all this while that French Catholikes were in this poynt agreeing rather with the Parlament in England then the Church of Rome But God be praised the curtaine is drawne at length which heretofore hath parted the stage from the attyring house and now the spectatours who are as many of our Country as can write and read may seâ— that such as plead the partes of ciuill rich and religious persons are many of them no better then insolent beggarly and lewd companions This worke is performâ—d in this Oration following wherewith I haâ—e thought good to present the courteous Reader composed and prâ—nounâ—ed by that ornament of our age the Cardinal of Peron a man so well knowne to the world for the great childes portion which the father of all good thinges hath allotted out vnto him of incomparable learning prudence and zeale towardes the Catholique Faith It pleased God by his meanes long since to conuert the last King of France from his erroneous beliefe to make the said Cardinall amongst others an Instrument of compounding that busines of the Venetians whereupon the peace of the Church did in some sort depend and now this honour was only wanting to him that he should be the meanes to restore one of the noblest members of the Church for so we may without any vanity to the glory of God esteeme the English Catholikes who with so admirable grace and strength are stil swimming through the bitter waues of persecution to the honour of only suffering for that faith which other Catholike Countries do professe wherof our Aduersaries haue studied so earnestly to depriue vs whilest they say the doctrine conteyned in the Oath of Allegiance is impugned by vs out of singularity or seditious humour and that our next neighbouring Churches of the same Communion would acknowledge and confesse the same But I must not reflect so particulerly vpon the dignity of the Cardinalls person and the extreme obligation which al good English Catholikes haue to him as therby to neglect the setting forth of the aduantaâ—e which our cause hath got by his Oration For although it were not a matter of small importance if it had beene deliuerâ—d by himself but as a priuate man yet it ought to rise to another manner of accoumpt when it appeareth that as the stile thereof was ordered by his eloquence and the sound thereof pronounced by his voyce so also the substance and strength of it did spring euen from the hart roote of the whole Clergy of France represented by those Archbishops and Bishops and other Prelates there assembled and was both ioyfully receaued and clerely auowed by the whole Nobility of France assembled also and represented in lik maÌ„ner Now to the end good Reader that thou mayâ—st runne through with moâ—e facility and be able with more syncerity to discerne of that which is conteyned in the Oration I will make thee acquainted with the occasion therof and premise also some few other thinges whereof perhaps thou art ignoranâ— and which may serue to set thy iudgment straight in that which followeth The Parlaments in France haue no resemblance to ours in England but are certaine sedentary and supreme Courts of Iustice compounded only of Lawyers who iudge without appeale within their seuerall precinctes of Iurisdiction Of these Courtes there are eight in France all independant on of another though the Parlament of Paris haue a Country vnder it of greater extent and by residing in that Citty which is the ordinary habitation of the French Kinges it hath growne to that kind of amâ—ition and vsurpation which some Patriarchs of Constantinople and some Bishops of Rauenna haue been subiect to in different causes but vpon like occasions That which in France doth answere the nature of our English Parlament is the holding of the three Estates Generall the Clergy the Nobility and the Communalty which last is called the Third Estate but it is with this difference amongst others that they sit in three seuerall Chambers whereas the two former of ours sit in one and wheras with vs an Act is not presented to the King vnles the maior part of both our Houses or Chambers do finde it good in France if the maior part of two Chambers do resolue vpon any proposition it is to go vnder the name of all the Three Estates although one of them should dissent therin This supposed I wil proceed to informe thee courteous Reader that the greater number of the deputies of the third Chamber in this last Assembly of the Estates in France did conceaue frame the forme of an Oath which they wished might be ministred in that Kingdome as that which beares the name of Allegiance is in ours whereby the same principall Article is â—biured namely that no French King can be deposed nor his subiects absolued from their obedience by any Pope for any cause whatsoeuer and that the contrary opinion is Hereticall and repugnant to the doctrine of the Scriptures But this difference is found betweene the two Oathes that whereas the English one in one of the clauses seemes to exclude not only the authority of the Church ouer Kinges but euen of the CoÌ„mon wealth also yea though it should be accompanied with that of the Church that of France shooâ—es only at the abnegation of the Churches authority Nor is there a man in that Kingdome who appeares to h ld that Kinges in certaine cases are not subiect to the censure of the Common wealth And as for the Parlament of Paris in particuler who knowes not that diuers of that body haue now helped to animate the Prince of Condé and his complices to take armâ—s against the King and Queene of France vpon the supposall which they make of the ill Gouernment of that Kingdome But howsoeuer thaâ— case standes this Oath was drawne by the Chamber of the Communalty which in France is called the Third Estate and reiected as conteyning false and wicked doctrine by both the Chambers of the Clergy and Nobility and coâ—sequently for the reason that I gaue before by the Estate Generall Some man perhaps amongst oâ—r English aduersaries may obiect that notwithstâ—nding the custome and stile of France doth beare that whatsoeuer is authorized or reprâ—oued by any two of the Chambers doth take the name of all the threâ— yet it makes exceedingâ—y for the credit of our Oath of Allegiance that they of the Third Estate in France which is the greatest member of that body should c nspire in opinion with the Authours of our English Oath though they be of a contrary Religion to the Protestant in other thinges and esteemed the most deuout professours of it in that Kingdome I answere that this argument may looke fayre a far off but with such as know how thinges were carried it will fall out to be of no force at all It is to be vnderstood that this Chamber of the Third Estate was wholy in effect compounded of Lawyers most of them belonging to the Court of Parlament
forme of his appellation saith (b) Act. inter Bonif Phil. Pulch. Wee appeale to the said Generall Councell which we most hartily craue may be assembled and to the true and lawfull supreme Bishop that shal be and to others to which or to whome it shal be meete to appeale For the King and his maynteyned that Boniface was not the true Pope but was intruded and thrust into the Popedome by fraud simony (c) Ibidem Celestine his predecessour the true lawfull Pope still liuing And they further added that he was an (d) Ibidem Heretique and consequently not Pope for as much as said they (e) Ibid. in appell fact per reg regni col art 18. he had reuealed a confession and more then that he pretended that he beleeued not in the presence of Christes body in the Holy Sacrament And for this the Coūt of Artois caused his Buls to be burnt not as of the true Pope but as of a false one intruded heretical symoniacal and for this cause the King appealed not frō the Pope but from the person of Boniface to the Councel to the Sea Apostolique when it should haue a true Pope he sent two Knights to signify his appeale the one an Italian named Schiarra and the other a Frenchman named Nogaret who surprized by intelligence the Cittie of Anagnia wherin Pope Boniface was whence being deliuered vp and sent to Rome he dyed within awhile of sorrow In place of Boniface was chosen Benedictus to whome presētly after his creation the King gaue sufficiently to vnderstand that what he had done against Boniface was done but against his person and not against the Sea Apostolique For he wrote vnto him with this superscription (a) Act. inter Bonif Phil Pulch. fol. 94. To the most holy Father in our Lord Benedict by the diuine prouidence Supreme Bishop of the sacred holy Church Roman and vniuersall Philip by the grace of God King of France deuoutly kisseth his blessed seete And further with this cōgratulatiō (b) Ibid. f. 95. The Order of the Preachers do glorie to see sitting in the supreme throne of iustice such a father of the Vniuerse and of the faith such a successour of S. Peter and such a vicar of Christ And together with this concludeth (c) Ibid. f. 96. We recommend confidently the Realme in the gouernement whereof we doe by the grace of God sit and withall we recommend the Church of France to the fauours of your Holines And to Benedict who continued in the Sea but eight monethes succeeded Clement the fifth vnder whome the affaires of reconciliation were in such sort accorded and brought to an end as the temporall rightes of the Realme continued in their integrity And Clement himselfe came to Lions where the King to honour in him the spiritual power of Christ put himselfe on foot togeather with his brethren to receaue him Our Chronicles saith du Haillan (d) Du Haillan en la vie de Philip le Belle. doe affirme that the King of France and his two brethren were on foote by the Popes side holding his horses bridle To the second instance which is of the complaint of Lewis the 12. the defendors of the exception make the very same answere That the source and origen of that difference was not matter of religion but cases meerely temporall that is of the league and association that Pope Iulius and King Lewis the 12. at that time Duke of Millane had made and entred into against the Venetians For the Pope seeing how the King grew as great as he could desire in Italy fel of from that alliance with him and reconciled himselfe with the Venetians The King incensed with this separation and the Popes deportement and bad carriage towardes him thereon following caused a Councell to be held at Pisa and after againe at Millan by the Cardinals and other Prelates of his side where the Pope was declared susspēded frō the administration of the vniuersal Church The Pope sore moued at this attaint caused another to be held at Rome where to requite the King he declared him and his adherents deposed from the administration of their temporall Estates But the French both Ecclesiastike and Laike knowing that the first source beginning of that discord proceded from passion of matter of State not of religion interteyned vnion in such sort with the King as nothing could separate them from him For as touching the losse that happened vnto Iohn de Albret of the Kingdome of Nauarre the Continuer of Paulus Aemiltus though he was a sore enemy of the memory of Pope Iulius confesseth not that the sentence of the Pope was the true cause on the contrary he maynteineth that the cause for which Iohn de Albret lost the Kingdome of Nauarre was for breaking of from the alliance he had with Ferdinand King of Aragon which alliance Ferdinand affirmed was ratified vpon condition that if the Kinges of Nauarre did violate the same then the Kingdome of Nauarre should returne to the Spaniardes and he did put himselfe into that alliance of King Lewis the 12. vnder promise that he should procure the soueraignity of Berne to be restored vnto him This then the Continuer of Paulus Aemilius auerreth to be the true cause of the losse of the Kingdome of Nauarre And the other neither to haue beene the true cause nor true pretext but only a help of a pretext of which Ferdinand not hauing taken his aduantage did not yet leaue to pretend that the Kingdome of Nauarre appertained vnto him and so to take possession of it The King of Nauarre saith he (a) Ferrō Continuat Pauli Aemil. in Lud. 12. denied in the beginning that he could refuse to giue passage to the King of Aragon to passe into France saying first that he was hindred to declare himself enemy to Ferdinand by the alliance he had with him and Ferdinand himselfe vaunted that when the Kingdome of Nauarre was by the Spaniardes rendred vp into the handes of the race of Albret it was by caution written and prouided That in case their successors should breake their alliance the Kingdome should returne to the Spaniardes And a litle after (b) Ibid. Whereupon Ferdinand hauing vnderstood that the King of Nauarre was entred into amity with the King of France turned against him the forces which he had prepared for his iourney into France And this was the cause for which Ferdinand did thrust his neighbour next bordering King out of his Kingdome And more then this he added the pretext of another matter namely that the Pope had declared the King and his adherentes excomunicate their Kingdomes exposed To the Third Instance which is taken from the Arrest or Decree of Parlamēt which Mousieur Chancelour of the Hospitall caused to be made against Tanquerell there needeth no other answere then the Answers going before For the Arrest toucheth not in any sort
the King he was so gratious to the said Reymond by the treaty of peace as to restore it vnto him conditionally that it should returne to the said King if his said only daughter had not issue by Alphonse of France the Count of Poittou And when the same vniuersall Councell of Laterane which may worthily be called the most Vniuersal Councel for so much as besides the Pope and the foure Patriarkes of the East Matth. Paris in Ioan. adâ— an 1215. Magdeburg Cent. â—â— cap. 9. de Synod who were there present some in person as the Pope and the Patriarkes of Constantinople and of Hierusalem and the other by their legates as those of Alexandria and of Antioch there were seauenty Archbishops 412. Bishops and more then 800. Prelates and more then this all the Monarches and Kinges of Christendome were there assistant eyther by themselues or by their Ambassadours and the Emperour of the Fast the Emperour of the West the King of Hierusalem the King of France the King of England the King of Arragon the King of Castile and others When the Councell I say intended to prouide for the extirpation and rooting out of the Reliques of the Albigenses it ordeyned that the Princes who should become contemners of the Councell that condemned the Albigenses should be depriued of the obligation of their subiectes fidelity towardes them And this I remember not for an example to disturbe or trouble the publique peace and tranquillity sith the Heretikes be in so great a number as they make a notable part of the body of the Estate but to shew that we cannot hold that for hereticall which was pronounced and decreed 400. yeares since by the mouth of the Vniuersall Church For as touching them who for the frustrating of this decree do alleage and cite (a) Plat. in vita Innocen 3. what Platina and after him the (b) Suppl Chron. l. 13. ad an 1215. Supplement of the Chronicles affirme that the Councell proposed many thinges but resolued nothing they are more worthy of pitty then answere For who sees not that those Authors there speake of the preparatiues of the army for the warre of the holy Land and not of matters of Doctrine or Ecclesiasticall discipline Otherwise a man should impugne as false that therin was resolued the Article of Transubstantiation the Article of the Procession of the holy Ghost of the Father and of the Sonne the precept of annuall Confession to all the faithfull the condemnation of the errours of the Abbot Ioachim together with all the writinges of the Schoole Doctours alleaging these things the practise of all the Iurisdictions of France followed in the searching and finding out of heretikes We should impugne of falsity the Decretals of Gregory the ninth (c) Decret Gregor l. 5. tit 7. de haeret c. 13. Excommunicamus compiled twelue yeares after the Councell of Laterane where that decree is repeated at length vnder the title of the Councell of Laterane the writings of Matthew Paris (d) Math. Parisanâ—e ad ann 1215. a Writer of the same age and a great enemie of the Popes who sayth that the Councell of Laterane made 60. you must reade 70. Decrees the Bul of Pope Clement the 5. in fauour of King Philip the Fayre who returned the readers to the decrees of the Laterane Councell the Centuriators also (a) Acta inter Bonif. 8. Philip Pulch. who inserted all the 70. Articles of the Laterane Councell into their Centuries Finally we should impugne of falsity the coniunction of the County of Tholouse to the Crowne which was founded vpon that Councells Decree and the reasons and declarations of the Court of Parlament to King Lewis the Eleuenth touching the extinguishing of that pragmaticall Sanction or Decree where the Court prayeth the King to order the Elections according to the Councell of Laterane in these wordes In the Councell of Laterâ—ne saith the Court which (b) Refertur à Biblioth lib. 4. decret Eccl. Gall. was assembled held at Rome by Pope Innocentius the third in the yeare 1215. where were assistant and present 1333. Prelates there was prescribed a certaine forme of Election and thereunto was annexed that in case of the Electors negligence the right and power of prouision for the Church should fall to the Superiour Prelate Cap. (c) Cone Lateran c. 24. Quia propter Cap. (d) Ibid. 〈◊〉 23. Ne pro defectu But I haue made to far a digression let vs returne to our Historie Wherefore when the Generall Councell of Lateran which represented all the Christian Common wealth both spirituall and temporall meant to prouide for the extinguishing of the reliques of the Albigensian heresy it conceaued made and published this (e) Conc. Later c. 3. Canon If any Prince neglect in his landes and territories to extirpate the heresy of the Albigenses let him be excoÌ„municated by the Archbishop of the Prouince And if he continue obstinate let it within the space of one yeare be signified to the Pope that he may absolue his subiects from their Oath of fidelity And when Pope Innocentius the 4. did at the Councell of Lions absolue the Subiectes of the Emperour Frederike from the fidelity they owed vnto him I dispute not now whether iustly or vniustly for so much as my scope drift and intention is not but to shew how the Kinges of France haue in such occasions carried themselues the King S. Lewis took vpon him the protecting of the Popes cause against the Emperour The King of France saith Paulus (a) Paul Aemil. in vita S. Ludouici Aemilius being come to Lions by zeale of office of Religion for the assisting of Innocentius and hauing made a protestation that both himself his forces and the Counsel of his Realme were ready to maynteyne defend the power and authority of his Holines added strength and dignity to Innocentius his cause And euen those who to make the Pope the king S. Lewis odious write that the Pope offered to cause Robert Count of Artois the Kinges brother to be elected chosen in place of Frederike but that the Barons of France refused it add that the Barons themselues protested that the Emperour could not be deposed if he erred not in faith You shall heare the Barons wordes be they true or be they faigned deliuered after many inuectiues against the Pope by Matthew Paris an Englishman (b) Matth. Paris in Hen. 3. ad an 1239. who fauoured the Emperour was the Popes heauy enemie and taken out of him by Vignier (c) Vignier en la 3. p. de la Biblioth hist Pan. 1239. who yeilded not a whit vnto him in that behalfe And thus he sayth But to the end we may not seeme to contemne the Popes commandement though it be euident that it came from the Church of Rome more vpon hatred to the Emperour then for a loue to our Nation we will send men of prudence on
that the Church doth this and sometimes it doth it not And againe (b) Ibid. q. 11. art 2. 〈◊〉 corpore art So soone as any is deuounced excomunicated by sentence for Apostacie from the faith his subiectes be absolued from his domination and subiection and from the Oath of fidelity whereby they were bound vnto him before Behold what this holy and wonderfull Doctour or rather this Eagle of Doctours whome the Schoole of Deuines calleth the Angelicall Doctour saith and this in his Summe which hath been euer publiquely read at Paris and held for the miracle and oracle of Scholasticall diuinity and who hath neuer been noted nor taxed in this Article by any neither French nor other And not only he but euen those also who among the Doctours of the faculty of Paris haue purposely and expresly written for the Emperours and for the Kings against the Popes and haue taken vpon them to demonstrate that the Popes could not declare the subiects absolued in conscience from the Oath made to their Princes haue alwaies excepted the case of heresy and infidelity and especially when the Princes went and proceeded so far as to haue a will to destroy and ouerthrow the Christian or Catholike Religion and to inforce and constraine their subiects in their consciences and to persecute them as they were either Christians or Catholikes For William Occam who fauoured the Emperour against the Pope and whome the French Doctours who haue impugned the Popes temporall authority haue taken for their Patron hauing written expressely touching the Power Ecclesiastique and Laique spirituall and temporall where he disputeth of set purpose that the Pope hath not any power at all to absolue the Subiects of Kings from the Oath of Allegiance they owe vnto them excepted in generall termes the cases of Heresy or Infidelity (a) Occam lib. 8. q. 2. c. 8. ad 3. alleg The Pope sayth he cannot ordinarily depose the Emperour no more then other Kings though he be neuer so worthy to be deposed nor for any crime or default though neuer so great if it be not of the number of the spirituall crymes And Iohn of Paris to whome the more sincere seruants and fauourers of Kings send the Readers to learne and vnderstand what ought to be the limits and bounds of the authority spirituall and temporall doth there bring the very same exception (b) Io. Par lib. de potest Regis Papae c. 14. If a Prince sayth he were an heretike and incorrigible and lib. a contemner of the Churches censure the Pope might do something in the behalf of the people wherof might ensue that he should be depriued of his secular dignity and deposed by the people And this the Pope may do in the only crime Ecclesiastique the vnderstanding and notice wherof appertayneth to him that is to excommunicate all them who should obey such a Prince as their Lord and Soueraigne And Iames Almaine Doctour of the Faculty of Paris who at what time King Lewis the 12. was at difference and variance with Pope Iulius tooke vpon him the defence of the Kings power against that of the Pope and for that cause did publish and put to light what Occam aforesaid had composed and written against the Pope touching the boundes of both powers and illustrated them with explications and notes of his owne relateth the words of Occam in these termes Doctour Occam (a) Almain l. de potest Eccles Late c. 8. sayth he writeth that Iesus Christ hath not giuen power to the Pope to depriue the Laiques of their Dominions and their possessions except in case that a secular Prince should abuse himselfe therin to the ruine of Christianisme or of the faith so as that abuse should extend to the domage of eternall felicity For in this case it is not to be denied but that the Pope hath power to dispose though other Doctours deny it albeit they confesse that the Pope hath only authority and power to declare that such a Prince ought to be deposed Loe Almaine his wordes in the first part of his booke And see agayne what he sayth in the second part of it The Doctour sayth he speaking (b) Alm. ibidem of Occam hath answered that if the Emperour be worthy of deposition for a cryme of the former kind that is for spirituall crymes he may be deposed by the Pope for as much as the Pope hath full power to punish spirituall sinnes But if he be worthy of deposition for a cryme ciuill and politique it then belongeth not to the Pope to depose him And it is not to be said that the condition of the Emperour and of other Kinges is not paralell alike and equall For Occam handleth them as equall and manteyneth that the Emperour dependeth not in any sort of the Pope for his temporalities And a little after passing vnto the opinion of Iohn Doctour of Paris he sayth (c) Alm. ibidem Iohn of Paris holdeth that for any crime either spirituall or politique it apperteyneth not vnto the Pope to depose the Emperour but by accident c. that is to say in as much as he may excommunicate him for such a cryme and all them that take parte with him and consequently by such an excommunication to constreyne them to depose him And so he deposeth him only by accident and indirectly and not directly And yet these be the principall supportes wherewith the Kinges and Church of France haue serued themselues when they meant to withstand and oppose themselues against the progresse of the Ecclesiasticall power ouer the temporall These be the bookes which the Kinges haue caused to be writtē for the maynteyning and vpholding of their authority These be the bookes which the Faculty of Diuinity haue caused to be published at such time as the Kinges had any variance with the Popes These be those writinges that were reprinted and put to light agayne and illustrated with explications when King Lewis the 12. entred into a difference with Pope Iulius in the time of the Councell of Towers and of Pisa These be the bookes which were caused to be published for the same subiect vnder our deceased King of glorious Memory and that an eight yeares since that is to say in the yeare 1606. and whereunto the Maisters of the Kinges retinue of the Parlament of Paris do remit and refer their Readers to vnderstand what be the batteries strongest defences of the Iurisdiction spirituall temporal And this Schoole of Sorbonne saith the deceased Monsieur Procuratour or Attorney Generall de la Guesle (a) Apud Rochell in Decreto Eccl. Gall. lib. 5. c. 8. speaking to the Schoole of Sorbone on the behalf of the Court hath excellent obseruations in the writings of Gerson and in the booke de potestate Regia Papali composed by Iohn of Paris Doctour in this faculty and in a thousand places besides And notwithstanding this what saith Iohn of Paris That the Pope (b)
excepting only a few hypocritical Ministers amongst vs or profane Lawyers amongst our neighbours But as God would haue it neither the Ministers in France are of that opinion for they professe the contrary nor yet the Lawyers of England if you put the case home to them for howsoeuer it costes them nothing to sweare that the Pope can neuer come to depose a King because he is a protestant it would trouble some of their consciences if they haue any to sweare that if an Vpper and Lower house of the English Parlament should condemne a King who might happen to be so great a Tyrant as that he would abrogate all the Statutes and Common Lawes of the Realme bring in by force a summary course of Iustice as is vsed in Switzerland confiscate all the Common Lawyers of England who are able to spend aboue a thousand poundes per annum and in a word dispose of their wiues and children as if they were his owne it would trouble them I say to sweare that such a King might not be deposed by the Houses of Parlament and that themselues could not be so far discharged from the Oath of Fidelity which they made to him when they were sworne Iustices of Peace as to make some personall resistance in their owne defence There is nothing more certaine then that many a man reades ouer the Oath of Allegiance and diuers take it who consider not the importance of those fearefull generall clauses which include and exclude all particuler cases of No Pope No King neither by his owne nor by any other Authority for any cause whatsoeuer can Depose or Absolue subiects c. And yet as I said before there are so many Protestantes who by occasion of this Oath haue entred so deeply into the consideration of Kingly Authority as it is euident to all such as freely and familiarly liue with Protestantes and vnderstand sincerely from them what they think that thousands of them are growne to a lesse adoring conceipt of Royall Dignity then they were wont to haue And though his Maiesty can hardly come to know the preiudice that he hath susteyned by yeilding to them who haue vnfitly sought to help him or rather to help themselues by propounding this Oath because he is a King and cannot equally conuerse with his subiectes nor can he from his seruantes expect but such newes as will be pleasing to him yet it may be hoped for at the Handes of so Excellent a Iudgment as his Maiesty is endued withall that he will one day fall vpon the true account of these businesses by other meanes and not cōtinue his Catholike Subtectes in his so ill conceipt for professing of that beliefe which is now in terminis auowed by the learned and noble Catholikes euen of France the contrary whereof is not auowed by any Protestant Church vpon earth if we chaunge the name of Pope into the name of Common wealth and the sequele whereof hath done nothing but disseruice to him I beseech God of his infinite mercy giue his Maiesty such light of mind wherby to discerne the distempered thoughts of his Ministers who are in such a rage against Catholikes and to vs that he will vouchsafe so much strength of mind as that whatsoeuer happeneth we may rather obey God then Man AN ADVERTISMENT TO THE READER translated out of the French THE Author of this Discourse vnderstanding that some had put in print two seuerall Speaches in his name far different both in sense and wordes from that which he by word of mouth deliuered he was constrayned to bring this to light as an Antidot or Countermaund to those other Neither did he much wonder to see such peeces of changeable colours clapt togeather some true some false according vnto euery ones passion without resemblance to the originall for he doth thinke that no pen could follow nor memory retayne two Speaches wherof the shortest lasted three houres although swiftly pronounced But he was much astonished at the liberty of this tyme that within Paris himselfe being present any should publish two Speaches in his name without acquainting him with it therby to vnderstand whither he would acknowledge them for his owne It is true indeed that he was not the only man who had byn so dealt withall for some other Prelates had lyn handled after the same manner and found as litle of theirs in those remnantes bestowed on them as Euphorbus in Pithagoras Now therefore it doth suffice him to present thee with that he pronounced in the Chamber of the Third Estate For that it was in a manner all one with that he made in the Chamber of the Nobility the reasens being the same and no difference at all but in the beginning conclusion and ornuments By reason wherof the publishing of the one might serue for a generall remedy of the suppositions of the other two As soone as he had therefore signified to the Gentlemen of the Third Order that being to speake in their presence he thought himself obliged to make the same prayer to God which Pericles was accustomed to do being to speake to the Athenians that nothing might passe from him vnbeseeming those that had imployed him neyther of those that were to heare him Psal 50. he directed his words to God saying with the Psalmist Domine labia men aperies and then began as followeth THE ORATION IT had byn to small purpose Noble Gentlemen to honour the dignity of those that make profession to minister Iustice It had byn to litle purpose that which Aristotle taught vs by saying that Iustice is beautifull and admirable like to the starre Lucifer and it had byn to as litle purpose to haue taught vs that in iustice all vertues are summarily conteyned And the answere of Agesdaus King of Sparta had byn vnto as litle purpose which he gaue vnto the King of Persia who tooke to himself the title of the great King that he could not be greater then himselfe valesse he could proue he were more iust And that fable of the Poets had byn to as litle purpose faigning Minos the Patron of iust Princes to haue byn the sonne of Iupiter and that Themis and Dicas were placed on either side of Iupiter if the Scripture did not teach vs that by iustice Kings do raigne if the Sonne of God had not chosen him who was to be his figure called him Melchisedech that is to say King of iustice and that the same Melchisedech whose name doth signify King of Iustice had not been also King of Salem that is King of peace to shew that of iustice dependeth peace which is the mother of all good in heauen and earth And seeing the oracles of diuine scripture agree in cōmendation of this vertue with the testimony of prophane authors it seemes in giuing her the first place of honour and dignity amongst humane vertues is to put in execution the will both of God and men Now Gentlemen if euer there were any Nation in
which this vertue hath shined and beene flourishing it is this in which we liue I will not speake of the glory of the Druides or ancient Sacrificers in whose handes the Gauls had put the execution of iustice with intent to make it sacred and venerable to the people by the quality of the persons that should exercise it I omit the care and zeale our Kinges did beare to the practise of Iustice themselues becomming ministers and distributers not only in their first and second race but likewise in the third To say nothing of the splendour of our Courtes of Parlament and in particuler of this great and high Parlament of Paris wherof the reputation hath beene such amongst forraine Princes that they themselues often made choyce of it for their iudge and arbitrator in causes of greatest importance It shall suffice me to affirme of our Nation that it hath euer beene so famous and florished in the exercise of this vertue that the very womeÌ„ amongst the Gauls were hertofore esteemed better able to administer Iustice then the men of al other Prouinces For when Hannibal receaued and incorporated the Gauls in his Army in his passage to the Conqest of Italy it was agreed on that if at any tyme there should arise any difference betweene the two Nations if the Carthaginians were plaintifs the verdict should belong to the Tribunall of the Carthaginians resident in Spaine and if the Gauls found themselus agrieued the decision was referred to the Dames of France And therefore Gentlemen our Kinges hauing assigned the keeping and disposing of this precious treasure in the hands and custody of your Order it is not without cause that we honour and respect you not only as ministers and interpreters of Themis but as such her interpreters in the chiefest Tribunall she hath vpon earth And now Gentlemen this Themis this Dicas this â—lustice it selfe which teacheth you to render to euery one his due inspired you likewise from the first meeting of the States to render aboue al other thinges what you owe to God to his Religion and to his Ministers making you therby to imitate the example of those great Law-giuers and Sages the Romans your Predecessours who carried so great respect to Diuine thinges that although the Religion was false yet notwithstanding because in this false Religion they pretended as S. Augustine sayth to honour the true Deity it pleased the same God to recompence their zeale with temporall graces and benedictions wherby they raysed their Empire aboue the cloudes For then you gaue vs testimony by diâ—ers Embassages that you held vs for your parents as the Pastours and Directours of your soules and such as liued in continuall watchfulnes to render accompt of them to Almighty God For the which we haue of tentimes giuen you many and harty thankes But that which did most assure vs that you practised effectually what you gaue testimony of by wordes was the last occasion which presented it selfe For vpon the newes which was sent vnto vs of a certain article touching the security of Kinges intituled a Fund a mentall Law proposed resolued amongst your selues where there was matter of Religion mixt with interest of state you were contented to be perswaded by the learned and eloquent informations deliuered you in our names by the Archbishop of Aix and the Lord Bishop of Mumpelier to communicate the matter with vs and ioyntly to receaue our opinion therof For this cause Gentlemen the Ecclesiasticall assembly hath chosen sent me vnto you First to giue you thankes for the honour you pleased to do them heerin then to let you vnderstand their opinion concerning as wel the substance as circumstaÌ„ces of your Article And they haue especially giuen me in charge aboue all other thinges to render you infinite thankes and prayse your zeale in prouiding so carefully for the security of the life and person of our Kinges withall protesting that they all conspire together with you in this thought and extraordinary feeling of yours and that from the bottome of their hartes and soules For they lament and shall neuer cease mourning with teares of bloud the tragicall and detestable Assassinats which haue wronged and defiled the memory of this age with two so horrible parricides and do find in themselues so much greater obligation to haue their hartes pierced with this grief by how much more they must acknowledge themselues tyed with strayter bandes then any other Orders to mayntayne and stand affected to the Sacred Person of our Kinges I meane not to enlarge my selfe for the present in telling you how God hath put into their handes the light of his word to lighten other orders and how the Clergie must march formost and direct others by doctrine and example in seruing well and faithfully those whome God hath placed ouer his people Only thus much out of meere humane considerations There is no profession so straitly bound in all fidelity and loyalty to our Princes as the state Ecclesiasticall For other states come to offices honours and dignities of the realme some of them as the Gentelmen Nobility at the dearest rate of all other with losse of their bloud and perill of their liues others besides their merit by contribution of some part of their goodes and commodities But as for vs we atteyne them by the only grace and fauour of our Kinges without hazard or imployment of ought either of life goods or honours Neither by any other meanes beeing as we are naked and vnarmed can we enioy our quiet or commodities but vnder the shaddow of the peaceable and prosperous affaires of the King being otherwise exposed as a prey to all sortes of wronges and outrages And therefore what man of sound iudgment can liue in doubt but that we haue more interest then any other in his conseruation in whose life as within some fatall brand all our liues and fortunes are comprized Wee therefore alike ioyne issue with you in this your zeale and feruency of passion and do alike condemne nay more if possible may be the perfidious butchery of those monsters which dare aduenture on Sacred personages of Kinges But with all desiring you to enter into consideration that as the only lawes sufficient to restaine those who set at naught their liues are the Ecclesiasticall which curbe those spirits that contemne death with the apprehension of those paynes after death So must we carefully take heed not to insert any thing into those lawes but that which is held for certaine and vndoubted by the whole Church for feare of disabling the authority of that which is certaine infallible by mixture of that which is doubtfull and in contention For experience hath taught vs too well that humane lawes only and apprehension of temporall punishment can neuer serue for sufficient remedy to such euills as proceed from a peruerse and corrupted imagination of Religion We must haue therefore lawes of conscience such as work on our soules and keep
them in feare of eternall tormentes Those who vndertake these detestable parricides vnder a false per suasion of Religion are not kept back with any feare of corporall punishment they bath themselues in tormentes with delight they expect triumphes and Crownes of Martyrdome they flatter themselues with false application of that seÌ„tence of our Sauiour do not feare them that can kill the body Matt. 10. but rather feare him that can send both soule and body into hell So that to restrayne and terrify this kinde of people we must lay before them not such lawes as are executed in this life which they care not for and thereby depriue other men of theirs but of such lawes whose rigour and seuerity are exacted after death that is of lawes Ecclesiasticall and spirituall The Milesian Virgins were possessed of so furious and prodigious hatred of their liues that they ran voluntarily with great contentment to their deathes they strangled threw themselues downe headlong and cut their owne throtes the prayers and teares of their parentes not being able to hinder them The Magistrates of the Iland oftentimes consulted and made many decrees to stop the publick mourning but none of their designementes tooke effect For they despising and hating life entred likewise into contempt of whatsoeuer was ended with life vntill in the end seeing all other meanes to fayle them agreed to publish a law whereby all those which voluntarily made away themselues should be drawne openly through the streets that stark naked after their death Then the frenzie which all these remedies applied during life could not cure the apprehension of shameful punishment after death did remedy The like is to be held of this fury this rage this madnes there is nothing but the feare of paynes to be imposed after death nothing but the apprehension of the paynes of hell nothing but the horrour of eternall torments which are sufficient to cure their distemper who thinke to immolate and sacrifice their liues to God when they loose them by putting in execution this horrible and abhominable enterprises Now the spiritual and Ecclesiastical lawes are those only which can imprint in mens hartes the terrour of excommunication and liuely apprehension of euerlasting torments For to cause this effect they must proceed froÌ„ Ecclesiasticall Authority that is certaine absolute infallible that is to say vniuersall and such as conteineth nothing wherein the whole Church doth not agree For if they proceed from doubtfull and different authority conteyne such thinges whereof one part of the Church houldes one opinion the head and other partes thereof teach another those in whose bearts they desire these thinges should make impression insteed of houlding them for certaine and infallible and therby to be terrified and swayed by their threats fall to laughing at them and hould them in extreme derision And therefore we must take great heed I say once againe we must take extraordinary great heed to mixe that which is in no sort to be doubted of in this Article and that which the whole Church agrees on that is to say that none without putting himselfe in danger of the diuell and eternall death may aduenture vpon the life of Kinges with any point in controuersy for feare of weakning that which is vndoubtedly true by ioyning it with some other thing which other partes of the Church do debate and hould in dispute Three points there are in the substance of your Fundamentall Law besides certain accessary pointes and circumstances The first coÌ„cerneth the security of Kinges persons and in this we all agree offering to seale it not with inke but with our bloud that is to say that it is not lawful for any cause whatsoeuer to murther Kinges and not only with Dauid do deâ—est the Amalecite who vaunted to haue laid his handes on Saul 1. Reg. 11. although reiected and deposed by God by the mouth of Samuel but moreouer cry out aloud with the Sacred Councel of ConstaÌ„ce Concil Constant sess 5. against the murtherers of Kings euen such as might be pretÌ„eded to be Tyrants Anathema to such as murther Kinges eternall malediction to the assassinats of Kinges eternall damnatioÌ„ on al such as murther Kinges The second point is of the temporall dignity and soueraignty of the Kinges of Frances and in this likewise we agree For we beleeue our Kinges are absolute in euery fort of temporall Soueraignty in their Realme and that they are neither feudataries to the Pope as some others who haue either receaued or obliged their Crownes with this condition nor to any other Prince but that in the pure administratioÌ„ of temporall thinges they depend immediatly of God and acknowledge no other power ouer them but his These two pointes then wee hould for certaine and vndoubted but in different manner of certainty for the certainty of the first is diuine and theologicall the certainty of the second humane and historicall For that which Pope Innocent III. (a) Cap. per Venerab Tit. Qui filij sint legitimi affirmes that the King of France acknowledgeth no superiour in temporalities is spoken by him in forme of historical testimony and that certaine other Realmes whereof he seemes to wright (b) Cap. causam tit eodem the same haue since changed and bound themselues to some certain kind of temporall dependence vpon the Sea Apostolike and that France remaynes in her prime estate it is history and not faith that tells vs so There remaynes the third point which is this Whether if Princes hauing made an oath to God and their people either themselues or their predecessors to liue and dye in the Christian Catholick faith and do afterwardes violate their oath rebell against Christ bidding him open warre that is to say fall not only to open profession of heresy or Apostacy from Christian Religion but withall passe to force their suâ—iectes consciences and goe about to plant Arianisme or Mahometisme or any such like infidelity within their states and thereby destroy and roote out Christianity whether I say in this case their subiects on the other side may not be declared absolued from their oath of Loyaltie and Fidelity And this comming to passe to whome it apperteynes to pronounce this absolution This then is the point in controuersy betweene vs For your article conteyneth the negariue that is to say that in no case whatsoeuer the subiectes may be absolued from the Oath of Allegiance made to their Princes As on the contrary side all other partes of the Catholike Church togeather with this of France since the institution of Schooles of Diuinity vntill the comming of Catuin held the affirmatiue propositioÌ„ which is that when the Prince breakes the Oath he hath made to God and his subiectes to liue and dye in Catholique Religion and doth not only become an Arian or a Mahometan but manifestly wars against Iesus Christ in compelling his subiects in matters of conscience and constrayning them to imbrace Arianisme or
and that the tradition of the Fathers obserue the tradition of the Fathers to giue to vnderstand that it was not then any new inuention or deuise did warrant that he could not be deposed if he erred not in faith (d) Epist Henr. 4. ad Greg. 7. à Protestant edita vnà cum alijs Refertur à Centuriat Cent. 11. c. 8. de Schismate The tradition of the Fathers saith the Emperour hath taught that I ought to be iudged by God alone and that I could not be deposed for any crime so I declined not from the faith which is not pleasing vnto God And when Philip Augustus the litle sonne of Philip the first was fallen into the like contempt and dislike of his wife Engeberge sister to the King of Denmark that his Grandfather was of his wife Bertha and had caused his mariage to be dissolued disaunlled by Cardinal William his vncle Archbishop of Rhemes and Legate in France in preiudice of his former mariage he tooke to wife the daughter of the Duke of Morauia The Pope thereupon tooke notice of the matter as of the violating and transgressing of a Sacrament vnder pretence of religiō And seeing the resistāce that the King made he excommunicated him interdicted his Realme (a) Du Tillet en la vie de Philip. August The sentence of Cardinall William was sayth the Lord of Tillet reuoked by Pope Innocent the third as giuen without order of iustice And because the King presently after the sentence giuen holding himselfe vntied and free married Agnes daughter of the Duke of Morauia the King and the Realme were interdicted And hereunto the Cronicle of Foiz cited by Vignier hath addeth (b) Viginer liure 3. de Phist de Prance en Panne 1200 en la Biblioth hist pag. 3. That during the time of this interdict they did put in France to the publique contracts not in the raigne of Philip but in the raigne of Iesus Christ. And when Iohn King of England who was not yet at that time obliged by any temporall acknowledgment to the Pope (c) Act. in t Bonif. 8. Phil. Pulch. fol. 91. p. 1. had driuen the Bishops out of his Realme and seized vpon their goodes the same King Philip Augustus held an assembly of his Estates at Soysson where he proposed to make warre vpon the King of England for that he persecuted the Church and for that the Pope had discharged and absolued his subiects from their oath of Allegiance to him (d) Du Haillan li. 10. de Phist de France en la vie de Phil. Aug. Rigard lib. de vita Thil. Aug. adan 1212. The King sayth Du Haillan notwithstanding he be an historiā very passionate against the Popes at the intreaty of the Pope at Soyssons held an assembly of the Prelates and Peeres of his Realme to take aduise and consult about the meanes how he might passe euer into England against King Iohn to make war vpon him as a persecutor of the Church whome the Pope had then excommunicated acquiting taking away and discharging his subiectes of the Oath of allegiance they did owe vnto him And a litle after The greater part of the Nobility were of opinion that he had iust cause so to do as well being thereunto moued by authority of the Pope as for the reestablishing of the Bishops and other the Prelates in their Churches from which they had beene thrust and driuen out by Iohns Tyranny whome the Pope had excommunicated And againe all the Nobility with one accord promised Augustus to serue him with their owne persons in this enterprize Ferrard the Count of Flanders only excepted And when the Emperour Otho nephew of the said Iohn King of England meant to take his part and to make warre vpon France the said Philip Augustus sent vnto the Pope to sollicite and mooue him to declare Otho depriued of all the rightes of his Empire and for the execution of this censure he bestirred himself and vsed his courage and his Armes so effectually as vnder the conduct and fauour of the Popes cause and quarrell he wan the greatest battavle that euer King of France had gayned against any Emperour to wit the battayle du Pont de Bouuines where the Emperour had aboue an hundred and fifty thousand fighting men The King sayth du Haillan aduertised of the threates of the Emperour Otho Du Haillan la mesine Rigard ibid. vsed such expedition in the busines and wrought so effectually with the Pope as he declared the said Otho enemy of the Sea of Rome and depriued him of his Imperiall titles And the Electors of the Empire at the sollicitation and incitement of Augustus who sent to them Ambassadours to make his way elected and chose Frederike the King of Sicily Emperour And a litle after he putteth downe King Philip his speach to his army in these wordes My Friends saith the King let vs take good courage Du Haillan ibid. Rigard ibid. Let vs not be afraid Let vs haue honour before our eies and the feare of God in the first place to whom we must recommend our selues VVe haue to fight against an Enemy condemned censured and excommunicated by the Church and for his impieties and wickednes separated and cut off from communion with the faithfull And when Reymond Count of Tholouse and the greater part of Gaule Narbonoise became to be infected with the heresy of the Albigenses began to persecute the Catholikes there assembled first a Councell of French Bishops at Montpellier (a) Histoire Albigeoise rapportèe par Vignier en son hist de France liu 3. en l'ann 1214. and after that the Councell of Laterane for heresy depriued both him and Reymond his sonne of the County of Tholouse and adiudged it to Symon Count of Montfort who had taken armes against him and of this came the vnion of the County of Tholouse and of the adioyning Prouinces to the Crowne of France By decree of all the Councell of Laterane saith du Haillan (b) Du Haillan en la vie de Philip August Rigard ibid. whom I do often cite because it is euery where in the handes of all Reymond the Count of Tholouse his sonne also named Reymond were excommunicated c. And the County of Tholouse was adiudged to Symon Count of Montfort And againe Simon shewed vnto the Estates of the County of Tholouse the decree of the Councell by which he was declared Count of the said County And there opposed not any one against it but all with one accord tooke the Oath of fidelity to him And the Lord of Tillet saith in his Memorials these wordes En la vie de Louys 8. The County of Tholouse came to the King by good right the said Reymond and his Father being confiscated that is to say hauing lost it by confiscation for heresy and Symen Count of Montfort hauing procured and gotten it and Amaulry his Sonne hauing transferred and made it ouer to
Supra pag. 47. in case of heresie can depose only indirectly in as much as he can excoÌ„municate those who do adhere to an hereticall Prince and consequently compell them by imposition of some spirituall payne to depose him though he cannot depose directly And what saith Gerson That the power Ecclesiasticque cannot take vpon it power ouer the secular but in case of heresie or of impugning the faith The power Ecclesiastique saith (c) Gerson de pot Eccl. confiderat 22. tom 1. Gerson ought not to presume or vsurpe ouer the rightes dignities lawes and iudgments of the secular power but when the abusing of the secular power redoundeth to the manifest impugnatioÌ„ of the faith and the blasphemy of the Creatour and to the manifest iniury of the power Ecclesiastique For then a remembrance must be had of the last clause of this consideration that is that in such cases the power Ecclesiastique hath a certaine dominion and power regitiue directiue regulatiue ordinatiue And not only the Deuines but the Lawyers also be of the same opinion For to say nothing of those who haue further extended the Popes power as Iohn de Selue (a) Io. de Seiu eract de Benef. p. 3. q. 8. President of the Parlament of Paris (b) Ioan. Fab. in log 1. nu 10. c. de sum Trinit fide Cath. Iohn Faber Aduocate of the same Parlament Stephen Aufrerius (c) Aufr de potest saecul President of the Parlament of Tholouse But to restreyne my selfe to those who haue written expresly for the limiting of the Popes power when Maister Raoul de Presles Counsailour and Maister of Requests to King Charles the fifth translated by commandement of the same King the work intituled Of the Power Pontificall and Imperiall or Royall he proposed the 15. obiection for the Popes temporall authority in these wordes Item the Pope may absoâ—ue the vassalls or subiects from the oath of fidelity which is due to the temporall Lord which thing he would not do if he had not power in temporall matters And he made answere for the Princes in these wordes (d) Raoul de Presles imprimé en Almaine parles Protestants I answere to this argument say that in a case in which the Pope may haue action against a Prince he may also absolue the vassals from their oath of fidelity or which is more he may declare them absolued as in case of heresie of diuision of the faith or of contumacy against the Church of Rome And when the Chancelour of the same King Charles the fift composed in fauour of his Lord and Maister a dialogue of the Power Regall and Sacerdotall (e) Le songe dit Verger attribué par quelques vns au Chaunceleur des Domans par les autres a Philip de Mâ—giâ—s Cosâ—â—ller inâ—â—ne coÌ„fident du Râ—y Charles 5. he made answere by him who mainteyned the part of the Regal power That the power spirituall commaundeth not the secular but when the secular power intermedled it self in matters spirituall to the preiudice and hurt of the eternal good of the soule Behold his wordes (a) Lib. 1. c. 7.8 in res milit But there where the secular Prince would meddle in spirituall matters and do some thing in regard of his subiects to the detriment and hurt of their eternall saluation the spirituall power is then necessary which in such a case commaundeth and guideth the temporall And after this when Peter Gregory a lawyer of Tholouse vndertooke in his Treatise of the Republique the defence of the Regall authority against that of the Pope he alwaies excepted the cases of faith saith that the Pope could not depose Childerike of his owne authority that is to say without the instance of the French for he addeth (b) Petr. Gregor Tholof tract de Repub l. 6. cap. 5. Childerike was not an Heretike nor had commited any Ecclesiasticall crime wherby he should haue beene enforced to submit himself to the Iurisdiction of the spirituall Sea And againe Cest autheur est citè parles Anglois par â—auteritè temporel des Roys imprimè â—uecq priuilege verifie au ParlemeÌ„t The example of the Emperours ought not to be drawne for a president for other realmes principalities and gouerments which depend not vpon the Sea of Rome in temporall matters and care not much for her commandements in such matters I alwaies except as I haue said els where the cases of faith in which the Princes of what power and libertie soeuer they be are directly subiect to the Sea of Rome may be punished for the crymes they coÌ„mit in such cases Alwayes vnderstood that as the crimes be personal go not further then to persons deliâ—queÌ„t so the paine that is due to them infringeth not the right of the successâ—urs to their Kingdome But against this one obiectes three principall instaÌ„ces The first is taken from the resistance made by Philip the Fayre to the attempt of Pope Boniface The second is taken from the opposition of King Lewis the tweluth to the pretensions of Pope Iulius And the third is drawne from the arrest and Decree of the Parlament of Paris against Tanquerell To the first of these instances the defendours of the exception answere is that the subiect of the controuersy was not matter of heresy or of Apostacy from Christian Religion On the contrary the people of France gaue testimony to King Philip the Fayre that he was a great distroyer of the Bulgares (a) They anciently called the AsbigeÌ„ses Bulgares because the Bulgores held their heresie after that al Heretiques were by extension so called that is to say of Heretikes And as touching them who wrot for the King so farre were they from houlding that it is impiety to belieue that the Pope can for cry me of Religion disanull the Oath of fidelity and allegiance as they themselues alleaged amongst the meritorious workes of the Kings predecessours that his father died for the execution of the absolution which the Pope had giuen and graunted the Aragonians from their fidelity to their Prince Philip his Father say they (b) Act inter â—â—enif Thil. â—idch qâ— de poâ—â—st Pap. fol. 80. passed to God prosecuting in Aragon the Churches cause But the subiect of the quarrell was that the Pope pretended that the temporall soueraignty of France apperteyned vnto him Against this therefore the King opposed himselfe and all his Realme appealed not to the Pope but from the person of Boniface whome he maynteyned not to be Pope to the Councel to the Sea Apostolique when it should be prouided of a true Pope The King saith du Haillan (a) Du Hailan in his history of FraÌ„ce in the life of Philip the Fayre answered that sith Boniface was not the lawfull Pope he appealed for this fact to the Sea apostolique at that time destitute of Pope Pastour And King Philip the Fayre himself in the
better witnesses then the English writers (a) VVidrington Apol. pro Iur. Prine who haue put their hand to pen for the defence of the Oath made by the present King of England against the Pope For hauing vsed all their endeuour to find some doctours in particuler French who had held their opinion before these last troubles they could hitherto bring forth neuer any one neither Diuine nor Lawyer who saith that in case of Heresie or Apostacie from Christian religioÌ„ the subiects could not be absolued from the Oath of Allegiance On the contrary the French men whome they haue cited as Iohn of Paris (b) supra pag. 47. Iohn Maior (c) Io. Maior in 4. sent dist 24. Iames Almain (d) Io. Alma supra pag. 48. Peter Gregory (e) Petrus Greg. supra pag. 52. alwaies except the cases of Heresie or of Apostacy from Christian religion And as for Strangers and Forrayners as Occham (f) Occ. supra pag 47. Antony de Rossellis (g) Ant. de Rossell Monarch part r. c. 56 and Vulturnus (h) Vultur lib. de Reg. mundi they affirme the same For as touching Marsile of Padua they were not so hardy as to alleage him for so much as he is well knowne for an heretike by the vniforme consent of all Catholiques as hauing denied that the Pope was head of the Church iure diuino and S. Peters Successour which the Councell of Constance (i) Concil Costant sess 8. in condem art VVicaf bindeth to beleeue as an Article of faith and vnder payne of Anathema In so much as for this very cause the Emperour Charles the Fifth caused his bookes to be burned publiquely Moreouer they durst not alleage the Epistle of the Chapter of Liege against Pope Pascalis during the contentions of the Popes and of the Emperour Henry the 4. First for that the Bishop of Liege vnder whome it was written was the Emperours Chaplaine and one of his faction (a) Vâ—sperg in Chron. very passionate against the Pope as hauing beene created Bishop by the Emperour by the Anti-pope Secondly for that at what time it was writteÌ„ the Emperour resided actually in Liege (b) Ibid. Thirdly for that the Chapter of Liege hath since (c) Ibid. abrogated it razed it out by the pardon they craued of the Pope for hauing taken part with the Emperour And fourthly that the same Emperour doth recall it when he wrote to Pope Gregory the seauenth the third Pope after Paschalis saying (d) Inter Epist Hen. â— Protest edit That it was the tradition of the Fathers that he could not be deposed if he erred not in faith Which Cusanus (e) Cusan l. 3. concord Cath. c. 7. the Imperialist writing for the CouÌ„cell of Basil against the Pope hath since auowued and auerred in these words If the Pope finde that he who hath beene chosen Emperour erreth in faith he may declare him not to be Emperour They well alleage indeed Sigebert (f) Sigeb in chro anno 1088. who saith that it was a nouelty not to say heresy to teach the people that they did not owe any subiection to bad Kinges But besides that this Sigebert was a man no lesse passionate for the part of the Emperour then was the Bishop of Liege what he sayth doth not any way touch the case brought by the exception which is of Kinges Heretikes or Infidells Now if those who haue of set purpose laboured in fauour of the Oath of England (g) VVidring in Apol pro iur Princ. to finde out authors who haue affirmed that in case of Heresy or of Infidelity the subiectes could not be absolued from the obligation that they owe to their Princes could not finde out any one And if those who haue since written of the same subiect in France could neuer finde out in all France since the time that Schools of Diuinity haue beene instituted and set open til this day one only Doctour neither Diuine nor Lawyer nor Decree nor Councell nor determination nor Act of Parlament nor Magistrate either Ecclesiastique or Politique who hath said that in case of heresie or of infidelity the subiectes cannot be absolued from the oath of fidelity they owe to their Princes On the contrary if all those who haue written for the defence of the temporall power of Kinges against Popes haue euer excepted the case of heresy and of apostacy from Christian Religion how is it that they can without inforcing of coÌ„sciences not only make men to receaue this doctrine (a) Artic. of the third Estate that in no case the subiects can be absolued from the oath of Allegiance they owe to their Princes for a perpetuall and vniuersall doctrine of the French Church But also to cause all the Bishops Abbots and other Ecclesiasticall persons to sweare it as Doctrine of faith and to condemne the contrary as impious peruerse and detestable And how can we endure a propositioÌ„ to passe for a Fundamentall Law of the Estate of France which came to light was borne in France more then an eleauen hundred yeares since the State of it was founded And when there shal be found as many persons who shall haue followed it in France as there be found who haue followed the contrary what shall they be able to inferre more other nations contradicting then to hold it for problematique in matter of faith and not to cause men to take and sweare it as conforme to Gods word and necessary to saluation and to abuse the other as contrary to the word of God impious peruerse detestable But this is inough for this point Let vs passe to others and endeuour to handle them all in as full worthy maÌ„ner as this Audience doth deserue THE SECOND INCONVENIENCE that I haue bound my self to shew in this Fundamentall PropositioÌ„ is that not only it giueth vnto Lay persons power authority to iudge of thinges of Religion and to decide the doctrine that it contayneth to be conformable to the word of God and the contrary to be impious peruerse and detestable But also it giueth these men authority to impose a necessity vpon the Ecclesiastical persons to sweare preach and teach the one and by Sermons and writinges to impugne the other And who seeth not that this is to make the Church like vnto that woman of whome S. Epiphanius speaketh (a) Epiph. hares 59. quae est Cathar who did put her head-tyre vpon her feete and her shoes vpon her head which is as much to say as to commit the commaund and authority of the Church to the parties that should obey and to put obedience vpon the parties whose office it is to commaund And what is this but to open a gate to all heresy What is it but to turne vpside downe to ouerthrow the Churches authority What is it but to tread vnder foote the respect of Iesus Christ and of his ministery To be short
who seeth not that it is a Sacriledge that hath at all times drawne the Ire Wrath and Vengeance of God aswell vpon Kinges and Princes as vpon particuler Persons who haue attempted the same Euery one knoweth that Saul (a) 1. Reg. 13 15. was deposed from the right of his Royalty and died a miserable death because he would take vpon him the office of a Sacrificer We know that Oza (b) â— Reg. 6. was punished with a sudaine death for putting his hand to the Arke that seemed to sway to the one side We know that King (c) 2. Paralip 26. Ozias was stroken with leprosy and excluded from the administration and gouernment of his Kingdome for taking the Censar into his hand And holy Writ saith (d) Malach 26. The lippes of the Priest shall keepe knowledge and the Law they shall require of his mouth because he is the Angell of the lord of Hostes. And the Prophet Esay (e) Esay 54. saith to the Church Euery tongue resisting thee in iudgment thou shalt iudge And againe (f) Idem 60. The King shall walk in thy light the people in the brightnes of thy rising And King Iosaphat distinguisheth the boundes of the one and the others Iurâ—diction in these wordes (g) 2. Paralâ—p 19. Amarias saith he the Priest and your Bishop shal be chiefe in these thinges that appertayne to God and Zabadias the sonne of Ismael who is the Prince in the house of Iuda shal be ouer those workes which perteyne to the Kinges office And our Sauiour (h) Matth. 19. saith himselfe VVhosoeuer shall not heare the Church let him be vnto thee as an Ethnick and a Publican And S. Paul speaking vnto Pastors (i) Act. 20. saith The Holy Ghost hath placed you Bishops to rule the Church of God which he hath purchased with his owne bloud And speaking to the Laytie he saith (a) Heb. 3. Obey your Prelates for they watch hauing to render an accompt of your soules And againe (b) Heb. 5. Neither doth any man take the honour to himselfe but he that is called of God as Aaron And therefore we see that the first Christian Emperours were euerso respectiue and Religious as they would neuer make themselues Iudges neither of matters of faith nor of matters of the Churches discipline nor of the Bishops causes among themselues for feare of violating the rectitude that Gods Ministers ought to bring to Ecclesiasticall Iudgments by the feare of temporall Iurisdictions And that if they published any lawes in such cases it euer was after the Bishops had passed them and to further the temporall execution of the decisions formerly made by Ecclesiastique authority It is not lawfull forme saith (c) Ruff. l. 10. Eccles hâ—st c. 2. Constantine the Great who am placed ouer temporalities to censure and iudge the causes of Bishops And the Emperour Valentinian (d) Sozom. l. 6. c. 7. the first said It is not lawfull for me who am of the Laitie to arrogate to my selfe the curiosity of searching into these matters And the Emperour Theodosius the second (e) Epist ad Sinodâ— Ephes writing to the Councell of Ephesus sayth It is not lawfull for him who is not of the ranke of Bishops to intermeddle himself with the decision of the affaires of the Church And the most glorious and victorious of all our Kinges which was Charlemaine confirming the answere that Censtantine made saith (f) Carol. mâ—gâ— l. 6. cap. 301. The Emperour Constantine answered vpon the accusations of the Bishops To me who am placed ouer temporalities it is not lawfull to iudge the Bishops causes And confirming that which the Emperour Valentinian had said he vsed these words (a) Ibid. Your busines is aboue vs and therefore iudge among your selues of your owne causes For you are aboue vs. And when on the contrary the hereticall Emperours would take vpon them to meddle with Ecclesiasticall iudgmentes the holy Fathers resisted them contradicted them with all manner of constancy We are not permitted said Hosius to the Emperour (b) Epist ad Const apud AthaÌ„ in ep ad solit vit agent Constance to hold the Empire on earth nor to You to lay hand on the Censar and to vsurpe the authority of Religion And S. Athanasius sayth (c) Athan. epist ad solit vitam agen When was it euer heard in the memory of man that the iudgments of the Church tooke their force from the Emperour And againe (d) Ibidem He treateth not of matters of the Roman CoÌ„mon wealth where there may be credit giuen to you as to an Emperour but he speaketh of a Bishop And a little after (e) Ibidem Who is he who seeing an Emperour occupying the chiefest place in matters of the Church would not iudge that it were the abomination of the desolatioÌ„ fortould by Daniel And Gregory Nazianzen (f) Greg. Naz. orat adcities ti percuis Princip irascent saith Will you heare a free word which is That the law of Iesus Christ subiecteth you to my Iurisdiction to my tribunal For we are Emperours also namly in an Empire greater and perfecter then yours And S. Ambrose (g) Ambr. ep 32. ad Imper. Valent innior saith Who maketh any doubt if we regard the order of the Scripture or the antiquity of the Church but that the Bishops in causes of faith haue a custome to iudge of Christian Emperours And againe Your Father said It is not for me to iudge betweene Bishops And your Clemency saith It apperteineth to me to iudge And S. Martin the renowned ornament of the Gaules saith (h) Apud Seuer Sulpit l. 2. sacrae hist It is an impiety new and not heard of before that a secular Iudge should iudge of matters of the Church And against this it helpeth not to alleage that the Emperour Constantine did call himselfe (a) Euseb l. 4. de vit Constant cap. 24. a Bishop out of the Church For Constantine by that meant nothing lesse then to say that he had iurisdiction and superintendency ouer the externall forme and discipline of the Church Els wherfore should he haue desired with so great instance the authority of the Councell of Nice for the decision of the day of Easter But he meant only to say that what the Bishops did by their preachings among the Christians within the Church that did he out of the Church by his Edictes against the Infidells He ordayned sayth â—usebius by his Edictes and gaue order to the Gouernours of the Pagans to cause them to keep the Sunday also aswell as the Christians and to honour the dayes of the Martyrs and the feastes appointed in the Churches And therof it came that hauing one day feasted some Bishops he called himselfe Bishop in their presence saying vnto them God hath placed you Bishops within the Church and me a Bishop out of the Church But me thinkes I heare You already say that
time the Christian people hath by the conuersion of Emperours and Empires and by the reduction of Kinges and Kingdomes beene gayned and consecrated to Iesus Christ his temporal raigne it cannot any more be vsurped nor possessed by way of right by the enemies of Christs name And hence it is that whatsoeuer Conquest the Turke maketh of the Christians and whatsoeuer possession of long continuance it be he cannot by any tract of tyme gaine the least inch of prescription ouer Christian people who were formerly subiect to Christes temporall tribunall before any such Conquest by him made And to say the contrary were not only to imbrace and hod one of Luthers errours who hath taught that the warre that the Christians made against the Turkes was vniust and vnlawful not only to cōdemne the authority of so many Councells which haue decreed the expeditions of the holy Land for the ayding of the Christians of the East for the deliuering of them from the yoke and seruitude of the Infidells which had beene a thing vniust For the Accessary followeth the Principall and if the Christians of the East had beene lawfull subiectes to the Mahometan Princes they neither could haue reuolted from them nor rebelled against them But also euen to anathematize and accurse the memory of so many Christian Worthies and to affirme that so many Knightes Princes and Kinges among them our most glorious S. Lewis who dying in that warre as Champious maynteyners of Christes cause pretended to gayne the Crowne of Martyrdome dyed in a cause vniust and worthie of damnation But those who defend the negatiue part reply and say that in tyme of the first Arian Emperours Constantius and Valens before whome the Empire had already acknowledged Christ Iesus the Church vsed not such manner of proceeding nor acquited the Christians of their obedience On the contrary that the Bishop Hosius writing vnto the Emperour Constantius Apud Athana in epist desolit vit agen saith vnto him in these wordes As he who would spoyle you in your Empire should resist Gods ordenance So I feare that your vsurping the authority of the Church will make you culpable of a great cryme To this then the defendants of the affirmatiue part answere two thinges The one that the Custome of obliging Princes to make an expresse oath vnto God and to their people to liue and to die in the Christian and Catholique Religion had not yet place in the tymes of the first Heretique or Apostata Emperours was not brought in but afterwards namely then when they would stay and hinder Religion from falling into the same perills wherin it was vnder them The other that the Church vsed not this proceeding not for default of Right but for want of force and strength not for want of power in it to ordeyne it but through want of ability in the Christian people to execute it For it is not inough to bind the Church to declare Princes Infidells to haue lost their rightes to exhort their subiects to depart from their obedience that she may lawfully do it but it is further necessary that she be able to do it prudently and profitably And therefore S. D. Tho. 2.2 2. q. 10. art 10. Thomas after he had said Infidells by the desert of their Infidelity be worthy to loose their power ouer the faithfull addeth But this the Church sometimes doth and sometimes doth it not And if we should conclude that because the ancient Church hath not declared the first Arian Emperours excluded from the right they had from God of commaunding Catholiks that therefore she had not the authority to do it we then should conclude the very same that because it excommunicated them not it had no authority to do it For we find not that any either Pope or Councell did euer namely and personally excommunicate the Arian Emperours Not for that the Church cānot excōmunicate them as wel as other Ariās whome it excōmunicated from tyme to tyme but for that it deemed it a matter of imprudency and pernicious to Religion to exasperate them not hauing forces to represse and curbe them And as touching Hosius they āswere that he saith not that the Church cānot absolue in the spiritual Court the Catholiks from the obedience of Cōstantius if she should haue thought it profitable possible and necessary for them to attempt the deliuery of themselues from his tyranny Neither saith he that if the Emperour Constance being a Catholique Prince had not beene dead and that he had declared and proclaymed warre against his brother Constantius as he threatned he would do if he ceased not to persecute the Catholikes the Catholikes of the East would not haue ioyned taken part with him and would not haue belieued that the Church could haue dispensed with them about their oath of fidelity they had made to Constantius Theod. hist Eccles lib. 2. cap. 9. alibi But they say that Hosius speaketh of them who of their priuate authority and of their owne ambition raised themselues against Constantius to depriue him of the Empire and to become Tyrantes themselues Yet Lucifer Calaritanus maketh no difficulty Lucif Cola. rit lib. de non parcend in Deum delinq to call Constantius himselfe A Tyrant and the Antiochus of his age and protesteth that he is not bound towardes him to obserue the modesty of wordes which the Apostle commaundeth to be obserued to Princes and Magistrates for as much as the Apostle speaketh of Princes who haue not yet belieued in Christ and not of such Princes as haue reuolted from Christ I adde saith he that the Apostle speaketh of Princes and Magistrates which haue not yet belieued in the only Sonne of God whome we should by our humility and meeknes and long patience in aduersity and most great obedience in thinges reasonable prouoke to belieue in him But those who hold the negatiue part Socrat. hist Eccl. lib. 3. cap. 19. reply that the Christians might well haue deposed the Emperour Iulian the Apostata For when the Emperour Iouian who was elected after his death Theod. lib. 4. cap. 1. answered the soldiers of the Army Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1. that he would not haue a commaund ouer men who were not Christians they replyed that they were Christians And to this againe they who maynteyne the affirmatiue part want not their answere For on the contrary they auerre that the Church could not do it prudently nor profitably For besides that the Christians were so deuided as the faction of the Arians alone ioyned with the Heathens without speaking of other Heretikes or of the cold Catholikes who as S. Gregory Nazianzene saith Greg. Naz. in Iul. orat serued the tyme and had not as he further addeth other law then the Emperours will held their foote vpon the Catholike Churches throate And besides when Iulian was Emperour he was so far from persecuting the Catholikes at the first as that in