be a God of Order and therefore since all Government in general does Originally proceed from God that Administration is rather an Vsurpation than Government that commands or permits the Disturbance of the Subjects in the Enjoyment or Possession of their Rights and Properties And therefore it will follow That it is more for Gods glory that every man do sit safe and quiet under his Vine and Fig-Tree than to be oppressed Oppression intimates a wrong or Injustice and God will not Authorize that which he has declared to be unjust for just and righteous are all his ways Oppression will make a wise man mad which shews that Subjects have a right in their Properties as well as Kings have to their Crowns If there were not some such Right there could be no Oppression or Injustice for Oppression or Injustice iâ— when that which is anothers Right is detained or taken from him against his consent If Naboth had not had a Right in his Vineyard Ahab need not to have Capitulated with him to have it for a Garden of Herbs neither would God have visited Ahabs Family for the Blood of Naboth And I never knew any man to maintain the Doctrine That all our Rights and Properties were in the Crown but he hoped thereby to encrease his Estate And few ever pretended to be of that Opinion that were not broken in their Fortunes or aimed at their Neighbours If therefore Peace and Order is the end of Government and that it is more for Gods glory that every man sit safe under his Vine and Fig-Tree then it will follow That a King may forfeit his Crown by â—eason of Male Administration for otherwise it will follow that God made the World for the Pomp and Grandure of Kings and not for his own Glory that there is no such thing as Property no such thing as Right or Injustice that there are no Laws but his Will and Pleasure nor any thing to guide him but his own Fancy The CASE QUERY Whether a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Overt Act of Conspiring or Imagining the Death of the King IT has been declared in the Affirmative by some modern Precedents But whethen those Judgements did Proceed from Ignorance of the Laws or to serve a Turn will be enquired into when the time comes that the plain English may be spoke that is necessary to open and discover the truth of the Case There are several things which may give occasion to make it be so generally received in the Affirmative but it has chiefly proceeded from making Distinctions where the Law has not distinguished which is altogether forbid if Rules in Law are of any Authority or signify any thing for non est distinguendum ubi Lex non distinguit And therefore this Opinion will easily be refuted by considering these things which follow First Whether any Court the Parliament excepted can Try a man upon an Indictment for High Treason that is grounded upon Common Law Secondly To what end and intent the Statute 25. Ed 3 Chap. 2. was enacted Thirdly Whether Couspiring the Death of the King and Levying of War are distinct Species of Treason Fourthly Whether every Law is not to be construed most strictly to restrain the mischief against which it was enacted Fifthly What is the true meaning and signification of being provably attainted by Overt Deed As to the first it seems to be out of doubt that at this day there is no such thing as an Indictment at Common Law for High Treason tho for other things there is because there is no Precedent of it since the Statute 25. Edw. 3. for every Prisoner that is Arraigned for Treason does commonly demand of the Court upon what Statute he is Indicted and it is always answered upon such a Statute and the particular Statute is named Besides every Impeachment before the Lords in Parliament is grounded upon some Statute and if so a Fortiori no inferiour Court can try the Prisoner upon an Indictment for High Treason grounded upon Common Law For the Law which delights in Certainty especially in Case of Life will not allow of an Indictment at Common Law because no Issue can be joyned upon it by reason of the uncertainty As to the Second To what end and intent the Statute 25 Edw. 3. was made Edw. 3. was a great Prince and Victorious Captain which gained him a very great Renown but that which made his Name the greater and his Fame the more lasting was those good and beneficial Laws which were enacted in his time by which he restored and beautifyed this Government which had been defaced and almost destroyed by the illegal Proceedings during his Fathers irregular Reign and of all the Oppressions under which the Nation groaned at that time there was none that lay heavier upon them than that extravagant License which the Judges took to Interpret and call any thing Treason and this appears by the particular Joy which the whole Land expressed at the making of the aforesaid Statute For tho' he call'd Parliaments very frequently and none of them prov'd abortive for every one of them produced good Laws yet that Parliament which was held in his 25th Year did more than all the rest and of all the Beneficial Laws which were then enacted the Second Statute whereby Treason was reduced to a certainty gave the People greatest cause to lift up their Hearts and Voice in Thankfulness to God and the King because the Jaws of that devouring Beast were broken which had torn in pieces so many Families and threatned destruction to the rest So that this Statute was made to restrain all Treasons that may be made by inference or implication and to limit the Judges so strictly that they may not call any thing Treason but what is literally such within in the Statute for it is there provided That if any such like Treasons shall come before any of the Justices that they must slay without going to Judgement till the Cause be declared before the King and his Parliament And all subsequent Statutes of Treasm are as so many Confirmations of this Law for they had been needless 〈◊〉 the judges could have called any thing Treason but what is literally within that Statute and that Statute had been made to no purpose if it had not so strictly restrained the Judges And my Lord Chancellor Notingham was of Opinion That even the Lords in Parliament could not proceed upon an Indictment of High Treason unless the Fact alledged in it were first declared by some Statute to be Treason As to the third thing It never was not ever will be denyed that Compassing the Death of the King and Levying of War are two distinct Species of Treason unless all Treasons are of the same kind but if there are several sorts of Treasons then it will follow that these are also distinct Because in every Statute of Treason which mentions Conspiring the Death of the King and Levying of War they are named
a share in building a House that lays here and there a Stone as he that lays the Foundation and raises much of the Superstructure upon it which is the very Case betwixt the high Church-men and the Dissenters and though our high Church snarle at the King and treat him with over-familiar Language yet what they have said and done does not so much denote their repentance as that they are disobliged and disappointed because it is not accompanied with amendment of life which is the truest sign of penitence for I doubt there are very few of them that can boast that they are less debaucht and profane If the matter then be so and they on their part have not done any thing to invite or incourage the Dissenters to come to Church they should be the least of all Men that should complain of their absenting Upon the whole Matter then The Dissenters by falling in with the Indulgence have done that which in the consequence will set up Arbitrary Power But the high Church-men have in express terms preached up and assisted Arbitrary Power and have treated the Papists as their Friends So that they having been chiefly instrumental and layed a Foundation for Popery and Slavery I may without pretending to the gift of Prophecy adventure to say that whenever it comes to extremity the greatest brunt will light upon them and their Heads will sheild the blows from others who used all lawful means to have prevented the Mischeif that is coming on apace Thus I have laid open the Fault on all sides let then the high Church be more charitable and the Dissenters less stiff and sweamish and let every one indeavour to live like People professing the Gospel and I hope that God may yet have mercy upon this poor Nation A SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT FOR THE Bill of Exclusion I Wish I could have been silent and I wish there had not been an occasion for this dayes debate but since we are brought into this condition it behoves every Man to put to his Shoulder to support this tottering Nation And in this Matter that is now before us we ought to consider very well for a great deal depends upon it and therefore I hope that every Gentleman will speak and Vote as God shall put it into his heart without any prejudice or pre-possession A Bill to Exclude all Papists from the Crown will produce a great many Inconveniences on both hands because his R. H. being a Papist it will set him aside therefore we are to consider which is the lesser evil and to choose that If the D. be excluded you are told how unjust it is to take away his Right from him that the Crown is his Inheritance if he survive the K. and besides you provoke him and all the Papists in England to Rise and cut our Throats On the other hand it 's plain that when we shall have a Popish K. our Religion and Laws are not secure one Moment but are in continual danger So that the case in short is this Whether we shall sit still and put it to the venture of having a Popish Successor then we must either submit our Heads to the Block or fight and be Rebels Or else to have a Law that will justifie us in the defending our Religion and Laws In plain English whether we would fight for or against the Law I think I have put it right and now let every Man make his choice that loves either his God or his Countrey As to the D's Right to the Crown I wish it were clearly known what sort of Right it is he claims and whence he derives it He is not Heir Apparent neither do I think that our Law knows any such thing as an Heir to the Crown but only as a Successor And therefore the D. nor any other whatever can pretend the same Title to the Crown as the Son of a Subject can to his Fathers Estate after his decease for with Subjects they do not succeed but inherit It is not so as to the Crown for there they succeed And it is from a not rightly considering the word Heir as it is a Synonymous term with that of Successor that has made so many to be deceived in the D's Title to the Crown for this word Heir to the Crown was not heard of till Arbitrary Power began to put forth Before William the Conquerour's Time it would have been a senseless word when the people set up and pulled down as they saw cause And till Queen Elizabeth it was not much in fashion when the Crown was so frequently setled by Act of Parliament and the Next of blood so often set aside when the Son seldom followed his Father into the Throne but either by Election in the Life-time of his Father or else by Act of Parliament So that to make the D. either Heir Apparent or Presumptive to the Crown it must be proved either by the Constitution of the Government or by some Law or Act of Parliament If therefore he has a Title to the Crown it 's necessary to know what it is and whence he has it but if he has none it 's not unjust to pass the Bill or any otherwhere he shall be particularly named But I will say no more of this least I may seem to be against Kingly Government which I am not If the D. be Excluded because he is a Papist yet it is no injustice Why will he be of that Religion that the Law endeavours to suppress The Subjects who are of that Religion forfeit Two parts in Three of their Estates and shall any Subject by reason of his Quality be exempted from the Law I hope not Besides if a Subject forfeit two parts it 's reasonable that the next of blood or any that is of that Religion should be excluded from the Crown because the Law has prohibited all Papists from having any Office Civil or Military because their Principles are inconsistent with the Government and then how preposterous would it be to make him the Head of the Church and the Preserver of our Laws and Liberties whose Religion obliges him to ruine and destroy both So that if the D. had not by his practices given us just cause to except against him yet barely as he is a Papist he ought to be Excluded But when it is considered that he has held a correspondency with the Pope and the French King to subvert our Religion and Laws what protection can we expect from him if he be King It is a sensleless thing to imagine that he will not disturb us in our Religion and Laws seeing whilest he is a Subject he is practising to destroy us and them Therefore for my part I think we betray both our Religion and Laws if we do not pass this Bill There is one Opinion which prevails much in the World which as it is false so it does a great deal of hurt and that is this That every Government in the World was
about it Having said this I will in the first place tell you something of the Law in this case and next give you some account of the practice of our Judges and other Officers of Justice and then let any Man say if he can whether the Nation at this day has not great cause to complain Currat Lex Fiat Justitia is the Life and end of our Government and when the Law has not its Course and Justice is not done then there is a dissolution of it And he that will peruse my Lord Cooks Exposition upon Magna Charta shall find that it is a Fundamental and Ancient Right of the Subject that Justice is not to be delayed or denyed In the second part of my Lord Cooks Institutes the 11th chap. on Magna Charta he tells us lest any Party that hath right should be without remedy or that there should be a failure of Justice therefore Statutes are always so to be expounded that there should be no failure of Justice but rather than that should fall out that Case by construction should be excepted out of the Statute In the 29th Chap on Magna Charta Nulli negabimus aut differemus Justitiam vel ratum and that by no means Common Right or Common Law should be disturbed or delayed no though it be commanded under the Great Seal or by any Command whatsoever either from the Ring or any other and this is backt or seconded by a Statute made the Second of Edw. III. chap. 8. which says thus That it shall not be commanded by the Great Seal nor the Little Seal to disturb or delay Common Right And though such Commandments do come the Justices shall not therefore leave to do Right in any point In his 2d Chap. on the Statute of Gloucester he calls Delay the great Enemy to Justice In his 24th Chap. on Westminster 2d Ne querentes recederent a curia sine remedio And that is supported by a Statute made the 13th of Edw. I. Chap. 50. where it tells us that no Man shall depart from the Kings Court without remedy In the 25th Chap. on Westm 2d Dominus Rex Voluntatem habens ut celeris fiat Justitia And the reason hereof is given for Expedit Reipublicae ut sit finis litium And by a Statute made the 9th of Hen. III. ch 29. It is enacted that Justice shall not be denyed or deferred Therefore having said this I think I need say no more to prove that Justice or Right is not to be sold deny'd or delayed And let any Man deny if he can whether our Judges have not transgress'd in all these Has not Justice been Sold and perverted Witness the Acquittal of Sir George Wakeman Sir Tho. Gascoines and Mrs. Cellier Has not Justice been denyed Witness the abrupt dismissing of the Grand Jury when an Indictment was to have been given in to have proved the D. of Y a Papist and to prevent that great service to the Nation the Jury was dismissed notwithstanding they had several other Bills of Indictment in their hands by which Justice was not only delay'd but deny'd And how many Instances more are there of this kind Nay the Contagion has spread so far that it is more difficult to find a Case without these or some of them than to produce multitudes of Cases where Justice has been Sold Deny'd or Delay'd So that our Judges have been very Corrupt and Lordly taking Bribes and threatning Juries and Evidence Perverting the Law to the highest degree turning the Law upside down that Arbitrary Power may come in upon their Shoulders The cry of their unjust dealings is great for every Man has felt their hand and therefore I hope their punishment will be such as their Crimes deserve that every Man may receive satisfaction It 's so long since K. Alfreds time that possibly what was then done is out of their thoughts for my Lord Coke in the third part of his Institutes chap. 101 makes mention of a great many Judges who were hanged in one year for false Judgment in K. Alfreds time and if we look into the punishment of a corrupt Judge which is recited by him in the 224 page it might be sufficient to deter any Judge who has either any Christianity or Morality from offending in the discharge of his trust but it may be some wonder that they have forgotten what happen'd in the 24th of Edw. III. concerning William Thorp Chief Justice what a severe punishment he underwent for Bribery all which may be seen at large in page 223 3d Part. And also so that of Tresilian and Belknarp with others their Fellows who were all Attainted by Act of Parliament 2d of Richard II. which was afterward confirmed by the 1st of Hen. IV. A Man would think that these cannot be forgotten but as the case stands their Memories are to be refresht by condign punishment and they very well deserve it for my Lord Coke in the fourth part of his Institutes says chap. 13. That when particular Courts fail of Justice the General Courts shall give remedy Ne curiae Regis deficerent in Justitia exhibenda So that what a condition are we in when those Judges that are to relieve against the injustice or delay of Inferiour Courts do turn Merchants of the Law and will not do right for when they are corrupt how shall we escape but all Inferiour Courts will follow their Example therefore in my opinion this Matter ought to be searcht into and if there prove such faults as are complained of we can do no Iess but punish the Offenders and prevent the like for the future least we otherwise seem to countenance their actions for if we do not punish them we approve of them From which Good Lord deliver us And now I am speaking of Judges and their misbehaviour give me leave to acquaint you with the grievance of the County for which I serve in relation to our Judge or Chief Justice The County for which I serve is Cheshire which is a County Palatine and we have two Judges peculiarly assign'd us by His Majesty Our Puisne Judge I have nothing to say against him for he is a very honest Man for ought I know But I cannot be silent as to our Chief Judge and I will name him because what I have to say will appear more probable His Name is Sir George Jefferies who I must say behaved himself more like a Jack-Pudding than with that gravity that beseems a Judge He was mighty Witty upon the Prisoners at the Bar he was very full of his Joaks upon People that came to give Evidence not suffering them to declare what they had to say in their own way and method but would interrupt them because they behaved themselves with more gravity than he and in truth the People were strangely perplexed when they were to give in their Evidence but I do not insist upon this nor upon the late Hours he kept up and down our City
of his Enemies or they are not arrived to that pitch of Villany as knowingly to destroy an Innocent Man Take then these things together and see how precariously every Man holds his Life and Honour if such things as they I mean the Mayors Letter and Printed Declaration may pass for Evidence for what can then be more easie than to sham any Man out of his Life and all that is dear to him But had the Evidence been as full and as clear as it could or ought to be in such Cases yet it is of the Essence of the Justice of England that the Party accus'd should be heard or have sufficient time assign'd him so as that it must be his own fault if he do not appear and make his defence This is the Law not only of this but in all Constitutions where the Government is not Despotick or Arbitrary For there cannot be a greater Badge of Slavery than that Men may be condemn'd without being heard to their Accusation In the time of Henry VIII Cromwell Earl of Essex being then a great Man and out of design to destroy some whom he knew not well how to ruine otherways contrived and promoted a Law for a Summary way of Tryal so as that a Man might be judg'd without being heard but as it fell out he perished by the Snare that he had layd for others for he was condemn'd without being heard to his charge and he was the only Man that was toucht by that Law for his case made it so odious that immediately upon it it was repealed as being unjust and inconsistent with the Justice of this Government God the Righteous Judge of all the Earth though he knows what we can say in our defence will hear us before he condemns us for otherwise his Sentence would not appear to be just The Law in case of Blood proceeds by slow steps because Blood when spilt cannot be gathered up again for it is a Maxime in our Law that no delay is too great when Life is concern'd the Law desires that every Man should prove innocent and does suppose he is so till he is found to be otherways by his Peers and for that reason it is that a Judge may not give the Prisoner at the Bar reproachful Language till the Jury has found him guilty and then too he is not to be condemn'd till he has moved in Arrest of Judgment and heard what he can further say for himself To hear a Cause ex parte is in effect to know nothing of the Truth so as to be able to make a Judgment where the Right is Many Innocent Persons will unavoidably suffer when ever it comes to be Law that Men may be try'd and condemn'd without being heard This sort of Justice will set the Innocent and Guilty on the same foot and to throw Cross and Pile whether the Prisoner shall be acquitted or condemn'd is as Just as to Try a Man without hearing his Defence Now it 's undeniable that there was no time given by the Bill for the Duke to appear which must at best hand be allow'd to be a great omission for in all other Acts of Attainder if the Person was alive a convenient time was allowed him to come and be heard and till that time was expired the Act was not in force against him nor could the penalty therein exprest affect him in the least But beside these things there fell out some thing further in this Bill of Attainder that is very unusual and extraordinary for it was begun and pass'd both Houses in one and the same day which was never heard of before in any case though the occasion were never so pressing The Method of passing all Bills being quite otherways For when a Bill is brought into either House of Parliament or sent from one House to the other it is not often that they give it a reading the same day or if they do it 's seldom that a Bill is read above once in one day and when it has been read a second time if it be not rejected it is committed and then for the more part the Committee does proceed upon it some other day and not upon that so that regularly no Bill can pass either House in less than Three days And this gradual way of proceeding upon Bills demonstrates the great Wisdom and Justice of the Two Houses and vindicates them against precipitancy and partiality This has been the Ancient and Approved Method beyond the Memory of Man or Records and it has ever been found safe if not fatal to go out of the path of our Fore-fathers And thus stands the Case as to the passing of the Bill of Attainder against the D. of Monmouth which must be acknowledg'd to be a Summary way of proceeding upon presumption without Legal Evidence or hearing the Party or observing the usual Method of passing Bills in Parliament But it is objected and said in the defence of this That the Legislature of England is confined to no Rules and Directions but that of their discretion and that upon suddain emergencies when it will be to the Publick Detriment to stay for the ordinary and usual Forms of Law they may justifie the dispensing with them and for that reason all that was done in the Duke of Monmouths case is very well warranted because there was then flagrante bello It is true that the Parliament has such a discretionary Power and it 's reasonable it should be so but yet this does not prove that a more deliberate proceeding might not have been had upon that Bill however it will scarcely afford an Argument wherefore the Attainder should not now be revers'd but rather that it ought to be because when the Mischief is prevented that induced the Parliament to such an extraordinary course it was the constant practice of our Fore-fathers to put it out of sight as soon as could be And nothing could be more prudent for so long as it remain'd a precedent it might be the occasion of a greater evil than it had prevented and so long as this Attainder stands in force it will be look't upon as an Exposition of the Law declaring that it may be Legal and Just to condemn without Evidence or hearing the Parties defence and thereby put our Lives and Families into a more precarious condition when in the discretion of the Two Houses of Parliament then when they are to be judged in the Inferiour Courts of Justice and so chalk out a Method for unfortunate Times to take off any Man that stands in the way for though what was done in this case may be said to be Jus yet it was Summum Jus and if it was Justum yet it was not done Justè But over and above all this there happen'd a thing in pursuance of this Bill which though in strictness of Law it cannot be assign'd as sufficient Error yet in reason may be an inducement to the Parliament to reverse this Attainder The Life
constituted by God himself But that cannot be so for it would follow that God is unjust which he cannot be There neither is nor was any Government of that sort but only that of the Jews the rest of the World were left to themselves to frame such a Government as suited best to their Inclinations and to make such Rules and Laws as they could best obey and be governed by Ours is compounded of an absolute Monarchy and a Common-wealth and the original of it we have from the Saxons But be it what it will or whence it will it is without question that the first original of our Kings was that the people found it for their advantage to set one over them because of his Wisdom Valour and Justice and therefore they gave him several Prerogatives above the rest of the People that he might be the better able to govern and defend them for there is none of the Kings Prerogatives but are for the good of the Nation if rightly imployed But it will be a strange conclusion to suppose that the People obliged themselves to submit to the Posterity of that Man whom they first chose for their King because of his extraordinary Endowments let them be what they would and never so unfit for the Government For the next of blood may be incapable of governing in several respects suppose a Fool or Lunatick by his Principles if he aim at Arbitrary Power by his Religion if he be a Papist or a Heathen or by his practises before he comes to the Crown to destroy the Religion and Government by Law Establisht Now this I do not say to argue that the Election of the King is in the People though I think much might be said in that case neither is it now the question but that which I speak for is to prove that the next of blood has not so absolute an Inherent Right to the Crown but that he may for the good of the Nation be set aside There is yet another Inconvenience to allow the next of blood to have so absolute a Right to the Crown because the Possession of the Crown takes away all disabilities but only such as are by Act of Parliament which being so every King must thank his Successor for every moment that he lives if he kill him himself he cannot be questioned for it because as soon as the one is dead the other is King for here the King never dies If therefore the next of blood has so absolute a Right the King is very unsafe For though the D. be not inclined to shorten his Brothers days nay though he be averse to it yet in obedience to the Pope and his Priests it must be done either by himself or some other hand and then how long we expect his Majesties life If Kings were good Men an absolute Monarchy were the best Government but we see that they are subject to the same Infirmities with other Men and therefore it is necessary to bound their Power And by reason that they are flesh and blood and the Nation is so apt to be bad by their Example I believe was that wherefore God was averse to let the Jews have a King till they had Kings they never revolted so wholly from him when their Kings were good they were obedient to him but when they were idolatrous then the People went mad of Idols I hope it is no Regis ad exemplum that makes our Nation so lewd and wicked at this day A SPEECH AGAINST Arbitrary and Illegal IMPRISONMENTS BY THE Privy Councill THere is not any thing that an Englishman can claim as his Right that we value more than Freedom and Liberty I mean that of the Body because Imprisonment is a sort of Death and less tolerable to some than Death it self For by it we are deprived of all our Earthly Comforts What is a Man the better for having never so great an Estate never so great Honour or what else is desirable in this World if he is restrained of his Liberty Now there are several sorts of Restraints or Imprisonments and they are all forbidden by our Law unless the cause be very just and reasonable not for bare surmises or vain stories that a Man shall be imprisoned and hurried from his aboad but only for such cause as shall prove that it is for the good of the Government and the support of it that this or that Man is imprisoned or restrained Although the Law has taken very good care yet the Subject is often abused in his Liberty sometimes by the Courts in West-Hall sometimes by other Courts and particular Magistrates But the greatest cause of complaint proceeds from the Privy Council The Privy Council that is though they have been much to blame in this particular yet it is not a new thing that they practice but this Itch of sending for and imprisoning the Subject upon vain pretences has descended from one Privy Council to another like an Infirmity that runs in a Blood for no sooner is a Man made a Privy Councellor but this Spirit rests upon him This Mischief was early espied even in Henry III's time and several Lawes have been made to restrain the Privy Council By the 9. H. 3. Chap. 29. it 's declared that No Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned or be disseised of his Free-hold or Liberties or Free Customes or be out-lawed or any other way destroyed nor we will not pass upon him nor condemn him but by Lawful Judgment of his Peers or by the Law of the Land By the 5. Edw. III. 9. It is Enacted That no Man from thenceforth shall be attacht by any Accusation nor fore-judged of Life or Limb nor his Lands Tenements Goods nor Chattels seized into the Kings Hands against the Form of the Great Charter and the Law of the Land By 25. Edw. III. Chap. 4. It is declared That from thenceforth none shall be taken by Petition or Suggestion made to our Lord the King or to his Council unless it be by Indictment or Presentment of his good and lawful people of the same Neighbourhood where such Deeds be done in due manner or by Process made by Writ original at the Common Law Nor that none be out of his Franchises nor of his Free-holds unless he be duly brought in answer and fore-judged of the same by the Course of the Law And if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and holden for none By 28. Edw. III. Chap. 3. It is Establisht That no Man of what Estate or Condition that he be shall be put out of Land or Tenement nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without being brought in answer by due process of Law And by 37. Edw. III. Chap. 18. It says Tho' it be contained in the Great Charter That no Man be taken nor imprisoned nor put out of his Freehold without process of the Law nevertheless divers people make false Suggestions to the King himself
as well for Malice as otherwise whereof the King is often grieved and divers of the Realm put in damage against the Form of the same Charter Wherefore it is ordained That all they which make suggestion shall be sent with the same suggestions before the Chancellor Treasurer and his Grand Council and that they there find Surety to pursue their suggestions and incur the same pain that the other should have had if he were attainted in case that his suggestions be found evil And that then process of the Law be made against them without being taken and imprisoned against the Form of the said Charter and other Statutes In the 38. Edw. III. Chap. 9. is contained the Informers punishment in these Words It is assented That if he that maketh the complaint cannot prove his Intent against the Defendant by the Process limited in the same Article he shall be commanded to Prison there to abide till he hath made gree to the Party of his damages and of the slander that he hath suffered by such occasion and after shall make fine and ransome to the King And the Point contained in the same Article that the Plantiff shall incur the same pain which the other should have if he were attainted shall be out in case that his suggestion be found untrue And still there is another Law made 42. Edw. III. Chap. 3. In these Words At the Request of the Commons by their Petitions put forth in this Parliament to eschew the Michiefs and Damage done to divers of his Commons by false Accusers which oftentimes have made their Accusations more for revenge and singular benefit than for the profit of the King or his people which accused Persons some have been taken and sometime caused to come before the Kings Council by Writ and otherwise upon grievous pain against the Law It is assented and accorded for the good Governance of the Commons That no Man be put to answer without presentment before Justices or Matter of Record or by due process and Writ original according to the old Law of the Land And if any thing from henceforth be done to the contrary it shall be void in the Law and holden for errour These are Laws that are as much in force as any Statutes whatever and ought to be as duly observed But I beseech you consider to what a degree they have been violated by the Privy Counsel How have they sent for Gentlemen from all parts of the Nation upon meer Flamms and Stories No Man could be quiet but upon any groundless pretence away went a Messenger to bring up that Man not considering the great charge and trouble they put the Gentleman upon by it I will mention only that of Sir Giles Gerrard he was sent for up by a Messenger to answer to I know not what a business about a Black Box and who charged him with it But when it came to be examined it proved nothing but Town-talk and what a pudder did they make In our Countrey when a Man makes a great stir about a matter and it ends in nothing that is significant we say Billy has found a Pin So I pray what did this hurly burly of the Black Box end in but nothing that was worth a straw And to this mighty purpose Sir Giles was fetcht from his House in the Country And several other Gentlemen have been thus used against Law and Reason It 's strange the Privy Council should not remember the Bill of Habeas Corpus which passed in the last Parliament that might have brought to their remembrance these Laws that I have mentioned and might further convince them how precious a thing we esteem our Liberty It puts me in mind of the Petition of Right and what I have heard and read after it was passed how soon it was violated and broken The Privy Council has been very unjust to these Gentlemen whom they have molested by their Messengers in that they have not made their Accusers to find Sureties to make good their Accusations as the Law requires 37. Edw. III. 18. for then idle Stories would not be so currant by reason of the Punishment inflicted on those false Accusers by 37. Edw. III. 18. and 38. Edw. III. 9. which Lawes are grounded upon the Word of God Deuteronomie 19. chap. 18. and 19. ver But now such Fellows as are mentioned in the 37. Edw. III. 18. and in 42. Edw. III. 3. who make their Accusation for Malice or for Revenge or singular benefit more than for the Profit of the King or his People these I say shall be allowed to accuse honest Men though they cannot prove a word of what they say and for these devices are we to be forc't from our Habitations to appear before the King and his Council Methinks it's hard play and yet what remedy have we left but to sit down and be quiet But without doubt the Land intended a Redress in these Cases for 25. Edw. III. 4. says that whatever is done contrary to that Law shall be redress't and holden for none but it does not tell us how satisfaction is to be had But since it is left uncertain I hope for the future we shall so order it that every Man may have relief against this great Oppression and that I humbly move for if we let this alone we leave an Arbitrary uncontroulable Power in the Privy Council which will never stop till it has made the Law subject to them But I have heard it objected that if this Power of sending for People be not allowed to the Privy Council then you put them in a worser condition than any Justice of Peace because by his Warrant he can send for any body in the County where he lives I must in the first place deny this altogether for the consequence is not true In the next place I say that the Law is the best Judge of this whether the Privy Council ought to have such an unlimited Power and what the Law has determined over and over again ought not to be disputed by us besides it is a thing of dangerous consequence to put Discretion into the Ballance with so many written Lawes which conserve so dear a thing as our Liberty But the Power of the Privy Council is not hereby made less than that of a Justice of Peace for a Justice of Peace it is to be supposed will not send out his Warrant but upon a just and reasonable ground What Justice of Peace ever sent out a Warrant of the good Behaviour against any person but he either first heard the party accused which is the juster way or else the matter was proved upon Oath Or when was any Warrant of the Peace issued out but it was grounded upon the Oath of him that demanded the Surety of Peace And whatever Warrants or Precepts are granted by a Justice of Peace they ought to be for just causes or else he violates his Trust So the Privy Council may upon a just Accusation
send for any person but without that they cannot and therefore I do not see wherein a Justice of Peace has a greater power than the Privy Council or if he had yet it would not be so great a Mischief for he can only send for any person that is in the County but the Privy Council are not limited to this or that County but their power extends all over England But besides it is unjust to be punisht without a cause and restraint or being debarr'd of Liberty is a punishment and whoever he be that would have the Privy Council to exercise this Power when he has known what it is to be brought up by a Messenger upon an Idle Story let him then tell me how he likes it and answer me if he can A SPEECH AGAINST THE Bishops Voting In Case of BLOOD OF all the things that were started to hinder the success of the last Parliament and is like to be so great a stumbling-block in the next That of the Bishops Voting in Case of Blood was and will be the chief Now they that deny that the Bishops have right to Vote in Case of Blood do labour under two great difficulties first because this is a new thing at least it is very long since the like Case has come into debate And next because they are put to prove a negative which is a great disadvantage But Truth will appear from under all the false glosses and umbrages that men may draw over it And I doubt not to make it evident that the Bishops have no right to Vote in Case of Blood at least I hope I shall not be guilty of obstinacy if I do not alter my opinion till what I have to say be answered It is strange the Bishops are so jealous of their Cause as not to adventure it on their great Diana the Canon Law by which they are expresly forbidden to meddle in case of Blood Perhaps they would do by the Canon Law as it is said by the Idolaters in the Old Testament that part of the timber they made a god and fell down and worshipped it the rest of it they either burnt in the fire or cast it to the dunghil For they tell you that the Canon Law was abolisht by the Reformation and that none but Papists yeild obedience to it and therefore now they are not tyed up by the Canon Law but may sit and Vote in case of Blood if they please I should be very glad if they were as averse to Popery in every thing else and particularly that they would leave Ceremonies indifferent and not contend so highly for them whereby they make the breach wider and heighten the differences among Protestants in the doing of which they do the Pope's work most effectually I wish they would consent to have a new Book of Canons for those that are now extant are the old Popish Canons I like Bishops very well but I wish that Bishops were reduced to their primitive Institution for I fear whilst there is in England a Lord Bishop the Church will not stand very steddily But I will leave this though I need say no more and proceed to other things that are very clear as I conceive My Lord Cook in the Second Part of his Institutes the first Chapter treating of Magna Charta when he reckons up the Priviledges of the Church he tells us that Clergy-men shall not be elected or have to do in secular Office and therefore he tells us that they are discharged of such and such burdens that Lay persons were subject to and good reason it should be so that they might with greater ease and security attend the business of their Function that is to govern and instruct the Church But whether they had these Immunities granted them that they might study the Pleas of the Crown and Law Cases or else that they might apply themselves to the work of the Ministry let any Man judge for saith he Nemo militans Deo implicet se negotiis secularibus And if to sit and judge in case of Blood be not a secular Matter I have no more to say and I hope my Lord Cook 's Authority will be allowed And because as I conceive that my Lord Cook 's Authority may pass Muster in this point I will offer some things out of him that will make it evident that the Bishops are only Lords of Parliament and not Peers and if so it is against the Law of England for them to sit and judge upon any Peer for his Life for the Law says that every Man shall be tried by his Peers In the Second Part of his Institutes the first Chapter he tells us that every Arch-Bishop that holds of the King per Baroniam and called by Writ to Parliament is a Lord of Parliament But in the 14th Chapter when he reckons up who are Pares in the Lords House he says not a word of the Bishops but repeats all the other Degrees of Lords as Dukes c. And without doubt he would not have made so great an omission if the Bishops ought to have been taken into the number Besides this if the Bishops be Pares how comes it to pass that an Act of Parliament shall be good to which their consent is not had passed by the King Lords Temporal and Commons But it was never allowed for an Act of Parliament where the Lords Temporal had not given their Vote And for proof hereof see my Lord Cook in his Chap. De Asportatis Religiosorum where he gives you several Instances of Acts of Parliament that passed and the Bishops absent But then in the Third Part of his Institutes he there puts the matter out of all controversie and shews that Bishops are to be tried by Commoners for says he in the second Chap. treating of Petty Treason None shall be tried by his Peers but only such as sit there ratione Nobilitatis as Dukes c. and reckons the several Degrees and not such as are Lords of Parliament ratione Baroniarum quas tenent in Jure Ecclesiae as Arch-Bishops and Bishops and formerly Abbots and Priors but they saith he shall be tryed by the Country that is by the Free-holders for that they are not of the Degree of Nobility So that with submission this is as clear as any thing in the World If the point be so clear that the Bishops may Vote in case of Blood it would do well that some Presidents were produced by which it might appear that they have ever done it at least that they have made use of it in such times when the Nation was in quiet and matters were carried fairly for Instances from Times of Confusion or Rebellion help rather to pull down than support a Cause But my Lord Cook in his Chap. that I mentioned even now De Asportatis Religiosorum gives you several Presidents where the Bishops when Capital Matters were to be debated in the Lords House withdrew themselves particularly 2 of
dangerous time to put the Laws in Execution against the Papists because there are Examples where Magistrates some have been murdered others attempted to be assassinated for putting the Laws in Execution against the Papists and because we appear'd to be zealous in it therefore this care is taken off us I suppose that might be the chief reason why I was put out because I have help't to convict above Five Thousand Papists in Lancashire And furthermore it was necessary to know how we stand in the thoughts of our Country-men whether they have a good opinion of us now we are turn'd out of Office because it look't like a design'd disgrace For my part it has gain'd me ground and I believe every Gentleman else finds his Countreymen not to esteem the worse of him I rather think better therefore seeing our Countreys believe us to be honest Men there 's no great question but we shall be in great esteem at Whitehall now they have had this Tryal of us For White-hall is very apt to incline to the opinion of the Country And that Cart is not well upon the Wheels when it is otherwise Therefore for my part I am very thankful that I am put out I 'le assure you I find my Purse the fuller for it and I find my Countrey to pay me altogether as much respect if not more than formerly There is but one thing that I grudged to part with and that was the Office of Custos Rotulorum which had been in my Family for several Generations and for that I hop'd a particular reason might have been assign'd why they took it from me but from that day to this I cannot learn what was the cause It 's gone and farewel it And that 's all the loss I had by being put out of the Commission of the Peace I have done with our selves and now give me leave to speak a little concerning other Gentlemen who are put out and no reason given for it When any Gentleman is made a Justice of Peace it is out of respect to him and for the good of the Country because he is supposed to be honest and able and without dispute no Man ought to be put out but either that he is unfaithful unwilling to do his part or else he does not understand it And it 's a great injustice to any Gentleman to put him out without hearing him for to judge a Man unheard is not allowed by the Law And what is it but to judge a Mans Reputation a thing most dear to every honest Man For in any Age but this it would be a great reflection upon a Gentleman to be turn'd out of the Commission of the Peace But God be thank't the Nation sees very plainly who and what sort of Persons rule the Rost By all the inquiry I can make I do not find that any Man is put out but such as were very active against the Papists such as are against Arbitrary Power and such as approved of the Bill against the Duke I wish they would give the reason why one Gentleman was put out in my County for besides my self there are but two put out the one was newly put in and had not acted the other is an Ancient Justice of Peace and a Man that cannot be reprehended in relation to the discharge of his trust without reflection or diminution to any Man I think he knows the work of a Justice of Peace as well as any Man in England I except no Man And for his Integrity he may set all Men at defiance to accuse him of the least partiality in the discharge of his trust And I do know that no Man made it more his business than he did that he might ease and serve the Country For as his Ability was not Inferiour to that of any other Man so did he most duly put the Laws in execution especially those against the Papists And therefore Sir on the behalf of my Country I must complain and demand to know the reason why he was put out we are greatly hurt we are deprived of a great assistance and relief and we cannot be quiet till we are satisfied in that particular And my Lord Chancellor or the Privy Council whichsoever of them it is that put him out will they not tell us why Are they asham'd to own the cause What will it not bear water I hate this as I do Arbitrary Power and Popery Brave World that we must be debarrâ—d of the benefit of our Laws for if they are not executed they signifie nothing It is that which gives Life to our Laws And they that do execute them are put out of Office this is a fair step to Arbitrary Power to deprive us of the benefit of the Law It is the same thing not to have Laws as to have Laws and not executed I say no more least I may seem to speak in my own case for I do not desire to have any thing done as to my own particular but as to the Gentleman whose Character I have given you and his Name I will acquaint you with it is Sir Thomas Manwaring you must give me leave to be importunate and press it again and again that he may be again put into the Commission of the Peace A SPEECH For Banishing the PAPISTS I Would be as backward to commit oppression as I will be to do any thing that God has forbidden me For in all our Actions betwixt Man and Man both Publick and Private if we observe that Golden Rule to do as we would be done by we cannot err And if my Conscience should tell me that I transgress'd that Law when I give my Vote to banish the Papists I'll assure you I would not violate either that Rule or my Conscience I would now be silent and give my Vote the other way But that Rule does not so strictly tye us up as that we must forget our selves our Posterity our Laws or our Religion it does not oblige any Man to hurt himself to save another neither does it require that a whole Kingdom shall be lost to save particular Men For Charity begins at home but when the Papists are considered in their Principles and Practices then let any Man deny if he can that the Papists themselves are not the cause of whatever happens to them I will mention but one or two of their Principles because I doubt not but every Gentleman here is very well informed of them The first that I will speak to is this That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks And this Liberty extends to every thing both as to Religion and Worldly Affairs It 's the same thing to them whether they speak Truth or no when they have to do with a Heretick as they esteem every Man that is not of their Faith so that you cannot tell when to believe them nay though they swear it for to Equivocate is a great part of their Religion The next is this That it is
particular interest as well as his duty does indispensibly oblige him to do what in him lyes to support it In order to this that which is now more especially expected from us is first To inquire into the neglects of those in whom the Law has reposed any trust and Second to discover those who have broken or violated the Laws that such criminals may be brought to condign punishment And since the execution of the Laws is our proper business and that the Laws should have their course is absolutely necessary to the being of the Government It may not be impertinent as I conceive at this time to say something of the Nature of Government and particularly of our own constitution or rather it seems necessary to take all occasions to explain it considering what variety of opinions there is amongst us of that which is or ought to be the Supreme authority or power in England Many wise and learned men have written of the Nature of Government and given excellent definitions of it but of all others Plato seems to me to have done it in the fewest and plainest words which are these Government or Law says he is to preserve the huge and indigested lump of a Multitude and to bring all disorder into proportion so as to become an harmony And Next to him is the learned Aquinas says that it is a rational ordinance for the advancing of the publick good Several others have spoken to the same purpose which I omit because I will be as little tedious as I can Two things I have observed from hence first That order and peace is or ought to be the end of every Government And second That in every Government there is some particular principle that runs through the whole Scheme of that Constitution and that as that principle is followed or neglected so accordingly it goes ill or well with the publick that is when those who are intrusted with the executive power do pursue that principle every thing moves regularly and the Government is firm and stable But when they steer by any other Measures the State does unavoidably fall into disorders and Convulsions and that whoever he be that is placed at the head of the Government if he desires to have the Hearts and Prayers of his People whilst he lives and that after-Ages shall bless his Memory It is necessary first That in general he resolve to Govern well And Secondly Throughly and rightly to apprize himself of that principle that is the Soul of the Government or at least-that he be advised by such as are most likely to know it and will give him faithful Counsel Otherwise he will be like a Traveller that in the Night misses his way upon some large Plain wandering he knows not whither and is more likely to meet with some disaster than to find his way Having said this it is natural for you to expect that I should tell you what that Principle is which is the Life and Foundation of this Government If I am not much mistaken and I am verily perswaded that I am not I take it to be this That every Subject of England has so clear a property in his Life Goods and Estate and every thing else which he possesses that they cannot be taken from him nor ought he to be disturbed in the Injoyment of them without his voluntary Consent or for some Offence against the Law And in the next Place that there be not a Failure in Justice that is That no man be left without remedy where his Right is concern'd and that every Criminal be pun sht according to the Demerits of his Offence I am apt to believe that every man will think that this is very agreeable to Natural Reason and then I don't see how it can be inconsistent with the Prerogative of the Crown altho' I know that not very long since and I fear yet there are some who carry the Prerogative much higher placing it above the Law but nothing save the Iniquity of the times and the Depravity of such mens Manners could support or give Countenance to so senseless a thought For they are very ignorant of the Nature of Prerogative if they think it is a Powet to do Hurt and not to do Good Certainly the Kings Prerogative is to help and relieve the People where the Edge of the Law is too sharp and keen and not a Power by which he may Oppress and Destroy his Subjects Men are to be Govern'd by a Power that is guided by Reason unless we can suppose they have no more understanding and are of no greater Value than the Beasts that Perish It was said by one who was a very competent Judge in the Case as I remember it was Sir John Fortescue That it is a greater Power in a Prince to be restrained by Law from oppressing than to have an absolute Regal Power And says another great Author The way if Governing must be both right and clear as well as is the End And how this can be expected when a King is guided by no other Rule than that of his Will and Pleasure I don't see no more than that a man can depend upon the Weather Does not all the Examples of it that ever were prove that absolute Power and Oppression are inseparable and the one as naturally proceeds from the other as the Effect does from the Cause It 's a Riddle to me how that Prince can be called Gods Ordinance who assumes a Power above what the Law has invested him with to the grieving and oppressing of his Subjects May not the Plague Famine or Sword as well be called Gods Ordinance since one no less than the other is sent by him for the Punishment of that People he so Visits We may reasonably suppose that Order and Peace is much rather the End of Government than Oppression and Violence because God is a God of Order and when he sent the greatest Blessing upon Earth it was Peace and tho' God was often very wrath with the Kings of Israel and Judah for their Idolatry yet the Innocent Blood that they shed and the Violence and Oppression which they committed provoked him more highly and with his severest Judgements has always testityed his Displeasure against it I could run out into a large Discourse upon this Subject but I will stop here because I am perswaded that what I have already said is sufficient to convince any one that is unprejudiced That an absolute Power is so far from being the Right of a King of England that the exercise of such a Power is unlawful in any King I know very well that in the late Reigns this Doctrine would not have been indured to have said less than this would have lost a man his head For whoever would not comply with Arbitrary power was called Factious and an opposer of the Government But is it not Nonsence or very near a Kin to it to call that Seditious that is for bringing things
their Favourites do for the most part pick up mean Men people of no Fortunes or Estates upon whom it is that they place their favour to so high a degree And therefore it 's for their Interest to advise the King to govern by an Army for if he prevails then they are sure to have what heart can wish or if he fail yet they are but where they were they had no thing and they can loose nothing There is no Man but very plainly sees that there are People about His Majesty who advise him to shake off the Fetters of the Lawes and to govern Arbitrarily and I wish that their Advice have not prevailed for the most part yet I think His Majesties own Inclinations do not bend that way for he seems to love quiet and ease which no Prince can have that Rules by an Army Therefore before we can expect that His Majesty will come in to us these People of Arbitrary Principles must be removed from his Throne for whilest there are the same Advisers we must expect the same Advice whilest there are the same Councellors we must expect the same Results And this alone will not do it it 's but the first step to our happyness the Principles or Maxims of State must be removed it 's not taking away this or the other Man and putting in another to act by the same Rules that will cure our Disease but it 's the change of Principles that must do it You may remember in the last Parliament the change that was made in the Privy Council and Ministers and upon the first news of it I met with a Gentleman that had a great Service for White-Hall says he I hope now you are pleas'd what can you expect more from His Majesty I replyed I like it well yet not so very well for said I all is well that ends well for all is not Gold that glisters I am not sure that these Men that are put out have not left their Principles behind them when those are gone I shall like it very well The Man was angry and flung away saying you are hard to please and says I you are easie and so we parted And I pray you how much Wooll have we had after all this cry what benefit have we reaped by that change Do not we see that unless they would act by the Maximes of their Predecessors they must do nothing and therefore several did desire leave to go off Some of these worthy Lords and Gentlemen that did so are now in my eye and I shall ever honour them for it I cannot forget the promises made to the Parliament at the same time and how well they have been kept Therefore I think it 's very plain that till these Principles are removed from White-hall that all our labour and pains will end in nothing The way then as I conceive to do this is to lay before His Majesty the state of the case let us shew him how unable these Men are to serve him and how destructive to his Interest it is to follow their Advices and that he can be Safe and Great only by closing with his Parliament Would His Majesty be Safe alas what can his Creatures do just nothing they have no Power nor have they Will further than it serves for their own advantage But His Majesty is safe in his Parliament for it is the Interest of every Man in England to preserve and defend His Majesties governing by his Parliament Does he want Money to make him easie I pray what can he expect from the Catterpillers his Favourites their care is not how to serve him but to make their own Fortunes But from his Parliament he need not want very plentiful supplies to preserve the Honour of himself and the Kingdom Would he maintain his Dominions and Rights what can his Creatures do but when he closes with his Parliament he can neither want the Heads Hearts and Purses of his People to serve him so that whatever His Majesty would have it is only to be had by his Parliament For his Favourites cannot in the least contribute to make him Safe or Honourable or whatever else a King may want or desire All the Use a King can have from His Favourites is to have Stories and Lies to set him at variance with his People I hope when the Case is laid before His Majesty that he will close with us but if his Judgment is so prepossessed that it will not convince him of his Interest then we must conclude that it is with him as it was with Rehoboam who forsook the Council of the Old Men and inclined to that of the Young Men who councelled him to tell the People that his little Finger should be thicker than his Fathers Loynes And I pray what was the effect of that huffing Speech Why Ten Tribes were taken from him and it was not his Young Men that could recover them for him again neither was it without a Parliament that his Majesty was brought into England I hope his Majesty has not forgot it Let them advise what they will but I am confident they will think on 't a good while before they will adventure to put those Arbitrary Councils into Execution it will prove a hot matter to handle For though I hope no Man here will lift up his hand against His Majesty yet we may oppose any Man that does seek to invade our Properties And for my own part I will Pistol any Subject be he the greatest in England that shall in deavour to deprive me of my just Right Let us do what we can to effect an Union between the King and his People and leave that Success to God Almighty and his will be done A SPEECH On the Occasion of some JUSTICES Being put out of COMMISSION I Was in hopes that some Gentlemen would have prevented me in what I have to say for I fear the House is under a great mistake as to those Gentlemen of the House who are put out of the Commission of the Peace For it is to speak to that chiefly I stand up I acknowledge that it is an unanswerable thing that other Gentlemen were put out but no doubt it was upon very weighty and warrantable grounds that the Gentlemen of the House were put out For without doubt His Majesty or who he be that advised him to it did think it reasonable and were sensible that we who attend the service of our Country in this place do spend our Time and Money and neglect our own Affairs and therefore when we come home its fit that we have a time of rest and that we be eased both in our Bodies and Purses and be at leasure to settle our own concerns and not that we should be tossed from one chargeable and troublesome Imployment to another So that we have great cause to be thankful for the care that is taken of us Besides there is a further regard had to us for this is a
It 's said he was every Night drinking till Two a Clock or beyond that time and that he went to his Chamber drunk but this I have only by Common Fame for I was not in his Company I bless God I am not a Man of his Principles or Behaviour but in the Mornings he appear'd with the Symptoms of a Man that over Night had taken a large Cup. But that which I have to say is the Complaint of every Man especially of them who had any Law Suits Our Chief Justice has a very Arbitrary Power in appointing the Assize when he pleases and this Man has strained it to the highest point For whereas we were accustomed to have Two Assizes the first about April or May the latter about September It was this Year the middle as I remember of August before we had any Assize and then he dispatcht business so well that he left half the Causes untryed and to help the matter has resolved that we shall have no more Assizes this Year These things I hope are just cause of Complaint It cannot be supposed that People can with ease or delight be in expectation so long as from May till August to have their Causes determined for the notice he gave was very short and uncertain And I beg you is it not hard for them that had any Tryals to see Councel be at the charge of bringing Witnesses and keep them there five or six days to spend their Time and Money and neglect their Affairs at home and when all is done go back and not have their Causes heard This was the case of most People the last Assize Some Observations on the Prince of Orange's Declaration in a Charge to the Grand Jury Gentlemen THE greatest part of the misfortunes which befall mankind would be prevented did they but keep in mind and seriously consider the most remarkable things which happen to them for then they would not as is every day seen neglect so many advantageous opportunities which by Providence is put into their hands nor split so often upon the same Rock For so apt are men to forget even things of the the greatest moment that it is become a common saying That there is not any thing that is more than a nine days wonder which does sufficiently express the giddiness and want of consideration in Men Of which there never was a more pregnant instance than is to be observed in England at this time For tho the late Revolution was as remarkable as any thing could be both for the matter as well as for the manner of it yet it seems to be as much out of peoples thoughts as if no such thing had happened to us It is a great unhappiness that no more notice is taken of it and it would yet be a greater misfortune if we make no more advantage of it than yet we have done and since it does so much concern us to carry it in our thoughts I hope I shall not mispend your time whilst I give you a short account of the occasion that sent K. J. away and for what reason his present Majesty the then Prince of Orange was placed on the Throne I believe you may remember how much the greater part of the Nation was alarm'd when it was known that the Duke of York had declared himself a Papist by reason of the fatal effects it would have upon our Religion and Liberty if in case he should come to the Crown And the Parliament being no less sensible of this threatning danger made several attempts to exclude him from the Crown by Act of Parliament which was the cause wherefore so many Parliaments one on the neck of another in the latter end of Charles the ll 's time proved Abortive for when the Court could not by any other Artifice keep off the Bill of Exclusion that Parliament was dissolved and another called in hopes to find it of another temper but perceiving that every Parliament began where the other left off of that Scent King Charles took leave of Parliaments for the rest of his time And then all those who had been for the Bill of Exclusion were loaded with all manner of reproaches and amongst other things were called Anti-Monarch-men because they would break into the Succession for that the Exclusion of the Duke of York was used only as a pretence to bring in a Common-wealth To such a degree of madness did the mistaken Loyalty of some people carry them And I wish there were not some at this day who hope to make themselves welcome at Court by calling every thing Anti-Monarchical that is proposed for the good of the Nation At last things being in a posture for the purpose C. II. went off but how is not yet certain to make room for his Brother the Duke of York who began very early to discover himself and in a short time had made so very bold with matters both in Church and State as to demonstrate that the apprehensions of those who would have Excluded him was rather a Prophesie of what he would do than a groundless conjecture for his power swelled so fast that he quickly makes all people to feel the intollerable burden of an unbounded Prerogative so that many who before fell down and worshipt Prerogative were than as hasty to get out of the way of it as they would to avoid a Monster that stood ready to devour them and thereby brought them so far to their Wits as to enable them to see that it is much safer to trust the Law than the King's Will and Pleasure with their Liberties and Properties and that God had no more given Kings a right to oppress and inslave their Subjects than he had indued them with a power to Create Men. For the method which King James took shewed plainly to all the world that nothing less than being Absolute would content him That is he would govern by his Will and force an obedience to his pleasure by his Army for his Administration became more exorbitant every day than other till his present Majesty the then Prince of Orange Landed who as is usual upon such occasions set out a Declaration of the occasion that brought him hither wherein is innumerated many of the irregularities of King James his Administration The first thing mentioned is the Dispensing-power which King James had assumed whereby he gave just occasion for a very loud complaint because it is a most dangerous Instrument in the hand of any King for it not only makes a noise but does certain execution it swallows up Law where-ever it comes and tears up Liberty and Property by the Roots it does not only put every mans right at uncertainty but makes it uncertain whether there is any such thing as Right it is of so diffusive a Nature that if it be exercised in one Kingdom the next that is governed by the same King has cause to think it self in danger This the Parliament had early under their
consideration and prepared a Bill for taking away the Dispensing-power which by the help of some other things that were in the same Bill obtained the Royal Assent and so it passed into a Law The Declaration then takes notice that for the better introducing of the Dispensing-power That the Judges were prevailed with to declare that such a power is a right belonging to the Crown and in order to it the Judges opinions were discovered before-hand and such as would not comply were turned out thereby to intimate to the rest that they might act at all times as they should be directed This indeed was a very high aggravation of it this was not to use the Law lawfully but to establish Oppression Violence and all manner of Iniquity by a Law For whoever shall endeavour to influence the Judges in their opinions by what means soever he seeks to intimidate them whether it be by turning them out of their places withholding their Sallaries or putting others over their Heads does plainly discover that he aims at nothing less than to Govern by his Will For the apprehension of losing a good imploy is not above the ordinary rate of men and the stopping of a Judges Sallary must have the same effect because it 's all one whether a man is turned out of his place or the profits of it are withholden from him and that Judge is exposed to a powerful temptation who sees he cannot rise in course unless he will comply The Parliament being sensible how much the Justice of the Nation lay exposed so long as the Judges held their Places or Sallaries at Pleasure had the last Sessions but one prepared a Bill to remedy this inconvenience which was offered to the Royal Assent but was refused for what reasons is not proper for me to give because I shall always advise the contrary so that that part of King James's Male-administration remains as it was to be practised by any other King who shall be so wicked as to have it in his thoughts how he may inslave the Nation The Declaration observes that King James put men into imployment and continued them therein altho they had not qualified themselves according to Law This as it unhinged one of the great securities of the Government so it was a plain indication of King James's intentions to govern without Law for when men are put into imployment in spight of the Law it shews they were preferred not so much for their fitness to execute that Office as to serve some other purpose against Law and those that so complyed justly incurred the censure of every man that wisht well to his Country for they shewed that they were through-stich-men that would stick at nothing thereby rendering themselves so infamous as to make all mankind conclude that they would never be imployed in any other Reign by reason of the scandal as well as the danger that any Prince runs who shall take them into his Service The Declaration then takes notice of the Ecclesiastical Commission which indeed carried an ill design in the face of it it having been always found that such extraordinary methods are not so much to punish faults already committed as to wish there were such and to pretend men to be guilty who have not transgressed For if nothing more had been designed but to punish those who really were offenders what need was there of that High Commission seeing the Law had before sufficiently provided so that the parlous intention of setting up that Commission was very obvious and it was yet plainer because it was expresly against Law for 16 Car. c. 11. that took away the then High-Commission Court has provided and declared that any other such like Court is illegal and all proceedings thereupon to be void and of no force And here I cannot but observe to you how far they were the occasion of setting up this Court who were like to suffer most by it For it cannot be forgot what pains the Clergy took to magnifie Prerogative and to preach up the Doctrine of Passive-Obedience and Non-resistance upon which King James supposing them to be worthy of their Functions and consequently what they preacht in their Pulpits they would practice when they were out of them thought he might make the more bold with them But with what Christian patience they bore it I believe you remember for King James received more reproachful language and revilings from them than from all other people and therefore I hope they have learnt this lesson and will be careful for the future to instruct all others under their care not to extend Prerogative beyond the bounds which the Law has set it lest they are the first that feel the weight of an unlimited power For this Ecclesiastical-Commission was a monstrous thing and therefore it is to be hoped that all those who were of it and that now are in eminent stations under this Government have made it appear that they are become new men or otherwise if it was a fault in King James to set up that Commission it will be hard to find an excuse for their being of it The Declaration proceeds in taking notice that several Churches and Chapels were built for the exercise of the Romish Religion and that several Colleges of Jesuits were set up and that a Jesuit was made one of King James's Privy Council This had it stood singly of it self must appear dreadful to all true English-men and yet it was but a necessary consequence of what went before it and gave every man a clearer prospect of the precarious condition in which his Religion and Liberty stood The next thing that followed was to examine Lord Lieutenants and Deputy Lieutenants Justices of the Peace and all others in publick imployments in order to have the Penal-Laws and Test repealed and to turn out such as would not concur This was made use of as no doubt it would have been a very effectual means towards the packing of a Parliament it being a lesson which he had learnt from his Brother C. II. who used to take Parliament-men to task in private where he used such arguments as thereby he so often drew from the Parliament those unnecessary supplies This examination of the People in private was called Closetting at first lookt upon as a very inconsiderable thing yet we saw that the said Cloud tho at first no bigger than a mans hand quickly overspread the whole Heavens and gave our affairs a very gloomy Complexion and if we will learn has taught us this useful lesson That when men shall not be left to the freedom of their judgments in relation to the publick but indeavours are used to warp and bend them another way that there is some ill design in hatching especially when such applicaons are made to members of Parliament concerning such matters as are under their Consideration For this is to kill the Government at the Root and the design is equally apparent and mischievous by what means
dangerous and banished return again If any dangerous Rogue branded in the Shoulder return again to a roguish life Felonies against the Possession of another If any break a Dwelling house in the Night with intent to do any Felonious Act there If any rob another by the Highway or take any thing privately from his Person If any take the Goods of another in his absence with intent to steal them If any Servant go away with his Master's Goods delivered to him with intent to steal them being the value of 40 l. or upwards If any rob a Church If any maliciously burn the House or Stack of Corn or Barn of Corn of another If any do the second time forge any Deed Evidence or Writing and publish it to be a good Deed. If any acknowledge a Fine or Judgment or Deed to be enrolled in the Name of another and not being the true person If any Persons above twelve in number raise any Tumults or Vnlawful Assemblies If above forty Persons shall assemble together to do any unlawful act and shall continue together three hours after proclamation for their departure If any depart out of this Nation to serve a foreign Prince without Leave and before Bond entered and Oath taken according to the Statute If any perswade another to commit any Felony or receive and assist any Felon after the Felony committed these are Accessaries to the Felony If any rescue a Felon from Prison If any Felon break Prison and escape or be suffered to escape and be reseued In both sorts of Felonies some have the Benefit of Clergy others not and because it 's their Duty only to present them therefore I have not troubled you with their distinctions but have given you them in part Misprision of Felony If any one know another to have committed Felony and don 't reveal it The next thing I am to acquaint you with is Trespasses and Offences against the Peace which are Finable If any menace assault beat or wound another If any make unlawful entry upon another Man's Lands or unlawfully take away other Mens Goods If any make unlawful Assemblies Routs and Riots You are to present all Seditious Conventicles according to 16 Charles 2. where there shall be five persons over and above them of the Family who shall meet together under colour or pretence of any Exercise of Religion in any other manner than is allowed by the Liturgy of the Church of England Now Gentlemen although this Law does seem to comprehend all Dissenters yet certainly not all alike for it would be unreasonable that they who only differ in some things from the Church of England should be as rigorously intended by this Law as those whose Worship and Principles are quite contrary to it and I think the very Title of the Statute is an Argument for me which is thus Seditious Conventicles suppressed If it had been only Conventicles suppressed then I should have been of another opinion And therefore Gentlemen my opinion is that this Law is rather intended against the Papists Quakers and others of that sort than against them who come nearer in their manner of Worship to the Church of England And without question at this time it is not prudent to be very strict against them who differ from the Church of England only in some Ceremonies in regard the Common Enemy to our Religion and Liberty is now very active I mean Popery and therefore it is very great Policy to unite our selves that we may be the more able to resist Popery I am sure that this is not a time to harase or pull one-another in pieces for some small Points in Religion I am sure it is that which the Pope and Church of Rome will esteem as a very great and meritorious piece of Service He that shall say or sing Mass forfeits 200 Marks and Imprisonment a year and after that till the Money be paid To hear Mass forfeits 100 Marks and Imprisonment a year He forfeits 20 l. per month who does not come to Church and if he forbear a year to be bound in 200 l. to the good a bearing till he conform 23 Eliz. 1. A Conformed Recusant not taking the Sacrament the first year forfeits 20 l. the second 40 l. and for every year after 60 l. Every Recusant that shall not come to Church forfeits 20 l. for every month Who shall be absent from Church for every Sunday forfeits 1 l. and for want of Distress to be committed to Prison To relieve or maintain a Recusant not going to Church forfeits for every month 10 l. To retain in ones Service a Recusant who shall not repair to some Church forfeits 10 l. per month 3 Jac. 4. Now Gentlemen you must understand that by by the word Recusant is meant Popish Recusant and no other whatsoever They who shall send their Children beyond Seas without License according to Law forfeits 100 l. 3 Jac. 5. If any chide brawl or draw a Weapon to strike or do strike in Church or Church-yard If any keep a Fair or Market in a Church or Church-yard If any voluntarily disturb the Preacher in his Sermon The next Matters that I am to acquaint you with are Offences against Justice in general If any be a common Stirrer and Procurer of Law-suits or a common Brabler or Quarreller among his Neighbours this is Barratry If any maintain the Law-suit of another to have part of the thing in demand this is Maintenance or Champerty If any get Goods of another into his Hands by false Tokens and Messages this Deceit is punishable If any counterfeit a Deed or Writing and publish it as true this is Forgery If any corrupt a Jury-man by Bribery or Menace to divert him from giving a just Verdict this is Imbracery If any wilfully and corruptly swear falsely in Evidence to a Jury it is Perjury and to procure another so to do is Subordination of Perjury And here I think I may mention Bailiffs and other Officers taking or demanding unlawful and unreasonable Fees None ought to practise as an Attorney but such only as have been bred up Attorneys at Law and not every little Catchpole that has read over a Book or two for these are they that do all the Mischief because Ignorance and Knavery for the most part go together and I doubt there are some who practise in this Court who are not duly qualified for it The next things you are to enquire into are The Neglects of Constables If he do not hastily pursue Hue-and Cry after Murtherers and Robbers If he do not truly execute and return all Warrants sent to him from Justices of the Peace If he do not apprehend Beggars Rogues and Vagabonds that are wandring or begging within his Office If he do not punish by Stocking such as refuse to labour in Hay and Harvest time If he do not present at the Sessions or to the next Justices the Disorders in Alehouses Defects in High-ways Recusants absence from Church
and such as keep Dogs Guns Nets and the like for the unlawful taking of Wild-fowl and Hares And of this there is great cause of Complaint both against the Constable and others that presume to keep these things against an express Statute made the 22d and 23d Car. 2. whereby it is provided That none that have not 100 l. per annum Land of Inheritance or 150 l. for Life shall not keep a Gun c. But People do so generally offend against this Law and Constables are so very negligent in not restraining others that one would think there was no such Law If he do not cause Watch by Night and Ward by Day to be kept within his Office from Ascension day to Michaelmas-day Here also is great cause of Complaint against Constables for in many places this is wholly neglected or where it is done it is performed so indifferently that it 's little better than if it had been left undone The Neglect in this is the Occasion of most of the Villanies that are committed in the Night it is the want of this that gives Encouragement to Rogues to do that which else they would scarcely dare to think on It 's Security that promotes Wickednesses of that sort and a Fear of being apprehended makes them desist from putting in execution what they had designed Then Gentlemen Coroner Clerk of the Market of the Peace Searchers and Sealers of Leather Toll-gatherers Overseers of the Poor and of the Highway all these are representable by you for their Neglects in their several Offices If Artificers Labourers or Servants conspire what Wages to take and not to work under those Rates If Artificers or Labourers undertake Work and depart before it be finished If Labourers or Servants take any more Wages than the Rates allowed by the Justices If any Servant assault Master or Mistriss If any refuse to labour in Hay-time or Harvest these also are presentable by you So are Tanners Curriers Shoomakers Butchers Clothmakers Coopers if they fail to do according to the Law And now Gentlemen I am to inform you of Offences against the PLENTY of the Nation such as these If any do buy any sort of Victuals as it is coming to a Market or Fair this is Forestalling If any buy Victuals in a Market and sell it again within four miles this is Regrating If any buy any dead Victuals or Corn growing upon the Ground with intent to sell it again this is Engrossing If any Victuallers conspire to sell their Victuals at unreasonable Prices If any destroy Wild-fowls Eggs or take Wild-fowl between the last of May and the last of August If any not qualified by Law keep Dogs c. for destroying of Hares Pheasants c. But this Law is to be understood and executed with the same moderation as all other Statutes are for it was never the intention of our Law-makers that the Law should be expounded otherwise than according to Equity and Justice and therefore many Laws are made rather in terrorem than that they should be executed strictly in the words of it for there is scarcely any Law but if executed rigidly according to the Letter of the Statute but would rather be Grievous than a Benefit to the Subject for it is a Maxim in the Law That Summum jus est summa Injuria And therefore put the case that a Man has a Gun or Greyhound if it can't be proved that he has destroyed Game it will be very hard to bring him within this Law If a Man who lives remote from Neighbors keeps a Gun for a defence of his House surely it will be severe to judge him an Offender against Law for every Man's House is his Castle and the Law will allow us Means whereby we may defend our Selves and Goods against any Violence that shall be offered If any sell Pheasants Partridge or Hares The last Matters that I shall mention to you are Common Nusances If any erect a Cottage and do not lay four Acres of Ground to it to be occupied with it If any continue such unlawful Cottage If any keep an Inmate in a Cottage If any Common Bridge be out of repair If common Highways be out of repair or if any Ditches be unscoured or undrest which should convey the Water from standing in the Highways If the Parishioners have not met at the day appointed to mend the Highways as the Law directs If any common Vagabonds and Beggars or Wandring Rogues do pass or be suffer'd to pass from place to place If any prophane the Lord's Day by travelling that day or by using Sports and Vnlawful Exercises that day If any prophanely swear or curse These and the like are by you to be presented Gentlemen I have now gone through the several Heads of your Charge many Particulars I have omitted because I endeavoured to be as short as I could those that I have given you I thought to be the most material and proper at this time wherein I have been deficient I question not but your Experience will be able to inform you And Gentlemen you must understand thus much in general That it is required from you not only to present those Offenders that shall come to you by other Hands that is by Indictment or Presentment But if upon your own Knowledge any have offended in these or the like Cases you are to Present them upon your own Knowledge Gentlemen There is now an Opportunity put into your Hands to do a great deal of Good or Hurt If you shall duly present all such Offences as shall come to your Knowledge you then merit the Good Opinion and Love of your Country but if you shall conceal any then you do a great Disservice to your Country and make your self a Party in the Crime by concealing it In my Discourse I have in some Cases given you my Opinion and I have done it really and truly from my Heart out of my sincere Loyalty to my King and Love to my Country and if I am mistaken I hope you will rather pardon than blame me for I have no intention to deceive you I wish we were all of one Mind but it is our Misery that it is otherwise I know some parts of my Discourse will not relish with every body but I cannot help it This is a time that every Man's Principles ought to be known I am not ashamed of mine and therefore have been the more free with you I 'll trouble you no further but pray God Almighty direct you in your Work A POEM On the Death of My Lady Warrington HOW vain is every thing that lives by breath That 's only born to be destroy'd by Death And all the while it doth its Breath retain Is sure of nothing but of Toyl and Pain And only toyls that it may toyl again And of all things that thus so wretched are It is Man's Lot to have the worser Share He that was made the Lord o'er all the rest Is doom'd