for a Prince at the begiâ—ning of his Reign to observe the methods of the last 〈◊〉 king Care to reform it by Degrees with that easiness aâ— moderation that the People shall find themselves on t'otheâ— side without knowing how they got over Tiberius duâ— not at the beginning of his Reign abolish the publick Sportâ— introduc'd by Augustus 13 Sed populum per tot annos mollitèr habiâ— nondum audebat ad duriora vertere Tac. 1. ann Galba reigned but a fâ—â— Months because immediately upon coming to the Thronâ— he began to punish past Crimes to moderate extravagaâ— Donatives and to curb the Licentiousness and Insoleâ— which the People had been so us'd to in Nero's time 14 〈◊〉 veterem disciplinam atque ita quatuordecim annis à Nerone 〈◊〉 ut haud minus vitia Principis amarent quam olim virtutes 〈◊〉 rabantur Tac. Hist. 1. that they as much loved their Princes Vices as former they esteem'd their Vertues The same befel the Emperoâ— Pertinâ—x for designing to reform the Militia enervaâ—â— under the Luxurious Reign of Commodus Lewis XI Kiâ—â— of France fell into the same Errour for that he began 〈◊〉 Reign with the severe Punishment of some of his principâ— Nobility The Excellence of a new Government ought 〈◊〉 be Benignity since too much Rigour and Severity is 〈◊〉 Vice of an old one What dare not old Kings do The softest Chaiâ— Of Kingdoms is in a new Princes Reign To settle a Government is a work of time for 't is troublesome to reform as to new model one 15 Non minus negotii est Remp. 〈◊〉 quam ab initiâ—â—onstituere Arist. 4. Pol. cap. 1. for 〈◊〉 reason David excus'd himself from punishing Ioab for the Murther of Abner as being weak and newly anointed King 16 2 Sâ—m 3. 39. that is he fear'd by too much Severity he should make his new gotten Government odious Rehoboam had never ruined himself had he considered this when by the Counsel of the young Men he answer'd the People of Israel who desir'd he would treat 'em with less Severity than his Father had done My Father made your Yoke heavy and I will add to your Yoke my Father also chastised you with Whips but I will chastise you with Scorpions 17 1 Kings 12. 14. There is nothing more serviceable to a Prince at his entrance upon the Government than to signalize himself by some glorious Exploits for Reputation once got is not immediately lost for which Reason Domitius Corbulo when he was sent into Armenia took particular Care to raise his Reputation 18 Ubi famae inserviret 〈◊〉 in novis câ—ptis validissima est Tac. 13. ann The same Agricola did in his Government of Britain knowing that the Reputation of his first Actions would byass all the rest 19 Non ignarus instandum faâ—â—ae prout prima â—essissent fore universa Tac. in vit Agr. The comparison which the People make between the past and present Administration is always of ill consequence when they don't find in this the same Felicity they did in t'other or don 't perceive the same Parts and Qualifications in the present Prince as in his Predecessor let him therfore take Care as much can be that there be no difference but that the same hand may seem to hold the Reins But if the Prince either cannot or knows not how to adjust his Actions to the Peoples humour as his Predecessour did let him more particularly avoid occasion which may breed Comparisons Which was the reason that Tiberius was never present at publick Shews fearing that his rough melancholy Temper compar'd to the complaisant Gaiety of Augustus would be offensive to the People 20 Cur abstinuerit Spectaculo ipse variè trahebant aliâ— taedio caetus â—â—idâ—m tristitia ingenii metâ— comparationis quia Augustuâ— comiâ—er â—â—â—fuisset Tac. 1. ann Wherefore as soon as a Prince comes to the Helm of Affairs he should diligently enquire what things were distasteful in the past Reign that he may avoid them this was Nero's Maxim at his Accession to the Throne prescribing it as a Plan of his future Government sedulously declining those things which had lately bred Disgust 21 Tum formam futuri Principatus prâ—scripsit ca maximè declinâ—â— querum recens flagrabat invidia Tac. 13. ann Let a Prince also adjust his Actions to the Customs of the Countrey and methods of his Predecessor for even the Vertues of the Successour which are new and such aâ— the Predecessour and the Nation in general were unacquainted with the People look upon as Vices and loath ' em The Parthians demanded Vono for their King a Person endu'd with the Gentile Accomplishments of Rome where he had been as Hostage but those Vertues lost him the Affections of his People who regarded them as nothing but new Vices 22 Sed prompti adius obvia comitas ignotae Parthis Vertutes nova vitia Tac. 2. ann they were disgusted that he did not give his mind to Horses and Hunting as his Predecessors did and on the contrary they all loved Nero because he accommodated himself to their Customs 23 Quod hic prima ab infantia instituta cultum Armeniorum 〈◊〉 latus venatu epulis quae alia barbari celebrant proceres plebemâ—â— juxta devinxerat Tac. 2. ann And if this difference of Manners in the Princes Person produces these Effects how much greater will the Alteration of the Customs and Ways of the People create But if Correction be necessary it must be apply'd with such Moderation as may neither make the Prince seem severe nor remiss but when the negligence of the Predecessour was very great and the People require a Remedy then the Activity and Diligence of the Successour is very opportune as was visible in the first Years of your Royal Highnesses renown'd Father 'T is a generous piece of Justice for a Prince to begin his Reign with pardoning all offences against himself and punishing those committed against others nothing gaiâ—â— People's esteem and respect more than this 24 Novum Imperium inchoantiâ—â— utilis clementia Tac. 4. Hist. As the Emperours Vespâ—siâ— and Titus found as also Charles VII King of France Upon this Consideration Witiza remitted the Banishment of those whom his Father had condemned and caused their Tryals to be burnt by this great means the better to secure the Crown upon his Head Though these Acts are highly requisite yet the main Point is the gaining the Love and Obedience of the Subjects which two Kings of Arragon were absolute Masters of †Mar. Hist. Hisp. One was King Alphonso I who going to take Possession of the Kingdom of Castile for his Wife Terraca behaved himself with great Complaisance and Affability to all he heard Causes and administer'd Justiâ—e himself he protected Widows and Orphans reliev'd the Poor honour'd and reward'd the Nobility according to their Desert prefer'd Vertue and made the Kingdom plentiful
King is his People when they are well defended according to a saying of the Emperor Iustinian that the Kingdom was always rich and the Exchequer full when the Subjects were wealthy and the Land plentiful * Lib. 15. tit 5. p. 2. When therefore a Prince raises Taxes with this Moderation the Subjects ought chearfully to pay them nor can they without a sort of Rebellion refuse them for Sovereignty has no other Portion nor publick necessity any other Assistance there is no Peace without Soldiers no Soldier without Pay no Pay without Taxes 6 Neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt Tac. 4. Hist. For this Reason when Nero would have remitted the Taxes the Roman Senate oppos'd him saying that without them the Empire would be ruin'd 7 Dissâ—lutionâ—m Imperii docendo si fructus quibus Resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉 Tac. 13. ann Taxes are the Prince of Peace but if they are too heavy and the People not well satisfied of their necessity they soon rebel against their Prince 'T was for no other Reason that King Alphonso Sirnamed the Great grew so odious to the People that after many Troubles and Vexations he was oblig'd to quit his Crown for the same also Garcios King of Galicia lost both his Kingdom and Life too †Mar. Hist. Hisp. lib. 9. cap. 8. K. Henry III. consider'd this Danger when being advised by some to raise new Taxes to defray the Expence of War he answer'd I fear the Discontent of my People more than my Enemies Money collected from unjust Taxes is mingled with the Subjects Blood as was seen to drop from that piece which St. Francis of Padua broke in the Presence of Ferdinand King of Naples and this ever crys for Vengeance against the Prince Great Taxes therefore ought not to be rais'd till the People be well convinced of the Necessity oâ— them for when they are satisfied of that and of the Justice of the Cause they patiently bear the heaviest Impositions as we see in those which were rais'd by K. Ferdinand IVth and in the Grant which the Parliament of Toledo made of a Million in the times of Henry III. permitting him also to raise more of his own accord to carry on the Wars against the Moors For though 't is not for private Persons to examine into the Justice of Taxes though they cannot often apprehend the Causes of Expences nor can they be communicated to them without evident Danger 8 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere nobis obsâ—quii glâ—â—ia relictâ— est Tac. 6. ann yet are there some general Reasons which they may without Damage be inform'd of and though Natural and Divine Reason do allow the Power of levying Impositions to the Prince without the Subjects Consent when they are just and necessary as King Alphonso us'd to say yet will a prudent Prince so manage the matter and dispose the Minds of his Subjects that it may seem to be done with their Approbation Taxes are according to the Scripture the Bridle of the People 9 2 Sam. 8. 1. Vide. they keep them in Obedience and uphold the Prince's Authority Those who are free from all Taxes are ungovernable yet this Bridle should be so easie as not to gall them too much as King Flavius Herwegiâ—s prudently consider'd in the Thirteenth Council of Toledo saying That that Government was best which neither oppress'd the People with too great Taxes nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * Ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet nec indiscreta râ—missio statum gentis fociat deperire Concil Tol xiii The Command which Princes have over the Lives of their Subjects is executed without Danger it being done by Law which punishes some as Examples to the rest but not so that Command which they have over their Goods and Estates for that comprehendâ— all in general and People are more sensible in what concerns their Estates than their Bodies especially when they are got by Sweat and Blood and are to be imployed to supply the Prince's Luxury In which that remarkable Action of K. David ought to be consider'd when he refus'd to drink the water which his three Soldiers brought him from amidst the Enemies Camp least he should seem to drink the Blood of those Men 10 2 Sam. 23. 17. 'T is no good Policy to impoverish the People by Taxes the better to keep them in Obedience for though Poverty whether Original or Accidental debases our Spirits which always rise and fall with our Condition yet does Oppression provoke our Minds and urge us to Rebellion 11 Ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex Flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo Tac. 3. ann All the Israelites that were in Distress and every one that was in Debt and every one that was discontented joyn'd David against Saul 12 1 Sam. 22. 2. The People are always most obedient when they are richest The plenty of Egypt made the People of God though very severely us'd forget their Liberty but afterwards when they came to want in the Wilderness they complain'd heavily of their Slavery and Bondage When a Kingdom is given upon Condition that no Taxes shall be levy'd without its Consent or if this be afterwards provided by some general Decree as was in the Parliament of Madrid in the time of King Alphonso XIth or when it has acquired this Privilege by long Prescription as in Spain and France in such Cases the Prince must wait the Consent of the Parliament least he should expose himself to the same Danger as Charles VIIth of France did formerly when he went to raise a certain Tax without communicating it to his Council 'T is also of great advantage to a Prince to be so well esâ—eem'd of his People that from their Opinion of his Zeal for their Good they may think whatever Taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable and blindly agree to whatever he proposes committing themselves wholly to his Prudence and Management as the Egyptians did to Ioseph's when he exacted the fifth part of their Estates 13 Gen. 47. 25. When the People have once this Confidence in the Prince he ought diligently to take Care not to burthen them without sufficient Cause and mature Deliberation But if necessity does require it let him at least take Care that the Taxes be well expended for the People take nothing more hainously than to see no advantage from their Oppressions and to see their Estates squander'd away to no purpose They are also very uneasie to see Taxes continued when the Occasion for which they were rais'd is over As 't was in Vespasian's time when the Taxes rais'd for the necessity of War were continued in time of Peace 14 Necissitate armâ—rum excusorta etiam in pace mauâ—erâ— Tac. 2. ann For afterwards Subjects dread them and grudge to pay
firm and lasting Empire if they were good if wicked but of short continuance King Ferdinand who from his great Virtues was sirnamed the Great did by these wonderfully increase the Glory of his Kingdom and establisht it to Posterity His Piety was so great that when the Body of St. Isidore was carried by Sevil he and his Sons barefoot carried these Holy Relicks from the River Durio quite to St. Iohn's Church in the City For 't is God by whom Kings Reign and upon whom all their Power and Felicity depends they could never err if they would make him their only Object The Rays of the Sun never forsake the Moon she as if she knew she received all her Light from the Sun looks on him continually that she may be enlightned by him which Princes must so imitate that they may always have their Eyes fixt upon that Eternal Light which affords Light and Motion to the World and from which Empires take their encrease and decrease as is intimated in the present Emblem by the Scepter on the top of which is the Moon looking towards the Sun the true Emblem of God as well because no other thing comes nearer his Omnipotency as also because that alone gives Light and Being to all Which 'cause it solely all Surveys Is properly call'd Sol. Boet. For there is no Power but from God 10 Rom. 13. 1. Kings are crowned in his Eternal Mind before they are here on Earth He who gave the Orbs Coelestial first motion gives it also to Empires and Republicks He who has appointed a King over Bees has not left meerly to Chance or Humane Choice these Second Causes of Princes who are his Vice-Roys upon Earth and as like him as may be 11 Principes quidem instar deorum esse Tac. 3. Ann. being represented in the Revelations by those Seven Planets which God held in his Hand 12 And he had in his right hand seven Stars Revel 1. 16. upon them he darts his Divine Rays the Reflection of which gives them the utmost Power and Authority over their Subjects Without that Splendor all Power how great soever is in a manner dark the Prince who slighting this Light shall follow another an appearance may be of some good which his own convenience not right reason offers will soon see the Orb of his Power eclips'd and darken'd What e'er avoids the Sun must necessarily be in darkness The Moon although it finds its self oft'times quite dark does not therefore turn away from the Sun but looks on 't with so much the more eagerness till at last 't is again enlightned by it Let a Prince hold his Scepter fixt and steady having always a regard to Virtue as well in Prosperity as Adversity For the same Divine Sun which either for Punishment or Exercise of his Virtues permitted his decrease as a recompence of his Constancy will again promote and encrease his greatness Thus 't was with the Emperor Ferdinand the II. who was often reduced to that extremity of Fortune that his Empire and Life too seem'd desperate Yet he was resolved never wholly to despair nor to turn his Eyes from that Eternal Sun the Maker and Governor of all things whose Divine Providence freed him from all Perils and advanced him far above all his Enemies Moses's Rod which was the Emblem of a Scepter did Wonders whilst he held itâ— in his Hand upright t'wards Heaven but as soon as he cast it upon the Ground 't was turn'd into a venomous Serpent dreadful even to Moses himself 13 And he cast it on the ground and it became a Serpent and Moses â—led from before it Exod. 4. 3. Whilst the Scepter like Iacob's Ladder touches Heaven God himself supports it and Angels descend to its assistance 14 And he dreamed and behold a Ladder set upon the Earth and the top of it reached to Heaven and behold the Angelâ— of God ascending and descending on it Gen. 18. 13. This the Egyptians knew who on the top of their Scepters were used to engrave the Head of a Stork a Religious Bird and Pious t'wards its Parents but on the bottom the Foot of a Sea-Horse an impious and ungrateful Animal which Plots to kill his Father that he may the more freely enjoy his Mother By which Hieroglyphick they meant nothing but that Princes ought always to prefer Piety to Impiety Machiavel would have his Prince to learn this Hieroglyphick but in quite another Sence for he would have Piety and Impiety placed at each end that he might turn it as he pleased and hold that upwards which tended most to his Preservation and Advantage For which reason he thinks 't is not necessary for a Prince to be Virtuous 't is enough if he pretends to be so for to be really so and to act according to the Dictates of Virtue would he says be pernicious but that 't is most advantageous to be thought so for by this means he will be so disposed as to know how to shift upon occasion and so to act in all things as advantage or opportunity shall require And this he says is principally necessary for Princes newâ—â— come to the Crown who ought to be quick and ready to spread their Sails to every breath of Fortune and as necessity requires Impious and foolish Counsel that would insinuate that Virtues need not be real and genuine but only counterfeit and imaginary for how can the Shadow be as effective as the Substance What Art or Pains can bring Chrystal to that perfection as it shall equal the Diamond in lustre and brightness Won't any one at first sight discover and laugh at the Cheat. A true Glory takes root and flourishes thaâ— which is not falls like Blossoms nor can any thing be lasting that is counterfeit 15 Vera gloria radices agit atque etiam propagatur ficta 〈◊〉 celeriter tanquam flosculi decidunt neque fimulatum quidquam potest 〈◊〉 diuturnum Cic. lib. 2. de Off. cap. 32. There 's no Art or Cunning so great as to make a vicious Inclination appear truly good and virtuous For if we so easily fail in real Virtues so agreeable to our Nature and Inclination what shall we do in false and imaginary ones How will the Subjects when they discover the Cheat be able to endure the Stench of this Sepulchrâ— of abominable Vices without any ornament of Goodness How can they turn their Eyes from that inward Wound when the Patch under which it lurk'd being drawn off 't is openly exposed to the sight of all 16 And all our righteâ—â—â—nesses are as filthy rags Isaiah 64. 6. Whence a Prince will be contemptible and ridiculous to his own People at home and suspected by Foreigneâ— abroad He will be surely odious to both for neither can live securely under him Nothing renders Tyraâ—ny more grievous than when the Prince dissembles Virtue For from thence oft-times greater Vices spring for this Reason many were afraid of Otho
taken up in Law there want Men to manure the Ground for Offices and War A few good support many bad and many bad lord it over the few good The Courts of Judicature are Harbours for Pirates and Receptacles for Thieves Those very Men who should be the Assertors of the Peoples Liberty are the heaviest Fetters of their Slavery 12 Deditque jura queis pace Principe uteremur acriora ex 〈◊〉 vincula inditi custodes Tac. 3. Ann. Too many Laws are not less pernicious to a State than Vices 13 Vtque antehac ftagitiis ita nunc legibus laborabatur Tac. 3. Ann. He who makes many Laws sets many Traps in which all must be caught So Caligula when he had a design upon the Innocent established many Laws written in so small a Character that they could be hardly read And Claudius published Twenty in one day which so puzzled the People that 't was more difficult to know than to observe them Therefore Aristotle said That few Laws were sufficient for the weightest Cases and that the rest ought to be left to natural Reason Nothing is so prejudicial to State as multiplicity of Laws Hence God threatened Israel as a Punishment for their Sins that he would multiply their Laws 14 Because Ephraim hath made many Altars to Sin Altars shall be unto him to Sin Scribaâ—â—i multiplices leges meas says the Latin Version Hos. 8. 11 12. To what purpose is it to make an Addition of new Laws upon every slight occasion when there is no case which has not happ'ned before nor any inconveniency which has not been already consider'd of and by Observation and Experience provided for Those which are now introduc'd into Castile as new may be all found in the Ancient Records The Observation of these would be much more agreeable to the People and would create less Odium to the Prince than the Promulgation of other new ones In those Judgment acquiesces in these 't is dubious and unsteady those seem to be founded with care the Authority of these is questionable those may safely be renew'd these can't be introduc'd without danger To make Experiments of new Medicines is dangerous to Health and Life many Herbs before the way of preparing them were known were Poison Better is that State govern'd whose Laws though imperfect are settled than that which is continually changing them The Ancients to intimate that Laws ought to be perpetual wrote them upon Tables of Brass 15 Vsus â—ris ad perpetuitatem monumentoâ—um jampridem translatus est tabulis aereis in quibus constitutiones publicae inciduntur and God engrav'd them with his Eternal Finger upon Stone 16 And he gave unto Moses when he had made an end of communing with him upon Mount Sinai two Tables of Testimony Tables of Stone written with the Finger of God For this reason Augustus advis'd the Senate that they should preserve their Laws intire without altering them for that tho' they were bad they were more beneficial to the State than new ones 17 Positas semel leges constanter servate nec ullam earum immutate nam quae in suo statu eademque maâ—â—nt etsi deteriora sint tamen utiliâ—ra sunt Reipublicae his quae per innovationem vel meliora indacuntur Dion l. 52. There is no Kingdom but is provided with Laws sufficient but care ought to be taken least the variety of Interpretations should render them ambiguous and obscure and occasion Disputes and Controversies This ought to be prevented which might with â—ase be done in Spain if some King upon this account not less a Restorer than Pelagius would abbreviate all Processes and leaving the Civil Law would make use only of those of the Kingdom which are not less prudent and learned than just and reasonable This King Recesewind meant when in one of his Laws he said Also King Alphonsus the Wise commanded his Iudges This their Majesties Ferdinand and Ioan afterwards confirm'd as did King Alarick who laid severe Penalties upon the Judges for admitting the Pleas of the Roman Laws Nor does it a little derogate from Supream Jurisdiction to be govern'd by Foreign Laws To this I foresee two Objections first that if these Laws were written in Spanish the Latin Tongue would be lost and the Lawyers would apply themselves wholly to the Study and Explanation of them only besides that without the knowledge of the Civil Law from whence they are deriv'd they could not be well understood The other is that since the Civil Law is Common to almost all Europe according to which causes ought to be decided and that the Rights and Privileges of Princes are often to be determinâ—d in Foreign Parliaments and Courts of Judicature it will be very necessary to have Men well vers'd in the said Law Which inconveniences will be easily remedied by erecting and indowing some places for Civil Lawyers in the Universities as though upon different Motives King Ferdinand did But if this can't be effected the foremention'd inconveniences may be thus remedied first by prohibiting such a vast number of Books to be imported which serve only to clear the Pockets not the understanding nor is Printing any thing else now-a-days but Merchandize and Trade This variety confounds the Senses embarrasses and puzzles the Judgment 'T would be more adviseable where the written Laws are not full enough for the Decision of any Controversy to be guided by Reason that living Law rather than to grope for Justice in the obscurity of such diversity of Opinions equally favourable to each side and subject to Subornation and Passion Next by shortening the tedious Methods of the Law as King Philip the Second design'd to do at Milan when he consulted with the Senate about that Affair In which he not only respected the good of the Subject but also that in that State which is the Bullwark of the Kingdom there might be more Men of the Sword than the Gown The same was attempted by the Emperors Titus and Vespasian Charles the Fifth their Catholick Majesties Peter King of Portugal James the first of Arragon and Lewis the Eleventh of France none of them being 〈◊〉 to effect it nor can any one else hope to bring 〈◊〉 about since for the reforming the Practice of the â—â—nch the Judges themselves must be of Counsel whose Interest it is to prolong Suits as 't is that of Soldiers to continue War 'T was pure necessity oblig'd the most Serene Queen Isabel of her own accord to make use of this Remedy when being at Sevil harrass'd with vexatious Appeals she commanded all Suits depending to be by the assistance of able and learned Men decided in her presence without the noise of the Bar and that Accumulation of Informations and Processes and truly successfully enough as experience has shewn The Cantons of Switzerland are very prudently govern'd because there are no Lawyers among them the Witnesses are heard and without writing down any thing except the
succeed well How is he surpriz'd who receives the Wound before he sees the Weapon he who will not stir till he hears the clashing of Arms This I would have understood of Wars against Infidels not of those between Christians which ought to be proclaim'd that there may be time for satisfaction by which the effusion of Blood may be avoided this being required to render a War lawfull and just In this the Romans were to be commended who instituted a College of twenty Priests whom they call'd Heralds whose business it was to proclaim War to make Peace and to establish Alliances These were also Judges in such cases and took care that the party injur'd should receive satisfaction appointing a term of thirty â— three days for an amicable composition in which time if the disputes were not ended they declar'd War by throwing a Spear into the Enemies Country 5 Et baculum intorquens emittit in auras Principium pugnae Virg. from which day commenc'd acts of Hostility and Incursions Of these declarations there are divers examples in the Scriptures Iephtha being chosen Prince of the Israelites did not take up Arms against the Ammonites before by Ambassadors he had enquir'd into the reason which mov'd them to the War 6 And Iephtha sent Messengers unto the King of the Children of Ammon saying What hast thou to do with me that thou art come against me to fight in my Land Iudg. 11. 12. The method of our times is not so humane and generous We experience the effects of War before we know the cause thereof An unexpected and sudden Invasion makes the Injury the greater and renders the minds of the parties implacable this generally springs hence that they take up arms not to satisfie Injuries or atone for Damages receiv'd but only from a blind Ambition to enlarge their Dominions in which without respect to Religion Consanguinity or Friendship they trample upon the most sacred Laws of Nature and Nations If a Prince suspects any of Infidelity let him not immediately change the serenity of his Looks or shew any sign of his suspicion but rather by new Flattery and Honours endeavour to confirm their Minds and oblige them to Fidelity Rigour is not always the best and safest remedy Branches lopt off die and revive not again Thus Marcellus conniv'd at Lucius Bancus of Nola a very rich and withal very factious person and though he well knew he sided with Hannibal he call'd him to him told him how his Vertue and Valour were esteem'd by all particularly by the Roman Generals who were Witnesses of his Bravery at the Battle of Cannae he honour'd him with words supported with hopes and promises gave him at all times free access to his presence and by this courteous usage so oblig'd him that from that time the Roman State had not a more faithfull Friend than he This Dissimulation requires great care and prudence for if the Offender should mistrust it he would interpret it a design to bring him to Punishment and so would sooner fire his Mines or endeavour to preserve himself by other violent means Which is chiefly to be fear'd in Tumults and Crimes of the Multitude Thus Fabius Valens though he would not punish the Authors of a certain Commotion yet did he permit some of them to be tried 7 Ne dissimulans suspectior foret Tac. 2. hist. But since 't is very difficult to purge the mind of Treason once conceiv'd and since such crimes ought not to go unpunished 't is then only fit to connive when greater danger attends the declaration or the number of Offenders makes the punishment impracticable This Iulius Caesar consider'd when he commanded some Letters from Pompey to the Roman Nobility against him which he had intercepted to be burnt unopen'd thinking 't was the mildest method of pardoning not to know the crime A piece of true Generosity and singular Prudence since 't was impossible to punish all not to oblige himself to the inconveniencies of connivance Those of mean condition may be made examples and the great ones conniv'd at till a more convenient opportunity But where the Delinquents may be punished without danger 't is safer by punishing them to consult self-security than to trust to Dissimulation for this often emboldens great Spirits Hannibal plotted to poison the Carthaginian Senate and upon the discovery of the Treason the Senators thought it sufficient to make a Law to regulate the Excels and Expences of Feasts which gave Hannibal occasion to plot afresh against them That Art and Cunning most becomes a Prince and that Dissimulation is most allowable and necessary which so composes and forms the Looks Words and Actions towards him whom it would deceive as that he mayn't mistrust that his designs are discover'd for by that means there will be time to search farther into them and either to punish or elude them while the party is not so sollicitous in the concealment of them but if he once find himself betray'd he begins to tremble and thinks himself not secure till he has put his designs in execution This oblig'd Agrippina to pretend not to understand the Murther which her Son Nero design'd her 8 Solum insidiarum remedium esse si non intelligerentur Tac. 14. ann This Dissimulation or feign'd Simplicity is very necessary for Ministers who â—erve cunning and defigning Princes who make it their care to conceal their intentions in this Tiberius was a great Master 9 Consulto ambiguns Tac. 13. ann The same artifice the Roman Senate us'd when the same Tiberius after the death of Augustus let them know to try their thoughts that he would not accept of the Empire it being a burthen too heavy for him they by a studied ignorance and forc'd tears begg'd he would please to accept it all being afraid to seem to understand his meaning 10 Quibus usus metus si intelligere viderentur Tac. 1. ann Unjust Princes hate those who they think understand their ill practices and take them for Enemies They claim an absolute Authority over mens minds not subject to anothers understanding they will have their Subjects Intellects at as much command as their Bodies esteeming it part of their duty and respect not to understand their designs 11 Intelligebantur artes sed pars obsequii 〈…〉 ne deprehenderentur Tac. 4. hist. Wherefore 't is disallowable and dangerous to pry into the privacies and secret thoughts of Princes 12 Abditos Principis sensus 〈◊〉 quid occultius parat exquirâ—re illicitum anceps nec ideo assequare Tac. 6. ann Tiberius complaining that he was in danger from some of the Roman Senators Asinius Gallus desir'd to know who they were that they might be brought to Justice which Tiberius took very ill that he should desire to know what he had a mind to conceal 13 Eo aegrius accepit recludi quae premeret Tac. 4. ann Germanicus acted more prudently who though he well
To demonstrate this in the present Emblem I have made use of that method which according to Sanazâ—ro and Garcilazo the Shepherds us'd to catch Crows Which shews Princes with how much circumspection they ought to interest themselves in the misfortunes and dangers of others They fastned a Crow by the Pinions of its Wings to the ground this seeing others fly by would by making a grievous noise excite them to pity and come down to its assistance Cercavanla i alguna mas piadosa Del mal ageno de la companera Quae del fnyo à visada ô timerosa c. For that which was fastned to the ground catches hold of another with its Claws thereby to free it self and that again of another which the same Compassion brought to their assistance so that for the sake of one another they are all caught In which something may be attributed to the Novelty of the accident for sometimes that appears Compassion which is only a motion of natural Inquietude I allow the Eyes and Heart to be mov'd with Compassion at the Misfortunes and Complaints of foreign Princes But not to arm upon every slight occasion for their Defence For a private person to expose himself to dangers to serve his Friend is brave and commendable but in a Prince blameable if he hazzards the publick safety for the service of a Foreigner without good grounds and reasons of State nor are those of Consanguinity or private Friendship sufficient For a Prince is born more for his Subjects than his Relations and Friends he may indeed assist them but without incurring any damage or danger When assistance renders the danger so common that the ruin of one draws after it that of the other there is no tie of Obligation or Piety can excuse it but when interests are so interwoven and united that one must follow the fate of th' other who-ever assists in that case acts his own cause and 't is more prudence as we have said to oppose dangers in a foreign State than to expect them at home Also when 't is the publick interest to assist the oppressed the Prince who is most potent is without doubt obliged to it For between Princes Justice can't have recourse to the common Tribunals 't is in the Authority and Power of the strongest that it finds Refuge In such case 't would be a kind of Tyranny to be an idle Spectator only and give way to that Policy which aims to imbroil other Princes that themselves may be more secure through their dissensions and raise their own fortunes upon the ruin of others for such as these the supreme Judge of the intentions severely punishes These cases require great Prudence to weigh the ingagement with the interest least we should entangle our selves in others Misfortunes and make their danger ours for we must not afterwards expect the same return Spain pitied the Misfortunes of the Empire and assisted it with its Blood and Treasures from whence proceeded the Invasions which France made in Italy Flanders Burgundy and Spain the whole War lying at present upon this Monarchy yet won't some in Germany acknowledge this or believe that it is for their sakes Experience therefore in our own and others Misfortunes ought to make us more cautious in our Commiseration and Assistance How often by assisting the Misfortunes of our Friends have we lost both our selves and him being afterwards ungratefull for the benefit How often have these incurr'd the hatred of a Prince by those very means by which they have endeavour'd to serv'd him Germanicus was adopted by Tiberius appointed to succeed him in the Empire and so faithfull in his Service that he took it as an affront that the Legions should offer him the Empire 1 Quasâ— scelere contaminaretur Tac. 1. ann and when they press'd him to it would have stabb'd himself 2 At ille moriturum potiùs quam fidem exueret clamitans ferrum à latere diripuit elatumque deferebat in pectus Id. ibid. and the more faithfully he behav'd himself the less gratefull he was to Tiberius His care in appeasing the Legions with Donatives was distastfull 3 Sed quod largiendis pecuniis missionâ—â—estinata favorem militum quaefivisset belliâ—a quoque Germanici gloria augâ—batur Id. ibid. His Piety in gathering and burying the Relicts of Varâ—s's Army he interpreted Ambition 4 Quod Tiberio haud probatum Id. ibid. The Compassion of his Wife Agrippina in cloathing the Soldiers seem'd a desire of rule 5 Id Sâ—berit animum altius penetravit Id. ibid. In a word all Germanicus's actions were misinterpreted 6 Cuncta Germanici in deterius trahenti Id. Ibid. Germanicus knew this Hatred and that he was call'd upon pretence of Honour from his true Glory in Germany and endeavour'd to oblige him more by Obedience and Observance 7 Quanto summe spei propiâ—r tanto impensiâ—s pro Tiberâ—o niti Id. ibid. but this made him still more odious till Gratitude oppress'd by the weight of Obligation he sent him to the Eastern Provinces 8 Novisqâ—e provincâ—is impositum dolo simul cafibus objectaret Tac. 2. ann where he caus'd him to be poison'd by Piso rejoycing in the death of him who was the support of his Empire 9 Naâ— Gâ—rmanici mortem inter prospera ducebat Tac. 4. ann Some Princes are Idols whose Eyes are as Ieremiah says blinded with the dust of those who enter in to worship them 10 Their eyes be full of dust through the feet of them that come in Baruc. 6. 17. They acknowledge no Services and what is worse won't be convinc'd of them nor that their liberty is subject to desert and therefore take great care to disengage themselves from it Him who has perform'd signal Services they charge with some Crime or other that his pretension to reward being reduc'd to a defence he may take his Pardon for a sufficient Recompence They seem dis-satisfied with those very Services which they inwardly approve to avoid being oblig'd or they attribute them to their own orders and sometimes that very thing which they desir'd and commanded to be done they repent of afterwards and are angry with him who facilitated it as if he had done it from his own motive The Heart of a King is unsearchable 11 Prov. 25. 3. 'T is a deep Sea which is to day boisterous and raging from the same cause which made it yesterday calm and serene The Goods of Fortune and Mind and also Riches and Honours they sometimes eâ—â—eem meritorious sometimes injurious and criminal 12 Nobilitas opes omissi gâ—stique honores pro crimine ob virtutes certissimum exitium Tac. 1. hist. The most officious diligence often displeases them That of Uzzaâ— to God in putting forth his arm to support the falling Ark cost him his life 13 And Uzzah put forth his hand to the Ark of God and took hold of it for the Oxen
But this Doctrine of Ministers being continued in Offices but for a time must not be understood of those supream Offices of the Princes Counsel or of Justice But on the contrary they ought to be fixt and continued because of the advantage of their Experience and Knowledge of Affairs depending These kinds of Offices are in Governments like the Poles in the Heavens about which the lesser Orbs move so that if they should be chang'd or removed the whole Universe would be endanger'd by the disorder of its natural Motions Solon knew this Inconveniency in the four hundred Senatours which were yearly Elected by Lot at Athens and therefore he established a Senate of Sixty worthy Men who were called Areopagites and while this continu'd the Republick flourished 'T is moreover very dangerous to commit the Government of Kingdoms during the Minority to persons who have any Pretentioâ—s thereto though never so unjust so it fell out in Arragon by the Imprudence of those who committed the Government to Sancho Duke of Roussillon until King Iames I. came to age Those Persons who have no manner of Pretention to the Crown either by Birth or any other Cause often thirst after it how much more then those who in Pictures and Images see their Ancestours brows incircled with it This Age as well as the pass'd gives us many deplorable Examples of Relations who have treacherously usurped Kingdoms which they were entrusted with Those of the Royal Blood are more prone to Tyranny in that they never want means to accomplish their Designs Few can be perswad'd of the Justice of that Law which prefers Birth to Vertue and every one thinks he better deserves a Crown than another and if this Reason should be of force in any one he is in danger from his Favourites who hoping to participate of his Grandeur strive to procure it by violent means and to raise Jealousies amongst his Relations If King Philip had any Jealousie of Don John of Austria they flow'd from this Spring A glorious Example of this Policy we find in the Infant Ferdinand refusing the Crown which was the Right of his Nephew Don John II. by which generous Recusance of that Crown on Earth he merited many more in Heaven The generous Loyalty which the Infants of that Name have paid the Kings of their Race is of an ancient Date Nor do we find less in this present Infant towards the present King whose Respect and Obedience is more like that of a Subject than of a Brother The heavenly Spheres pay not a more ready Obedience to the first mover than his Highness does to his Majestys Will. O truly Noble Prince whose glorious Birth though the greatest in the World is yet the least of his Excellencies the Effect of Divine Providence that in a time of such troublesome and tedious Wars which strain'd the very Axle-tree and Poles of the Government to raise us up an Atlas to support it by his Valour Conduct and Prudence EMBLEM LV. ARISTOTLE the better to instruct Alexander the Great in the Qualities of Counsellours compared them to Eyes which comparison Don Alonso the Wise makes use of in his Books of Laws Nor is this thought new for the Kings of Persia and Babylon call'd 'em their Eyes their Ears and their Hands according to the Offices in which they officiated The seven Spirits God's Ministers sent all over the Earth were the Eyes of a Lamb without spot or blemish 1 Apoc. 5. 6. A Prince who ought to see and comprehend so many Affairs should be all Eyes and all Ears 2 Superior debet esse totus mens c totus oculus S. Antioc Hom. 5. and because he can't be so he must make use of the Eyes and Ears of other Whence there is no Prince though never so prudent and intelligent but haâ— occasion for Ministers and to make use of them as his Eyes Ears and Hands 3 Nam Principes ac Reges nunc quoque multos sibi oculos multas aâ—res multas item manus atque pedes faciunt Arist. Pol. 5. c. 12 This is not of small advantage to him if he knows how to make a right use on 't for by thiâ— means he sees with every Body's eyes hears with their Ears and takes advise from them all 4 Hâ—â— enim ratione omnium oculis cernet omnium auribus audiet omnium denique consiliis in unum tendentibus consultabit Sines ad Arcad The Aegyptians meanâ— this by the Eye which they placed upon their Scepter for Counsels are the Eyes by which we inspect Futurity 5 Consilium oculus futurorum Arist. lib. 6. de Regim This Ieremiah seem'd to allude to when he said Virgaâ— vigilantem ego video 6 â—erem 1 11. Vid. Version Vulgar For this Reason in this present Emblem you see a Scepter full of Eyes to give the Prince to understand that he ought to inspect all Affairs of the Government by his Ministers nor is it to be wonder'd at that we place the Ministers in the Scepter for formerly their Names were engrave on the Crowns of the Emperours and Kings of Spain nor without Reason for they shine brighter than the Diadems themselves This Emblem of Eyes sufficiently shews the Qualifications that a Minister ought to be endued with For as the Sight extends to all things far and near so should the active Spirit of the Counsellour inspect all things present past and future that he may make a right Judgment of things and give a true Opinion of all Affairs which can't be done without much Reading great Experience and a continual Commerce with foreign Countries For if the Counsellours ben't perfectly versed in the Princes Nature and the Manners and Genius of the people they 'll ruine both themselves and the Government 7 Morum animorâ—mque Provincie nisi sâ—â—gneri qui de ea consulant perdant se Râ—mpub Cicero And to know this requires use for the Eyes don't know things which they have never seen he who has had Experience and Knowledge of things will readily find Expedients and Remedies 8 Eccles 3. 4. There is such a correspondence between the Eyes and Heart that the Affections of the one immediately strikes the other when this is sad they weep when this glad they smile if the Counsellour has not a particular Esteem for his Prince he will take but little care of his Affairs and is therefore very little to be trusted so said King Alphonso the Wise * L. 5. tit 9. p. 2. That Councellours ought to be the Princes true Friends otherwise he would be in great Danger for those who hate a Person will never advise him cordially The Eye won't suffer the Finger to touch its inside but upon its approach immediately sculks within the Lids how wise and learn'd soever the Minister is in his Counsels if he is easie and free of his Secerts if he suffers his Finger to probe his Heart he
Tongue and the Pen are the most dangerous Instruments of the heart by these 't is usually expos'd either through Levity or Vanity to be thought the Repositories of very important Secrets by discovering them either by discourse or writing to those from whom they should conceal 'em So that he is not fit for the Charge of a Secretary who can't modestly hear others rather than talk himself without changing the Air of his Face at any thing for oft-times the Secrets of the heart are discovered thereby EMBLEM LVII THE wheels of a Clock perform their Office with such silence that their Motions can neither be heard nor perceived and though the whole Contrivance depends upon them yet do they not attribute to themselves the Honour of it but lend to the hand its Motion which alone distinguishes and points out the hours and is esteem'd by all the only Rule and Measure of time This mutual Correspondence and Agreement should be between the Prince and his Counsellours for 't is highly convenient to have them for as King Alphonsus the Wise said Though Emperours and Kings are great persons yet can neither of them by themselves do more than a single Man ‖ L. 12. tiâ— 1. p. 2. and the Government of a Nation requires many but them so modest as not to attribute their successful Resolutions to their own Counsel but to the Princes let 'em share the Trouble but not the Power let 'em be Ministers not Companions let 'em know that the Prince can govern without them but not they without him Where a Prince can shew his Authority and Greatness without the assistance of others let him do it In Aegypt where the heat of the Sun is more powerful than in other parts it breeds Animals without any assistance if a Prince does nothing without Advice he 's more like a Client than a Prince The force of Government is lost unless the Summ of Affairs be reduced to one 1 Neve Tiberius vim Principatus resolveret â—uncâ—a ad senatum vocando eam conditionem esse â—mperanâ—â— ut non aliter ratio constâ—t quam si uni reddatur Tac. 1 ann Monarchy is distinguished from other methods of Government in that one only Commands and the rest obey and if the Prince shall permit several to rule 't will not be a Monarchy but an Aristocracy there is no Command where all are Masters The Holy Spirit takes this for a punishment of the Sins of the people 2 For the transgression of a Land many are the Princes thereof Prov. 28. 2. and on the contrary a Blessing when only one Commands 3 And I will set up one Shephâ—rd over them Ezâ—â— 34. â—3 when the Ministers shall find a Prince so careless as to let others Reign they usurp to themselves what Authority they can Pride and Emulation grows among them every one tears a slip from the Royal Robe so that at last it remains a mere Ragg The people confounded between so many Masters no longer acknowledge their true and lawful one and so begin to despise and contemn the Government For they believe nothing can be well done but what they think the Prince does of himself whence they prepare a Remedy by force Histories furnish us with deplorable Examples of this in the Deposition and Death of Garcias King of Galaecia who would not be so much as the Index to point out the Motion of the Government but left all to the management of a particular Favourite of his who was afterwards kill'd with him We find Sancho King of Portugal depos'd because his Queen and a few other Scoundrel Servants had the whole management of Affairs the same thing beâ—el King Henry IV. for being so easie as to Sign all Dispatches which his Ministers brought him without ever reading or knowing the Contents of ' em The Prince exposes himself to all manner of Inconveniencies who without perusal or consideration agrees to whatever others desire him for upon him as upon soft Wax every one makes what impression he pleases so it was with the Emperour Claudius 4 Nihil arduum videbatâ—r in aniâ—o Principis 〈◊〉 non judiciuâ— non odium erat nisi indita jâ—ssa Tac. 12. ann God plac'd the Government upon the Princes own Shoulders not upon his Ministers 5 Isâ—â— 9. 6 as Samuel intimated to Saul at the Entertainment when he anointed him King when he on purpose ordered the Cook to set by for him a shoulder of Meat 6 And the Cook toâ—k up the Shoulder c. 1 Sam. 9. 24. Yet would I not have a Prince like a Camel merely to bear Burthens but his Shoulders should be full of Eyes like the Animals in Ezekiel's Vision 7 Ezek. 1. 18. lm LXX that they may see and know what they bear Elisha call'd Elias the Chariot and Horsemen of Israel because he sustain'd and manag'd the Government †2 Kings 2 12. He does not deserve the name of Prince who cannot of himself give Orders and contradict 'em as is visible in Vitellius who not being capable of commanding nor punishing was no longer Emperour but only the cause of War 8 Ipsâ— nâ—qâ—e jubâ—ndâ— neque viâ—anâ—i potâ—ns non jam Imperator sed tantum 〈…〉 Tâ—c 1. Hâ—st wherefore a Pâ—ince should not only perform the part of the hand in the Clock of the Government but that also of the Peâ—dulum which regulates the Motions of the Wheels In short upon that depends the whole Art of Government Not that I would have a Prince perform the Office of a Judge Counsellour or President for his Dignity is far above it 9 Non Aedilis aut Praetoris aut Consulis Partes sustineo majus aliquod excelsius à Principe postulatur Tac. 3. Hist. if he apply'd himself so to all Business he would want time for Affairs of greater moment He ought says King Alphonso to have Understanding Loyal and Trusty Persons to assist him and serve him faithfully in all things as well to advise him as to administer Justice to his People for he can't of himself duely weigh and examine all things so that he has need of some in whom he can confide He should use them as the Instruments of Government and let them operate yet so as he may inspect what they do with a superiour Direction more or less immediate or assistant as the importance of Affairs requires Those things which properly belong to the Ministers let the Ministers perform Those which are peculiar to the Princes Office let him only manage For which Reason Tiberius check'd the Senate for leaving the whole Burthen of Affairs to him 10 Et proximi Senatus die Tiberius castigatis per literas oblique Patribus quod cunctâ— curarum ad Principem rejicerent Tac. 3. ann the weighty thoughts of Princes ought not to be disturb'd by â—rivolous Consultations when without any offence to their Majesty they may be decided by the Ministers Wherefore Sanguinius advised the
ill Consequence is it less inconvenient not to declare his mind at all for so that Counsel which seems best may with more Secrecy be executed Henry King of Portugal proposed matters with so much Discretion in his Council that it could not be discover'd either by his Words or Looks which way he inclined whence came the Custom of Presidents and Vice-Roys not giving their Votes in Council which is an anciâ—nt Practice and was used by the Etolians But in a matter in which the Prince desires rather their Approbation than Advice he may open his mind and declare his Opinion for he will find they will generally â—ide with him either through a desire to please or because we naturally incline to follow our Superior In Affairs of War especially when the Prince is involv'â— therein his Presence in Council is of more importance 〈◊〉 well for the above-mentioned Reasons as that he thereby animates them and that their prudent Resolves may be puâ— in speedy Execution and least while they are brought to him the opportunity be slipt He must know that some Minisâ—ers desire to be thought vigorous and active ratheâ— than discreet and so in the Princes Presence oâ—tâ—n are the Authors of rash Counsel not that they would be thâ— persons that should execute them nay they have a particular aversion to all Danger as it was with those who advis'd Vitellius to take up Arms 18 Sed quod in cjusmodi rebus accidit consiliâ—m ab omnibus datâ—â— est periculum pauci sensere 'T is a common Question among Politicians whether 〈◊〉 no a Prince himself should not assist in the Courts of Justice 't is a too weighty Employ and would take up 〈◊〉 much of that time which is necessary for Affairs of State and the Administration of the Government Though Tibâ—rius after he had assisted in the Senate went to the Courtâ— of Judicature 19 Nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus Iudiciis adsidebat in coâ—nu tribunalis Tac. 1. ann King Ferdinand the Holy was ofteâ— present in those Courts where he heard and defended the Poor and protected the weak from the strong K. Alphonâ—â— the Wise ordain'd that the King himself should undertake the Causes of Widows and Orphans For tho' says he he is oblig'd in general to defend his Subjects yet ought he particularly to assist them because they are more helpless than others * L. 20. tit 23. p. 3. Solomon's great Judgment in the Decision of Causes got him the general Esteem of all 20 And all Israel hâ—ard of the Judgment which the King had judged and they feared the King for they saw that the Wisdom of God was in him to do â—udgment 1 Kin. 3. 28 the Israelites desired a King who as in other Nations might be Judge over them 21 Now make us a King to judge us like all the Nations 1 Sam. 8. 5. the Presence of the King makes Judges just and his Power only can defend the poor 22 A King that sitteth in the Throne of Judgment scaâ—â—ereth away all evil with his Eyes Prov. 20. 8. the chief Reason why God chose David King was because he who had freed his Flocks from the jaws of the Lion 23 Psalm 9. 14. best knew how to protect the Impotent from the powerful 24 1 Sam. 17. 31. so grateful and acceptable is this Care to God that for that only he promises to blot out all the rest of his Sins and make them as white as Snow 25 Isa. 1. 17. Wherefore I can't deny that this is the main part of a Prince's Duty yet I think he fulfils it if he chooses Persons of Integrity for his Ministers of Justice and takes Care that they justly and uprightly perform their Offices 'T will suffice sometimes in the most important Cases I mean such as may be oppress'd by Power to be present at their giving their Opinions so as to make the Judges always in fear least he should be in some corner of the Court and hear all that is said and done For which Reason all the Judges live in the Royal Palace at Madrid and in the Courts where they sit there are windows from whence his Majesty uses to hear all that passes The same is usual in the Turks Divan where when the Bassa's meet to treat about Affairs he hears them when he pleases from a window cover'd with Sarcenet And this Harmony of the Clock and the mutual Agreement between the Wheels and the Hand which points the hours is evidentlâ— visible in the Government of the Kingdom of Spain which is so well constituted that those Kingdoms and Provinces which Nature has dis-joyn'd she unites by the prudence of her Government Each has its particular Court at Madrid Câ—stile Arragon Pâ—rtugal Italy the Netherlands and the Indies to which there is but one President they take Cognizance of all Affairs whether of Justice or Rewards belonging to any of these Kingdoms or Provinces And their Debates are brought to the King who orders what he thinks fit so that the Councils are as 't were the Wheels and his Majesty the Index or they the Optick Nerves by which visible Species are transmitted to the Prince and the King the common Sense which discerns and Judges them The Affairs of the Kingdom being so dispos'd and presented to his Majesty all 's manag'd with that ease and prudence that for above a hundred years since it began to flourish there has happened no considerable mis-carriage which is almost incredible in such a dis-united Body The Roman Empire was more succinct and yet it almost continually felt Convulsions and Disorders an undeniable Proof that ours is better founded than their's and govern'd by Men of greater Judgment Prudence and Integrity Since then the Summ of all Affairs should be reduc'd to the Prince he should not only be a Father to the Republick in Love but Economy too nor should he think it sufficient to have Counsellours and Ministers to manage his Affairs but he should also keep by him a certain private Memoir of them by which he should be guided in all things as Merchants keep their Accounts in a particular Book for that purpose such a Book as this the Emperour Augustâ—s kept In which he took an account of the Revenue of the number of the Citizens and Auxiliaries in his Service also oâ— the Fleets Kingdoms Provinces Tributes Taxes and Gratuities all which he wrote with his own hand 26 Opes publicae continebantur quantum civium sociorumque in â—â—mis quot Classes Regna Provinciae Tributa Necessitates ac Largitiâ—nes quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus Tac. 1. ann the Memory is the Treasury of Experience but is very short and weak without the assistance of the Pen to strengthen and perpetuate it upon Paper He 'll find a great advantage who for Memory's sake takes an account of all Actions good or ill in his Book which Diligence if your Royal Highness when
so that the comparison of Alphonso Kiâ—â— of Naples was very applicable to him That such ambitâ—ous Princes were like Gamesters who cheated by a vain hope of winning lose even what they had To defend â—his State is a Prince's Duty but to invade another's is â—erely Arbitrary Ambition hurries Men to new and dangerous Attempts 4 Quibus nova ancipitia praecolere avida plerumque fallax 〈◊〉 est Tac. 14. ann and the more it has the more it coâ—ets It encreases with Empire 5 Vetus jampridem insita Mortalibus 〈◊〉 cupido cum imperii Magnitudine adolevit erupitque Tac. 2 〈◊〉 Opportunities and the easiness of the means charm Princes Eyes and Hearts and hinder them from understanding that they ought not to covet all that they can obtain a generous mind should be regulated by Reason and Prudence he is not safest who â—ossesses most but he who possesses most lawfully Too great an extent of Power creates Emulation and Envy and â—ncreases Danger For they arm and unite against the â—trongest as the Kings of Spain did against Alphonso III. whose Greatness and Prosperity they suspected For which Reason 't is more desirable to have Power well grounded and â—stablish'd than to exercise it for there is as much Danger â—n maintaining as in procuring it Were there no foreign Enemies affluence of Plenty would sufficiently enervate it â—s the Grandeur of old Rome found 6 Et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis â—o â—reverit ut jâ—m Magniâ—â—ine laboraret sua Liv. lib. 1. which Augustus â—oreseeing proposed to Remedy it by prescribing Bounds to â— 7 Addideratque consilium coercendi inâ—â— terminos imperii Tac. 1 ann which the Emperour Adrian afterwards effected Let a Prince bridle his Felicity and he will Reign well 8 Iâ—pone felicitati tuâ— fraena faciâ—â— reges Curtiâ— T is no difficult matter for Injustice and Tyranny if arm'd with Power to raise and extend Kingdoms the Difficulty â— in the preservation thereof it being a harder matter to Govern well than to Conquer 9 Faâ—ilius est quâ—dam vincere quam tenere Curt. For in Arms usually Fortune takes place but Governâ—ent depends on Prudence 10 Fortunam 〈…〉 invenies quam retineas Publ. Success enters the gate â—ithout being called by Merit or Industry but 't is Pruâ—ence only that keeps her there Alphonso the Wise gave this Reason why 't was less difficult to get than to maâ—â—tain when got Because the preservation depends upoâ— Judgment but the Acquisition upon Chance Hoâ— Fortune with both hands or she 'll slip from you 11 Fortunam tuam pressis manibus tene lubrica Curtius A Hedge-hog from whence I took this Emblem is fouâ— with ease but to hold it requires Prudence that is yoâ— must apply your hand so as gradually to smooth down 〈◊〉 thorny Bristles which when erected resemble a Squadrâ— of Pikes Claud. Arm'd with her self she does securely go Her self the Quiver Arrow and the Bow Scarce were the Arms of Spain retir'd from the Netherlandâ— in the time of Don John of Austria when those of the Râ—bels enter'd 'T was an easie matter for the King of Frâ—â— against the Laws of God and Man to seize upon the Dutchâ— of Lorrain but to maintain it now he finds it expensive aâ— dangerous so he is oblig'd always to keep an arm'd haâ— upon it and the Causes which occur in the Acquisition doâ— always in the Preservation But if 't is once setled time will help to fix it whence happens that sometimes one person may easily maintain Government which was not rais'd but by the great Toâ— and Perils of many Wherefore since 't is a Prince's chief Duty to preserve 〈◊〉 States I will here subjoyn the means which it may be doâ— by whether they descend by Succession or are acquir'dâ— Conquest or Election I first premise the general Causâ— which usually concur in attaining and maintaining the and those are God that is when he assists us with Religiâ— and Justice Opportunity when a concurrence of Causes pen the way to Grandeur and Prudence either in makiâ—â— these Opportunities or in using them when offer'd The are other Instruments common to the Art of Governmeâ—â— as Valour the Prince's Assiduity and Prudence the Peopâ—â— Esteem Respect and Love for him the Reputation of â— Crown the force of Arms Unity in Religion a due Administration of Justice the Authority of the Laws the Distribution of Rewards the Severity of Punishments the Integrity of the Magistracy the good Election of Ministers the Preservation of Privileges and Customs the Education of Youth the Modesty of the Nobility the Purity of the Coin the Encrease of Trade and Arts the Peoples Obedience Concord Plenty and publick Riches By these means all States are maintain'd and though the Government of each requires great Care and Attention yet do those which descend lineally from Father to Son require â—east for Sovereign Power and Obedience being become habitual and as it were natural to the Subjects they forget that it was of their own Institution not an original Proâ—riety No one dares deny him Respect and Veneration whom he has own'd for his Lord from his Birth all are â—w'd by fear of Punishment from the Successour for Crimes which they shall commit in the present Reign The Subâ—ects easily bear and wink at his Failures The very Tide of Affairs which long Custom and Experience has conâ—in'd to a Channel secures him though he be incapacitated for Government provided he be of an easie docile Nature â—nd one that will Act for the best in all things and can â—ake Choice of good Ministers or should happen on them â—y Chance But those States which descend by an indirect Line or â—y Marriage a Prince ought to manage with particular Care and Circumspection especially at the beginning of is Reign in this those Princes run great Risques who thro' â—o much Zeal or too fond a Desire of Glory reverse the â—ctions and Institutions of their Predecessours introducing â—ovelties of their own without that due Moderation and â—rudence which is necessary even in changing 'em into betâ—er for Plato's Opinion that all change is dangerous except â—om bad must not be understood of Governments which 〈◊〉 great Risques unless remedied by degrees according to 〈◊〉 Order of Nature which does not leap from one exâ—eam to the other but interposes the Temperature of the â—ring and Autumn between the Extremities of the Winters cold and Summers heat A sudden and violent changâ— is troublesome and doubtful that which is slow and grâ—dual is always more easie 12 Anceps operosa nimis est mutatio quae subitò cum quâ—â— violentiâ suscipitur facilior autem quae sensim paulatim de liâ—â— fit Arist. 6. Pol. 'T is dangerous in sailing to shift the Sails upon a contrary mind because they muâ— on a sudden be changed from one side of the Ship to thâ— other Wherefore 't is requisite
of Subjects and the greater Ties of Friendship and Relation are loos'd and broken upon account of Religion King Witeric was put to Death by his own Subjects for endeavouring to introduce Arianism the same befel Witiza for altering the Rites and Ceremonies of Divine Worship Galicia rebelled against King Froilus for the abuse of the Marriage of the Clergy As soon as Dive sity of Religions was introduced among the Dutch they rebell'd against their lawful King and Master So Honour as it is the Defence and Preservation of States and the chief Spur to Loyalty so it also disturbs them to clear it self from Affronts Contempt and Injuries the People preferring Honour before Life and Fortune 8 Honor quoque quantâ—â— valeat quomodo sit causa seditionis 〈◊〉 est Arist. 5. Pol. c. 3. Count Iulian invited the Moors into Spain because he suspected that King Roderick had violated the Honour of his Daughter Cava the Nobles of Castile took up Arms against Alphonsus III. for that he would infringe their Privileges and oblige 'em to pay Taxes as did the Subjects of Ramires III. King of Leon for his severe and servile usage of them For Affronts received by the People always provoke to Revenge upon the Prince 9 Et multae conspirationes invasioâ—s in Monarchas propter pudendas contumelias in corpus illatas factâ— sunt Arist. 5. Pol. l. 10. and Contempt creates Seditions 10 Propâ—er contempâ—um etiam seditiones conspiratâ—â—â—quâ— fâ—â—nâ— Aâ—â—st 5. Pol. c. 3. And this either when the Prince contemns the People or the People the Prince which is when they don't find him fitly qualified thinking it base to obey one who knows not to Command and make himself respected and takes no Care of the Government So the People of Arragon served their King Iohn I. the same thing befel Iohn II. of â—astile for his insufficiency Henry IV. for his Vices and Alphonso V. of Portugal for suffering himself to be govern'd by others Nor do Subjects take it as â— less Injury and Contempt for the Prince to make Foreigners his chief Ministers and to dispose of all Dignities and Preferment among them for as King Henry said That is declaring plainly that his own native Subjects are insufficient and unworthy * L. 14. tit 3. lib. 2. recop This was the cause of the Commotions of Castile in the time of the Emperour Charles V. The same thing happens upon an unequal Distribution of Honours for that Men of great Spirits can't brook 11 Non multitudo quâ—dem gravitâ— fert inaequalitatem patrimoniorum praestantes autem honorum inaequalitatem Arist. lib. 2. Poâ— c. 5. and take it as an Affront that Men of leâ—â— Desert are preferr'd before them 12 Nam homines tum quod ipsi inhonorati fiunt inovent seditiones tum quod alios videant in honore Arist. 5. Pol. 3. The greatest Disease of a Government is Incontinence and Lust in the Governours hence proceed Seditions and Revolutions of States for that violates the Honour of many and is severely punished by God One such Action buried Spain in ashes for many Ages the same call'd down great Plagues upon Egypt 13 Gen. 12. 17. And David suffered great Troubles both in his own Person and in his Posterity 14 2 Sam. 12. 10. who were continually persecuted and destroy'd by the Sword There is danger in those States where many are excluded from Offices for they are all so many Enemies 15 Cum enim multitudo inâ—pum est in civitate eademque ab honoribus exclusa necesse est eam civitatem plenam hostium Reipub Arist. lib. 3. Pol. c. 7. no Man is so stupid as not to desire Honour and take it ill to be deprived of it 16 Honori incumbit tam ignarus quam bonus Arist. 2. Pol. 5. Those States also are subject to the same Inconveniency in which the Magistracy is divided among a set number of the Nobility all the rest being excluded The third Cause of the Revolutions and Troubles of States is the desire of preserving Life that is when the Subjects think the Prince so Lazy and Cowardly as that he can't preserve and defend them or else when they hate him for his Severity as they did King Alphonso III. or for his Cruelty as they did King Peter or for his Injustice and Tyranny which endangers all their Lives as they did King Ordonius for the ill usage and Murther of the Counts of Castile whence proceeded the Change of his State * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The last is Estates that is when a Prince idlely squanders away his Subjects Fortunes which occasion'd Garcias King of Galicia to lose both Kingdom and Life too or when he extravagantly spends his Revenues which was Ramon's Pretence for killing â— his Brother-in-Law Sancho King of Navarre or when he is very covetous as was King Alphonso or when through his ill management the State suffers by Scarcity or when the Price of things rises or Trade fails which render'd the same Alphonso so odious or when the Coin is bad as 't was in the time of Peter II. King oâ— Arragon and in many other Kings Reigns or when Places of Profit or Riches are unequally despos'd of For Envy and Necessity take up Arms against the Rich and so raise Commotions 17 Insuper seditiones oriuntur non solum ob patrimoniorum verum etiam ob honorum inaequalitatem Arist. lib. 2. Pol. 5. This also happens from the Male-administration of Justice from the quartering of Souldiers and from other Burthens which oppress the Subjects Estates and Goods Besides these general Causes there are others particular to the three Distinctions which I made of Kingdoms in the last Emblem which may be inferr'd from what I propos'd for their Preservation for the Knowledge of preserving a State implys the Knowledge of what will ruin it and so on the contrary 18 Sed illud primum omnium dubitarâ— non potest quin cognitis iis quae Reipub interitum important ea quoque quae salutem afferunt intelligantur Arist. lib. 5. pol. cap. 8. for all this I cannot but enlarge a little though I run a Risque of repeating what has been already said Hereditary States are usually ruined for want of Care and Diligence in the Successour especially when they are considerable for then their Greatness makes him secure and negligent careless of all Danger and dubious in his Councels In Execution timorous least he should disturb the Quiet he injoys he takes no Care to prevent misfortunes but thinks it sufficient if he can remedy them not considering that this latter is more chargeable and less effectual 19 〈…〉 diora sunt remedia quam mala Tac. in vit Agr. He thinks Bravery too dangerous and in procuring Peace by certain idle and uncertain means he brings a War upon himself and so ruins himself by the very means he us'd for his Preservation This is the misfortune
of Ecclesiasticks and religious Orders should exceed the Laity which should support 'em it would not be of great Detriment even to the Church it self The Council of Lateran in the time of Innocent III. provided a Remedy for this Inconveniency by prohibiting the Introduction of new Religions 3 Ne nimia Religionum diversitas gravâ—m in Ecclesia Dei confusionem iâ—ducat firmiter prohibemus nequis de câ—terâ— novam Religionem invenâ—at c. Conc. Later The Royal Counsel of Castile also perswaded his Majesty to request of the Pope that there might be none admitted into any Convent under the Age of sixteen years and not be ordain'd under twenty but pretended Piety and nice Scruples of Conscience easily pass over these Inconveniencies But this Proportion in those who are design'd for Business or Speculation will be of small use unless the Prince also take Care of the Nurseries of the Commonalty which should produce a sufficient number of well qualified Citizens to succeed in the room of those whom Death daily takes off The Ancients were always very careful of Propagation that each Individual might be succeeded by another Of the necessity of this the Romans in particular were so well satisfied that they not only proposed Rewards for Procreation but also looked upon a single Life as infamous Germanicus the better to oblige the People to revenge his Death among the rest of the Services he had done the Government he urg'd that he had six Children by his Wise 4 Ostendite populo Romano Divi Augusti neptem eandemque conjugeâ—â— meam numerate sex liberos Tac 2. ann Tiberius also told it as a good Omen to the Senate that Drusus's Wife was brought to Bed of Twins 5 Nulli ante Romanoruâ—â— ejusdem fastigii viro gâ—â—inam stirpem editam Tac. 2. ann The Strength of Kingdoms consists in the number of Subjects and he is the greatest Prince whose State is most populous not he whose Territories are largest For they of themselves can neither defend nor offend but by means of their Inhabitantsâ— on whom all their Glory depends The Emperour Adrian us'd to say That he had rather his Empire should abâ—und with Men than Riches and with a great deal of Reason for Riches without Subjects do only invite Wars without being able to defend themselves as on the contrary Subjects without Riches want neither Power to acquire or maintain them 6 Cum ampliari imperium â—ominum addâ—â—â—iionâ— potiùs quam pecuniarum copiâ— malim in the multitude of People is the King's Honour but in the want of People is the Destruction of the Prince 7 Prov. 14. 28. The Wise Alphonso would have a Prince take particular care to People his State and that not only with Commonalty but also with Nobility in which he judg'd with great Prudence for one without the other is like a Body without a Soul the Commonalty being insignificant without the Nobility which are their Life and by whose Example they learn to covet Glory and despise Danger It ought therefore to be a Prince's chief Care to preserve and maintain them As Augustus did who not only caus'd Hortalus to marry but also allowed wherewithall to his Quality that that Noble Family might not be extinct 8 Ne clarissima familia extingueretur Tac. 2. ann The Germans are very circumspect in this Point for which Reason they anciently gave no Portion with their Women 9 Dotem noâ— uxor marito sed uxori maritus affert Tac. de Mor. Germ. and even now give very small ones that their Vertue and Nobility might be their only Dowry and that their Lovers might respect the Endowments of their Minds and Bodies more than their Fortunes that Marriages might be sooner concluded without losing so much time in Fortune-Hunting for which Reason Lycurgus wholly prohibited the giving Dowries to Women and the Emperour Charles V. regulated them 't is said also that Aristotle reprehended the Laâ—edaemonians for giving such large Fortunes to their Daughters 10 Statuit virgines sine dote nubere jussit uxores eligerentur non pecunia Trog lib. 3. King Alphonso also advises that a Prince unless upon extraordinary occasions should not People his State with Foreigners and truly with a great deal of Reason for different Manners and Religions are the worst Domestick Enemies This made the Spaniards drive the Iews and Moors out of Spain Foreigners introduce with them their Vices and Errours and are ready upon every occasion to rise against the Natives 11 Quare qui inquilinos advenas antehac in Civitatem receperunt â—i magna ex parte seditionibus jactati sunt Arist. â— 5. pol. c. 3 But this Inconveniency would not be much to be fear'd if only Labourers and Husbandmen were admitted nay this is sometimes of great Advantage So the Grand Signior Selim sent a vast number of Labourers from Cairo to Constantinople The Poles having Elected Henry Duke of Anjou King among other Articles 't was agreed That he should bring with him several Families of Artificers Nebuchadnezzar upon the taking of Ierusalem carried away all the Men of might even seven thousand and Crafts Men and Smiths a thousand and all that were strong and kept for War even them the King of Babylon brought Captive to Babylon 12 2 Kings 24. 16. But because this method may be too troublesome and chargeable and also because such a Supply may be insufficient I will here set down the usual Causes of want of People in Nations And these are either internal or external External are Wars and Plantations War is a sort of Monster which feeds on humane Blood and since 't is the Interest of each State to maintain it abroad as the Romans did it must necessarily be done at the Expence of the Lives and Estates of the Subjects 13 Fuit proprium Pop. Rom. longe à domâ— bellare propugnaculum imperii sociorum fortunas â—on sua tecta defendere Cic. pro leg Man Neither can Plantations be long maâ—ntain'd without great Supplâ—es of Men as we have found in Spain for which Reason the Romans during the War with Hannibal and for some years after took little Care of planting new Colonies 14 Deiâ—dâ— neque dum Annibal in Italia moraretur nec proximis post excessum ejus annis vacavit Romanis Colonias â—â—ndere cum esset in bello conquirendus potius miles post bellum vires refâ—veâ—dae potius quam spergendae Vell. lib 1. they having more reason to recruit than weaken their Forces Velleius Paterculus esteem'd the planting Colonies out of Italy as very pernicious because being so far distant from the Heart of the Empire they could â—ot assist it upon occasion 15 In legibus Gracchâ— inter perniciosissima numâ—raverim quod extra Italiam Coloniâ—s posuit Vell. lib. â— The other Causes are Internal The principal of which are Taxes want of Husbandry and Trade and too great a number of Holy Days
both which neither submit to Reason nor Danger and hate to measure themselves by their Abilities Wherefore the Prince ought to weigh well what his Sword is able to strike what his Shield to defend always remembring this that his Crown is a finite and limited Circle King Ferdinand the Catholick in all his Undertakings never failed to consider every Circumstance of them their Cause Disposition Time Means and End He who attempts nothing but what he can effect will pass for Invincible whereas one that aspires to a Thing impossible or too difficult discovers the Bounds of his Power and the frustrated Designs are as 't were publick Records of his Weakness There is no Monarchy so Potent but it is upheld more by Opinion than Reality by Reputation than Strength Desire of Glory and Sovereignty hurry us on so that all things seem easie but in the end we meet with Difficulties unobserved before Almost all Wars might be avoided were their Means and End throughly examined at first It is therefore incumbent on the Prince before he engage in them perfectly to know his Forces as well Offensive as Defensive the State of his Malitia and what Officers he has to Command them the Substance of his Coffers what Contributions he may expect from his Subjects and whether they be like to continue Loyal in Adversity also by Study Reading and Conversation to instruct himself in the Disposition and Situation of Countries in the Customs of Nations the Natures of his Enemies their Wealth Auxiliaries and Allies Let him measure every one's Sword and examine wherein his Strength consists Henry King of Castile notwithstanding his Sickness never neglected this but sent several Embassadors as far as Asia to inform him of the Manners and Customs of those Parts The same did Moses before the Israelites entred the Promised Land 1 See the land what it is and the People that dwell therein whether they be strong or weak few or many Numb 13. 18. And lest the Prince we frame by these Emblems should want this Matter also I shall here in general touch upon some Points of it with what brevity the present Design requires Nature willing to shew her Beauty and Power by the variety of her Productions has stampt a Difference not only upon the Faces but also on the Minds of Men there being a vast Disagreement between the Tempers and Morals of Nations To this end she has variously disposed the Causes themselves which either jointly all operate in some Places or separately in these some in those others Geographers have divided the Globe of the Earth into divers Climates each of which is subject to a particular Planet as to the principal Cause and Fountain of that Diversity And because the First Climate which is drawn through Meroe an Island of the River Nile is subject to Saturn they say its Inhabitants are Black Barbarous Rough Suspicious Treacherous and Cannibals That those of the Second which is attributed to Iupiter and passes through Siene a City of Egypt are Religious Grave Honest and Prudent Those of the Third which is subject to Mars and reaches through Alexandria are Restless and Warlike Those of the Fourth which is under the Sun and is stretch'd through the Isle of Rhodes and the Midst of Greece are Men of Learning Orators Poets and Ingenious Artists Those of the Fifth which passes through Rome dividing Italy from Savoy and is ascribed to Venus are Effeminate Lovers of Musick and Luxury Those of the Sixth govern'd by Mercury and passing through France are Fickle Inconstant and addicted to Sciences Lastly Those of the Seventh where the Moon presides and which is extended through Germany the Low-Countries and England are Flegmatick Lovers of Good-Fellowship Fishing and Trading Nevertheless this one Cause seems not to be always uniform nor sufficient For under the same Parallel or Climate with the same Elevation of the Pole and an equal Rising and Setting of the Stars we see opposite Effects particularly in the Climates of the Lower Hemisphere In Aethiopia for Instance the Sun's Beams scorch and blacken Mens Bodies but in Brasil which has the same Latitude their Skins are White and the Air Temperate and Agreeable The Ancients held the Torrid Zone for its excessive Heat to be uninhabitable yet in Armenia it is very Temperate and well Peopled And though those Eternal Luminaries of Heaven have some energy yet the Disposition of the Earth contributes more for we find the Effects of their Rays to be greater or varied according to the various Situation of Hills and Valleys and temper'd even by Rivers and Lakes This is undeniable That Nature is wonderful in her Works and that she sometimes seems to swerve from the ordinary Laws of Causes and from Reason as it were on purpose to baffle Humane Curiosity Who can account for what we see happen in the Country of Malabar where Calecut is Vast high Mountains which touch the very Clouds and end in a Promontory call'd anciently Corus now Cape Comorin divide this Country into two Parts and altho' both have the same Elevation of the Pole yet when on this side the Mountains Winter begins and Neptune's Billows rage and swell on the other side the Fields and Towns are burnt up with the scorching Heats of Summer and the Waters continually calm This Diversity then which is in Climates in the Situation of Places the Temperature of the Air and Food variously distinguishes Mens Complexions and these again their very Natures For the Manners of the Mind follow the Temperament and Disposition of the Body The Northerns by reason of the Sun's Remoteness and the Coldness of their Countries are Sanguine Robust and Valiant whence they have almost ever had Dominion over the Southern Nations 2 Homines qui frigida hâ—â— Europamque habitant sunt illi quidem 〈◊〉 Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 7. the Assyrians over the Chaldaeans the Medes over the Assyrians the Parthians over the Greeks the Turks over the Arabians the Goths over the Germans the Romans over the Africans over the French the English and over these the Scotch They love Liberty as those also do who inhabit Mountains as the Switzers Grisons and Biscayners their Temperament being not much unlike the Constitution of the Northerns In Nations very near the Sun Excess of Heat quite dries up the Blood which makes the Inhabitants Melancholy and Profound in the Penetration of Nature's Secrets whence all other Northerly Nations have received the Mysteries of Sciences from the Egyptians and Arabians Those Countries which lie between the two Torrid Zones enjoy a favourable Air and there Religion Justice and Prudence Flourish 3 Graecorum autem genus ut locorum medium tenet sic ex utrâ—qâ—â— naturâ praeditum quippe animo simul intelligentia valet Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 7. But because every Nation differs from others in many Particulars although they are all situate under one Climate I shall here set down what I have by long
Fame of a Power that stands not upon its own Bottom 3 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac fluxum quam fama potentiae non suî vi nixae Tac. Annal. l. 13. All those Efforts of several Causes concurring are very brittle in that they hinder each other and are subject not only to various Accidents but to Time also which by degrees brings their Effects to Nothing Many Wars hot and impetuous at the first vanish by Delay 4 Multa bella impetu valida per tâ—edia moras evanuisse Tac. He who can but a little while bear up against the Forces of Confederate Enemies certainly gets the better of them at last For as they are many they have different Causes different Interests and Designs and if they happen to disagree in any one thing part and leave one another There was never a greater League than that of Cambray against the Republick of Venice yet the Resolution and Prudence of this Valiant Senate soon broke it All things in the World arrive to a certain Period after which they decline again Were that Critical Minute known it would be easie to overcome them 5 Opportunos magnis conatibus transitus rerum Tacit. Hist. l. 1. 'T is for want of this Knowledge which sometimes consists in the least Delay imaginable that we sink under Accidents Our Impatience or Ignorance aggravates them in that often not sensible of their Force we voluntarily submit to them or else perhaps promote them by the violence of those very Means we take to shun them God had undertaken the Grandeur of Cosmo de Medicis and they who strove to put a stop to it by Banishing him from the Republick of Venice were the Instruments of making him Master of it Nicholas Vzanus observ'd with much greater Prudence the Torrent of that Fortune and lest it should encrease by Opposition thought it most advisable as long as he lived to give him no Occasion of Displeasure but with his Death the Consideration of such discreet Counsel fell Nor is it possible for the greater Force of such like Cases to be concealed forasmuch as all things conspire to their Success though they appear at first sight directly contrary to that end And therefore it is then best to Endure what you cannot Mend and quietly to conform to God by whose Appointment all Things come to pass 6 Optimum est pati quod emendaâ—re non possis Deum quo Authore â—uncta eveniunt sine murmure â—omitari Sen. Ep. The Iron should not obey the Loadstone more readily than we the Divine Pleasure He comes to less Harm who lets himself be carried down by the Stream than he that struggles against it It is a foolish Presumption to think to overthrow the Decrees of the Almighty The Predictions of the Statue with Feet of Clay in Nebuchadnezzar's Dream was never the less certain for his making another of Gold and commanding it to be worshipped 7 Dan. 3. 1. However this Resignation of our Will to the Divine must not be so Brutish as that we should believe all Things were so Ordain'd from Eternity that nothing can be Improv'd by our Diligence and Conduct for this would be the very Weakness of Mind which had given occasion to that Divine Decree We are to Act as if all depended on our Will for God makes use of our Selves to bring us to Happiness or Misery 8 Eccles. 10. 5. We make a part of the Creation and that no small one and though Things were set in order without us yet they were not made without us 'T is true we cannot break that Web of Events wrought on the Loom of Eternity but we might very well concurr to the weaving of it The same that ranged the Causes foresaw their Effects and permitted their Course yet so that it should be still at his Command He has saved from Danger whom he thought fit and left others in it by abandoning them to their liberty If the first was an Effect of his Mercy or our Merit this is of his Justice Our Will involved in the Ruine of Accidents falls with them and as this most Wise Contriver of the Universe is the Supreme and Absolute Arbitrator he might break his Vessels as he pleased and make one to Honour another to Dishonour 9 Rom. 9. 21. In the Eternal Disposal of Empires their Progresses Revolutions or Ruines that Sovereign Governor of the Orbs had always present in his Mind our Valour and Vertue our Negligence Impudence and Tyranny And upon this Prescience it was that he disposed the Eternal Order of Things in conformity to the Motion and Execution of our Choice without the least Violence done to the same For as he lays no Constraint upon our Free Will who discovers its Operations by Reasoning so neither does the Supreme Being who by his Immense Wisdom foresaw them long ago He forced not our Will in the Alterations of Empires but rather altered Empires because our Wills freely and deliberately deviated from Justice The Cruelty exercised by King Peter was the cause of his Brother Henry's succeeding him not on the contrary this the Occasion of that For the Mind has more Power than any Fortune turns its Affairs which way it pleases and is the sole Cause of a Happy or Miserable Life 10 Valentior enim omni fortuna animus est in utramque partem res suas ducit Sen. Epist. 98. To expect Fortune from Chance is Heartlesness to think it prescribed and already determined Desperation At this rate Vertue would be useless and Vice excusable by Compulsion Let your Highness but look upon your Glorious Ancestors who have raised the Greatness of this Monarchy and I am assured you will see it was not Chance that Crowned them but Vertue Courage and Fatigues and that it has been supported by the same Means by their Descendants to whom an equal Glory is due he no less contributing to the Fabrick of his Fortune who maintains it than he that at first raised it 'T is a thing equally difficult to get and easie to lose One Hour's Imprudence ruines what cost many Years to acquire By Labour and Vigilance alone is procured God's Assistance and the Grandeur of Princes is deriv'd from Eternity 11 Non enim votis neque suppliciâ—â— muliebribus auxilia Deorum parantur vigilando agendo prosperè omniâ— cedunt Sallust EMBLEM LXXXIX THE smallest things encrease by Concord by Discord the greatest fall to the ground Those which being divided were weak and impotent when united resist any Force whatever 1 A three-fold cord is not quickly broken What Arm can pull off a Horse's Main when the Hairs are not parted or break a Bundle of Arrows And yet either of these of it self is unable to withstand the least Violence By these Emblems Sertorius and Scilurus the Scythian express'd the Force of Concord which of many distinct Parts makes one united and consequently strong Body