we know our slanders and calumnies cannot deceive him wee submit our selves and our cause to his revenging hand But thou wilt say the Kings party in this warre are good Protestants and we are Anabaptists c. The tyranny and superstition of Bishops has driven some of our tender and stricter protestants into utter dislike of Ceremonies and that pompous or rather superstitious forme of Church discipline which has beene hitherto used in England Some of us desire an alteration of some things in our Lyturgy by advice of a learned and uncorrupt Synod others perhaps scruple Church musick and any set forme of divine service to be imposed of necessity liking better the single order of Scotland What new Creed is there in all this or what change of Religion were this if there were any great numbers of men so opinionated But it is well enough knowne to our Adversaries that there is not one man of both Houses of Parlialiament that is violent against all publick set formes of prayer or that forme which is now in use or that desires any alteration of Doctrine in Essentialls nay nor of Discipline except in things very few and inconsiderable And it is well knowne that the Parliament as it would loosen the rigour of Law in some scruples for the ease of tender consciences so it abhors utterly all licentious government in the Church and all by-wayes of confusion In the City the King has instanced in Pennington Ven Foulk and Mannering as notoriously guilty of Schisme and doubtlesse they were named for want of worse try these men now by the old Creed or by the nine and thirty Articles nay examine them concerning the Common prayer Book and it will soon appeare how farre they are strayed into Brownisme or any other Schisme it will appeare how they are wounded in schismatick and all protestants in them and the true Religion in us all it may be they have not put pluralities or the Parliamentary Votes of Bishops into their Creed it may be they have reserved no implicite faith for Convocation acts and Canons which the Replicant may perhaps judge very irreligious but they hope this never had any anathema pronounced against it in the old Church by any Councell before Antichrists dayes Let not railing passe for impleading and condemning and we will all be tried in the same manner and if any new Creed be found amongst us differing in substance from the old let our adversaries themselves give and execute sentence upon us If Brownists could be as well distinguisht and nominated in our Army as papists are in the Kings or were really as many and as far countenanced we would distrust our cause whereas we now beg no otherwise the blessing of God upon our Armies then as we are enemies both to Popery and Brownism Dares our Replicant make such a prayer no somtimes he owns Papists and somtimes he seemingly disowne them speaking of the Kings party once he saies As for the establisht religion we will become suiters to you that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgress against it Papists certainly have transgrest against our religion if the rebellion in Ireland be a transgression or if the instant taking up of arms here against the parliament be a transgression yet see at the same time when they call us to punish the papists they themselves arm enable papists to punish nay to destroy us is this all the ingenuity we shall expect well to our law notion it is argued in the next place that a Papist fighting for the King though in a notion of Theology he may be accounted an enemy quatenus a Papist yet in understanding of Law hee was accounted the Kings friend as to his fighting Priest squires Doctrine just hee that fights for the King or rather at the Kings command let the cause be what it will he is the Kings friend When Saul gave a furious command to fâ—ll upon the Priests of Iehovah amongst all his servants he had no entire loving freind but Doeg so when his unnaturall rage â—ncited him to take away the life of Ionathan the whole Armâ— that defended Ionathan were his foes and if it had proceeded to parties as it had if Saul had had as many Idumeans in his service as King Charles now has those onely which had been the execrable instruments of the Kings Tyranny had been the Kings friends and had fought for their King so those six hundred men which adhered to David out of a pious intent to preserve his innocent soule from the bloudy hands of Saul and his three thousand impious murderers and the Keilites also if they had been faithfull to David as they ought to have been were guilty of Treason and drew their swords against their master But I expect now that the Replicant insist upon the Iustice of the Kings cause as not taking armes to master the Parliament but to defend themselves against the Parliament this if it could be proved would over-rule all but it being in question and as resolutely denied by one side as affirmed by the other the Replicant must evince by reason all that he expects to gaine from us 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should invade a King as a King a Parliament 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should be misled and have ends to enrich it selfe by oppression as a King 'T is not so probable that that Army which consists all of Protestants should be so adverse to the reformed Religion as that which admits and favours all Papists and Delinquents T is not so probable that that Army which is raised and payed by Parliament that is by the flower of all the English Nobility and Gentry should fight for Arbitrary government and against propriety liberty and priviledge of Parliament as that which hath nothing considerable but rapine and pillage to maintaine it If many evidences of facts many pregnant proofs and many lively circumstances of time and place did not absolve the Parliament of trayterous conspiring against the Kings Crowne Dignity and person and convince Digby Percy Iermin and divers of the Kings and Queens party of conspiring against the priviledges of Parliament and the lives of many of our noblest Pariament men If all other arguments did faile the very invitation of Papists to the Kings Standard the rising of the Papists with such generall consent now that all Ireland is almost lost to the papists and some hopes were else to recover it would sufficiently assure me that religion and liberty stand in more danger of the Kings party than of the parliaments I could not with more cleare and cheerfull confidence die for the truth of the protestant Religion then for the Iustice of the parliaments cause in this warre noscitur ex Comite c. Let the papist plead for the Delinquent and the Delinquent for the papist those ends which have so closely cemented and kindly incorporated both together make a sufficient
discovery to me as well what the papist as what the Delinquentis And this age must prove monstrously unnaturall in producing a wonder never heard of in all former ages â—f Iustice doe now rest on the Kings â—ide For surely no King ever till now having a iust cause was opposed therein by the maior and better part of his subiects much lesse was it ever seene or heard of that any King in a iust cause was deserted by the maiority of his Orthodox subiects and supported by the unanimous aid of such as hated his true protested Religion God send the King to lay these things seriously and pensively to heart for since none of his wise and worthy Ancestors ever yet had cause to wage war either with the Collective or Representative Body of the People so none at all ever in any warre â—ided with a false Religion or against the true till this unhappy day in the King Charles is the first and I hope will be the last and therefore this is worthy to make a sad impression upon his soule But our Replicant will tell us That the Kings Iustice may yet govern and awe both parties by the same Law whatsoever their antipathy be The King has Law and power by the Law to protect the better partie and to provide for the peace of both parties But notwithstanding that Law and that power the poore British Protestants in Ireland have beene left unprotected and lamentably exposed to a generall Assassination And had they not beene betrayed by their vaine confidence in the Law and in the Kings protection they perhaps might have found other meanes to defend themselves therefore it is no refuge or comfort to them now to hear the name of Law proclaimed reiterated when as things hapned there it has been the very shelfe and rock whereon the Protestants have been miserably bulyed and wricked â—hen pardon pray if the same name of Iustice also sound but harshly at this time in our eares when papists which have destroyed our religion in Ireland are raysed to preserve it in England and protestants which were sending succours and supplyes into Ireland are in the instant invaded here in England for the better suppression of Popery both here and in Ireland T is a strange kinde of assurance or â—oy to us to see the names of Religion Liberty and parliamentary priviledge stamped upon our coyne or interwoven in our Standard when at the same time we see the same Coyne imprested for the entertainment of a Popish Army and the same standard marching against the representative body of our Nation and the supreame Court of Iustice in our State Nay and the strange time that is taken for the righting of Religion Law and Liberty amongst us mâ—kes our assurance and joy the lesse triumphant for we plainely see that as the season now is no one Protestant falls here by the Kings sword but by the same stroak three Protestants at least are cut off in Ireland And lastly the manner of rightting Religion Law and Liberty is most strange of all for open warre is not now sufficiently destructive though it be spread all over the face of the Kingdom subterranean plots are brooded further in the dark and by privie intellâ—gence the whole City of London is to be engaged in a tragicall conspiracy to murder it selfe in one night What the benefit therefore is of Law and Power and Iustice for the disabling of Papist and Delinquents and for the safe guarding of loyall Protestants we all know But when papists and delinquents finde countenance and the true religion is abandoned and leâ—t obnoxious to mischiefe by the perversion of Law Power and Iustice the names alone will not availe us but our Replicant further saith Subjects must not give Lawes to Princes courtesies In matters of a private nature Princes are absolute but not so in publike affaires where the publike safety or liberty is touched In their own pallaces Princes may dispose of Offices but in the State if they make Patents prejudiciall to their revenues to their prerogatives or to the peoples interest the Iudges shall pronounce them deceived in their grants and make the deeds void and null in Law Princes cannot alien any parcells of their Crownes Hull may not bee transferred to the King of Denmark nor Portsmouth to France nor Falmouth to Spaine for Kings have no sole propriety in such things and the same reason is in the super intending Offices of Royalty iâ— sâ—lfe they are not transferible at pleasure Some Princes to use the words of Tacitus are so infirme and credulous that they remaine jussiâ— alienis obnoxii and non modo Imperii sâ—d libertatis etiam indigent they are so enslaved sometimes to their basest flatterers that their very Dâ—adems are as it were aliend and made prostitute to seducers and these their flatterers and seducers in the â—xpressions of the same Tacitus Minoee metu majore praemio peccant The unhappy Protestants in Ireland were of late undone by the vastâ— power which was put into the hands of the Earl of Straffâ—rd and all the Ecclesiasticall if not Civill disturbances and distraction which have of late infested these three Kingdomâ— were in great part â—aâ—sed by excesse of power over the Church delegated to the Archbishop of Canterbury Without doubt when the foundation of Popery was first to be laid it did not prosper and advance so much in sixscore yeers under the first Popes as it did in six yeeres here under Canterbury And Nerâ— himselfe in his first three yeeres did not attaine to so much insolence and tyranny as Strafford did in one yeare The Kings freedom therefore in favours will â—ever justifie the preferring of such men to an unquestionable comâ—â—nd nor the subjecting the lives liberties and soules of so many millions of Religious Protestants to their corrupted disaffected wills Neverthelesse for ought I can see we have since but changed one Strafford for another and one Canterbury for another Only to stop our complaints This Replicant tell us That the courtesies of Princes are not to be questioned by subjects The Queen has now attained to a great heigth of power as formidable as she is to us in regard of her sex in regard of her Nation in regard of her disposition in regard of her family in regard of her Religion and lastly in regard of her ingagments in these present troubles some think shee has an absolute unlimitable power over the Kings sword and Scepter which if it bee so no end of our feares and calamities can be no propositions can profit us no Accommodation can secure us If the King himselfe were a Papist he would yet look upon us as his naturall subjects but when his regall power is secondarily in the hands of a Papist to that Papist we appeare but as meere hereticks without any other relation of subjects By secondary power also a stroak is given with mâ—re secresie and security so that there is the
it is Major or Minor be entertained in grace and equipage proportionably and this difference is composed 10 But sayes the Replicant the Kings party is the more just and therefore to be preferred and this is to be judged of by rule as thus the Parliament intrenches upon our Liberty by imprisoning without cause according to pleasure and claimes to be unquestionable therein The Parliament intrenches upon Religion by committing our best Professors and planting Sectaries in their stead the Parliament proceeds according to reason â—f State not Law and this places an arbitrary power in them aâ—d makes ordinances equall to acts of Parliament Heâ—re in a breif suâ—me all that ever has been spoken or can be spoken against the Parliament and all this is grounded upon an ungâ—aâ—â—ed proposition that the Parliament has no right to defend it self For if it be lawfull for both Houses of Parliament to defend tâ—emselves it must of necessity follow that they may and must imprison levye moneyes suppresse seditious preachers and make use of an arbitrary power according to reason of State and not confine themselves to meere expedients of Law Enough has been said oâ— this 't is impâ—ssible that any wise man should be opposite herein and the Kings party have more recourse â—o reason of State and arbiâ—raâ—y power by far than we have But iâ— it be said that the Houses abuse arbitrary power in imprisoning â—evying moneyes c. cauâ—â—lâ—sly this is a false calumny and not tâ—â—e granted without particular and pregnant proofes of which the Replicant produces none at all were it not for this great noise aâ—d boast of Arbitrary power our Academians would want matter to stâ—ffâ— their in numerable pamphlets withall and the sillyer sort of Malignants would want â—uell to feed their enmity And yet we know Arbitrary power is only dangerous in one man or in a â—ew men and cannot be so in Parliaments at any time much lesse in times of publick distresse for then it is not only harmlâ—ssâ—â— uâ—necessaâ—y The House of Commons without the other States hath had an arbiâ—rary power at all times to dispose of the treasure of the Kingdome and whâ—re they give away one subsidy they may give 20 and where they give 50000â— at one subsidy they may give fifty times so much and all this whether war or peace be Yâ—t when did either King or Subject complaine of this arbitrary power Nay if any parts of the Kingdom have repined at the abuse of this arbitrary power and refused to pay subsidys assessed by the house of Commons what Kings would suffer it when was it not held a good ground of War so both Houses have an arbitrary power to abridge the freedom of the Subject and to inlarge the Kings prerogative beyond a measure they may repeale our great Charter the Charter of Forrests and the petition of right if they please they may if they please subject the whole Kingdom for ever to the same arbitrary rule as France grones under nay they have often been with force and all manner of sollicitations almost violented into it and yet notwithstanding all this we are neither terrifyed nor indangered at all by this arbitrary power in both houses To have then an arbitrary power placed in the Peers and Comm. is naturall and expedient at all times but the very use of this arbitrary power according to reason of State and warlick policy in times of generall dangers and distresse is absolutely necessary and inevitable but 't is a great offence that both Houses should make ordinances generally binding They which would take from us all meanes of defence if they could dispute us out of the power of making temporary Ordinances hâ—d their wils upon us for defence without some obliging power to preserve order and to regulate the method of defence would be vaine and absurd but this is but one branch of arbitrary power and reason of State and to wast time in proving it necessary in times of extremity if defence be granted lawfull were childish and ridiculous I have now done with the Replicant so far as he hath spoken to the matter I shall now come to his emergent strange calumnious speeches against the persons of such and such men but this were Caninos rodere dentes I forbeare it only rehearsing some raylings which need no answer but themselves The two houses are generally railed at as guilty of Rebellion against the King All adherents to Parliament are railed at as Anabaptists Separatists c. The Lord Major is railed at for preventing bloudshed in the City when the Petitioners under the pretence of seeking for Peace had many of them plotted dissention and this his Office is stiled the stiffling of peace in the womb The City Preachers are railed at for satisfying our Consâ—ieâ—ces in the justifiablenesse of a defensive war for this they are charged to fight against the King in the feare of God and to turn the spirituall Militia into weapons of the flesh The framer of the Answer is rayled at for giving the Petitioners just satisfaction in peaceable language Though his words be confessed to be softer than oyle yet 'ts said that the poyson of Aspes is under his lips he is called a Cataline the firebrand of his Countrey whose sophistry and eloquence was fit to disturbe a State but unable to compose or setle it The judgment of all these things is now submitted to the world what the intent of the Petition was in some master-plotters and contrivers of it will appeare by the arguments of this â—ell Replicant Whereby it is now seconded That the name of an Accomodation was pretended to force the two Houses under colour therof to cast themselves upon a meer submission or to be made odious and lookt upon as foes to peace which was a Scilla on one side and Charybdis on the other is here manifested Whether the Answer to the Petition favour of so much malice and enmity to peace as this Replication does let indifferent men censure Lastly whether the soule of that man which thirsts for a firme Peace may not dislike these practises of pretending to it and the soule oâ— that man which hates peace may not make advantage of the name of peace let all wise men proved and examine FINIS