foure Lords being tyed to Stakes and their Heads set upon Poles were left in the Fields and the same course was afterwards taken with the rest For the next day in the same place foure Gentlemen more suffered the same death in which number was Villers and Dui Commanders lately taken at the Battaile of Iuliers and though both of them dyed equally good Christians yet not with equall sense for Villers publiquely protested that Alva had condemned him to free himselfe of the Obligations Villers had laid upon him but his Judge himselfe should not long be unsentenced Contrarily Dui gave humble thanks to the King and the Duke of Alva for that end and prayed the people to pardon and pray for him Likewise at Vilvord Anthony Stral late Consul of Antwerp Casembrot Secretary to Count Egmont and others imprisoned for the same Fact were in the same manner condemned and beheaded The Provost-Marshall that gave order in the Duke of Alva's name for their Execution was Iohn Spel a great stickler in Causes of Life and Death who a while after being found guilty of many hainous crimes was by the Duke of Alva's command hanged up to the great Joy of the Low-countrey-men But these punishments seemed only to usher in the Death of the two Counts the last Scene of whose sad Tragedy was acted with a great Terrour to the Spectatours and which the Authour wishes had not been with their greater Indignation The Counts Egmont and Horne had now been prisoners for nine months in the Castle of Gant In which time I find all possible meanes used to the Duke of Alva to the King to the Emperour to the Princes Electors and to all the Companions of the Golden-Fleece without whose joynt consents it was pretended none of the Order could be put to death But they that most earnestly sollicited the cause were Mary Momorancy Sister to Count Horne and Sabina Palatina of Baviâ—r Count Egmont's Lady And indeed her Petition sent into Spaine by Octavio Duke of Parma and his Wife Margaret of Austria cannot well be read by any one without commiseration Either where she remembred the King of the Customes observed in the causes of his Companions of the Order quoting the Lawes and instancing Examples or where She puts him in mind of the severall painfull services done by her Husband even before he was 18. yeares of age both for the Emperour Charles and for King Philip himselfe The many undaunted hazards of his Life at Algiers in Gelderland and in his warres with France Lastly she humbly prayed his Majesty to be mercifull and not suffer an unfortunate Mother and eleven innocent Children with so sad a losse and Disgrace to wander through the World a miserable and continued example of humane Calamity Notwithstanding the King's Advocate proceeded to the Examination of witnesses taking foure moneths of the nine to prove the Impeachment and leaving to the Prisoners the other five moneths for their defence The whole processe if I had time to give it you as it lyes by me in a volume I doubt not but I should in this place satisfie many covetous of such novities But I hold it more agreeable to the History's Honour and the Reader 's hast to set down only the heads It was charged against the Counts Egmont and Horne that they had plotted with the Prince of Orange and other Noble-men to dispossesse the King of the Low-countreys and to divide the Provinces among themselves To that end were their indeavours of expelling cardinall Granvell who looked into their Designes Nor would they leave off their Aenigmaticall Cognizances of Hoods and Arrowes the manifest signes of their Conspiracy till they had inforced his Majesty to call the Cardinall out of the Low-countreys That they did not onely know of the Covenant but that Casembrot Egmont's chiefe Secretary who had made his Lord privy to his taking of it was not only not turned away but did his ordinary meniall Service as before And Horne who was obliged as Governour of the place to have assisted the Generall Beavor sent by the Governesse to drive Villers and the rest of the Covenanters out of Tournay had consulted with the Magsitrate about the expelling of Beavor That both of them were professed Patrons to the Covenanters the Consistorians and Merchants promising them to live and dye with them That they treated at Dendermond with the Prince of Orange his Brother Lewis Count Hochstrat and some few consederates to stop the King's passage into the Low-countreys and were often present at such Meetings That they opposed not the Gheuses when they plundred Churches which Picture-scuffle was begun in Flanders Count Egmont's Province And that Count Horne had suffered some of them at Tournay to escape out of prison by name one of the chiefe Incendiaries Ferdinand Martin more then once committed to the Jayle for Sacriledge That they had not been adying to Magistrates of Townes whereof they themselves were Governours requiring their Assistance against those Violaters of holy things That they had explained the Governesse's Commands against Hereticks contrary to the Governesse's mind granted them Churches to preach in and done other things of which many Particulars were instanced contrary to the Duties of such persons as were Governours of Provinces Privy Counsellours Knights of the Golden-Fleece and Subjects to the King of Spaine For all which lawfully charged and proved against Egmont and Horne the Kings Advocate earnestly moved the Court that Sentence might be pronounced against them as Traitours their Estates consiscated and they condemned to lose their heads To this Egmont and Horne as both their causes were of the same nature premised that saving to themselves all advantages in Law which bound them not to render an accompt of their Actions to any but to the King who together with the Companions of the Order was the legall Judge over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece they answered severally but so as to the greatest part of the Charge they pleaded not guilty Many things they interpreted some they confessed but alledged they were done legally That they had consulted about changing of their Prince they absolutely denyed and Horne very much complained as if he were wronged with such an imputation As to that of consulting to barre the Spaniards entrance into the Low-countreys Egmont denyed not but that in the meeting at Dendermond some such thing was spoken by Lewis of Nassau the rest disâ—enting and therefore it was not necessary he should advertise the Governesse of a conference wherein nothing was concluded How they proceeded with the confederate Gentlemen they explained That they made some Concessions to the Covenanters the Picture-breakers and Hereticks but such as they were forced to by necessity and the good of Religion which without doubt had been otherwise subverted in Flanders wherein no lesse then threescore thousand men went armed to Sermons Nor without a Toleration would they ever have
attemps as I conceive moved the Governess to consult how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys some of which were not yet clearly expounded might be there observed For the King having many times wrote letters to her wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks boldnesse and the connivence of the Bishops and having commanded his fathers Edict to be revived which had long lyen dormant the judgement being translated to Ecclesiasticall persons The Governess replyed that although it would be very seasonable in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places then timerous in them yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed if the Councell of Trent were received by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall Besides that when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred sixty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent not onely out of his Majesties native piety but likewise because that Councell was called at the request of his father Charles the fifth when he was at Rome and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheritance But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys something happened at Rome which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain or the Low-countreys For there was an accidentall Dispute in the Councel of Trent whether the French or Spanish Embassadour should take place this would not indure the other should precede him nor would he suffer this to his equall The controversie was for that present time composed the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest But when the Councel was ended upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome that the precedencie might be determined Pope Pius it being in re odiosa first began to put it off and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest finally he perswaded them severally and in private to referre the cause wholly to the sacred Colledge of Cardinals in the mean time they were to forbear the ceremonie of coming to the Popes Chappell his Holinesse supposing the contrary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time and free him of the necessitie and so of the envie of giving sentence For as he said very handsomely a Prince should imitate Iupiter who according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers hath two kinds of thunder-bolts the prosperous he himself useth to shoot but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed they are like horses at full speed hard to be stopped and both the Embassadours took it ill that the Pope so delayed them especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized especially fearing least the contention might be ended now as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Emperours Court and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be intermitted at last upon the sacred day of Pentecost commanded that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place Whereat Requesenes in a fury after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name by his Majesties command left Rome This businesse held many in suspence what king Philip would do particularly concerning the Councel of Trent which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma because she governed the Low-countreys which among all his Maâ—esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks and some were absolutely of opinion the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys This rejoyced the Hereticks who jeered the wisdome of the Pope that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard by whom if the Councel were refused what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent Though some upon the same premises concluded otherwise and said the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protection which if he should do the French would not fail to undertake it if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it And behold Letters came from King Philip which acquainted the Governess that the Dispute was ended but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause or his observance to the Pope deserved That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome where he might not appear with honour that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse but for the publick or his service and obedience to the Pope and the holy Apostolick See from which he would never depart he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco Patron of the Spanish at Rome with whom she should hereafter transact all businesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion for defence whereof as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever And indeed the King having thus declared himself she would easily have brought it in if she had not stumbled at the threshold For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls and of the greatest Casâ—ists in the Universities and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate they voted against the Councel and advised her not to propound the Decrees containing certain heads repugnant to Monarchy and the Priviledges of the Subject unlesse the said heads were excepted And this they urged more freely and peremptorily because they imagined such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King which under the pretence of liberty served the Princes ends and yet excâ—sed the Prince from any fault But the King whom the Governess in every thing
do neither did he think it would be acceptable to God or safe for Religion but that he might in their deaths prevent all hope of glorying which was the cause of their impious and wilfull sufferings Moreover the Senate was to be so ordered that the Councel of Estate was to superintend the other two Councels of Law and the Treasury but nothing to be concluded before the Governess knew thei◠Resolutions and Reasons This vvas the Effect of his Majesties Letters delivered to Count Egmont But he wrote others to the Governess wherein he gave her to understand That it pleased him not that the Authority of the Senate wherein sate the principall Lords of the Low-countreys be inlarged which both straitens the power of the Governess and might open a way for divers great men enriched by the Treasury to change as from other hands was intimated the present form of Government He likewise commanded Count Egmont to let the Governess know That his Majestie remembred the necessities of the Netherlands which she had so often moved him in and therefore sent her part in ready money part in Bils of Exchange 60000 Ducats to pay the common souldiers and 200000 to be distributed among the Garrisons and for the Governours of Provinces and the Magistrates pensions 150000 and that he would have returned her more for the fortifying of Towns and disbanding of souldiers if he had not been in many places to provide for his Fleet against the Turk But some of this money could not be got of the Bankers because they were not satisfied in Spain Lastly commending the integrity of his Judges and Officers he put the Governess and his Subjects of the Low-countreys in hope that he would make a voyage thither purposely to hear their Grievances and in person to redresse them The same day that his Majestie gave these Letters to Count Egmont he called in Alexander sonne to Octavio Farneze and Margaret of Austria Princes of Parma and Piacenza and delivered him to Count Egmont with these words Among other things which thou art to carry to the Governess I trust thee likewise with this Youth do him those services which the Sonne to my Sister and your Governess deserves Count Egmont kissing the Kings hands again for this speciall favour departed the more pleased because it would add to the Governesses joy for the success of his Embassage that he should bring her sonn a happiness she had long desired Indeed it rejoyced her very much for when she saw her sonne Alexander so well bred so lively spirited yet tempered with such gravity as became one that had been educated in so great a Court under his uncle King Philip she received infinite satisfaction Especially for that Count Egmont together with her Sonne brought her the news of a Marriage intended him by the King Whereupon the Steward of her House the Lord Theuloi was purposely sent into Spain to give his Majestie most humble thanks for his Royall favours conferred upon her and her husband the Duke of Parma by designing such a wife for their Sonne King Philip had been moved about a match for Prince Alexander four years before His Father Octavio was inclined to marry him to the Sister of Alphonso Duke of Ferrara Daughter to Hercules the second and Renè Daughter of Lewis the twelfth of France because he thought it would be a great support to his Power to joyn in alliance with Princes so near neighbours to him and he said which I believe he had from Charles the fifth That as in the Globe of the Earth and Sea the Moon is more predominant then most of the Starrs not because she hath a greater but a nearer influence so we should think of our neighbours And he maintained this opinion as I suppose more fervently because about that time Pope Pius the fourth challenged the Principality of Camertio which he entended to bestow upon Frederick Borromeo his Sisters sonne lately married with his consent to the Noble Lady Virginia Ruveria Verana Octavio therefore weighing in case this dispute might beget a War how much it concern'd him to be in amity with the Duke of Ferrara held it very convenient to make up this Marriage Nor did the Governess disapprove of the designe but in her husbands and her own name wrote about it to the King But he either because he would have no affinitie with a Duke of the French Faction or because he had thought of another Wife for him and had already shewed himself in it answered the Governess in these words ILLUSTRIOUS Princess long since when I resolved upon the Treaty of a Marriage for your Sonn and my Alexander for I esteem him as mine own Sonn with the Daughter of our Uncle the Emperour Ferdinand I did assure my self it would be very well received by you Sister and by the Duke your Husband Nor have your Letters altered my Opinion or what was said to me by Ardinghell in favour of the match with Ferrara She that I have designed him is Daughter to an Emperour and our kinswoman The Duke of Ferrara's Sister and Prince Alexander are of years so disproportionable that it may cause disagreement Indeed I commend the Duke of Parma that seeks the friendship of his neighbours by desiring to match into this family but he ought likewise to consider that so long as he hath me for his Brother and Protectour no man dare presume to trench upon him As he may well perceive by the late change of things when Pius the fourth gave over his attempt For after I had taken care to inform his Holiness of my resolutions and how I am obliged in honour both now and for ever to maintain the Rights of the Farnezes he answered me He would not onely forbear to molest the Duke but would be as much a Patron to his Family as I my self But though I have commanded Ardinghel to signifie this to the Duke yet out of my brotherly love I could not but acquaint you with it that I might satisfie the near relation of our bloud and likewise desire you to insert this my determination in your Letters to your Husband and with all possible speed to let me know both your resolutions But while the Father and Mother remained in suspence and knew not which of these matches they should wish◠the one being more noble the other more advantageous the King upon second thoughts pitched upon Mary Princess of Portugall Daughter to Prince Edward and Isabella of Briganze Niece to King Emmanuel and by his Letters sounding the inclination of the Duke and Dutchess the Match was at once propounded by the King and approved of by all parties For at that time the name of Portugal was glorious a great part of the Earth being discovered by their religious and fortunate Souldiers And King Philip was not onely descended from this House
dishonour to a Prince to keep Laws in force which his Subjects will not obey then to apply them unto their natures and so keep his people in obedience But for the Inquisition it was apparent that none of any condition whatsoever would receive it insomuch that the meanest tradesman of Antwerp can shew either a Musket or a Pike which he threatens to use upon them that shall endeavour to bring in the Inquisition Nay it was no little iniury to the Bishops to have the cause of Religion which by Law appertains to their Iurisdiction transferred to this late Iudicature of Inquisitours But it is to no purpose any more to dispute this point when the Covenanters are at the gates before whose Requests be denied it must be considered in case the Hereticks joyning with them should offer to storm the Town whether we have sufficient forces to resist the people and their Confederates Lastly the opinion number and faction of these men carried it For though there wanted not some that easily refuted all that was pretended in behalf of the Bishops yet hardly any one of the Senate thought this kind of Judicature seasonable for the time therefore after many heats the business was thus composed Forasmuch as the Emperours and the Kings designe reached no farther in these Edicts and Questions of Faith but onely to preserve Religion in her ancient purity those remedies were onely so far to be made use of as might conduce to its preservation Besides there was a twofold Inquisition the one annexed to the function of Bishops the other granted by Commission from his Holiness to certain Judges Delegates Now the odium onely fell upon the Popes Inquisitours which though brought into the Low-countreys by Charles the fifth yet he was inforced thereto by reason of the small number and great negligence of the Bishops This being no longer a reason and men so much abhorring the name of this forrein Inquisition so violent and impolitick a Remedie ought not to obtruded upon refractory people Therefore without preiudice to Religion some part of the Covenanters petition might be granted But lest they should seem to be over-awed by the Hereticks or to passe any thing in favour of them this answer was to be returned That they had no cause to trouble themselves about the Inquisition which was out of date the Inquisitours themselves forbearing to exercise their authority having not renewed their Commission from the new Pope which they use to do for the better confirmation of their power Touching the penalties which by the Imperiall Edicts were to be inflicted upon Hereticks they should not be repealed but whereas most of them were capitall they should be hereafter qualified for the Bishops the greatest Divines and Lawyers and the Inquisitours themselves had so advised which Charles the fifth would have consented to if he were now living who himself upon the like difficulties in the year 1550 at the request of his Sister Mary Queen of Hungary thought it not unnecessary nor unbeseeming his Imperiall Maiesty to rectifie and moderate the Laws he had formerly decreed Thus for the present the Conspiratours being graciously received in a little while their meetings would be dissolved a work of great consequence and in the interim time might be gained to agitate the publick business without Tumults and therefore with more Authority The Governess though she wished better yet approved the Counsel given because she knew that in this juncture of time she must either grant something to the Conspiratours or else forcibly resist them But this she durst not attempt being unprovided of a Generall for she trusted not the Prince of Orange and putting the question to Count Egmont he denied to draw his sword against any man for the Inquisition or the Edicts For the rest of the Nobility they either had not much more loyaltie or had far less abilities Her Excellence therefore told them she would follow their advice and so answer Brederod and his Companions that she might at once both satisfie them and withall reserve the Judgement entire to the King without knowledge of whose pleasure nothing could be done in a matter of so great importance Every one of these particulars she wrote to his Maiestie by speedy messengers beseeching him presently to resolve her what she was to pitch upon The same day about evening the Covenanters came into Bruxels They were full two hundred horse apparrelled like forreiners every one a case of pistols at his saddle-bow Brederod their Generall rode in the head of them next him Lewis of Nassau for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen arrived not till three dayes after Francis Verdugo a Gentleman that followed Count Mansfeld told the Governess that Brederod bragged at his entrance into the City in these words Some thought I durst not come to Bruxels behold I am come to see the Town and will shortly make another visit but upon a new occasion Then Brederod and Grave Lewis went to his Brother the Prince of Oranges house where the Counts of Mansfeld and Horn were come to wait upon them That night no body being present but Count Mansfeld Count Horn used many arguments to perswade the Prince of Orange to send back his Order of the Fleece into Spain and thereupon Verdugo was commanded to bring the Statute-book of the Order that they might see in what words they had obliged their faith to the King as supreme Master of their Society But Count Mansfeld interposing nothing was determined The same was moved another time as Anderlech informed the Governess The next day Brederod staying for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen in Cuilemburg-House at Bruxells assembled his Confederates to encourage them in the enterprize they had undertaken First he shewed them a Letter writ in Spanish lately sent him as he said out of Spain unless the man who wanted no subtiltie had peradventure counterâ—eited it as he suspects that wrote all these passages in cypher to the Governess In which letter it was certified that one Moro a man known in the Low-countreys was with a soft fire burned alive in Spain which infinitely exasperated and enflamed the minds of his Associates against the cruelty of such sentences Then taking his hint to come to the matter as if he were to make a generall muster of his Army he produced the Roll signed by all the Conspiratours Which he and Lewis of Nassau reading unto the people they answered to their severall names professing constancy to their resolutions For those that were absent being to the number of two hundred they that were present being almost as many engaged themselves Then he required them in confirmation of the Covenant every one to joyn his heart and set to his hand again Which was accordingly done and they all now the second time took the Covenant their Oath being this in substance That if any of the