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A44227 Vindiciæ Carolinæ, or, A defence of Eikon basilikē, the portraicture of His Sacred Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings in reply to a book intituled Eikonoklastes, written by Mr. Milton, and lately re-printed at Amsterdam. Hollingworth, Richard, 1639?-1701.; Wilson, John, 1626-1696. 1692 (1692) Wing H2505; ESTC R13578 84,704 160

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shewn wherein this Book had been so ill or unwisely settled But were there That had been to question the Godliness and Wisdom of the Compilers of it whom Mr. Fox calls Martyrs or what was worse 2 and 3 Ed. 6. c. 1. run foul of the Statute that says It was concluded by the aid of the Holy-Ghost But says he Edward the Sixth confesses it was no other than the Old Mass-Book done into English and modell'd no farther off it lest by too great an alteration they should incense the People And prudently one would think because to run farthest from what one was last may be a sign that he has altered his Opinion but no Argument that it is for the better But the point lies elsewhere The Universities had thrown more Truants abroad than the Church of England either could or thought fit to provide for to have gone back again they were too well known and to set up in the Country there requir'd no more but a few Notes at St. Mary's and a double Portion of Lungs and Confidence for Words says he will follow of themselves And if they had the knack of laying Damnation home to them whom should the People run after but those that could save them As if a Man had a Sore Leg and he should go to an honest judicious Chirurgeon and he should only bid him keep it warm and anoint it with such an Oil an Oil well known and that would do the Cure haply he would not much regard him because he knows beforehand the Medicine is but ordinary But if he should go to a Quack that should tell him your Leg will Gangrene in three days and must be cut off or you 'll die unless you do something that I could tell you what listning would there be to this Man Oh for the Lord's Sake tell me what it is I will give you any Content for you Pains And such was the Trade of these Men they cry'd down the Common-Prayer not that they could justly find any fault with that Dose of prepar'd Words as he calls it but make the better way for their own Enthusiasms whereas there seems no reason why a Man may not as well Pray in a Set-Form which is commanded as Sing in a Set-Tone which was never so much as recommended But we 'll examine it a little It is the advice of the Preacher Be not rash with thy Mouth Eccles 5. v. 2. and let not thy Heart be hasty to utter any thing before God For God is in Heaven and thou upon Earth therefore let thy Words be few And when the Disciples besought our Saviour to teach them to Pray Luke 11.1 as John also taught his Disciples how easy had it been for him if he had approv'd this Extemporary way to have bade them take no care for what they should say for it should be given them in that Hour Whereas on the contrary Math. 6.7.9 he not only forbade them the use of vain Repetitions as the Heathen do but laid an Injunction on them to pray after this manner Our Father which art in Heaven c. And denounced Woe to the Scribes and Pharisees for devouring Widows Houses under a Pretence of long Prayer Mar. 12.40 In a word and if the Authority of Holy Writ be of any force I think our Gifted Men may make up their Packs unless they produce some equal Authority to counterbalance it and if they shall not there was besides that Authority an Act of Parliament in the Case which no Ordinance could ever amend much less abrogate but least of all were Cranmer Ridley Latimer c. alive would they thank him for saying this English Mass-Book was Composed for ought we know by Men neither Learned nor Godly CHAP. XVII Of the differences between the King and the two Houses in point of Church-Government TOuching the Government of the Church by Bishops saith His Majesty the common Jealousie hath been that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it not so much out of Piety as Policy and reason of State And saith our Answerer hath been so fully prov'd from the Scriptures to be vicious and usurp'd that whether out of Piety or Policy maintain'd it is not material With this further that we may have learnt from Sacred Story and times of Reformation that the King 's of this World have both ever hated and instinctively feared the Church of God But that they have been so prov'd to be as he says he takes it for granted that his Assertion is Proof enough for other he gives none unless it be that Pharaoh when he grew jealous least the Israelites should multiply and fight against him his Fear stirr'd him up to afflict and keep them under And to the same drift this King and his Father found the Bishops most Serviceable And now 't is all out and we see what that Church of God he means is viz. The Seditious Exorbitancy of Ministers Tongues which his Father and himself and Queen Elizabeth before them so Instinctively nor without just cause had reason to suspect A sort of People which King James the first calls Proud Puritans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65. who cry we are all but vile Worms and yet will judge and give Law to their King but will be judged nor controul'd by none And some Leaves before Id. p. 30. Informing the People that all Kings and Princes were naturally Enemies to the Liberty of the Church and could never patiently bear the Yoke of Christ Id. p. 31. and therefore saith he take heed my Son to such very Pests in Church and Commonweal whom no deserts can oblige neither Oaths nor Promises bind breathing nothing but Sedition and Calumnies aspiring without measure railing without reason and making their own Imaginations without any Warrant of the word the Square of their Conscience Nor were they of less disturbance to Queen Elizabeth than they had been to him as witness that Letter of Sir Francis Walsingham's before-mention'd Chap. 13 And the Lord Keeper Puckering's Speech in Parliament where by the same name of Puritans he charges them to have persecuted Her Majesty so vigorously that they thereby open'd the Door to the Spanish Invasion and warn'd the Parliament from her Majesty to give no Ear to their wearisome Sollicitations for while in the giddiness of their Spirits they labour to advance a new Eldership they do nothing but disturb the good Repose of the Church and the Commonwealth And how they dealt with his Majesty there are few Men sure can be so much Strangers at home as not to know And therefore if the Bishops as Cicero in his Consulship says of himself Eos qui otium pertuban● reddam otiosos took his way of Silencing that Seditious Exorbitance of their Tongues they were Serviceable I must acknowlege it but wherein did they exceed the Obligation of their Office But to proceed What the Bishops by the Laws and Constitutions of this Kingdom were and are
to say no Answer belongs to it He knew there was none to be given and therefore Magisterially slighted it He holds it also neither wise nor comely that the falling out of Brethren be debated before a Common Enemy and tacitly implies his Reason least the Uncircumcised rejoice But I think I can tell ye a better When Presbytery rode the fore-Horse no one kept up with it more than himself but when he found it began to faulter he was loth to lose Company and jogg'd on with the rest The first leading Men that carried on the War were Presbyterians and their General upon the New-Model was as right as they could wish to have had him And yet he was in the Hands of the Army and that Army in the Hands of his Lieutenant-General Cromwell A grand mistake of theirs in thinking to Settle Presbytery with an Army of Anabaptists Independents Fifth-Monarchy-Men and what not Bone of their Bone and Flesh of their Flesh 't is true but as Mortal Enemies to them as were the Jews to the Samaritans and yet both of them had Abraham to their Father And for Cromwell though no one could say of what Religion he was besides that he ever match'd the Colour that was in Fashion he still protested Obedience and Fidelity to the Parliament and by that Means got his Ends of the King and them And whether our Answerer took it not right judge when he says Some of the former Army touch'd with Envy to be out-done by a New Model and being prevalent in the House of Commons took advantage of Presbyterian and Independant Names and the War being ended thought slightly to have discarded them without their due Pay and the reward of their invincible Valour But they i. e. the Independants who had the Sword yet in their hands disdaining to be made the first Objects of Ingratitude and Oppression after all that Expence of their Blood for Justice and the Common Liberty seiz'd the King their Prisoner whom nothing but their match●ess Deeds had brought so low as to surrender his Person By which we see the Bottom of this Good Old Cause when the only quarrel was about dividing the Spoil And truly when they that once had it could not keep it what had our Answerer to do to gape after them any longer And brings into my Head that Story of the Friars Crucifixus est etiam pro nobis But to go on with the Matter The King is now in the Army's Hands but our Answerer thinks not fit to say a Word to the Distractions in the Two Houses the Army and the City that ensued it but has left it out of his Title And why but that it must not be spoken in Gath when yet every Man here is not a Dweller of Askalon Cromwell found that the Parliament out-carded him as having gotten the King their Prisoner May 4 1646. and put the Militia of London into the Hands of a Committee of Citizens whereof the Lord Mayor for the time being to be One and therefore unless he could give them the Cross-bite and bring the Army to mutiny against their Masters he knew he must expect no better of them than what Essex had found from them To this purpose he and Ireton his Son-in-Law take advantage of a Vote of theirs 25. May 1647. for Disbanding the whole Army excepting Five Thousand Horse and One Thousand Dragoons and some Fire-locks to be kept up for the Safety of the Kingdom and some to be sent for Ireland and spread a Whisper through the Army that the Parliament now they had the King intended to Disband them to cheat them of their Arrears and send them into Ireland to be destroy'd by the Irish And it ran like Wild-fire for the Army were so inrag'd at it that they set up a new Council among themselves of Two Private Soldiers out of every Troop and Foot Company to consult for the Good of the Army and to assist at the Council of War and advise for the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom And these they called Agitators or Adjutators it matters not which for whatever Cromwell who yet stood unsuspected by the Houses had a mind to be done there needed no more but putting it into these Agitators Heads And the Effect of their first Consultation was to take the King from Holmby where upon his being deliver'd up by the Scots Feb. 16. 1646. the Parliament had lodged him with Colonel Graves and bring him to the Army Amongst these there was one Joyce a stubbed bold ignorant Enthusiastick Journey-man Taylor who from the Service of Denys Bond had gone out to the Assistance of the Lord against the Mighty and much about this time made a Cornet of Horse And however the matter was contriv'd for Commission he had none he went off by Night in the Head of a Thousand Horse and having surpriz'd the Parliament-Guards at Holmby early in the Morning importunately demands admittance into the King's Bed-Chamber as from the Army and was hardly prevail'd upon to stay so long as till the King could get up but being come in told his Majesty he was sent by the Lieutenant-General to secure his Person from his Enemies and bring him to the Army On which the King demanding to see his Commission Joyce opens a Window and points to the Body of Horse that stood drawn up on the Side of the Hill before the House An undeniable Argument says his Majesty and so went with him who brought him to the Head-quarters at New-Market Cromwell seems no less surpriz'd at it than the King however since he was among them assur'd him he should have no Cause to repent it and in a seeming passionate Manner promis'd him to restore him to his Right against the Parliament On this the Parliament send to the General to have the King redeliver'd to their Commissioners and this the rather for that the General by his Letters to them had excus'd himself and Cromwell and the Body of the Army as ignorant of the Fact and that the King came away willingly with those Souldiers that brought him And yet instead of giving them an Answer Jun. 23. 1647. the Army send a Charge against Eleven of their Members all active leading Men and require them to appoint a Day to determine this Parliament and in the mean time to suspend the Eleven Members sitting in the House to which last they only answer and say they could not do it by Law till the Particulars of the Charge were produced and were soon replied to with their own Proceedings against the Earl of Strafford and the Archbishop of Canterbury The London Militia had been yet in the Cities Hands till Cromwell taking the opportunity of a thin House Jul. 26. 1647. procures the Ordinance of the Fourth of May aforesaid to be revok'd and the Militia put into other Hands more favourable to the Army On which a Rabble of Apprentices and Disbanded Soldiers headed by the Sheriffs under the
the Power of levying Money to maintain it for twenty Years 2. That the King justifie the Proceedings of the Parliament in the late War and that all Declarations c. against them be declared void 3. That all Titles of Honour conferr'd by the King since the Great Seal was carried to Oxford in May 1642 be taken away 4. That the Parliament might adjourn themselves when where and for what time they pleas'd But the King refusing to grant them the Parliament Vote there should be no more Addresses made him And upon Cromwell's laying his Hand upon his Sword and telling them the People expected their Safety from them and not from a Man whose Heart God had hardned the Vote of Non-Addresses was made into an Ordinance and that it should be High-Treason to receive any Message from him And now Compassion for the King's Sufferings with the discovery of their Hypocrisie had begotten such a general Indignation against the Parliament that all Wales declare for the King The Surrey Men Petition the Parliament for a Personal Treaty the same was Kent coming up to have done but seeing how evilly those of Surrey had been Treated they threw away their Petition and took Arms under the Earl of Norwich The same did others at Maidstone Black-heath Kingstone c. Which though they were all defeated yet the Houses seeing how the Inclinations of the Kingdom went and Cromwell being out of the way in securing Edinburgh they revoke their Ordinance of Non-Addresses and send the King new Propositions not much easier than the former and upon his Answer to them they sent Commissioners to treat with him at Newport in the Isle of Wight Sept. 2. 16●● the Treaty to be transacted with Honour Freedom and Safety in which the King made such Concessions Decemb. 5. 16●● that it was resolv'd upon the question by the Commons That the King's Answers to the Propositions of both Houses are a ground for the House to proceed upon for the settling the Peace of the Kingdom But it seems they had been so long dodging about Trifles that Cromwell was come to London before any thing was done Nov. 20. 1648. For Fairfax and the General Officers had remonstrated and amongst other things requir'd That the Capital and grand Author of our Troubles the Person of the King be brought to Justice for the Treason Blood and Mischief he is therein guilty of c. But the Presbyterian Party standing strong to the Resolve aforesaid a Guard is set upon the House the major part of the Members are excluded and the King made a closer Prisoner in Carisbrook-Castle which brings me to these His Majesty's Meditations upon Death In which as from the precedent of several of his Predecessors both of England and Scotland well he might he makes this Judgment That there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes And now we 'll see what this Accuser says when having lopp'd off more than three quarters of the Title that he may bring the rest to his own Model he goes on All other humane things are disputed and will be variously thought of to the World's end but this business of Death is a plain Case and admits no Controversie Nevertheless since out of those few mortifying Hours he can spare time enough to inveigh bitterly against that Iustice which was done upon him it will be needful to say something in defence of those Proceedings And makes this his Justice the Justification of that horrid Parricide from that universal Law Whosoever sheddeth Man's Blood by Man shall his Blood be shed And that other of Moses Ye shall not take Satisfaction for the Life of a Murtherer No exception in either of them And well may he call it Iustice when he so often blasphemes God in making him the Favourer of those the before unheard-of Villainies of that Usurpation and Tyranny as here also so wretchedly detorts Scripture to give it a Colour Whereas it was Injustice it self in its very Foundation as being directly contrary to the Law of God the Law of the Land and the Practice of the Jews from whom he draws his Authority To the Law of God whereby we are commanded First Negatively not to think ill of the King Curse not the King Eccles 10.20 no not in thy Thoughts Much less then may we speak it Thou shalt not speak Evil of the Ruler of thy People Exod. 22.18 Least of all may we do him hurt Touch not mine Anointed Secondly Affirmatively Psal 105.25 To Honour him as by the fifth Commandment and that with a Blessing annex'd to it That thy Days may be long in the Land To keep his Commandments Eccles 8.2 4. and that in regard of the Oath of God Neither may we give him any cause of Anger Prov. 20.2 for he that provoketh him sinneth against his own Soul And if thus far be true then I am sure it was Injustice to murther him To the Law of the Land Where besides what I have before said to the Soveraignty of the Crown of England to imagine the King's Death Chap. 6 To levy War against him in his Realm 25 Ed. 3. c. 2. or adhere to such as do so that it proveably appear by some Overt Act is High-Treason 3 Inst 12. The like is the Preparation by some Overt Act to take the King by force and strong hand and imprison him until he hath yielded to certain Demands And what must it then be to sit in Judgment upon him ● Ed. 3.19 who having neither Equal nor Superiour in his Realm cannot be Judged And greater than this what must it be to murther him And lastly contrary to the Practice of the Jews from whom he draws his Authority The Israelites had a hard Bondage under the Egyptians 〈◊〉 12 37. and yet that Moses whom he quotes and Six Hundred Thousand Footmen with him besides Children and a mix'd Multitude fled from Pharaoh 1 Sam 22.2 but did not rebel against him David in the head of an Army and those if we consider the Persons desperate enough fled from Saul And Eliah from Jezabel Seven Thousand Men yet left in Israel who had not bow'd their Knees to Baal 1 Kings 19.18 So that if Scripture Law or Practice have any Authority I think I need not labour the matter to prove it execrable as well as unjust Besides with what common Modesty could he tax the King with Blood when the Houses had form'd an Army so long before him as I have shewn before And therefore who shall be or was ever said to be guilty of the Blood spilt in a War the Aggressor or the Defendant when the Law chiefly regards the Original act Nor will Success more be able to alter the Nature of it than as says His Majesty The prosperous Winds which often ●ill the Sails of Pyrates do justifie their Pyracy and Rapine And were that true saith he which is most false