherby y e body is nourished mainteined Furthermore the lawe vnder the which a multitude of men is made a people representeth the sēblance of synews ī y e body natural Because that lyke as by synewes the ioynyng of the bodie is made sounde so by the lawe which taketh the name a ligando y t is to witte of byndynge suche a misticall bodie is knytt and preserued together And the members bones of the same bodye whereby is represented y e soundenes of the wealth wherby that bodie is susteyned do by the lawes as the naturall bodie by synewes reteyne eueryone their proper fūctions And as the head of a bodi natural cā not chaūge his sinewes nor cā not denie or witholde from his inferiour mēbers their peculiar powers seueral nourishm̄tz of bloud no more cā a kīge which is y e head of a bodie politik chaūge the lawes of y e bodie nor withdrawe from the same people their proper substāce against their wills and consentes in that behalfe Nowe you vnderstande most noble prince the fourme of institucion of a kīgdome politique wherebye you maye measure the power whiche the king therof maye exercise ouer the lawe and subiectes of the same For such a kinge ys made and ordeyned for y e defence of the lawe of his subiectes and of theire bodies and goodes whereunto he receaueth power of his people so y t hee can not gouern his people by any other power Wherfore to satisfy your request in y t you desire to be certified how it cōmeth to pas that in y e powers of kings ther is so great diuersitie suerly in mine opinion the diuersitie of the institutiōz or first ordinances of those dignities whiche I haue nowe declared is the onelye cause of this foresayde difference as of the premisses by the discourse of reason you maye easelye gather For thus y e kingdome of Englande oute of Brutes retinue of the Troians whiche he brought out of the coastes of Italie and Greece firste grewe to a politique regall dominion Thus also Scotland which somtime was subiect to Englande as a Dukedome thereof was aduaūced to a politik and roiall kingdome Many other kīgdōs also had thus their first begīninge not onely of regal but also of politique gouernement Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his seconde boke of olde histories thus writeth of the Egiptiās The Egiptien kings liued first not after y e licentious maner of other rulers whose will pleasure is in steede of law but they kept thēselfes as priuate persones in subiection of the lawes And this did they willingly beeing perswaded that by obeyinge the laws thei should bee blessed For of suche rulers as folowed theire owne lusts they supposed many thinges to be done whereby they were brought in daunger of diuers harmes and perylles And in his fowerth boke thus he writethe The Ethiopian kinge as sone as hee is created he ordereth his life accordīg to y e laws and doth al things after y e maner and custom of hys countrey assigninge neyther rewarde nor punishment to anye man otherthen the law made by his predecessours appointethe He reportethe likewise of the kinge of Saba in Arabia the happie and of certein other kinges whiche in olde time honorablye reigned SAnctus Augustinꝰ in libro xix de ciuitate dei capitulo xxiii dicit Quod populus ēcetus hominū iuris consensu et vtilitatis cōmunione sociatus Nec tamē populus huiusmodi dum Acephelꝰ id est sine capite est corpus vocare meretur Quia vt in naturalibus capite detruncato residuū nō corpꝰ sed trūcū appellamꝰ sicet in politicis sine capite cōmunitas nullatenus corporatur Quo p̄mo politic̄ dicit philosophus quôd quādocūque ex pluribꝰ cōstituitur vnū inter illa vnū erit regēs et alia erūt recta Quare populū se in regnum aliudue corpꝰ politic̄ erigere volētē sēꝑ oport ’ vnū p̄ficere totius corporis illiꝰ regitiuū quē regē nōin̄ solit ’ ē Hoc ordin̄ sicut ex embrione corpꝰ surgit phisi cū vno capite regulatum sic ex populo erumpit regnum qd corpus extat misticū vno hoīe vt capite gubernatū Et sicut in naturali corꝑe vt dicit philosophus cor est primum viuēs habēs in se sāguinē quē emittit in oīa eius mēbra vnde illa vegetāt ’ et viuūt sic ī corꝑe politico intētio populi primū viuidū est habēs in se sanguinē vz ꝓuisionē politicā vtilit ’ populi illiꝰ quā in caput et in oīa mēbra eiusdē corꝑis ipsa trāsmittit quo corpus illud alitur vegetatur Lex vero sub qua cetꝰ hominū populus efficitur neruorū corporis phisici tenet ration̄ q̄a sicut ꝑ neruos cōpago corporis solidatur sic per legem quae a ligando dicitur corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur et seruatur in vnū et eius dem corporis mēbra ac ossa quae veritatis qua cōmunitas illa sustentatur soliditatē denotāt per legem vt corpus naturale per neruos propria retinent iura Et vt non potest caput corporis phisici neruos suos cōmutare neque mēbris suis ꝓp̄as vires et ꝓp̄a sāguinis alim̄ta denegare nec rex qui caput corpor ’ politici ē mutar ’ potest leges corpor ’ illiꝰ nec eiusdē populi substātias ꝓprias subtrahere reclamantibꝰ eis aut inuitis Hēs ex hoc iā prīceps institutiōis politici Regni formā ex qua metiri poteris potesta tē quā rex eiꝰ in leges ipsiꝰ aut subditos valeat exercer ’ Ad tutelā nāque legis subditorū ac eorū corpū et bonorū rex hm̄odi erectꝰ est et ad hāc potestatē a populo effluxā ipse hēt quô ei nō licet potestate alia suo populo dn̄ari Quare vt
hii omnes cōmuni assensu nominant de quolibet comitatu tres milites vel armigeros quos inter ceteros eiusdem comitatꝰ ipsi opinātur melioris esse dispositionis et famae et ad officium vice comitis comitatꝰ illiꝰ melius dispositos ex quibus rex vnum tātum eliget quē per litteras suas patētes constituet vicecomitem comitatꝰ de quo eligit ’ ꝓ āno tunc sequēte sed ipse ātequā lr ’ illas recīpiat iurabit suꝓ sāta dei euāgelia inter articulos alio● qd bene fideliter et indifferenter exercebit et faciet officiū suū toto āno illo neque aliq̄d recipiet colore aut causa officii sui ab aliquo alio quā a rege His iā sic p̄suppositis ad eorū q̄ querimꝰ indaginē ꝓcedamus Howe Iurers must be chosen and sworne AS ofte as suters in the courtes of the kynge of Englande are come to y e issue of their plea vpon y e mater of the facte furthwith the Iustices by vertue of the kynges wrytte directed vnto the shirief of the countie wherein y e deede is supposed to be done wyll him to cause to come before the same Iusticeis at a certein day by them limitted xii good and lawfull men neighbours to the place where the facte is supposed to be done the same to be such as be of no kynne to either of the pleaders to the ende that by ther oths it maye certeynly be knowē whether y e deede wer done as the one partie affirmeth or ells as the other partye denyeth Vppon the daye aforesayde the shieref shall retourne the said wrytte before the same Iustices together with the pannell of their names which he hereunto hath sommoned Whē they are come either partie may refuse them allegyng that the shierief hathe made that pannell fauorably for the other partye of persones not in different Whiche exception if it be founde treue by the othe of ii men of the same pannell chosen thereunto by the Iustyceis that pannell shall immediatly be quassed And then y e Iustices shall wryte to the coroners of the same coūtie that they shall make a newe painell Whiche when thei haue dōe if it be likewise foūde fautie it shall also be quassed And then the Iustices shall elect and choose ii of the clerkes of the same courte or other of the same coūtie which in the presēce of the court vpon their othes shall make an indifferent panell whiche by neither of the parties shal be challenged Howbeit when the men so impanelled are come into the courte either of the parties may make exceptions against the persōe of anye of thē as he may also do in all cases at all times whē any mā by any meanez impanelled shall appeare to be sworne in the courte vpon the truthe of such an issue saiyng that the person impannelled is cosein or allyed to y e other party or by anye kind of amity so knytte vnto him that he is not indifferent to declare the truethe betwene them And of these exceptions there are so manye kyndes and sortes that theye can not bee in fewe woords rehearsed Wherof if anye one bee founde true thenne shall not hee bee sworne agaynst whō the exception is purposed but his name shall be cancelled in the pannell So allso shal bee done of all the names of the persons impannelled vntill .xii. of thē so indifferēt be sworn that neither party can haue against them any mater of exception or challenge Also of these xii.iiii at the least shal be of the hūdred where the village stādeth wherin the fact wher uppon the sutte riesethe is supposed to bee done And euerie suche Iurer shall haue landes or reuenues for terme of lyfe at y e least to the yearly value of xl s̄ And this order is obserued kept in al accions causes criminall reall and personall sauynge where the dammages or debt in acciōs ꝑsonal excedeth not the sūme of .xl. markes of Englishe moneye For thenne it is not requisite that Iurers in such accyons shall bee hable to dyspende somuche Yet they shall haue lande or rentes to a competente value after the discretion of the Iustices Otherwyse theye shall not bee sworne leaste for neede and pouertie such Iurers myghte easelye bee corrupte and suborned And if by suche exceptions so manye Iurers names bee cancelled in the pannel that there remayneth not a sufficient number to make thereof a Iurie thē y e sherifes by y e kinges write shal be cōmaūded to adioin mo Iur●rs Which thing may ofte be don so y t for lack of Iurers y e inquisitiō of y e truth vpō such a plea shal not ●emaī And this is y e fourm how Iurers and suche inquisitours of truth ought to be chosē in the kings courte and lykewise to bee sworne Wherefore how they muste bee charged and infourmed of y e vtteryng of y e same trueth this nowe resteth to be discussed QVociescunque contendētes in curiis regis Angliae ad exitū placiti super materia facti deuenerint concito Iusticiarii ꝑ breue regis scribunt vic com̄ in quo factum illud fieri supponitur quod ipse venire faciat coram eisdem Iusticiariis ad certū diem ꝑ eos limitatum duodecī probos et legales homines de vicineto vbi illud factum supponitur q̄ neutri partiū sic placitātiū vlla affinitate attingunt Ad recognoscendū suꝑ eorū sacramenta si factū illud factum fuerit sicut vna earundē partium dicit vel nō sicut altera pars negat Quo adueniente die vicecomes returnabit breue p̄dictū corā eisdē iustitiariis vna cum pan ello nominū eorum quos ipse ad hoc sūmoniuit quos si venerit vtraque pars recusare poterit dicēdo qd vicecōes panellum illud fauorabiliter fecit ꝓ ꝑte altera videlicet de personis minꝰ īdifferentibꝰ Que exceptio si cōperta fuerit vera per sacramētum duorum hominū de eodē panello ad hoc ꝑ Iusticiarios electorū mox pānellū illud quassabit ’ et iusticiar ’ tūc scribēt Coronatoribꝰ eiusdē comitatꝰ qd ipsi nouū faciāt panellum Quod cum fecerīt si illud cōsimiliter reꝑtum fuerit viciatū etiā et illud quassabitur et tūc iusticiarii eligēt duos de clericis curiae illiꝰ vel alios de eodē comitatu qui ī p̄sentia curiae ꝑ eorum sacramēta faciēt ī differēs panellum qd deinde ꝑ nullā partiū illarū calūpniabitur sed cū venerīt sic īpanellati ī Curiā q̄libet partiū exciper ’ potest cōtr ’ ꝑsonā cuiuscūque eorū sicut et pot ’ ī ōni casu et ōni tēpor ’ quo aliq̄s qualitercūque cūque īpanellatꝰ cōparuerit incuria super veritate exitus hm̄odi iuraturus dicēdo qd ’ īpanellatus ille est cōsanguineus vel affinis parti alteri vel amicitia quacūque tali sibi coniūctꝰ qd ’