Selected quad for the lemma: cause_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	henry_n	king_n	pope_n	2,794	5	6.8846	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A45618	The Oceana of James Harrington and his other works, som [sic] wherof are now first publish'd from his own manuscripts : the whole collected, methodiz'd, and review'd, with an exact account of his life prefix'd / by John Toland.	Harrington, James, 1611-1677.; Toland, John, 1670-1722.	1700 (1700)	Wing H816; ESTC R9111	672,852	605

to complete what was wanting And if at any time they alleg'd that this Bounty had bin thrown away on ungrateful Persons he would answer with a smile that he saw they were mercenary and that they plainly sold their Gifts since they expected so great a return as Gratitude 8. HIS natural inclinations to study kept him from seeking after any publick Imployments But in the year 1646 attending out of curiosity the Commissioners appointed by Parlament to bring King CHARLES the First from Newcastle nearer to London he was by som of 'em nam'd to wait on his Majesty as a Person known to him before and ingag'd to no Party or Faction The King approv'd the Proposal yet our Author would never presume to com into his presence except in public till he was particularly commanded by the King and that he with THOMAS HERBERT created a Baronet after the Restoration of the Monarchy were made Grooms of the Bedchamber at Holmby together with JAMES MAXWELL and PATRICK MAULE afterwards Earl of Penmoore in Scotland which two only remain'd of his old Servants in that Station 9. HE had the good luck to grow very acceptable to the King who much convers'd with him about Books and Foren Countrys In his Sisters Papers I find it exprest that at the King's command he translated into English Dr. SANDERSONS Book concerning the Obligation of Oaths but ANTHONY WOOD says it was the King's own doing and that he shew'd it at different times to HARRINGTON HERBERT Dr. JUXON Dr. HAMMOND and Dr. SHELDON for their approbation However that be 't is certain he serv'd his Master with untainted fidelity without doing any thing inconsistent with the Liberty of his Country and that he made use of his Interest with his Friends in Parlament to have Matters accommodated for the satisfaction of all Partys During the Treaty in the I le of Wight he frequently warn'd the Divines of his acquaintance to take heed how far they prest the King to insist upon any thing which however it concern'd their Dignity was no essential point of Religion and that such matters driven too far wou'd infallibly ruin all the indeavors us'd for a Peace which Prophecy was prov'd too true by the Event His Majesty lov'd his company says ANTHONY WOOD and finding him to be an ingenious Man chose rather to converse with him than with others of his Chamber They had often discourses concerning Government but when they happen'd to talk of a Commonwealth the King seem'd not to indure it Here I know not which most to commend the King for trusting a Man of Republican Principles or HARRINGTON for owning his Principles while he serv'd a King 10. AFTER the King was remov'd out of the I le of Wight to Hurstcastle in Hampshire HARRINGTON was forcibly turn'd out of service because he vindicated som of his Majesty's Arguments against the Parlament Commissioners at Newport and thought his Concessions not so unsatisfactory as did som others As they were taking the King to Windsor he beg'd admittance to the Boot of the Coach that he might bid his Master farewel which being granted and he preparing to kneel the King took him by the hand and pull'd him in to him He was for three or four days permitted to stay but because he would not take an Oath against assisting or concealing the King's Escape he was not only discharg'd from his Office but also for som time detain'd in custody till Major General IRETON obtain'd his Liberty He afterwards found means to see the King at St. James's and accompany'd him on the Scaffold where or a little before he receiv'd a Token of his Majesty's Affection 11. AFTER the King's Death he was observ'd to keep much in his Library and more retir'd than usually which was by his Friends a long time attributed to Melancholy or Discontent At length when they weary'd him with their importunitys to change this sort of Life he thought fit to shew 'em at the same time their mistake and a Copy of his Oceana which he was privatly writing all that while telling 'em withal that ever since he began to examin things seriously he had principally addicted himself to the study of Civil Government as being of the highest importance to the Peace and Felicity of mankind and that he succeded at least to his own satisfaction being now convinc'd that no Government is of so accidental or arbitrary an Institution as people are wont to imagin there being in Societys natural causes producing their necessary effects as well as in the Earth or the Air. Hence he frequently argu'd that the Troubles of his time were not to be wholly attributed to wilfulness or faction neither to the misgovernment of the Prince nor the stubborness of the People but to a change in the Balance of Property which ever since HENRY the Seventh's time was daily falling into the Scale of the Commons from that of the King and the Lords as in his Book he evidently demonstrats and explains Not that hereby he approv'd either the Breaches which the King had made on the Laws or excus'd the Severity which som of the Subjects exercis'd on the King but to shew that as long as the Causes of these Disorders remain'd so long would the like Effects unavoidably follow while on the one hand a King would be always indeavoring to govern according to the example of his Predecessors when the best part of the National Property was in their own hands and consequently the greatest command of Mony and Men as one of a thousand pounds a Year can entertain more Servants or influence more Tenants than another that has but one hundred out of which he cannot allow one Valet and on the other hand he said the People would be sure to struggle for preserving the Property wherof they were in possession never failing to obtain more Privileges and to inlarge the Basis of their Liberty as often as they met with any success which they generally did in quarrels of this kind His chief aim therfore was to find out a method of preventing such Distempers or to apply the best Remedys when they happen'd to break out But as long as the Balance remain'd in this unequal state he affirm'd that no King whatsoever could keep himself easy let him never so much indeavor to please his People and that tho a good King might manage Affairs tolerably well during his life yet this did not prove the Government to be good since under a less prudent Prince it would fall to pieces again while the Orders of a well constituted State make wicked men virtuous and fools to act wisely 12. THAT Empire follows the Balance of Property whether lodg'd in one in a few or in many hands he was the first that ever made out and is a noble Discovery wherof the Honor solely belongs to him as much as those of the Circulation of the Blood of Printing of Guns of the Compass or of Optic Glasses to their several

Riches in general have Wings and be apt to bate yet those in Land are the most hooded and ty'd to the Perch wheras those in Mony have the least hold and are the swiftest of flight A Bank where the Mony takes not wing but to com home seiz'd or like a Coyduck may well be great but the Treasure of the Indys going out and not upon returns makes no Bank Whence a Bank never paid an Army or paying an Army soon became no Bank But where a Prince or a Nobility has an Estate in Land the Revenue wherof will desray this Charge there their Men are planted have Toes that are Roots and Arms that bring forth what Fruit you please THUS a single Person is made or a Nobility makes a King not with difficulty or any great prudence but with ease the rest coming home as the Ox that not only knows his Master's Crib but must starve or repair to it Nor for the same reason is Government acquir'd with more ease than it is preserv'd that is if the Foundation of Property Book I be in Land but if in Mony lightly com lightly go The reason why a single Person or the Nobility that has one hundred thousand men or half so many at command will have the Government is that the Estate in Land wherby they are able to maintain so many in any European Territory must overbalance the rest that remains to the People at least three parts in four by which means they are no more able to dispute the Government with him or them than your Servant is with you Now for the same reason if the People hold three parts in four of the Territory it is plain there can neither be any single Person nor Nobility able to dispute the Government with them in this case therfore except Force be interpos'd they govern themselves So by this computation of the Balance of Property or Dominion in Land you have according to the threefold Foundation of Property the Root or Generation of the threefold kind of Government or Empire Oceana p. 39. IF one man be sole Landlord of a Territory or overbalance the whole People three parts in four or therabouts he is Grand Signior for so the Turc not from his Empire but his Property is call'd and the Empire in this case is absolute Monarchy IF the Few or a Nobility or a Nobility with a Clergy be Landlords to such a proportion as overbalances the People in the like manner they may make whom they please King or if they be not pleas'd with their King down with him and set up whom they like better a HENRY the Fourth or the Seventh a GUISE a MONTFORT a NEVIL or a PORTER should they find that best for their own ends and purposes For as not the Balance of the King but that of the Nobility in this case is the cause of the Government so not the Estate or Riches of the Prince or Captain but his Virtue or Ability or fitness for the ends of the Nobility acquires that Command or Office This for Aristocracy or mix'd Monarchy But if the whole People be Landlords or hold the Land so divided among them that no one man or number of men within the compass of the Few or Aristocracy overbalance them it is a Commonwealth Such is the Branch in the Root or the Balance of Property naturally producing Empire which not confuted no man shall be able to batter my Superstructures and which confuted I lay down my Arms. Till then if the cause necessarily precede the effect Property must have a being before Empire or beginning with it must be still first in order PROPERTY coms to have a being before Empire or Government two ways either by a natural or violent Revolution Natural Revolution happens from within or by Commerce as when a Government erected upon one Balance that for example of a Nobility or a Clergy thro the decay of their Estates coms to alter to another Balance which alteration in the Root of Property leaves all to confusion or produces a new Branch or Government according to the kind or nature of the Root Violent Revolution happens from without or by Arms as when upon Conquest there follows Confiscation Confiscation again is of three kinds when the Captain taking all to himself plants his Army by way of military Colonys Benefices or Timars which was the Policy of MAHOMET or when the Captain has som Sharers or a Nobility that divides with him which was the Policy introduc'd by the Goths and Vandals or when the Captain divides the Inheritance by Lots or otherwise to the whole People which Policy was instituted by GOD or MOSES in the Common-wealth Chap. 3 of Israel This triple distribution whether from natural or violent Revolution returns as to the generation of Empire to the same thing that is to the nature of the Balance already stated and demonstrated Now let us see what the Prevaricator will say which first is this Consid p. 14. THE Assertion that Property producing Empire consists only in Land appears too positive A Pig of my own Sow this is no more than I told him only there is more imply'd in what I told him than he will see which therfore I shall now further explain The balance in Mony may be as good or better than that of Land in three cases First where there is no Property of Land yet introduc'd as in Greece during the time of her antient Imbecillity whence as is noted by THUCYDIDES the meaner sort thro a desire of Gain underwent the Servitude of the Mighty Secondly in Citys of small Territory and great Trade as Holland and Genoa the Land not being able to feed the People who must live upon Traffic is overbalanc'd by the means of that Traffic which is Mony Thirdly in a narrow Country where the Lots are at a low scantling as among the Israelits if care be not had of Mony in the regulation of the same it will eat out the balance of Land For which cause tho an Israelit might both have Mony and put it to Usury Thou shalt lend upon usury to many Nations yet Deut. 15. 6. 23. 19. might he not lend it upon usury to a Citizen or Brother whence two things are manifest First that Usury in it self is not unlawful And next that Usury in Israel was no otherwise forbidden than as it might com to overthrow the Balance or Foundation of the Government for where a Lot as to the general amounted not perhaps to four Acres a man that should have had a thousand Pounds in his Purse would not have regarded such a Lot in comparison of his Mony and he that should have bin half so much in debt would have bin quite eaten out Usury is of such a nature as not forbidden in the like cases must devour the Government The Roman People while their Territory was no bigger and their Lots which exceded not two Acres a man were yet

any Power to disturb the Commonwealth in case they had such an Interest nor can have any such Interest in case they had such Power For example in Oceana putting the case that the Few were as powerful as it is possible they should be that is that the whole Land was fallen into five thousand hands The five thousand excluding the People could get no more Riches by it because they have the whole Land already no more Liberty by it because they were in perfect Liberty before nor any more Power by it because thro the equality of the Balance or of their Estates they can be no more by themselves than an equal Commonwealth and that they were already with the People but would be much less the Power or Commonwealth in which there be five thousand Equals being not greater but much less than the Power or Commonwealth wherin the whole People are equal because the Power or Effect of a greater People is proportionably greater than the Power or Effect of a lesser People and the Few by this means would get no more than to be the lesser People So the People being no bar to the Riches Liberty nor Power of the five thousand and the desire of Liberty Riches and Power being the only causes of Sedition there could arise no Sedition in this Commonwealth by reason of the Nobility who have no such Interest if they had the Power nor have any such Power if they had the Interest the People being equally possest of the Government of the Arms and far superior in number In sum an equal Commonwealth consists but of one hereditary Order the People which is by election divided into two Orders as the Senat and the Congregation in Lacedemon or the Senat and the Great Council in Venice for the Gentlemen of Venice as has bin often said are the People of Venice the rest are Subjects And an inequal Commonwealth consists of two Hereditary Orders as the Patricians and Plebeians in Rome wherof the former only had a hereditary Capacity of the Senat whence it coms to pass that the Senat and the People in an equal Commonwealth having but one and the same Interest never were nor can be at variance and that the Senat and the People in an inequal Commonwealth having two distinct Interests Book I never did nor can agree So an equal Commonwealth cannot be seditious and an inequal Commonwealth can be no other than seditious IF a man be resolv'd as the Considerer is to huddle these things together there is no making any thing of this kind of Policy of which therfore it will be a folly to talk For example Lacedemon is either to be consider'd as not taking in the Helots and then in her self she was an equal Commonwealth void of any Sedition or cause of it how much soever she were troubl'd with the Helots So the Objection made by him of her Troubles by the Helots is impertinently urg'd to shew that she was a seditious Commonwealth Or if he will needs have it that she took in the Helots it is undeniable that she took them in inequally and so was inequal whence the Troubles by the Helots must needs be impertinently urg'd against an equal Commonwealth AGAIN when I allege Venice from PIERO GRADENIGO that is for the space of about four hundred years from the present date at which time the Reformation yet in force began as an Example of an equal Commonwealth for him to instance in the times before when tho the Commonwealth according to the intention was as equal as now yet being not bound by sufficient Orders to give her self Security of her native Liberty her Dukes on the one side did what they pleas'd and the inrag'd People on the other side banish'd condemn'd to death or murder'd them who sees not the Imposture Indeed he blushes at it himself Wherfore my Assertion being not yet knock'd on the head he promises to kill it better first by the example of Lacedemon leaving out the Helots and next by that of Venice since the time of PIERO GRADENIGO Consid p. 60. Pausan Lacon FOR the first you must know that once upon a time there was a quarrel between CLEOMENES and DEMARATUS Kings of Lacedemon about Succession which was determin'd by the Ephori that is by a Court of Justice and not by the Sword the like happen'd Plut. Alcib in LEOTYCHIDES the known Bastard of ALCIBIADES or so confest to be by his Mother to divers of her Maids Now this is a Maxim in the Politics Where the differences of Kings can go no further than a Court of Justice there the Government is seditious Most ridiculous Is there a stronger Argument that such a Government is not seditious No matter give him room Much more fatal was the contest between CLEONYMUS and his Brother AREUS the Son of ACROTATUS by whose War ZARAX was ruin'd and PYRRHUS came into the game who besieg'd the Capital City the Reign of AGIS and CLEOMENES was so full of turbulency as would put a man out of breath to relate Fair and softly was not all this after LYSANDER and the Spoils of Athens had broken the Agrarian and so ruin'd Lacedemon I affirm there can be no Sedition in an equal Commonwealth and he to oppose me shews that there was Sedition in an inequal one whether dos this affirm his Assertion or mine BUT for better luck in Venice This City by Mr. HARRINGTON'S own confession is possest of several Advantages Yes I say that the Commonwealth of Venice thus seated is like a man in a Citadel who therby may be the safer from his Enemys but ne're a whit the safer from diseases What conclusion would you expect he should infer from hence Why among these therfore there is good cause to reckon her Immunity from Seditions Dos not our Logician repeat faithfully and Chap. 8 dispute honestly Again Sir she is like a Ship ready to be boarded by Pirats has the Turc on this Frontier the Pope on that the King of Spain on another As if this were an Argument every Government must not be void of Sedition seeing there is none except they be Ilands whose Frontiers are not bounded by the Territorys of other Princes Well but since the last Reglement in English Reformation in the time of GRADENIGO you have had three Seditions in Venice that of MARINO BOCCONI that of BAIAMONTE TIEPOLO and that of MARINO FALERIO BODIN has bin long since beaten for this like Stockfish and yet our Author will be serving it up for a Courtly dish BOCCONI would have kill'd the Duke but was hang'd before he could do it FELTON kill'd a Duke that had greater power here than the other in Venice and was hang'd afterwards therfore England was a seditious Government for this must either be undeniable for FELTON'S sake or why must the other be so for BOCCONI'S Again FALERIO and his Complices would have destroy'd the Great Council but were hang'd before they could do