whereof not one belong to his office and vocation appointed by Gods Word My Lord Bishop is so occupyed and unquieted that he hath no leasure to study nor to preach Gods word But such affaires and worldly businesses nothing pertaining to his vocation be very great hinderance and let to my Lord Bishop that hee can not apply him to exercise his owne office For no man can serve two masters saith Christ. The Apostles thought it not just and equall to provide for the necessary living of the poore leaving Gods word untaught But my Lord Bishop doing these things nothing pertaining to his office thinketh that he hath exactly done his office From these great Mannors commeth yearly great rents pleasures and profits which although they be the good creatures â—f God yet the abundance of them being where they be more impediment than helpe be a great occasion of corruption in the user of them And peradventure they would allure and intice a Bishops heart to trust in them and so corrupt him as the Scripture saith Blessed is the rich which is found without blemish hath not gone after gold nor hoped in mony and treasures Where is â—here such a one and wee shall commend him and call him blessed for great things doth hee among his people And if my Lord Bishop should give the superfluity of his goods to the poore whose goods justly they be as the Prophâ—t Esay saith then my Lord should lacke them to furnish his Lordly countenance and so my Lord should lose his Lordly honour and prayse of the world Wherefore as these superfluous possessions be annexed to estates of Bishops by mans vaine fantasie and not by Gods word so my Lord Bishop will either keepe them to make him more friends remembring that riches maketh many friends but the poore is forsaken of his neighbour or devise the expence of them contrary to Gods Word either to make sure friends in the Court about the King to obtaine more promotions and benefices or in curious building sumptuous and delicate fare well apparelled servants trimme decked horses to ride pompeously like a Lord. Although there were no authority to prove this yet the Lordly countenance and fashion of Bishops yea their common exercise and practise can well prove and testifie this plainely before the face of all men which knoweth the Lordlinesse of Bishops as the Prophet Esay saith The changing of their countenance bewrayeth them yea they declare their owne sinnes themselves at Sodomites and hide them not Do noâ— these things faintly agree with the saying of their predecessour Paul the Apostle which saith When wee have food and rayment wee must be contented Is not this Lordly honour directly against Christs words which saith The Kings of Nations raigne over them and they that have authority over them are called gracious Lords but you shall nâ—t be so Also Peter speaketh to his true successors saying Feed you Christs flocke as much as lyeth in you taking the oversight of them not as compelled thereunto but willingly after a good sort nor for the desire of filthy lucre but of a good mind not as though you were Lords over the parishes but that you be an example to the flocke and that with good will But our Lordly Bishops estate and proud countenance of living as it is now used is contrary to Gods Word as it appeareth by these words But you shall not be so And also by these sayings Not at though you were Lords over the Parishes And Christ saith Hee that is not with mee is against mee Wherefore so long as they raigne so Lordly in the Clergie contrary to Gods Word so long be they against God and so long as they be against God they be not sent from God and then can they not preach truly and siâ—cerely his Word For how can they Preach except they be sent saith Paul Christ was sâ—nt to preach as it appeareth Mar. 1. Luk. 4. and Isay 61. And Christ saith to all his true Disciples As my Father sent mee so do I send you And commandeth also all his Apostles and true Successors of the Apostles to preach the Gospel to the whole world and not Lordly to raigne in the Clergie Whom Paul teacheth to be as Ministers sayingâ— Let a man this wise esteeme us even as the Ministers of Christ and the stewards of the secrets of God To preach the Gospel therefore most gratious and prudent Lord is the true vocation and office of all godly Bishops Parsons Vicars and of other Shepheards and not to be Ambassadors to Princes not to be judges to heare matters of contention Testamentary causes divorces slanders baudery and such other Your Grace hath of your Lay see sufficient both in Learning and wisedome and of good conscience to heare and judge such causes and variances remitting Bishops to attend their office and vocation by God and not by man appointed And therefore they should not exercise any other office than God hath appointed to them for no man can serve two masters And if Bishops and other Pastors would diligently execute their vocation office much â—ewer of those matters of contention shall be in ure experience either to be heard or judged Seeing the Scriptures commandeth so earnestly every man to walke as hee is called Many Christian men marvell greatly why the Bishops desire and procure so greedily to exercise the office pertaining to another vocation and to leave their vocation and office appointed by God to them to be exercised not executed nor performed and done Verily because they love the glory of men more than the glory of God And surely even as Caiphas and Annas being Bishops and exercising the office of secular and temporall Judges did judge Christ to be crucified so our Bishops so long as they contrary to their calling do exercise the office of temporall judges so long shall they persecute Christ and his members and study to suppresse his Word and not to preach the same Have not they businesse sufficient wherewith to occupie them in their owne office If they would looke well thereunto do not they see on every side detestable sinne to raigne throughout all this your Realme Detestable vices raigne in this your Realme against the which our Bishops and other Pastours should continually cry out as the Prophet saith Cry now as loud as thou canst leave not off lift up thy voyce like a trumpet and shew my people their offences the â—ouse of Iacob their sins But alas they be become both blind and dumbe as the Prophet saith His watchmen are all blinde they have altogether no understanding they are all dumbe dogges not able to barke they â—re sâ—â—epy foolish are they and lye snorâ—ing they are shamelesse dogges that â—e never satisfied The shepheards also in like manner hâ—ve no uâ—derstanding â—ut every man turneth to his owne way every out after his owne covetousnesse withall his power What is
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
the Earle to be sent backe to the Church Fulco Basset his next successor a man of a haughty stout spirit as he opposed the Popes exactions Rustands his Legate so he had many contâ—sts with King Hâ—nry the third and was the maine pillar of the Barons who reposed all his hope in him before such time he grew cold and remisse in standing for the publike liberties whereby hee much blemished his fame and incensed the Barons and people against him in so much that the King reviled him in these words that neither he nor any of his name were ever true unto him threatning to finde meanes to correct him for his obstinacy In the presence of some whom hee knew would tell the King of it he sticked not to use this bold and couragious speech unfitting a Pâ—elate My Bishopricke my Myter and Crosier the King and the Pope may take from me but my helmet and sword I hope they will not yet neither of these two could secure him from Gods stroke for he died of the Plague at London Anno 1258. Henry Sandwich Bishop of London tooke part with the Barons who rebelled against King Henry the third for which cause he was excommunicated by Ottobon the Popes Legate with other Bishops being the chiefe incendiaries in these warres of whom Matthew Westminster writes thus The high Priests that I say not the Pharises gathered a counsell together against the Lord and against his annoynted saying Ye see that we have profitted nothing if we let the King escape thus The Romans will come and take away our purses with the money let us therefore ordaine 24 Elders round about his Throne who excluding the Parthians Meedes Elamites and strangers of Rome and freeing Ierusalem from Egyptian bondage may governe and order all and singular the affaires of the Realme The Knights Barons and Prelates therefore meeting together at Oxford in the 42. yeare of King Henry the third his reigne the King and Edward his eldest sonne being present ordained by common consent that twelve men nominated by the King and twelve by the Barons and Prelates should governe the Realme to which order the King and his sonne for feare of perpetuall imprisonment assented all and singular the Prelates except Ethelmaâ— Bishop elect onely of Winchester the Kings brother tooke a corporall oath faithfully to observe this infidelity and a sentence of excommunication was denounced by all the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome against the transgressors of it Moreover saith he it is not without admiration with what face these Senators that aged Bishop of Worcester and other Prelates the Fathers Iudges of mens consciences should give such free assent to take away the Kings royall power when as they had taken a corporall Oath of giving terrene honour to the said King and his Lords which they very ill observed in ordaining that they should never governeâ— but ever be governed by others After which the Lords and Knights perceiving the generall inconvenience of this Ordinance in setting up so many Kings in stead of one the Bishop of Worceter would by no means yeeld to alter it saying that this ordinance was ratefied by an Oath and that the Pope could not dispence with the Oath making conscience of this unjust Oath like Herod and of Schisme and error contrary to the Lawes and Cannons drawing many false Prophets to him to foment this his error After this the King commanded the Bishop of Hereford a great stickler against him in these rebellious courses an oppressour of his subjects apprehended imprisoned and his goods confiscatedâ— Not long after the Prelates Earles and Barons who so sediciously held their King captivated meete at London where they ordained that two Earles and one Bishop on the behalfe of the Comonalty should elect nine persons whereof three should alwayes be assisting to the King and that by the advise of those three and the other nine all things in the Kings house as well as in the Kingdome should be ordered and that the King should doe nothing without their advise at least without the consent of these three Whereupon the Earles of Lecester Worcester Glocester and the Bishop of Chechister who the day before the battell of Lewes absolved all those who fought against his Soveraigne Lord the King from all their sinnes were chosen out to be the chiefe Councellers and Captaines who eleâ—ted other nine The King for feare of perpetuall imprisonment and that they would chuse another King consented to the ordinance OMNIBVS EPISCOPIS all the Bishops Earles and Barons consenting thereunto and sealing it with their Seales The Bishops of London Winchester Worcester and other Bishops were sent to the Popes Legate Cardinall of Sabine whom they would not suffer to come into the Realme to confirme this agreement who sharply reprehended the Bishops because they consented to so great a depression of the Kings power citing them three dayes after to appeare before him at Boâ—onâ—e about the affaires of the Kingdome who neither appearing by themselves nor their Proctors the Legate thereupon suspended them excommunicated the Barons the Cinque ports the city of London and the Bishops to for hindring him from comming into England and for their default But the said Bishops and the rest not regarding this thunderbolt appealed from it to the Pope and the next generall Councell and to the Church as well Triumphant as Militant and trusting to the defence of the Martiall sword little esteemed the spirituall the Bishops presuming to be present at and to exercise divine offices notwithstanding this suspention and excommunication till Otho his comming into England who calling a Councell at Wiâ—â—minsterâ— suspended this Henry Bishop of Londonâ— Iohn Bishop of Winchester and Stephen Bishop of Chichesterâ— both from their office and Benefice who â—ostered and incouraged the part of the Kings enemies excommunicating the Bishop of Lincolne for the same cause who at last supplicated for mercy not judgement with Walter Bishop of Worcester who lying at the point of death confessed he had erred fovendâ— in fomenting and fostering the part of Simon Montford and thereupon sent Letters to the Legate desiring the benefit of absolution which he obtained and so died By which relation of Matthew Westminister seconded by the continuer of Matthew Paris and other of our Chroniclers it is most apparant that this Bishop of London and the other Prelates were the chiefe fomenters of all the warres and rebellions against the King and those that stirred up and encouraged the Barons in their unnaturall bloody wars against their Soveraigne Henry the third as Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canterbury was the principall author and contriver of those against King Iohn Anno. 1329. 1330. Richard Wentworth Bishop of London was accused by Edmond Woodstocke Earle of Kent for conspiring with him to helpe set up a new King Edward the second after his death whom Thoraas Dunhead a Fryer affirmed for cetaine by
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
amazed but with great eloquence he could goe about to perswade them not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Arch-Bishop their chiefe Pastor assuring them that all the Realme would be interdicted â—or it and the fact must needes be punished first or last by the temporall Law And lastly though these failed God the just Judge would revenge it either in this or in the world to come if not both But these Varlots were so eagerly bent that the very songs of the Syrens would nothing have moved them seeing therefore nothing but death before his face with comfortable words forgiving the executioner that scarce ever requested him so to doe with a very cheerefull countenance he kneeled and yeelded himselfe to their fury once he was stricken in the necke so weakely as that notwithstanding he kneeled still upright and putting his hand up to the wound he used these words A ha it is the Hand of God Hee had not remooved his hand from the place when a second stroake cut off his fingers ends and felled him to the ground with much adoe having hacked and hewed his necke with eight blowes they got off his head upon Fryday Iune 14. 1381. All which day and a part of the next his body lay there headlesse no man daring to offer it buriall as for his head they nayled his hood upon it and so fixing it upon a pole set it on London Bridge By all which it appeares that he was very odious to the people and no other but a Traytor in their estimation William Courtney next Arch-Bishop to him in succession as he opposed the grant of a subsidy to the King whiles he was Bishop of Hereford as you heard before in the Acts of Whitlesey so in the yeare 1376. when hee was Bishop of London when King Edward the third desired a pecuniary ayd to helpe to supply his wants and defray his Warres this proud Prelate withstood these payments complaining that many injuries were done to him and to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester which put into writing he tendred to the Synod and requested that nothing might be granted to the King before he had made satisfaction to them for these injuries which the Synod assented toâ— and thereupon Wickam formerly banished by the King was restored to his Bishopricke and admitted into his Synod Hee received his Archâ—Bishopricke by provision from the Pope against the Law and made great scruple whether he might have his Crosier borne before him or whether he might marry the Queene of Boâ—omia his Sister to King Richard the second before he had received his Pall from â—he Pope which yeâ— he did at last interposing this wary Protestation that hee did it not in contempt oâ— the Court of Rome He excommunicated the Bailiffes oâ— Canterbury for pâ—nishing adultery and other crimes which were to be punished by the Prelates who neglected for to doe it After which he excommunicated one Richard Ismonger of Ailsford in Kent because he corrected criminals by Lay Authority which were to be punished by the Prelates and so violated the priviledges of the Church he humbly desired to be absolved promising by oath never hereafter to violate the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and that he would undergoe any punishment for his former contumacy and rashnesse that the Archâ—Bishop should impose upon him who enjoyned him this punâ—shment First that in the Market place of Westâ—alling in the greatest assembly of the people he should for three Market dayes together be stript naked and bastinadoed with clubs and after that he should undergoe the same punishment as often both at Maidstone and Canterbury and that aâ—ter his last castigation at Canterbury he should enter into the Cathedrall Church there naked and offer a Taper of five pound weight at Thomas Beckets shrine which punishment if he refused to performe he should relapse into his former state of excommunication a strange punishment for the Kings Officer to undergoe onely for executing justice upon delinquents in the Prelates defaults This Arch-Prelate so farre incensed King Richard the second that he commanded his goods and temporalties to be feased and the Bishop himselfe was glad to hide his head in secret corners with a few attendants till he had made his peace with the King In this Arch-bishops time there were great contests betweene him and his Suffraganes who opposed him in his Metropolâ—ticall visitation and in levying the taxe of foure pence the pound on the Clergy within his Province which he to their great opprâ—ssion had procured from the pope He had a great contestation with the Earle of Arundell whose servants he excommunicated for fishing in one of his Ponds in the Mannor of Southmalling in Chichester Diocesse whereupon the Earle complained to the King who hearing the cause commanded the excommunication directed to the Bishop of Chichester to be revoked In this Arch-Bishops time the Statute of Provisions and Premunire was enacted which the Pope and Prelates laboured forthwith to cause the King to repeale to which the Nobles and Commons would by no meanes consent Ann. Dom. 1387. when divers causes of high Treason were debated in Parliament the Arch-Bishop with his Suffraganes who by Law could not be present in the House in debating causes of blood departing the House made this Protestation In the Name of God Amen Whereas of right and by the custome of the Realme of England it appertaines to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being as also to his Suffragans his Brethren and fellow Bishops Abbots Priors and all other Prelates whatsoever holding of our Lord the King by Barony to be personally present in all Parliaments of the King as Peeres of the said Realme and there of the businesses of this Kingdome and other things there usually handled with the â—est of the Peeres of 〈◊〉 said Kingdome and others having right to be there present to consulâ— and handle ordaine decree and define and to doe other things which are there ready to be executed in time of Parliament in all and every of which we William Courtney Arch-Bishop of Canterbury c. for us and our Suffragans fellow Bishops and Confreers as likewise for the Abbots Priors and all Prelates aforesaid protest and every one of them here present by himselfe or his proxie publickely and expresly protesteth that we and every of us intend and intendeth will and willeth to be present in this present Parliament and others as Peeres of the said Realme after the usuall manner to consult handle ordaine decree and define and to exercise other things with others who have right to be present in the same our state and order and each of them in all things alwayes saved But because in the present Parliament some matters are handled at which by the deâ—rees of sacred Canons it is not lawfull for us or any to be any wayes personally present for those things we will and every of them protest and every of them here present
and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low
unto himâ— went before him bareheaded to Christ Church from which Church he was attended by the Duke in like â—ort as he was thither ward The Cheere at dinner was as great as for money it might be made with severall Verses Pageants Theaters Sceans and Player-like representations in natuâ—e oâ— a Puppet-play made in puffe-past or March-pane before every Course deâ—cribed more largely by Matthew Parker fitter for a Maske than a Bishops Consecration and savoring of more than Asian Luxurie as this his Sucâ—essor confesseth Beâ—ore the first Messe the Duke himselfe came riding into the Hall upon a great Horse bare headed with his white staffe in his hanâ—â— and when the first dish was set on the Table made obey â—anâ—â—â—â—â—y bowing his body to the Arch-bishop Such Vassals did â—hoâ—e proud Popes of Canterbury make the very greatest Nobles as thus to become their Servants and waite upon their Rocheâ—s In this Arch-Bishops time there fell out great contestations and sâ—ites at Rome betweene him and the Bishops of Winchester London Lincolne Exeter and other his Suffragans touching the Iurisdictions of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury which cost much money After this he and Cardinall Wolsiâ— who by his power Legatine invaded and swallowed up all the Jurisdiction Rightes of the other Prâ—â—aâ—es and of the See of Canterbury had divers contests and bickerings Anno 1512. This Arch-Prelate by an Oration in Parliament against the French King raised up a bloody warre betweene England and France towards which two fifteenes were granted by the temporalty and two tenths by the Clergie after which Anno. 152â— When the Commons were assembled in the nether house they began to Commune of their grieâ—es wherewith the Spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them both contrary to the Law of the Realme and contrary to all right and in speciall they were sore moved with sixe great causes The first for the excessive fines which the Ordinaries tooke for Probate of Testaments insomuch that Sir Henry Guildford Knight of the Garter and Controller of the Kings house declared in the open Parliament on his fidelity that he and others being Executors to sir William Crompton Knight payed for the Probate of his Will to the Cardinall and the Bishop of Canterbury a thousand Markes sterling After this Declaration where shewed so many extortions done by Ordinaries for Probates of Wills that it were too much to rehearse The second was the great polling and extreame exaction which the Spirituall men used in taking of Corps Presents or Mortuaries For the Children of the desunct should all dye for hunger and goe a begging rather than they would of Charity give to them the seely Cow which the dead man ought if hee had but onely one such was the Charity then The third cause was that Priests being Surveiors Stewards and Officers to Bishops Abbots and other Spirituall headsâ— had and occupied Farmes Granges and Grasing in every Country so that the poore Husband men could have nothing but of them and yet for that they should pay deerely The fourth cause was that Abbats Priors and Spirituall men kept Tan-houses and bought and fold Wooll Cloath and all manner of Merchandize as other Temporall Merchants did The fifth cause was because that Spirituall Persons promoted to great benefices and having their Livings of their Flocke were lying in the Court in Lords houses and tooke all of the parishioners and nothing spent on them at all so that for lacke of Residence both the poore of the Parish lacked refreshing and universally all the Parishioners lacked Preaching and trueâ— Instruction of Gods Word to the great perrill of their Soules The sixth cause was to see one Priest little learned to have ten or twelve Benefices and to be resident upon none and to know many well learned Scholars in the Universities which were able to preach and teach to have neither Benefice nor exhibition These things before this time might in no wise be touched nor yet talked off by any man except hee would be made an Hereticke or lose all that he had For the Bishops were Chancellors and had all the rule about the King so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity But now when God had illuminated the eyes of the King and that their subtile doings were once espied then men began charitably to desire a Reformation and so at this Parliament men began to shew their grudges Whereupon the Burgesses of the Parliament appointed â—uch as were learned in the Law being of the Commons house to draw one Bill of the Probates of Testaments another for Mortuaries and the third for Non-residence Pluralities and taking of farmeâ— by spirituall men The learned men tooke much paines and first set forth the Bill of Mortuaries which passed the Commons house and was sent up to the Lords To this Bill the Spirituall Lords made a faire face saying that surely Priests and Curats tooke more than they should and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order thus they spake because it touched them little But within two dayes after was sent up the Bill concerning Probate of Testaments at the which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in especiall and all other Bishops in generall both frowned and graâ—nted for that touched their profit Insomuch as D. Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester said openly in the Parliament Chamber these words My Lords you see dayly what Bills come hither from the Commons house and all is to the destruction of the Church For Gods sake see what a Realme the Kingdome of Bohemia was and when the Church went downe then fell the glory of the Kingdome now with the Commons is nothing but downe with the Church and all this me seemeth is for lacke of faith onely When these words were reported to the Commons of the nether House that the Bishop should say that all their doings were for lacke of faith they tooke the matter grievously for they imagined that the Bishop esteemed them as Heretickes and so by his slanderous words would have perswaded the Temporall Lords to have restrained their consent from the sayd two Bills which they before had passed Wherefore the Commons after long debate determined to send the Speaker of the Parliament to the Kings highnesse with a grievous complaint against the Bishop of Rochester and so on a day when the King was at leasure Thomas Audley speaker for the Commons and thirty of the chiefe of the Commons House came to the Kings presence in his Palace at Westminster which before was called Yorke-place and there very eloquently declared What a dishonour to the King and the Realme it was to say that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the Shires Cities and Boroughs within the Realme of England should be declared in so Noble and open a presence to lack faith which was equivalent to say that they were infidels and no Christians as
saying plainly and swearing by Saint Iohn the Evangelist for that was his common Oath that Earle Goodwine should not have his Peace till hee restored his brother Alfred alive againe unto his presence with which answer the Peeres departed in choler from Court and Goodwine towards the Coast. Comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September from whence hee intended to saile into Flanders unto Baldwine the Earle and there wished openly before them all that if ever hee attempted any thing against the Kings person of England or his Royall estate that he might never come safe unto his Cousin nor see his Country any more but perish in this voyage and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him and so from the Coast into the open Sea But see what followed hee was not yet gone a mile away from the Land before he saw the shore full of armed Souldiers sent after by the Archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart and goe out of the Country which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them Being come also to Flanders hee caused the Earle the French King and others of his friends among whom also the Emperour was one to write unto the King in his hehalfe but all in vaine for nothing could be obtained from him of which the Normanâ— had no liking whereupon the Earle and his Sonnes changed their minds obtained aid and invaded the Land in sundry places Finally joyning their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke neere London where they lodged and looked for the King to encounter with thâ—m in the field the King seeing what was done commanded the Londonerâ— not to aide nor victuall them but the Citizens made answer how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whoâ—e Realme which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the French and thereupon they not onely victualled them abundantly but also received the Earle and his chiefe friends into the City where they lodged them at their ease till the Kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle great resort also was made unto them from all places of the Realme so that the Earles Army was wonderfully increased and the day and place chosen wherein the Battle should be fought But when the Armies met the Kings side began some to flee to the Earle other to lay downe their weapons and not a few to â—unne away outright the rest telling him plainly that they would never fight against theiâ— owne Countâ—y men to mainaine Frenchmens quarrelâ— the Normans also seeing the sequell fled away so fast as they might gallop leaving the King in the field to shift for himselfe as hâ— best might whilst they did save themselves elsewhere In the meane season the Earles Power would have set upon the King either to his slaughter or apprehension but hee stayed them saying after this manner The King is my Sonne as you all know and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child neither a subject with his Soveraigne It is not he thaâ— hath hurt or done mee this injury but the proud Normans that are about him wherefore to gaine a Kingdome I will doe him no violence and therewithall casting aside his battell axe hee ran to the King that stood altogether amazed and falling at his feete he craved his peace accused the Archbishop required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his Peeres and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve The King after hee had paused a pretty while seeing his old Father-in-Law to lie groveling at his feete and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not unreasonable seeing also his children and the rest of the greatest Barons of the Land to kneele before him and make the like request hee listed up the Earle by the hand bad him be of good comfort pardoned all that was past and friendly having kissed hâ—m his sonnes upon the cheekes he lead them to his pallace called home the Queene and Summonned all his Lords unto a Councell wherein it is much to read how many â—ils were presented against the Bishop and his Normans some containing matter of rapes other of robbery extortion murder manslaughter high tâ—eason adultery and not a few of battery wherewith the King as a man now awaked out of sleepe was so offended that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the Normans out of the Land onely three or foure excepted whom he retained for sundry necessary causes albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his Privie Councell after this also the Earle lived almost two yeares and then falling into an apoplexie as he sate with the King at the table hee was taken up and carried into the Kings bedchamber where after a few dayes hee made an end of his life and thus much of our first broyle raised by the Clergie practice of the Archbishop I would intreat of all the like examples of Tyranny practised by the Prelates of this See against their Lords and Soveraignes but then I should rather write an History than a Description of this Iland Wherefore I referre you to those reports of Anselme and Becket sufficiently penned by other the which Anselme also making a shew as if hee had beene very unwilling to be placed in the See of Canterbury gave this answer to the Letters of such his friends as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him Secularia negotia nescio quia scire nolo c. Of secular affaires I have no skill becuase I will not know them for I even abhorre the troubles that rise about them as one that desireth to have his mind at Liberty I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the Scriptures you lead mee to the contrary and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy Church which two strong men of equall force and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good that is the King and the Archbishop ought to draw should thereby now swarve from the right furrow by matching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed Bull. I am that old sheepe who if I might be quieâ— could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some by feeding them with the milke of the word of God and covering them with wooll but if you match mee with this Bull yoâ— shall see that through want of equality in draught the plough will not goe too right c. as followeth in the processe of his Letters The said Thomas Becket was so proud that hee wrote to King Henry the second as to his Lord to his King and to his Sonne offering him his Counsell his reverence and due correction c. Others in like sort have protested that they oug't nothing to the Kings of this Land
that they did not onely promise them ayde and succour by words but also by their writings and seales confirmed the same After this Anno 1405. This Arch-Bishop conspiring with the Earle of Northumberland and others aforesaid devised like Articles as before of such matters as was supposed not onely the Commonaltie of the Realme but the Nobilitie found themselves grieved with which Articles he and his Confederates first shewed to such of their adherents as were neere about them and after sent them abroad to their friends further off assuring them that for redresse of such oppressions they would shed the last drop of bloud in their bodies if need were Whereupon great multitudes flocking to the Arch-Bishop to Yorke to take his part in this quarrell hee not meaning to stay after hee saw himselfe so well accompanied with so great number of men forthwith discovered his enterprise causing the Articles aforsaid to be set up in the publicke streets of the Citie of Yorke and upon the gates of the Monasteries that each man might understand the causes that moved him to rise in Armes against the King the reforcing whereof did not yet appertaine unto him Hereupon the Knights Esquiâ—es Gentlemen Yeomen and others of the the Commons as well of the Citie as of the Townes and Countries about being allured for desire to see a Reformation of the things mentioned in the Articles assembled in great number and the Arch-Bishop comming forth amongst them clad in armour encouragedâ— exhorted and by all meanes he could pricked them forth to take the enterprise in hand and manfully to continue in their begun purpose promising forgivenesse of sinnes to all them whose hap it was to dye in the quarrell And indeed the respect men had of the Arch-Bishop caused them to like better of the cause since the gravitie of his age integritie of his lifeâ— incomperable learningâ— and reverent aspect of his personage moved all men to have him in no small estimation The Earle of Westmerland and Duke of Lanâ—aster the Kings sonne being in those parts with the Kings Forces inquired of them in a peaceable manner What their intent should be in taking Armes The Arch-Bishop answered That hee meant nothing but the good of the Realme as hee would gladly certifie them if hee might have secure and safe conduct to them and thereupon shewed a writing containing certaine Articles which hee had devised wherein he charged King Henry with treason against his Soveraigne King Richard oppression of the Church and Common-weale whose Liberties hee had sworne to defend Tyrannie and cruelty in putting to death thâ— said King many of the Nobilitie and great numbers of the Commons with impietie and sacriledge in defrauding the Church of Rome of her Rights and lastly with â—vill government perfidiousnesse perjury and divers other like hainous crimes for which hee pronounced the King excommunicate requiring all men to joyne with that company whose endeavour should bee but to reforme what was amisse to seate and settle in the kingdomeâ— the right Heire to establish peace in Wales and Ireland and to free the whole Realme from the great and intollerable burthen of exactions no longer to be endured The Earle of Westmerland having read this writing containing sundry treasons and conlumelies with a witnesse and fit for an Arch-Bishop to publish professed to allow of the Enterprise and praised it for honest and reasonable insomuch as meeting with the trayterous Arch-Bishop at a parley after a very few speeches they seemed to become friends shaking hands together and drinking to each other in the sight of both their Armies The Arch-Bishop now doubting of nothing suffered his men to disperse them for a time But the Earle contrary-wise waxing stronger and stronger and seeing him selfe able to deale with the Bishop came upon him suddenly and arrested him little thinking of any such matter The King by this time was come North and as farre as Pomfret Thither the Arch-Bishop with other prisoners arrested with him were brought and carryed with the King to Yorke or as some say to Thorpe where Sir William Fulford a Knight learned in the Law and another Justice called Gascoine sitting on an high Stage in the Hall condemned the Arch-Bishop to be beheaded without being judged by his Peeres Bishops being as some say properly no Peeres of the Realme and so not to be judged by their Peeres who certainely would have acquitted or saved his life had they beene Bishops they ever using to boulster out their fellow Bishops in their treasons and to save them from the Gibbet Presently after this judgement given the Arch-Bishop was set upon an ill favoured Jade his face toward the Horse taile and carried with great scorne and shame to a Field hard by where his head at last was chopped off by a fellow that did his office very ill not being able to dispatch him with lesse then five strokes Grafton writes that Thomas Arundel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury as great a Traytor as hee came to the King and said Sir if the Bishop of Yorke have offended you so greatly as it is said yet I pray you consider that I am your Ghostly Father and the second Peere in your Realme and that you ought not to hearken to any mans voyce before me wherefore I counsell to reserve the paine and punishment of the said Bishop to the Popes judgement and hee will take such order as yee shall be pleased And if ye will not so doe yet let him be refâ—rred to the Parliament and keep your hands defiled from his bloud a sweet Counsellour Then the King answered I may not stay him for the rumour of the people whereupon the Arch-Bishop called for a Notary to make an instrument of the Kings answer that if need were it might be shewed to the Popeâ— but the King would not stay but caused execution to be done Though many of our Arch-Bishops and Bishops before him had beene desperate Traytors yet he is the first Bishop the more the pittie for that made them so presumptuous in their Treasons that was put to death by order of Law This just execution on such a Traytorly Rebell so unwontedly and extraordinarily performed on an Arch-Prelate in this contumelious though deserved manner without any preceding degradation was so distastefull to his fellow Prelates none of the best Subjects and so dangerous a president for the future that they accounted this Arch-Traytor no lesse then a Martyr ascribing many miracles to have beene done by vertuâ— of his holinesse both at his Tombe and at the place where he was beheaded pittie that more of them had not been so served that wee might have had more such Holy Saints and wonderous Miracles of this kind They reported abroad That the Bishop at the time of his Execution desired the Executioner to have five strokes in remembrance of the five wounds of Christ that the King at the same time sitting at dinner had five strokâ—s in his necke by a person invisible
and that the King himselfe presently after his death was stricken with a Leprosie a manifest lye They likewise reported That a strange judgement hapned upon the Iudges who gave sentence against him Which fabulous lying Legends must not onely be generally bruited abroad to cheate the people justifie the Traytor disparage this honorable Act of Justice slander the King and Judges and all to secure the Bishops in their Treasons and Rebellions that this Act might never bee made a president to punish them capitally for such like offences in future times but likewise chronicled to delude posterity and animate all succeeding Prelates under hopes of impunitie to attempt any Treasons Trecheries or insurrections against their Soveraignes without feare And to make the thing more odious and the Prelates more presumptuous in this kinde the Pope himselfe excommunicates tbe Authors of his death and those that had any hand in his condemnation or execution who must all earnestly entreat for absolution before it would be granted Loe here the quintessence of all Traiterous Rebellious spirits and disloyall practises combined and infused into our Prelates in canonizing this Arch-Traytor scandalizing the very sentence of Justice pronounced and executed upon him with the King and Judges that were the Authors of it and making it a matter worthy an Anathema to condemne and execute a Traytor a Rebell too in the Suparlative degree What confidence can any Princes repose or what fidelitie can they expect from such a desperate generation of Vipers as these who cannot be content to plot to execute Treasons and Conspiracies but thus boldly to justifie them and the Traytors to when they are committed I shall therefore close this story with the words of Edward Hall our Chronicler What shall a man say of such foolish and fantasticall persons who have written of such erroneous Hypocrites and seditious Asses who have indited of such superstitious Fryers and malicious Monkes who have declared and divulged both contrary to Gods Doctrine the honour of their Prince and common knowne verityâ— such manifest lyes as the fore-cited miracles and reports concerning this Arch-Bishops death What shall men thinke of such beastly persons which regarding not their bounden dâ—tie and â—beâ—sance to their Prince and Soveraigne Lord envâ—ed the punishment of Traytors and torment of offendors But what shall all men conjecture of such which favouring their owne worldly Dignitie their owne private authority and their owne peculiar profit will thus juggle rayle and imagine fantasies against their Soveraigne Lord and Prince and put them in memory as a miracle to his dishonour and perpetuall infamyâ— well let just men judge what I have said So â—all Iohn Kemp Arch-Bishop of Yorke was a great opposer of the good Duke of Glocester a Traytor and evill instrument to King Henry the Sixth and the Kingdome and the meanes of the Duke of Gloucesters murther whose death was a most incomparable losse to the Realme of which more at large in Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester with whom he confederated against the Duke George Nevill Arch-Bishop of Yorke conspired with his Brother Henry Nevill Earle of Warwicke against King Edward the Fourth after hee had raigned almost nine yearesâ— to pull him from his Throne and being his hap to take King Edward Prisoner at Ownely in Northamptonshire hee carryed the King with him Prisoner first to Warwicke Castle then to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshire from whence the King at last having liberty to ride abroad an hunting escaped being rescued by his Friends and within halfe a yeare after so handled the matter as comming to London suddenly and entring this Arch-Bishops Palace by a Posterne Gate hee surprized at once King Hâ—nry and the Arch-Bishop that had not long before taken him Holinshed and some others relate that the Arch-Bishop being lâ—ft by his Brother the Earle of Warwicke to keepe the Citie of London for King Henry against Edward the Fourth hee perceiving the affections of the people to incline to King Edward and how the most part of the Citie were much addicted to him sent forth secretly a Messenger to him beseeching King Edward to receive him againe into his former favour promising to bee to him in time to come and to acquit this good turnâ— heereafter with some singular benefit and service That the King upon good considerations was hereupon content to receive him againe into his favour of which the Arch-Bishop being assuredâ— greatly rejoyced and well and truely acquitting him of his promise in that behalfe madeâ— admitted him into the Citie where the king comming to the Arch-Bishops Palace heâ— prâ—sented himselfe unto him and having king Heâ—ry by the hand delivered him treacherously to king Edwâ—rdâ— custodie who being seized of his peâ—sâ—n weâ—t to Pauls from Westminster where hee gave God heartie thankes for his safe returne and good successe Thereupon they were both sent to the Towerâ— where king Henry was pittifully murtheredâ— but the Arch-Bishop the fourth of Iuneâ—ollowingâ— â—ollowingâ— was set at Libertie About a yeare after his Enlargement hee chanced to bee hunting at â—â—â—â—â—ore with the king and upon occasion of some spoâ—t thâ—â—â—ad seene there hee made relation to â—â—e king of some extraordinary kinde of Gâ—me wherewith hee was wont to solace himseâ—â—â— at 〈◊〉 housâ— hee had built and furnished very sumptuously called the Moore in Hartfordshire The King seeming desirous to be partaker of this sport appointed a day when hee would come thither to hunt and make merry with him Hereupon the Arch-Bishop taking his leave got him home and thinking to entertaine the King in the best manner it was possible sent for much Plate that hee had hid during the Warres between his Brethren and the King and borrowed also much of his Friends The Deaâ—e which the King hunted being thus brought into the toyle the day before his appointed time hee sent for the Arch-Bishop commanding him all excuses set apart to repaire presently to him being at Windsore As soone as he came hee was arrested of High-Treason all his Plate money and other moveable goods to the value of 20000. l. were seized on for the King and himselfe a long space after kept prisoner at Calis and Guisues during which time the King tooke to himselfe the profits and temporalties of his Bishopricke Amongst other things that were taken from him was a Miter of inestimable value by reason of many rich stones wherewith it was adorned that the King brake and made thereof a Crowne for himselfe This calamitie hapned to him Anno 1472. Foure yeares after with much entreatie he obtained his Libertie but dyed of griefe shortly after This proud Pontifician made so great a feast at his installment that neither our age nor any other before it ever heard or saw the like the particulars whereof you may read in Godwin too tedious here to recite Thomas Rotheram Arch-Bishop of Yorke being Lord Chancellour in Edward the fourth his Raigne upon his death resigned
his place and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent from whom he received it not she having no right to require it For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour Richard Duke of Yorke who afterwards usurping the Crowne released the Arch-Bishop out of prison who thereupon sided and was veâ—y inward with this Usurper and at last dyed of the Plague May 29. 1500. I read nothing of Savageâ— his next successour but this That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning that he spent his time in a manner altogether as our Prelates doe now either in Temporall affairesâ— being a great Courtier or else in hunting wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted keeping a great number of tall Fellowes about him to attend his person But of his preaching or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people I read not one word It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell and sometimes would take a purse for a need Christopher Bambridge his Successor being Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part and proclaime Warre against Lewis ingageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope who for this good service made him a Cardinall he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest his Steward upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him when as a Bishop should be no striker 1 Tim. 3.3 as Goodwin relates out of Paulus Iovius Thomas Wolsie or Wolfesie as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him an Arch-Traytor and most insolent domineering Prelate succeeded him in that See holding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first and after that of Ely Winchester Worcester and Hereford together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices in Commendaâ— with it This proud imperious Prelate when he was once Arch-Bishop studied day and night how to be a Cardinall and caused King Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him and at their request he obtained his purpose Hee grew so into exceeding pride that hee thought himselfe equall with the King and when he said Masse which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine with assay taken and to hold to him the Bason and the Lavatory His pride and excesse in dyet apparell furniture and attendanceâ— and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable and more then Royall or Papall Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury because he stiled him Brother in a Letter as though he had done him great injury by that Title Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house putting out and in what Officers he pleased Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London causing divers of them to be executed siding with strangers both Merchants and Artificers against them Confederating with the French King he procured King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye on his owne Termes Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe and shew of Dignitie himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name which began thus Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings favour and at last cut off the Dukes head for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings Hee began his Letters to forraigne Princes and the Pope for the most part in this mannerâ— â—go Rex meus I and my King putting himselfe before his Soveraigne making him but his underling and Pupill swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure Hee set his Armes likewise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford which he founded Hee stamped his Cardinalls Cap on the kings Coyne as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Procesâ— instead of the Kings Seale and Armes Hee set up a Leganâ—â—ne Court here in England by Commission from the Pope to which hee drew the Conusans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in London by vertue of his Writ hee came most insolently into the Convocation House and by his power Legantine dissolved the Convocation summoning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peterâ— in Westminster the Monday following there to celebrate the Synod under him which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergiâ— into a Premunire to his overthrow and their cost they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds to acknowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England and to renounce the Popes Supremacie to buy their peace He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers which were so stuffed with Treasure that 12. Barrelsâ— full oâ— Gold and Silver were laid aside to serve the Pope in his Warres emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king all which he sent to relieve and ransome the Pope then in prison to the great impoverishing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm His revenues one way or otherâ— were equall to the kings he had no lesse then 1200. Horâ—e for his retinue 80. waggons for his carriage and 60. Mules for sumpter horses when he went into France Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent stirred up the French king to warre against him ayding him with Monies without the Kings privity and contrary to his likeing he demanded â—he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods by way of loane toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France putting men to confesse upon their Oathes the true estimate of their Estates without the Kings privitie which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the Kingdome the people rising up and denying to pay it at which the King being very angry released the loane as an intollerable oppression sore against this Prelates willâ— yet the Cardinall the sole cause and urger thereof would needs lay the odium of it on the King to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from himâ— and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty that the presumption as the Cardinall did force it being vehement the Treason
cause that the light of the world who had baptized the Lord was quite extinguished even she her selfe afterwards as Nicephorus records when she once passed over a river congealed with Ice the Ice breaking fell into the water up to the necke and little after her head was congealed with frost and cold and afterwards cut off not with a sword but with Ice and then made a deadly dance upon the Ice Knowest thou not what St. Ambrose saith for her sake One saith he may dance but the daughter of an adulteresse but shee who is chast let her learne her daughters Prayers not Dances Of Dances I will onely speake one word and for this cause principally that I understand how dancing seemes not a true evill to some and I know that at Lovan there are publike Schooles where the Art of dancing is taught But I verily if adultery and fornication be evill cannot see how it is not evill for men to dance with women since it most of all provokes thereunto Heare holy Iob I have made saith he a covenant with mine eyes that I would not so much as thinke of a mayde and shalt thou goe and dance with a maide and provoke thy selfe to lust by dancing and yet no danger hang over thy head To what end then doth the Wise man give this admonition Keepe not company with a woman that is a dancer least happily thou perish in her allurements but because if chaffe can come to the fire and not be burnt than a young man may dance with women and not burneâ— What holy men St. Anthony St. Hilarâ—on dwelt in the wildernesse they perpetually gave themselves to fastings and prayers and yet scarce defâ—â—ded themselves from the spirit of fornicatioâ—â— and from evill deâ—ires and thoughts and wilt thou â—dde â—o the heat of youthâ— the heat of drinking and then goe and laugh and sing and dance with beautifull maydens and shall I suspect no harme Who of all you shall dwell with everlasting burning If you cannot now abstaine from drunkennesse from dancing from toyesâ— how shall ye be able to endure those living flamesâ— and most bitter gnashing of teeth But concerning the madnesse of dancing heare yee what the ancients as well prophane as sacred have left written Marcus Tulliâ—s did so detest the filthinesse of Dances that in the defence of Muraena he said No sober man almost danceth unlesse perchance he be besides himselfe and extreme dancing is the Companion of many delights And in another place he objecteth dancing to Antonius as a most dishonest crime Blush therefore O Christian blush thou art overcome by an Ethnicke and without doubt thou shalt be condemned in judgement by an Ethneike He by the light of Nature onely without the light of faith could teach that dancing was not the practice of any but either of drunkards or mad men and thou the Sonne of Cod illuminated with a celestiall light with whom such vanities ought not so much as to be named art most mad in the very most famous and most sacred solemnities Let us relinquish prophane Authors and come to Christians Tell thou us O most blessed Ambrose thou most reverend old man the light of the Christian Church what thinkest thou of dances and morrisses Worthily saith he from thence we proceed to the injury of the Diuinity for what modestie can be there where they dance shreeke and make a noyse together Tell thou us also O blessed Hierom what thou deemest of dancing Moreover saith he in his Booke against Heluidius where the Tymbrils sound the Pipes make a noise the Harpe chatters the Cymballs strike together what feare of God can there be Let us passe over into the East and let us also advise with two of the Greeke Fathers Tell thou us O great Chrysostome the ornament of Greece tell thou us I pray thee thy opinion of banquets and dances Heare saith he in the 49 Homily upon Matthew heare these things O men who follow magnificent feasts full of drunkennesse heare I say and tremble at the gulfe of the devill where wanton dancing is there the devill is certainely present For God hath not given us our legges to dance but that we should walke modestly not that we should impudently skippe like Camels But if the body be polluted by dancing impudently how much more may the soule be thought to be defiled The devill danceth in these dances with these men are deceived by the ministers of the Devill Last of all heare with what words St. Basil the great a most holy man and most learned deplores this madnesse in his Oration against drunkards Men saith he and women together entring into Common dances having delivered their soules to the drunken devill wound one another with the prickes of unchast affections profuse laughter is practised and filthy songs meretritious habits inviting unto petulancie are there used Laughest and delighest thou thy selfe with an arrogant delight when as thou oughtest to power out teares and sighes for what is past Singest thou whorish Songs casting away the Psalmes Hyranes thou hast learned Dost thou stirre thy feete and caper furiously and dance unhappily when as thou oughtest to bend thy knees to prayer Thus great Basil. Now if the holy Fathers have spoken these things of dances in genarall how I pray had they exclaimed if they had knowne them to have beene used in the very Festivals of Christs Nativitie But let us leave men and heare what the Lord himselfe who cannot erre what the holy Ghost and the Spirit of Truth saith by the Prophet Esay the Harpe saith hee and the Violl the Taber and pipe and wine are in your Feasts but ye regard not the work of the Lord neither consider the operation of his hands Ah wretched miserable persons the Lord hath done an admirable worke in these dayes The Lord hath created a new thing upon the earth A mayd hath brought forth a Sonne God hath come unto men a new starre hath appeared the heavens are made mellifluous the Angels have left those blessed mansions that they might behold the little one who is given to us and ye onely for whom these things are done busied in wickednesse buried in sleepe and wine regard not the worke of the Lord and consider not the operations of his hands What therefore shall be done unto you Heare the sentence of your Judge Therefore saith he Hell hath inlarged its â—oule and hath opened its mouth without all bounds Peradadventure ye are ignorant how great a sacriledge it is to prophane dayes consecrated to God Why I beseech you doe we not every where use Churches Chalices and Priestly vestments what are these walls more than others What are Priests Garments more than others As to their matter nothing at all But therefore it is a wickednesse therefore a sacriledge therefore a most horrible villany to convert them
though maliciously placed that the King tooke yet more offence with him than before insomuch that he led him with him into the Parliament house for then was that Court holden and there before the Lords accused him of no small misdemeanor towards his person by his rude and threatning speeches but the Bishop eagerly denieth the Kings Obiections which he still avoucheth upon his Honour and in the end confirmes his Allegations by Witnesses whereupon he was banished from the Kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that House In the meane time the Dutchesse hearing what was done beginneth anew to be dealing with him and in a brabling fray betweene their servants one of her men were slaine for which the Bishop was called before the Magistrate as chiefe accessary unto the fact but he fearing the sequell of his third cause by his successe had in the two first hideth himselfe after he had sold all his moveables and committed his money unto his trusty friends and being found guilty by the Inquest the King seizeth upon his possessions and calleth up the Bishop to answer unto the trespasse To be short upon safe conduct the Bishop commeth to the Kings presence where he denieâ—h that he was accessary to the fact either before at orafter the deede committed and thereupon craveth to be tried by his Peeres But this Petition is in vaine for sentence passeth against him also by the Kings owne mouth whereupon hee craveth helpe of the Archbishop of Canterbury and priviledges of the Church hoping by such meanes to be solemnly rescued But they fearing the Kings displeasure who bare small favour to the Cleargie of his time gave over to use any such meanes but rather willed him to submit himselfe to the Kings mercy which he refused standing upon his innocencie from the first unto the last Finally growing into chollor that the malice of a woman should so prevaile against him hee writeth to Rome requiring that his Case might be heard there as a place wherein greater Justice saith he is to be looked for than is to be found in England upon the perusall of these his Letters also his accusers were called thither but for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times they were excommunicated Such of them also as died before their reconciliations were taken out of the Church-yards and buried in the Fields and Dunghills Vnde timor turba saith my Note in Anglia For the King inhibited the bringing in and receipt of all Processes Bulls and whatsoever instruments should come from Rome Such also as adventured contrary to this Prohibition to bring them in were either dismembred of some joynt or hanged by the neckes which rage so incensed the Pope that hee wrote in very vehement manner to the King of England threatning farre greater curses except hee did the sooner stay the fury of the Lady reconcile himselfe unto the Bishop and finally make him amends for all his losses sustained in these bâ—oyles Long it was yeâ— that the King would be brought to peace neverthelesse in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to be had betweene them but yeâ— all things were concluded God himselfe did end the quarrell by taking away the Bishop Anno 1388. the Nobles being assembled at Westminster said to King Richard the second that for his honour and the weale of the Kingdome it behoved that Traytors Whisperers Flatterers Malefactorsâ— Backbitersâ— and unprofitable persons should be banished out of his Palace and company and others substituted in their places who knew were willing to serve him more honourably faithfully which when the King had granted Licet merens they determined that Alexander Nevell Archbishop of Yorkeâ— Iohn Fordham then Bishop of Durham and afterwards of this See of Ely Thomas Rushoke the Kings Confessor Bishop of Chichester who being conscious to himselfe fled away and hid in Yorkeshire Richard Clifford Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell all Clergy men whose words did many things in the Court should be removed all these they sent to divers prisons to be strictly gardedâ— till they should come to their answers the next Parliament Nicholas West Bishop of Ely in Henry the eigâ—h his dayes who kept daily an hundred servants in his house to attend him and gave them great wages fell into the Kings displeasure for some matters concerning his first marriage who for griefe thereof fell sicke and died Thomas Thirlby was advanced by Queene Mary not onely to the Bishoppricke of Ely but also made of her privy Councell After her death for resisting obstinatly the reformation intended by our gracious Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth hee was committed to the Tower and displaced from his Bishoppricke by Parliamentâ— Having endured a time of imprisonment neither very sharpe nor very long his friends easily obtained license for him and the late Secretary Roxall to live in the Archbishops house where they had also the company of Bishop Tunstall till such time he died To these I might adde Bishop Buckeridge Bishop White and Bishop Wren late Prelates of this Sea who occasioned much mischiefe and distraction in our Church and State but I shall referre them to another placeâ— and passe on to the Prelates of Exeter Exeter About the yeare 1257. Walter Bronscome 12. B of Exeter had a Fryer to his Chaplaine and Confessor which died in his house of Bishops Clift and should have beene buried at the Parish Church of Farringdon because the said house was and is in that Parish but because the Parish Church was somewhat farre off the wayes fouleâ— the weather rainy or for some other causes the Bishop commanded the corps to be carried to the Parish Church of Sowton then called Clift Fomeson which is very neere and bordereth upon the Bishops Lordship the two Parishes there being devided by a little Lake called Clift At this time one Fomeson a Gentleman was Lord and Patron of Clift Fomeson and he being advertized of such a buriall towards his Parish and a leach way to be made over his Land without his leave or consent requited therein calleth his Tenants together goeth to the bridge over the Lake betweene the Bishops Land and his there meeteth the Bishops men bringing the said corpsâ— and forbiddeth them to come over the water The Bishops men nothing regarding this Prohibition doe presse forwards to come over the water and the others doe withstand so long that in the end my Lords Fryer is fallen into the water The Bishop taketh this matter in such griefe that a holy Fryer a religious man his own Chaplaine and Confessor should so unreverently be cast into the water that he falleth out with the Gentleman and upon what occasion I know not he sueth him in the Law and so vexeth and tormenteth him that in the end he was faine to yeeld himselfe to the Bishops devotion and seeke all the wayes he could to curry the Bishops good will
a Lyon by the paw I am commanded to lay this great malefactour at your doores one who hath beene a great oppugner oâ— the life and liberty of Religion and who set a brand of infamy to use his own words upon Ipswich education In summe one who is a compleate mirrour of innovation superstition and oppressionâ— he is now in the snare of those Articles which were the workes of his owne hands The rod of Moses at a distance was a serpent it was a rod againe when it was taken into his hands this Bishop was a serpent a devouring serpent in the Diocesse of Norwich your Lordships peradventure will by handling of him make him a rod againeâ— or if not I doubt not but your Lordships will chastise him with such rods as his crimes shall deserve My Lords I am commanded by the House of Commons to desire your Lordships that this Bishop may be required to make answer to these Articles and that there may be such proceedings against him as the Course and Justice of Parliament doth admit You see by this Parlamentary impeachment what a Regulus Tyrant and Serpent this Wren hath beene I shall say no more of him but leave him to his legall triall Richard Mountague who next succeeded Bishop Wren in this Sea proceeded on in his extravagant courses and Popish innovations witnesse his strange Visitation Articles printed for the Diocesse of Norwich many whereof are directly Popish others unjust absurd and strangely ridiculous as of what Assise is â—our Surplesse What is your Surplesse or Lords Table worth if it were to be sold Is your Communion Table rayled in so as Cats and Dogges he might as well have added Rats and Mice cannot get through unto it c. This Bishop conscious to himselfe of his owne guiltinesse came not up to this last Parliament for feare of questioning and being complained of for suspending a Lecturer in Norwich without any just cause even sitting this Parliament the House thereupon made an Order that a speciall Committee should be appointed to examine all his offences old and new the newes whereof so affrighted him that within few dayes after he died to ease the Parliament of that labour of whom see more in Chichester Since his decease this See hath continued vacant and the whole Diocesse earnestly desire it may so remaine till Doomesday having beene almost ruined and infinitely vexed by their late monstrous Prelates of whom I shall now take my farewell and shape my course to Chester Diocesse The Bishops of Chester The Bishopricke of Coventry and Lichfield in former times had three Episcopall Sees Chester Coventry and Lichfield whence some of the Bishops in our Chronicles were formerly called the Bishops of Chester because they there resided of some of whose Acts I shall give you a taste Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester whom Godwin reckons among the Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield about the yeare 1188. when King Richard the first was taken prisoner by the Arch-duke of Austria joyned with Iohn Earle of Morton the Kings Brother against the King to dispossesse him of his Kingdome his brother went from this Earle and the French King to the Emperour with Letters a message promising him a great summe of money in their names to detaine the King still in Prison after the Articles for his release and ransome were concluded for which treason and conspiracy after the Kings enlargement this Bishop was indicted in a Parliament at Nottingham that he being privy to the Kings secrets had revolted from him to the King of France and Earle Iohn his enemies adhered to them plotting all mischiefe for the destruction of the King and of the Kingdome whereupon hee was peremptorily cited to appeare and answer this indictment within 40. dayes which he failing to doe was adjudged to be punished by Ecclesiasticall censures as he was a Bishop and as an Officer to the King he was also by the Laity banished the Realme and at last enforced to purchase his peace with a Fine of 5000 markes to the King Anno 211 90. he having purchased the Monastery of Coventry from the King came thither with a power of armed men to place in secular Priests in stead of the Monkes who making resistance against him he invaded them with forces chased away some lamed others of themâ— spoiled their house burnt their Charters and Evidences himselfe being wounded and that in the Church before the High Altar in this conflict to the effusion of his blood In the yeare of our Lord 1234. in the Purification of St. Mary King Henry the third came to a conference at Westminster wherein he sharpely rebuked certaine Bishops Et maximè AlexandruÌ„ Cestrensem Episâ—opum especially Alexander de Savensby Bishop of Chester that they were over-familiar with the Earle Marshall Et quòd ipsum de regni solio depellere nitebantur that they indevoured to depose him from his royall throne But this Bishop clad in his Pontificalibus when hee knew such things were objected to him and also that some had suggested to the King by way of exasperating that the Bishops favouring the party of the Marshall would create another King was exceedingly moved especially against Roger de Catelu whereupon hee incontinently excommunicated all those who imagined any such wickednesse against the King or maliciously imposed such things upon the Bishops who were altogether folicitous of the Kings honours and safety The innocency of the Bishops being thus manifested and proved and the sowers of dissention confounded Catelu held his peace being not free as it seemedâ— from the Anathema So the other Bishops who were present intervening Alexander Bâ— of Chester was pacified and his spirit quieted Nimis antè amaricatus being overmuch imbittered before Edmond Elect Archbishop of Canterbury with many of his suffragans were present at this conference who all condoling at the desolation of the King and Kingdome came to the King and as it were with one heart mind and mouth said O our Lord the King let us tell you in the Lord as your faithfull subjects that the counsell which you now have and useâ— is neither wholsome nor safe but cruell and dangerous to your selfe and to the Kingdome of England to wit the counsell of Peter Bishop of Winchester of whom before Peter de Rivallis and their complices Fiâ—st of all because they hate and contemne the English Nation calling them Traytors and causing them all to be so called and turning your minde away from the love of your owne Nation and â—hâ— hearts of your people from you as appeares in the Marshall who is the best man of your Land whom they have perverted and estranged from you by lyes they have scattered abroad of him And through this very counsell to wit by the said Bishop your Father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people after that Normandy afterwards other lands and in the end exhausted all his treasure and almost lost the
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
Synode who upon his pennance and absolution gave Guliple to his Church Aquod the sonne of â—ouâ—f falling out with this Bishop drave him and his men into the Church of Landaffe For which hee was excommunicated by him and to bee absolved was glad to give Pennoun with the Church of Lantilâ—l and certaine other Lands Loumarch the sonne of Carguocaun was excommunicated by Gulfridus the 20 Bishop of this See in a full Synod for violating certaine priviledges and invading the goods of his Church but upon his humble submission on his knees to the Bishop with many teares and his offer to acknowledge his offence and to suffer any punishment the Bishop would impose upon him The Bishop upon restitution of all the goods he had taken and the gift of Treficarn pont absolved him Assac the sonne of Mâ—rchiud having treacherously slaine one Gulayguni being excommunicated for it by this Bishop gave Segan to his Church to expiate the murther and for the soule of the slaine Sâ—â—lferth Hegoi and Arguistil the sonnes of Belli fell at variance in words with Nudd the 21 Bishop of this See and proceeding at last from words to blowes committed divers outrages upon his Land and Family but quickly remembring themselves fearing excommunication they asked pardon and submitted themselves to pennance After which performed they gave unto the Church for further confirmation of their unfeigned repentance the territory of Iulius and Aaron King Brochvaile the sonne of Mouric and his Family fell at variance with Civeilliauc the 22 Bishop of Landaffe and his Family to whom they offered some injury wherewith the Bishop being moved assembled all his Clergy together even to the inferiour degrees intending to excommunicate Brochvaile and all his family as forfeited to him and execrable to God before all the people in a full Synod for this injury which Brochvaile hearing of sought for pardon and remission which he could not obtaine from the Bishop upon any termes unlesse he would suffer a Canonicall judgement The cause being discussed the Bishop was adjudged to receive from him an Image of his face both in length and breadth in pure gold and that amends should be made by him to the condigne honour of his Family and Nobility of his parentageâ— which sentence Borchvaile was forced to redeeme by giving the Towne of Tref-Peren with six other pieces of Land to the Bishop and his Church One Pater being the 25 Bishop of this See Anno 955. A certaine Country fellow meeting a Deacon with a sword by his side asked him what a Coward should doe with Weapons and striving to take away the sword cut the Deacons finger whereupon the Deacon killed him and when he had done tooke Sanctuary in the Church of Saint Iarman and Saint Febrie Thereby sixe of King Gurialls houshould although there wanted not many that sought to defend the man in regard of the place he was slaine even at the very Altar of the Church These sixe men were delivered at the City of Gwentonia now Caerwent into the hands of Pater the Bishop who kept them in straight prison sixe moneths and then forced them to give all their Lands and Livings to Landaffe besides seven pound of silver to the Church which they had polluted Mouric King of Glamorgan was excommunicated by Ioseph the 28 Bishop of this Diocesse for putting out the eyes of Etgum in a time of truce to have his absolution he gave to the Bishop Paniprise Another time he was faine to give Gulich Fabrus and foure pound of silver unto the Bishop beside other great gifts to the Canons upon this occasion Hee had broken the Sanctuary of the Church of Landaffe by taking away thence violently the wife of his enemy and hurting some of the Bishops servants For so doing he was publiquely excommunicated by the Bishop in a Synod and by these gifts made way to obtaine his absolution Caratuc one of his company in the last recited action was forced to give Henriu in Wencia Riugallan the sonne of Rum being excommunicate for an assault made upon the Bishop and his men gave Riu Drein and the third part of the Wood of Yuisperthan to be absolved Cutguallam the sonne of Guriat strooke one in the Consistory in the presence of Ioseph the Bishop who kept him the said Catguallam in prison till he had made amends for that fault by giving the Church of Saint Brides Calgucam the King of Morganuc and his family was solemnly excommunicated by Herewald the 29 Bishop of Landaffe in a Synod of all his Clergy who thereupon cast downe all the Crosses and Reliques to the ground overturned their Bells and stopped up all the doores of the Churches with thornes so as they continued for a long time without divine service and pastors day and night the King and his Family in the meane time being sequestred from the society of all the faithfull and all because one of the Kings followers being drunke had laid violent hands upon Bathutis the Bishops Physitian and Kinsman on Christmas day Anno 1056. Whereupon the King though innocent upon his submission to the Bishop to obtaine his absolution was enfâ—rced to give Henringumna in the presence of all the Clergy people to this Bishop and his successors free from all secular regal services After which one Gistni excommunicated for a rape committed by a Nephew and follower of his upon a Virgin whom he tooke violently out of the Church of Landaffe was forced to give Milne to the Bishop and his Successors to obtaine absolution By these instances wee may partly discerne by what undue meanes Bishops at first obtained their large Temporalties and Revenues even by enforcing Kings and great persons to buy out and expiate their offences by endowing their Sees with Lands and Manors without which they could not purchase their absolution and we likewise learn hence that Bishops in those dayes excommunicated none but in a Synod with the suffrage of all their Clergy Edmund de Bromfeild the 48. Bishop of Landaffe for procuring and bringing in the Popes Bulls of Provision to make him Abbot of Bury contrary to his owne expresse Oath and the Statutes of the Realme was for this his contempt and disobedience committed to the Tower by King Richard the second where he lay prisoner a long time neither durst the Pope yeeld him any assistance to justifie his owne Bull. The late Bishops of this See as Feild and others have beene so notoriously peccant that I need not mention them wherefore I shall passe on to the Bishops of Bangor Bishops of Bangor MAuritius the third Bishop of Bangor most undutifully refused a long time to doe homage to the King of England for his Bishopricke held of him but at last was perswaded to doe it Robert of Shrewsbury joyning with Leolin Prince of Wales against King Iohn his Soveraigne was taken prisoner by the
might not very easily have borne Iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your Master deserved at my hands that procured such ease for me at the Emperours hands These two Chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the King uttered and so departed their wayes The Bishop being still detained in Prison procured suite to be made to the Pope for his deliverance writing a Letter to the Pope against the King for this hard usage recorded by Hoveden whereupon the Pope writ a Letter to the King in his behalfe to importune his release But the Pope being truely informed of the matter and wisely considering that the King had not taken the Bishop Preaching but fighting and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy then as a peaceable Prelate would not be earnest with the King for his deliverance but rather reproved the Bishop In that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall and had taken upon him the use of a Speare insteed of a Crosier an Helmet insteed of a Miter an Herbergean instead of a white Rocket a Targeâ— for a Stoale and an iron Sword in lieu of the spirituall Sword and therefore he reâ—used to use any Commandment to King Ricâ—ard for the setting oâ— him at Liberty But yet he promised to doe what he could by way of intreating that he might be released It is reported by some Writers that the Pope at first not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance should send to King Richard commanding him by force of the Canons of the Church to deliver his Sonnes the Bishop and Archdeacon out of their captivity To whom the King sent their Armour with this message written in Latine Vide an tunica filii tui siâ— an non that is See whether these are the garments of thy Sonnes or not alluding to the saying of those that carryed Iosephs coaâ—e to Iacob Which when the Pope saw he said Nay by Saint Peter it is neither the apparell of my Sonnes nor yet of my Brethren but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars and so he left them still to be ransomed at the Kings pleasure The Bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two Kings became now through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre Such a Schoolemaster is imprisonment and plucker downe of lofty courages But not prevailing he plots how to make an escape When Queene Elionorâ—ing â—ing Richards Mother came to Rhoane she sent for this Bishops keepâ—rs to permi the Bishop to câ—me to her lodging to spâ—ake with her which although it were dangerous yet they unwillâ—ng to resist the Queenes suiâ—e peâ—mitâ—ed him to goe out of the Towe gaâ—es feâ—â—eâ—ed with themselves accompanying him As they passed bâ— a Church the Bishop ran to the doore thâ—ugh 〈◊〉 as well as he couâ—d and laying hold on the Ring of the Churâ—hâ— cryed out with a loud voâ—ce saying I demand the peace of God and the Church At which speech his Keepers much troubled laid hands on him pulâ—ed him from the Church doore and brought him backe agaâ—ne to the Tower where they kept him more stricktly then before Which â—he King hearing of sent him to Chine to be kept close Prisoner After this he offered King Richard 10000 markes for his enlargement which he refused But Kâ—ng Iohn comming to the Crown at the Popes request relâ—ased hâ—m â—or 2000. He taking a solemne Oath before the Cardinall and other Ecclesiastickes that he would never all his life after beare armes against Christians as he had causeâ— now noâ— to doe About the same time Walter Arch bishop of Roven at the instigation of the French King puâ— all the Country of Normandy under senâ—ence of inâ—erdiction because King Richard had begun to sort â—he a Caâ—â—le at Lisse Dandely upon a peece of ground which the Archbishop câ—aimâ—d to appertaine unto hiâ— See The Archbishop would â—y no meaneâ— release the interdict So as the bodies â—f dead men lay unbuâ—yed through all the Villages and streetes of tâ—e Câ—ties of Normandy Hereupon the King much troubled at the Aâ—chbâ—shops dealing whom he had advanced and much imployed sâ—nds â—o Rome to the Pope to heare the cause betweene them The matter being brought before the Pope he perceiving the intent of King Richard was not otherwise grounded upon anâ— covetous purpose to defraud the Church oâ— her right but oneâ—y to buâ—ld a fortresse in such place as was moâ—t expedient for defence of the Country about to preserve it from invasion of the enemies counselled the Archbishop noâ— to sâ—and against the King in it but to exchange with him for some other Lands which was done and the interdiction by the Pope released This Archbishop was a great warriour bore great sway in England during King Richards absence and captivity and troubled the Realme very much with taxes and warres Before I come to the Prelates of Scotland I shall insert one story of a Patriarch of Hierusalem who affronted our King Henry the second to his face in a shamefull manner The story is this Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem came into England in the thirtyeth yeare of King Henry the second and made busy request to him against the Saracens proffering him the keyes of Ierusalem and of our Lords grave with Letters of Pope Lucius the third charging him that he should take upon him the Kingdome of Ierusalem with the royall Standard of the Kingdome as due unto him and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof and to have minde of the Oath that he before time had made The King deferred his answer and Baldwin the Arch bishop Preached and exhorted men to take the Crosse by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey The King at last by the advise of his whole Councell and Parliament gave this answer that he might not leave his Land without keeping nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the French men but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage With this answer Heraâ—lius was discontented and said we seeke a man and not money well neere every Christian Region sendeth to us money but no Land sendeth to us a Prince But the King laid for him such excuses that the Patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortlesse Whereof the King being advertised entending somewhat to recomfort hâ—m with pleasant words followed him to the Sea side But the more the King thought to satisfie him with his faire speech the more the Patriarch was discontented in so much that at last he said unto him Hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest thinke on him what he hath given to thee and what thou hast yeelded to him againe How first thou wert false to
Cardinall ordered all things appointed every Officer and growing into credit did in like sort at other times dispose of the Common wealth and Bishoprickes as seemed best liking unto him Whereupon the Earle of Leneux taking part with the English opposed himselfe against the Cardinall whereby ensued sharpe wars the Cardinall still supporting and counselling the Governour Which troubles somewhat abated when the Earle of Leneux went into England The Cardinall led the Governour to Saint Andrewes to the end if it were possible to binde the Governour more firmely to him During the time they were there the Cardinall caused in the Lent season all the Bishops and Prelates of the Realme to assemble at Saint Andrewes where a learned man named Master George Wiscâ—art that had beene in the Schooles of Germany was accused of Heresie which he had as was alledged against him publikely Preached and privately taught in Dundee Brechin and divers other parts of Scotland since his returne home This matter was so urged against him that he was convict and burnt there in the Towne of Saint Andrewes during the time of that convention or assembly When these things were thus done the Cardinall although he greatly trusted to his riches yet because he was not ignorant what were the mindes of men and what speeches the Common people had of him determined to increase his power with new devices Wherefore he goeth into Angus and marryeth his eldest Daughter as saith Bucâ—anan to the Earle of Crawfords Sonne Which marriage was solemnized with great preparation almost answerable to Kingly magnificence During which time the Cardinall understanding by his Spies that the English did prepare to invade the Scottish borders on the Sea and specially did threaten those of Fife therewith returned to Saint Andrewes and appointed a day to the Nobility and such as dwelled about the Sea Coasts to assemble together to provide in common for the defence thereof and to prepare remedy for that hastened evill for the easier and better performance whereof he had determined together with the Lords of that Country to have sayled himselfe about the Coasts and to have defended such places as were most convenient Amongst others that came unto him there was a noble young Gentleman called Norman Lesle Sonne to the Earle of Rothseie This man after that he had many times imployed his valiant and faithfull diligence in the behalfe of the Cardinall grew to some contention with the said Cardinall for a private cause which for a time did estrange both their mindes the one from the other this same contention did Norman being thereto induced with many faire promises afterwards let fall But certaine monthes afterward when he returned to demand the performance of such liberall promises they began to grow from common speech to braâ—lings and from thence to bitter taâ—nts and reproaches not fit to be used by any of them both Whereupon they departed with the grieved mindes of every of them for the Cardinall being intreaâ—ed more unreverently than he would or looked for and the other threatning that being oveâ—taken by deceite he would revenge it they boâ—h returned discontented to their owne people Whereupon Norman declaring to his partakers the intollerable arrogancy of the Cardinall they easily agreed all to conspire his deathâ— wherefore to the end that the same might bee lesse suspected they departed in sunder afterward This Noâ—man accompanied onely with five of his owne traine entred the towne of Saint Andrewes and went into his accâ—stomed Inne and lodging trusting that by such a small traine hee might cunningly dissemble the determination of the Cardinalls death but there were in that towne ten of those which had consented to his conspiracy which closed in secret corners somâ— in one place and some in another did onely expect the signe which was to be given unâ—o them to execute this devise with which small company this Norman feaâ—ed not to adventure the death of the Cardinall in the same towne furnished in every place with the servants and friends of the Cardinall Whereupon the 13. of May the Cardinall being within his Castle of Saint Andrewes certaine of his owne friends as hee tooke them that is to say the sayd Norman Lord Kirkandieâ— the young Lord of Grange and Kirkmichell with sixteene chosen men entred the Castle very secretly in the morning tooke the Porter and all the Cardinalls Servants thrusting them out of the place by a Posterne gate and that done passing to his Chamber where he lay in bed as he got up and was opening his Chamber doore they slue him and seized upon the Artillery and Munition where with that Fortresse was plentifully furnished and likewise with rich hangings houshold-stuffe of all sorts Apparell Copes Jewels Ornaments of Churches great store of gold and silver plate besides no small quantity of treasure in ready coyne Sir Iames Leirmouth Provost of Saint Andrewes assembled all the people of that Towne for the rescue of the Cardinall after he had heard that the Conspirators were entred the Caâ—â—le but they shewed the dead body of the Cardinall over the walls as a spectacle to the people and so they made no further attempt sith they saw no meanes how to remedy or revenge the matter at that present The cause that moved the Conspirators thus to kill the Cardinall was thought to be partly in revenge of the burning of Mr. George Wischart â—â—aring to be served with the same sawce and in the end to bee made to drinke of the same Cup. Partly it was thought they attempted it through counsell of some great men of the Realme that had conceived some deadly hatred against him His body after he was slaine was buried in the Castle in a dung-hill The governour considering that his deere Cozeâ— the Cardinall was thus made away assembled the great Lords of the Realmeâ— by whose advice he called a Parliament and â—orfeited them who had slaine the Cardinall and kept the Castle of Saint Andrewes And withall he beseiged those that murthered him in the sayd Castle three moneths space but it was so strongly furnished with all manner of Artillery and Munition by the Cardinall in his life time that they within cared little for all the inforcements that their Adversaries without could enforce against them After his death the Governour Anno. 1546. promoted Iohn Hamilton the Abbot of Parslew his Brother to the Bishopricke of Saint Andreweâ— and gave the Abby of Arbroth granted before to Iames Beton the slaine Cardinals Kinsman to George Dowglasse bastard sonne to the Earle of Angus which things were afterwards occasions of great troubles in the Realme To appease which Anno 1550. the Queene by the advice of her Counsell to stop all occasion of publicke dissention ended the controversies moved about the Archbishoprickes of Saint Andrewes and Glascow and the Bishoprickes of Dunkeld and Brechine by bestowing them upon Noblemens children and upon such persons as worthily deserved them This Arch-bishop 1543. comming out of France
Cassell was accused by Iohn Gese Bishop of Lismore and Waterford upon 30. Articles layd to his charge After all that he charged him that he made very much of the Irish and loved none of the English that he bestowed no benefice upon any English man and gave order likewise unto other Bishops that they should not conferre the least living thaâ— was â—pon them That he counterfeited the King of Englands seale and the Kings Letters Patents that he went about to make himselfe king of Mounster also that he tooke a Ring away from the Image of Saint Patricke which the Earle of Desmund had offered and bestowed it upon an Harlot of his beside many other enormities which he exhibited in writing And the Lords and Commons were much troubled betweene these twaine Now in the same Parliament there was debate betweene Adam Pay Bishop of Clon and another Prelate â—or that he sayd Adam went about to unite the others Church unto his but the other would not and so they were â—ent and referred unto the Court of Rome and this Parliament lasted 18. dayes Annoâ— 1532. Iohn Allen Arch-bishop of Dublin Chaplaine to Cardinal Wolsie and his Creature put the Earle of Kildare to great trouble wrongfully to take away his life and that out of affection to his Lord and Master the Cardinall This Arch-bishop Anno. 22. H. 8â— was specially and by name excepted out of the Kings generall pardon of the Premunire and other offences granted to all the Clergie that yeare as appeares by the Act it selâ—e 22. H. 8. c. 15. No doubt it was because the King tooke speciall notice of some great injuries and mis-demeanors by him committed which he meant to question him for After this meaning to sayle into England Anno. 1534. and that secretly lurkingâ— as Tartajus Thomas Fitzgerald and others apprehended and haled him out of his Bed brought him naked in his â—hirt bare footed and bare headed to their Captaine whom when the Archbishop espied incontinently hee kneeled and with a pitifull countenance and lamentable voyce he besought him for the love of God not to remember former injuries but to weigh his present calamity and what malice so ever he bare his person yet to respect his calling and vocation in that his enemy was a Christian and he among Christians an Arch-bishop As he spake thus bequeathing his soule to God his body to his enemies mercâ— Thomas Stibon without compassion and withall inflamed wiâ—h desire of revenge turned his horse aside saying in Irish Away with the Churle meaning the Arch-bishop should be detained as Prisonerâ— But the Caitifes present misâ—onstring his words murthered the Arch-bishop without further delay brained and hackt him in gobbets his blood withall crying to God for revenge the place ever since hath beene hedged and imbarred on every side ungrowne and unfrequented for the deâ—estation of the fact rough and â—igorous Justice deadly hatred of the Giraldins for his Masters Wolsies sake and his owne as he had much crossed and bridled them in their governments promoted their accusations and forged a Letter against them to their prejudice and danger as was likely was the cause of his ruine Anno. 1567. Marice a runne gate Priest going to Rome was consecrated Arch-bishop of Cashell by the Pope arriving in Ireland he made challenge to the same See which being denyed to him by the Arch-bishop placed there by the Queene the sayd supposed Bishop sudainely with an Irish scaine wounded the Bishop and put him in danger of his life Annoâ— 1579. The Lord chiefe Justice of Ireland upon suspition of Treason committed the Chauncellor of Liviricke to Prison for which he was indicted and found guilty and the Bishop likewise upon the same suâ—pition was committed Prisoner to his owne houâ—e Anno. 1600. The Rebells of Mounster by their Agents a certaine Spaniard elect Arch-bishop of Dublin the Bishop of Clonfort the Bishop of Killaloe and Archer a Jesuite had obtained at lengâ—h with praying intreating and earnest beseeching at the King of Spaines hands that succour should be sent into Mounster to the Rebels under the conduct of Don Iohn D' Aquila upon assured hope conceived that all Mounster would shortly revolt and the titular Earle of Desmond and Florenâ— Mac-Carti joyne great aydes unto them but Sir George Carew the Lord President of Mounster had providently before intercepted them and sent them over into England Whereupon D' Aquila arrived at Kinsale in Mounster with two thousand Spaniards old Souldiers and certaine Irish Fugitives the last day of October and straight wayes having published a writing wherein he gloriously stiled himselfe with this Title Master Generall and Captaine of the Catholike King in the warre of God for holding and keeping the faith in Ireland endeavoureth to make the world beleeve that Queene Elizabeth by the definitive sentences of the Pope was deprived of her Kingdomes and her Subjects absolved and freed from their Oath of Allegiance and that he and his men were come to deliver them out of the Devills clawes and the English tyranny And verily with thâ— goodly pretence he drew a number of lewd and wicked persons to band and side with him through these Prelates meanes I have now given a short account of some of â—he Irish Prelates disloyall and seditious Actions in â—ormer ages which I shall close up with the accusations and proceedings against some of them within the limits of this last yeare On the fourth of March last the whole house of Commons in Ireland sent up these Articles of High Treason against Iohn Bramham Bishop of Derry and others to the Upper House of Parliament there which I finde Printed with Captaine Audâ—ey Mermin his speech who presented them at the time of their transmission Articles of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliament Assembled against Sir Richard Bolton Knight Lord Chancellour of Ireland Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas and Sir George Ratcliffe Knight in maintenance of the accusation whereby they and every of them stand charged with High Treason FIrst that they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. intending the destruction of the Common-wealth of this Realme have trayterously confederated and conspired together to subvert the fundamentall Laws and government of this Kingdome and in pursuance thereof they and every of them have trayterously contrived introduced and exercised an arbitrary and tyrannicall government against Law throughout this Kingdome by the countenance and assistance of Tâ—omas Earle of Strafford then chiefe Governour of this Kingdome That they and every of them the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. have trayterously assumed to themselves and every of them regall power over the goods persons Lands and liberties of his Majesties subjects of this Realme and likewise have maliciously perfidiously and trayterously given declared pronounced and published many false unjust and erronious opinions Judgements Senâ—ences and Decrees in extra
the people and also that the labour should be more easie to beare c. Also Chrysostome on that same text Hee would not that a whole Country should be permitted unto one man but hee enjoyned unto every man his Cure by that meanes hee knew that the labour should be more easie and the subjects should be with more diligence governed if the teachers were not distracted with the governing of many Churches but had cure and charge of one Church onely c. Mee thinketh these be plaine words and able to move a man â—o speake as much as I did But grant that you may have all these Câ—â—ies yet can you make it no heresie For my Lord Cardinall granted that it was but against him and against you who be no gods But I poore man must be an heretique there is no remedy you will have it so and who is able to say nay Not all Scripture noâ— yet God himselfe Sure I am that they cannot by the Law of God have any jurisdiction secular and yet they challenge both powers which if they have why do â—hey not put them both in use for they must say as the Jewes said Wee may kill no man This is the Article that did bite you for you cannot be content with the office of a Bishop but you will be also Kings How that standeth with Gods Law and with your Oatâ— I have declared it to our Noble Prince I doubt not but he will put you to the tryall of it Have you not this many yeares condemned many a poore man and then delivered him to the Temporal power to be put to death which knew nothing of his cause And if he would that yee should put him to deaâ—h your selves â—hen answered yee how you might kill no man So that they were always your hangmen They say they bâ—â—he Successors of Christ and of his Apostles but I can see them follow none but Iudas For they beare the purse and have all the money And if they had not so great possessions I am sure an hundred would speake against them where now dare not one for losse of promotion And for this Article I will overcome you with the witnesse of all the world you may well condemne it for hereâ—ie but it is as true as your Paâ—er Noster Iudas sold our Master but once and you â—ell him as often as heâ— commeth in your hands But I would it were that yee could prove mee a lyeâ— and that you followed â—ny of the Apostles â—aving Iudas onely yet I would that yee were in certaine points as good â—s Iudas was These ordinary Bishops and Prelates do follow that â—â—lse Prophet Baâ—aâ—m For they would curse the people but by the provision of Goâ— they were compelled to blesse them that is to say to â—each them to live well though they themselves live most mischievously And so the Asses which they ride upon that is the common people have their lives in abominatâ—on This is the hainous hereâ—ie For it speaketh against the holy Fathers which be almost as holy as Balaams Asse that did once speake the Word of God to a good purpose And so do they never But I grant that I did offend in calling you Ordinary Bishops for I should have called you inordinate butchers And as â—or that that I compared you to Balaam it is your owne Law 2. quest 7. Secuti sunt And cap. Nos si And as for your living all the world knoweth it I could tell here many holy points of Bishops living as keeping of mens wives and daughters but I will not for I should be reckoned uncharitable But you may do them breaking not your holy charity So he The namelesse Author of a Supplication to King Henry the eight printed 1544. writes thus of Bishops their calling practises and great revenues How cruelly do the Bishops punish all them which pretend to have learning and especially in Gods Word such â—hey call heretiques and persecute with putting them to open shame with imprisonment and in conclusion with death most feaâ—efull and painfull All this they do to discourage all men from the study of Gods word fearing lest that by such studious braines which learne Gods Word and publish the same their iniquity should be made manifest What study and pains do they take to keep the light from the peopleâ— But no man which knoweth the Scriptures will marvell of â—his their policie and cruelty For Saint Iohn declareth their practice plainly saying Hee that doth evill hateth the light and why becâ—use his workes which be evill should not be reproved by the light And for as much as our Bishops counâ—enance of living their great possessions and Lordly Dominions in them agreeth with Gods Word â—s death with life God with the Devill light with darknesse therefore they hate the light which declareth the same and study 〈◊〉 â—uppresse the same by all â—raâ—t and poliâ—y Also they be enemies 〈◊〉 all men which can and doe preach Gods Word sincerely and truly because they live â—ontrary to the same And â—his iâ— the originall ground and caâ—se of the abâ—ndance of â—nd iâ—crâ—â—se of darkenes and of sinne 〈◊〉 â—lso of the long continâ—â—nce oâ— Popish blindnesse which hath â—aigned in this Realme so lâ—â—g After which he proceeds thus Most dread Soveraigne Lord I see two foule deformitiesâ— and great lamentable mischiefes annexed to the vocation and office of Bishops which not reformed will poyson and utterly corrupt the godly vocation and election of the said Bishops The onely infection and pestilent poyson is their great Lordships and dominions with the yearly provents of the same which hath so fashioned them in proud countenances and worldly behaviour that now they be most like the Heathen Princes and most unlike unto Christ although they would be esteemed of all men to be his true successours yet poore Christ saith The fâ—xes have holes the birds have nests but the Sonne of man hath not wherein to lay his head But our Bishops have gorgeous and sumptuous builded houses mannors and castles pleasantly set about with Parkes well replenished with Deare warrens swarming full of conyes and pooles well stored with divers kinds of fishes And not onely these commodities and pleasures but also divers other pleasures How doth this Lordly and worldly Bishoplike estate agree with Christs words I thinke a man cannot reasonably conjecture or imagine by their countenance and living that they be Christs true Disciples The other mischiefe and evill is that they have too many worldly cares and businesses For to these Mannors and Lordships belong many Tenants for whose leases to be made fines and haryots to be appointed and taken amerciaments to be assessed taxed and also forgiven and dispensed there be no few suits made to my Lord Bishop also the hearing of Testamentary causes divorces causes of Matrimony causes of slanders of lechery adultery and punishment oâ— bawdery and such other bumme Court matters
est nefas it is the highest impiety to preferre any other Businesse before this care or for any cause whatsoever to hinder them so as their ministeries be lesse â—ully adhibited to their Churches Moses was most amply endued with the spirit of God and excelled with incredible wisedome and he altogether burned with a most ardent study of planting and preserving the true religion yet seeing hee ought to governe the whole Common-wealth of Iâ—rael hee by Gods command set Aaron his brother with his sonnes over matters of religion that they might WHOLY bestow themselves in them The Maccabees truly joyned the Civill administration to the Ecclesiasticall but with what successe their histories testifie wherefore it is to be wished that Bishops according to Gods Law religionibuâ— solis vacent procurandis should onely addict themselves to matters of Religion and lay aside all other businesses from them though beneficiall to mankind and leave them to those who should wholly bestow themselves on them being chosen thereto by God There is no office that requires more study and care â—han the procuration of soules Satan knowing this very well hath brought to passe that Bishops and chiefe Ecclesiasticall Prelates should be sent for by Kings Emperours unto their Courts to manage publike affaires both of warre and peâ—ce Hence these mischiefes have ensued first a neglect of the whole sacred ministry the corruption of doctrine the destruction of discipline After as soone as Prelates began to usurpe the place of Lords they challenged their luxury pomp to themselves to which end since the wealth of Princâ—s was requisite that which they ought to bestow out of their Ecclesiasticall revenues upon the faithfull Ministers of Churches upon Schooles upon the poore of Christ all these things being taken from them by horrible sacriledge they spent them upon riot and princely pompe And when as the goods of the Church were not sufficient to maintaine this luxury and pompe they flattered away and begged and by various frauds tooke from Kings goodly rich poâ—sessions and great Lordships by which accessions their luxury and pride was thenceforth not onely fostered and sustained but likewise infinitely increased which afterwards so farre prevailed that the spoyles of single Churches would not suffice each of them but they brought the matter to this passe that one at this day may fleece or spoyle three or foure Bishoprickes Abbies and other Prelacies and such a multitude of parish Churches as is horrible to name for they say there is one lately dead in this Kingdome who fleaed above 20. Parishes So Bucer who held Bishops Ministers to be all one and that the power of ordination resting originally in Christ derivatively in the whole Church and ministerially onely in Bishops and Presbyters as servants to the Church belonged as well to Presbyters as to Bishops with whom Peter Martyr his fellow Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford fully concurâ—es in his Commonplaces printed at London cum privilegio Ann. 1576. Class 4. Loc. 1. Sect. 23. p. 849. to which I shall referre you for brevity sake To these I might adde The image of both Pastors written by Huldricke Zwinglius translated into English by Iohn Veron dedicated to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protector and Printed at London Cum privilegio An. 1550. Wherein he proves the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters condemnes the Lordly and secâ—lar dominion Wealth Pompe Pride Tyranny Nonpreach and rare preaching of Prelates and manifests Lord Bishops as then they stood and now to be false Pastors and meer papall and antichristian officers not warranted by Gods word but because Zwinglius was a forraigner I shall passe it by without transcribing any passage thereof Mr. Iohn Hooper both a Bishop and martyr of our Church a great opposer of Ceremonies Episcopall Rochets and Vestments in which hee would not bâ— consecrated writes thus of the secular imployments wealth and calling of Bishops For the space of 400. yeares after Christ the Bishops applyed all their wit only to their owne vocation to the glory of God and the honour of the Realmes they dwelt in though they had not so much upon their heads as our Bishops have yet had they more within their heads as the Scripture and Histories testifie For they applyed all the wit they had unto the vocation and ministry of the Church whereunto they were called But our Bishops have so much wit that they can rule and serve as they say in both States in the Church and also in the Civill policie when one of them is more then any man is able to satisfie let him doe alwayes his best diligence If hee be so necessary for the Court that in Civill causes he cannot be spared let him use that vocation and spare the other It is not possible hee should doe both well It is a great oversight in Princes thus to charge them with two burthens the Primitive Church had no such Bishops as wee they had such Bishops as did preach many godly Sermons in lesse time than our Bishops horses be a bridling Their house was a Schoole or treasure house of Gods Ministers if it be so now let every man judge The Magistrates that suffer the abuse of these goods be culpable of the â—ault if the fourth part of the Bishopricke remained to the Bishop it were sufficient the third part to Schoolemasters the second to poore and souldiers were better bestowed If any be offended with me for this my saying he loveth not his owne soules health nor Gods Laws nor mans out of which I am alwayes ready to prove the thing I have said to be true Further I speake of love not of hatred And in his Apologie hee saith It is both against Gods Laws mans that Bishops and clergie men should be judges over any subjects within this Realme for it is no part of their office they can do no more but preach Gods Word and minister Gods Sacraments and excommunicate such as Godâ— Lawes do pronounce to be excommunicated who would put a sword into a madmans hand And in his exposition on Psal. 23.1580 f. 40. Although Bishops saith hee in the raigne of Constantine the Great obtained that among Bishops some should be called Archbishops and Metropolitans c. Yet this preheminencie was at the pleasure discretion of Princes not alwaies tyed to one sorâ— of Prelates as the impiety of our time beleeveth as we may see in the Councell of Calcedon Africke So that it is manifest that this Superior preheminency is not of Divine but of humane right instituted out of civill policie So Hooper The Booke of ordination of Ministers and Consecraation of Bishops compiled by the Bishops in King Edwards dayes ratified by two Acts of Parliament and subscribed to by all our Ministers hath this notable passage and charge against the Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Prelates and Ministers
prescribing all Bishops when they ordaine Ministers Archbishops or Bishops to use this exhortation to them Have alwayes printed in your remembrance how great a treasure is committed to your charge for they be the sheepe of Christ which hee bought with his death and for whom he shed his bloodâ— the Church and Congregation whom you must serve is his spouse and body And if it shall chance the same Church or any member thereof to take any hurt or hinderance by reason of your negligence yee know the greatnesse of the fault and also of the horrible punishment which will ensue Whereâ—ore consider with your selves the end of your Ministry towards the children of God towards the spouse and body of Christ and see that you never cease your labour your care and diligence untill you have done all that lyeth in you according to your bounden duty to bring all such as are or shall be committed to your charge unto â—hat ripenesse or perfectnesse of age in Christ that there be no place left among them either for errour in religion or for vitiousnesse of life And what Prelate or Minister hath done this And for this selfe same cause yee see how yee ought to forsake and seâ— aside as much as you may all worldly cares and studies Wee have good hope that you have well weighed and pondered these things with your selves long before this time and that you have cleerly determined by Gods grace to give your selves wholly to this vocation whereunto it hath pleased God to call you see â—hat as much as lyeth in you you apply your selves whoâ—ly to this one thing and draw all your care and study this way to this end And that you will continually pray for the heavenly assistance of the Holy Ghost that by daily reading and weighing of the Scriptures you may so waxe riper and stronger in your Ministry And â—hat this your promise shall more move you to doe your dâ—ties yee shall answer plainly to these things which we in the name of the Congregation shall demand of you touching the same Will you give your faithfull diligence alwayes to â—inister the Doctrine and Sacraments and the Discipline of Christ as the Lord hath commanded and as this Realme hath received the same according to the Commandements of God so that yoâ— may teach the people committed to your cure and charge with all diligence to keepe and observe the same I will so doe by the helpe of God Will you be diligent in Prayers and in reading of the holy Scriptures and in such studies as helpe to the knowledge of the same laying aside the study of the World and the Flesh I will endeavour my selfe so to doe the Lord being my helper And at the consecration of every Archbishop and Bishop this charge by the direction of the said booke is given to him Bee thou to thy flocke a sheepheard not a wolfe feed them but devoure them not And it is worthy observation that the same Chapters and Epistles are read at the ordination of Ministers and consecration of Bishops which proves their office and function both one and the same by divine institution The third part of the Homily of the perill of Idolatry ratified by the 35. Article of our Church subscribed unto by all our Prelates and Ministers published in King Edwardâ—he â—he 6. his dayes and reprinted by King Iames his speciall command determines thus against the Courtship and secular imployment of Prelates That Bishops in the Primitive Church did most diligently and sincerely teach and preach for they were then preaching Bishops and more often seene in Pulpits than in Princes Palaces more often occupied in his Legacie who said Goe yee unto the whole world and preach the Gospell unto all men than in Ambassages and affaires of Princes of this world And in the 5. and 6. part of the Homily against wilfull rebellion and the second part of the Homily for Whitsunday notably paints forth at large the treasons conspiracies practises aud rebellions of Popes and our Prelates against the Emperours and our Kings in former ages which hee that will may there read at his leasure being too common and large to recite M. Hugh Latimer who gave over his Bishopricke out of conscience in K. Henâ—y the 8. his raigne and never resumed it againe skipping for joy hâ—e was rid of that heavie burthen In his Sermon of the Plough preached thus God saith by the Prophet Ieremy Maledictus qui facit opus Dei fraudulenter guilefully and deceitfully some bookes have negligenter negligently or slackly How many such Prelates how many such Bishops Lord for thy mercy are there now in England And what shall wee in this case do shall wee company with them O Lord for thy mercy shall we not company with them O Lord whither shall wee flee from them But cursed be hee that doth the worke of the Lord negligently or guilefully A sore word for them that are negligent in discharging their office ill Yee that be Prelates looke well to your office for right Prelating is busie labouring and not Lording therefore preach and teach and let your plough be doing Ye Lords I say that live like loyterers looke well to your office the Plough is your office and charge if yee live idle and loyter you doe not your duty c. They have to say for themselves long customes ceremonies and authority placing in Parliament many things more And I fear mee this Land is not ripe to be ploughed for as the saying is it lacketh withering This Land lacketh withering at least it is not for mee to plough For what shall I looke for among thornes but pricking and scratching What among stones but stumbling what I had almost said among Scorpions but stinging But thus much I dare say that since Lording and loytering hath come up preaching hath gone downe contrary to the Apostles times for they preached and Lorded not and now they Lord and preach not for they that bee Lords will ill goe to the Plough it is no meete oâ—fice to them it is not seeming for their estate Thus came up Lording loyterers thus crept up unpreaching Pâ—elates for how many unlearned Prelates have wee now at this day And no marvell for if the ploughmen that now be were made Lords they would cleane give over ploughing they would leave their labour and fall to Lording outright and let the plough stand then both ploughs not walking nothing should be in the Common-wealth but hunger For ever since the Prelates were made Lords and Nobles their plough standeth there is no worke done the people starve they hawke they hunt they card they dice they pastime in their Prelacies with gallant Gentlemen with their dauncing Minions and with their fresh companions so that ploughing is set aside and by their Lording and loytering preaching and ploughing is cleane gone And thus if the ploughmen in the Country were as negligent
defieth all his enemies For he saith in his heart Tush I shall neâ—er be cast downe there shall no harme happen unto me He sitteth lurking like a Lyon in his den that he may privily murther the innocent and sucke his blood When such O Lord God as will not obey their Popish and devillish proceedings are brought before that grievous Wolfe they are miserably taunted mocked scorned blasphemed as thy deerely beloved sonne was in Bishop Caiphas house and afterward cruelly committed to prison to the Tower to the Fleete to the Marshalseys to the Kings Bench to the Counters to Lollardes Tower to Newgate c. where they are kept as sheepe in a pinfold appointed to be slaine And as this cruell and bloody Wolfe dealeth with the poore Lambes even so doe the residue of that lecherous litter He with all other of that Wolvish kind hunger and thirst nothing so greatly as the devouring of the bodies and the sucking of the blood of thy poore and innocent Lambes Ah Lord God under that most wicked Queene Iezabel were not the Prophets more cruelly handled than thy faithfull Ministers be now for as in the days of the wicked Queen Iezabel the Priests of Baal were had in great honour were chiefest and of highest authority about the Queen none bearing so much rule in the Court as they none having so much reverence done unto them as they had even so now is it with the idolatrous Priests of England they alone be chiefest and of much estimation with the Queene They alone â—uffle and raigne they alone beare the swing in the Court they alone have all things going forward as they desire they alone be capped kneeled and crowched to they alone have the keyes of the English Kingdome hanging at their girdles whatsoever they binde or loose whispering and trayterously conspiring among themselves that same is both bound and loosed in the starre Chamber in Westminster-Hall in the Parliament house yea in the Queenes privie Chamber and throughout the Realme of England The very Nobility of England are in a manner brought to such slavery that they dare not displease the least of these spitefull spirituall limmes of Antichrist It is writ that certaine men gave their judgements what thing was most mighty and strongest upon earth The first sayd wine is a strong thing The second sayd the King is strongest The third sayd women yet have more strength but above all things the truth beareth away the victory But we may now say unto such an height is the tyranny of the Spirituall Sorcerers growne that Priests in England are mightier than either Wine King Queene Lords Women and all that is there besides But how agreeth this with the example of Christ which fled away when the people would have made him a King or a temporall governour Christ refused to meddle with any worldly matters as the History of dividing the inheritance betweene the two brethren doth declare Christ willed his Disciples to refuse all worldly dominion and temporall rule When they strove among them who of them should be taken for the greatest Christ sayd unto them The Kings of the Gentiles reigne over them and they that beare rule over them are called gracious Lords but ye shall not be so for he that is greatest among you shall be as the least and he that is chiefe shall be as the minister Christ sent not his Disciples to be Lords of the Councell Lords of the Parliament Lord President Lord Chauncellour Lord Bishop Lord Suffragan Lord Deane Master Queenes Amner Mr. Comptroller Mr. Steward Mr. Receiver Sr. Iohn Massemonger c. but to be Ministers and disposers of the Mysteries of God to be Preachers of the Gospell to bee labourers in the Lords harvest to be Pastors and feeders of the Lords flock to be the salt of the earth and the light of the world to be an example to the faithfull in word and conversation in love in spirit in faith and in purenesse to feede Christs flocke so much as lyeth in their power taking the oversight of them not as though they were compelled but willingly not for the desire of filthy lucre but of a good minde not as though they were Lordâ— over the Parishes but that they be an ensample to the flocke that when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare they may receive an uncorruptible crowne of glory But these things O Lord have they all forgotten These ambitious Antichrists are so drowned in vaine glory and in the desire of filthy lucre and worldly promotions that they neither regard God nor the higher powers that they neither esteeme their office nor any one point of godlinesse honesty that they neither think upon the dreadfull day of judgement nor yet remember themselves to be mortall Their whole study in the time of this their Luciferâ— like pride is nothing else but to suppresse thy holy truth and to advance and set up their Antichristan Kingdome that they as Gods may sit alone in the Consciences of men But O Lord God though thou sufferest these Priests of Baal for our unthankefulnesse a while to prosper to raigne to ruleâ— to ruffle to flourish to triumph and to tread downe thy holy Word under their â—eete yet are we certaine that thou wilt at the last arise defend thine owne cause against these Antichrists bring thine enemies unto confusion and set thy people after they have unfainedly repented in a quiet and blessed State So he and blessed be God that he after and we now live to see this verified in part Miles Coverdale once Bishop of Exeter in King Edward the sixth his reigne being deprived of it in Queene Maries would not returne thereto againe in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths raigne but led a private life in London where he writ a booke intituled an Apologie in defence of the Church of England Printed at London 1564. wherein he writes thus of Bishops intermedling with secular affaires and of their Treasons against our Kings by the Popes instigation The Old Canons of the Apostles command that Bishop to be removed from his Office which will both supply the place of a civill Magistrate and also of an Ecclesiasticall person These men for all that both doe and will needes serve both places Nay rather the one office which they ought chiefely to execute they once touch not and yet no body commandeth them to be displaced c. And as â—oâ—uâ— we of all others most justly have left him For our Kings yea even they which with greatest reverence did follow and obey the authority and faith of the Bishops of Rome have long since found and felt well enough the yoake and tyranny of the Popes Kingdome For the Bishops of Rome took the Crowne off from the head of our King Henry the second and compelled him to put aside all Majesty and like a meere private man to come unto their Legate with great submission and humility so as all his Subjects
consent placed Bishops where there were Flamines and three Archbishops where there were Arch Flamines turning the three Archâ—flamines Sees in the three chiefe Cities into Arch-bishoprickes and the 28. Flamines Sees into 28 Bishoprickes This is punctually averred for Truth by Geofry Monmoth Histor. Brit. l. 2. c. 1. Edit Ascent l. 4. c. 19. Edit Heidelb by Gildâ—s in his Booke De victoria Aurelii Ambrosii by Gervasius Tilburiensis de Otiis Imperialibus ad Othonem Imperatorem Historiolae Wintoniensis Ecclesiae Alphredus Beuer lacensis Radulphus de Diceto Bartholomaeus de Cotton Gerardus Cornubiensis Ranulphus Cestrensis the Authors of the History of Rochester of the Chronicles of Hales and Dunstaple of the Booke of Abingdon of the Geneologicall Chronicle of the Monastery of Hales and of the Abbreviated Chronicle of the Britaines Thomas Rudburne Thomas Stubs Thomas Harfield Ponticus Virunnius Polydor Virgil Martinus Polonus Pâ—olomaeus Lucensis Tuscus cited by Ioannis Leydensis in Chronico Belgico l. 2. c. 1. Ioannis Bâ—ptista Platina in vita Eleutherii Iacobus Philippus Bergomiensis Suppl Chron. l. 8. Nauclerus vol. 1. Chronograph gen 30. Vol. 2. Gen. 6. Tritemius compend l. 1. Pope Leo the ninth Epist. 4. Guilielmus Durandus Rationaleâ— l. 2. c. 1. n. 21 22. Polydorus Virgilius de Jnventâ— rerumâ— l. 4. c. 11. All quoted to my hand by that excellent learned Antiquary Bishop Vsher. De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum primordiis c. 5. p. 56 57 58 59.99.100 To whom I might adde Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Brit. p. 7. Iohn Fâ—x his Acts and Monuments Edit ult Vol. 1. p. 138 139. Iohn Speed in his History of Great Britaine p. 132. Richard Grafton in his Chronicle part 7. p. 83. William Harrison in his Description of England l. 2. c. 1 2. With many more of our owne Writers and generally all the Canonists and Glossers on Gratian Dictinctio 80. and the Schoolemen on Peter Lombard sent l. 4. distinct 24 who concuâ—re in this opinion For in Gratian distinct 80. f. 130. I find these two decrees cited the one of Pope Lucinus with this Rubricke prefixed In what places Primates and Patriarches ought to be ordained The Cities and places wherein Primates ought to preside were not ordained by moderne times but long before the comming of Christ to whose Primates even the Gentiles did appeale for their greater businesses In those very Cities after the comming of Christ the Apostles and their Successors placed Patriarches and Primates to whom the businesses of Bishops yet saving the Apostolicall authority in all things and the greater causes after the Apostolike See are to be referred On which Iohn Thierry and others make this glosse Primates are constituted there where heretofore the proto-Flamines of the Gentiles were placed Arch-Bishops where there were Arch-Flamines Bishops where their Flamines were and this for the most part if wee may credite them was done by Saint Peters appointment The second is this Decree of Pope Clemens which warrants this glosse In those Cities wherein heretofore among the Ethnickes their chiefe Flamines and prime Doctors of the Law were placed Saint Peter commanded but God knowes when and where Primates or Patriarches of Bishops to be placed who should agitate the causes of the rest of the Bishops and the greater businesses in Faith But in those Cities in which in times past among the foresaid Ethnickes their arch-Flamines were whom yet they held to be lesse than their foresaid Primates he commanded Arch-bishops to be iustituted but in every other particular Cityâ— he commanded one sole Bishop and not many to be ordained who should onely â—btaine the name of Bishops because among the Apostles themselves there was the like institution sed unus praefuit omnibus but one had authority over the rest which is most false On which the glosse thus descants The Gentiles had three Orders of Priests to wit proto-Flamines arch-Flamines and Flamines In the place of the proto-Flamines Peter commanded Patriarches to be placed who should take conusance of the greater causes of other Bishops in the place of arch-Flamines Arch-bishops in the place of Flamines Bishops of whom there ought to be but one in every City Which Graiâ—an himselfe thus backes in his 21 Distinction There is a certaine distinction observed among Priests whence others are called simply Priests others arch-Priests others chorall Bishops others Bishops othâ—rs Arch-bishops or Metropolitanes others Primates others chiefe Priests Horum discretio a Gentibus maxime introducta est The distinction of these was principally intâ—oduced by the Gentiles who called their Flamines some simply Flamines others Arch-flamines others Proto-flamines All which Peter Lombard the Father of the Schoolemen affirming after Gratian in his lib. 4. Sentenâ—iarum Dist. 24. made this to passe as an undubitable verity among all the Canonists and Schoolemen There is onely one thing needs explanation in these Popes dâ—crees and that is what is meant by Saint Peter who is made the Author of this Institution For this we need resort no further then to the Decree of Pope Nicholas recorded by the same Gratian Distinct 22. c. Omnes f. 33. Omnes sive Patriarchae cujuslibet apicem sive Metropoleon primatus Episcopatuum cathedras vel Ecclesiarum sive cujuscunque ordinis dignitatem instituit Romana Ecclesia By which it is evident that by Saint Peter is meant the Church and Popes of Rome who stile themselves oft times Peter in their bulls and writings as well as his successors By all these Authorities compared together it is evident that our Arch-bishops and Bishops had their Originall Institution from the Church and Popes of Rome and that not out of their imitation of any divine patterne or forme of government prescribed by Christ in Scripture and setled in those primitive Churches of the Genâ—iles which the Apostles planted and to whom they directed their Epistles but out of an apish imitation of the Heathenish Hierarchicall government of the Idolatrous Proto-Flamines Arch Flamines and Flamines used among the Pagan Gentiles and Britaines before their conversion to the Christian Faith in whose very places Sees and forme of government they succeeded Eleutherâ—us instituting and ordaining that all or the most part of the Arch-Flamines which is to meane Arch-bishops and Bishops of the Pagan Law which at that day were in number three Arch Flamines and 28 Flamines should be made Arch bishops and Bishops of the Church of Christ as Grafâ—on and others write in positive termes which if it be true as this cloud of witnesses averre it will thence necessarily follow that our Archâ—bishops and Bishops are not of divine and Apostolicall but rather of Papall and Eâ—hnicall institution and a meere continuance of the Diabolicall heathenish Hierarchy exercised among the Idolatrous Priests in times of Paganisme within our Iâ—land and so by necessary consequence they and their government are rather to be utterly extirpated then perpetuated in our Christian reformed Church which ought
very necessary nor usefull in the Church for after the death of Paulinus the first Bishop of Yorke that See continued voyd of a Bishop 30. yeares So after the translation of Mellitus to Canterbury Anno. 617. that See continued voyd neere 40 yeares and how these and other Bishoprickes have continued voyd in severall ages 2.3.4.6.10.15.20 and 30. yeares together without any prejudice I have elsewhere manifested more at large If then our Bishoprickes may want Bishops for so many yeares space without any inconvenience to our Church when as no Parish Church by our Common and the Canon Lawes ought to be voyd above sixe moneths at most I presume by the selfe-same reason our Church may well subsist without for all future times especially now when there are so many complaints and petitions against them and so many Bishoprickes voyde of Prelates already Finally in those primitive times Bishops were not so great but that some of them were subject unto Presbyters For our venerable Beda informes us of an Island in Ireland which in those dayes had an Abbot Presbyter for its governour to whose jurisdiction the whole Province Et etiam Episcopi sunt subjecti and even Bishops themselves were subject according to the example of the first Teacher thereof who was no Bishop but a Presbyter and a Monke So the Abbot of Glastonbury exempt from all Episcopall Jurisdiction had a kinde of superiority above the Bishop of Bath and Wells which Bishop by the Charter of King Ina was bound with his Clerkes at Wells every yeare Ipsam matrem suam Glastoniensem Ecclesiam feria secunda post ascensionem Domini cum Litania recognoscere to doe his homage to his mother Church of Glastonbury with a Letany quod si superbia inflatus distulerit and if he refused to doe it out of pride then hee was to forfeite two houses which this King gave him And in the Excerptions of Egbert Archbishop of Yorke Anno. 750. I finde these Canons of the fourth Councell of Carthage revived here among us as Ecclesiasticall Lawes That Bishops and Presbyters should have Hospitiolum a little Cottage not a Lordly Palace neare the Church That the Bishop in the Church by the consent of the Presbyters should set somewhat above them but within the house Collegam Presbyterorum se esse cognoscat should know himselfe to be the Colleague or Companion of the Presbyters That a Bishop should not ordaine Clerkes without a Councell of his Presbyters That a Bishop should heare no mans cause without the presence of his Clerkes except the cause of confession because a decree cannot be firme which shall not seeme to have the consent of many All which considered it is evident that our Bishops in those dayes had no Lordly Jurisdiction over other Ministers no such sole power of Ordination and judicature as our present Lord Bishops now claime and exercise as their peculiar right Therefore their Antiquity and Episcopacy can be no warrant at all for the lawfulnesse or continuance of our Lordly Prelacy Thirdly admit our Bishops as ancient as King Lucius dayes or there abouts yet this is no good Plea for their continuance First because our Abbots Priors Monkes could make as good if not a better prescription for themselves as our Lordly Prelates who can alleadge nothing for their continuance but what these either did or might have done when they were suppressed For first our Monkes Abbots Priors and their Abbeyes were every way as ancient if not elder then our Lordly Bishops and Bishoprickes the Monkes and Abbey of Glastonbury deriving their pedegree from Ioseph of Aramathea which Church and Abbey our writers call Prima Ecclesia fons Origo totius Religionis c. the first Church the fountaine and Originall of all our Religion And many other of our other Abbies as that of Winchester S. Albans Westminster with others being ancienter than all or most of our Bishoprickes Secondly Most of them were confirmed by more Acts of Parliament Bulls of Popes and Charters of our Kings endowed with greater priviledges than any of our Bishoprickes whatsoever as is evident by the Charters Bulls and exemptions granted to Glastonbury Saint Albans Berry Redding Westminster Saint Augustine of Canterbury Abingdon and Wâ—â—â—â—â—â—ster Thirdly many of our Abbots and Priors sometimes above an hundred were mitred had Episcopall Iurisdiction and sate in Parliament as Barons and Peers of the Realme as well as Bishops yet notwithstanding they were all suppressed by Acts of Parliament even in time of Popery though double in number to our Bishops therefore our Bishops and Bishoprickes being now found by long experience not onely unprofitable but pernitious to our Kings and State as here I have manifested and to our Church our Religion as our Booke of Martyrs largely demonstrates may lawfully be extirpated notwithstanding this Plea of Antiquity as well as they Fourthly the Bishops in other reformed Churches could and did plead as large Antiquity and prescription for their continuance as our Prelates doe yet that could not secure them from dissolution but these Churches wholly suppressed them therefore it is no good Plea for us to continue our Prelates yea in my weake judgement it is an argument not for but against our Bishops continuance that they have beene tolerated so long since evils and grievances as our Lordly Prelates have ever beene to our Church and Kingdome are so much the more speedily and carefully to be suppressed by how much the more inveterate and lasting they have beene In a word the government of our Church by a Presbytery hath beene more ancient more profitable and lesse prejudiciall to our State Kings Church than the Government of our Lordly Prelacy therefore it is most reasonable that it should be revived reestablished and the Prelacy suppressed All which I hope may suffice in Answere to the first part of this grand objection which hath stumbled many To the second branch of it touching the danger and inconvenience of this change in suppressing Episcopacy I answer First that there can bee no danger or inconvenience at all therein because the people generally most earnestly desire pray for expect it and have preferred many Petitions to the High Court of Parliament to effect it Secondly because all things are now prepared for this alteration the wickednesse misdemeanors prophanenesse superstition oppression of our present Prelates with the great troubles and combustions they have raised in our Church our State to their intolerable charge and molestation deserve and call for this alteration the present constitution of our Church State people yea our correspondency with Scotland with other reformed Churches requires it the divisions and distractions in our Church which in many wise mens apprehensions cannot be reconciled nor any unity or uniformity in Gods worship established among us without it call for it Episcopacy being now growne such a roote of bitternesse and wall of partition as there is
Abstract of certaine Acts of Parliamenâ— The Demonstration of Discipline M. Cartâ—rights reply Marâ—in Marprâ—latâ— and others 39 RICHARD BANCROFT * In his Sermon at Pauls Crosse by D. Reynolds in his letter to Sr. Francis Knoles * Martyns Chron. p. 793. p. 48 49. * In his certaine grievances well worthy the consideration of the right honourable Court of Parliament p. 14 15. 40 GEORGE ABBOT 41 AVGVSTINE * See Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 15. to 45. 1. to 7. Fox Acts monuments p. 149. to 156. Malmesde gestis Pontif. l. 1. William Harrisons Description of England l. 2. c. 1.2 * See Greg. Epist. l. 11. epist. 36.44 and Morney his mystery of iniquity Sect. 22. p. 116 117. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 4 5 6 7. Matth. Westm. An. 603. p. 204 205 206. Beda Eccles. hist. l. 2. c. 21 22. Fox Acâ—â— and Monuments p. 153 154. Polichron l. 5. c. 19. f. 194 195. Fabian part 5. c. 109 110. Malmesb. l. 5. de Regibus Hâ—â—ricâ— Spelmanâ—â— concilia tom 1. p. 104. to 112. Godwinâ— catalogue of Biâ—hops p. 5 6. Iacob Vsserius de Britannicarum Ecclesiarprimâ—rdiis pag. 133 9â—2.1157 Malmes de gestis regum Aâ—gliâ— l. 1. c. 3. * Epitom Chron. * Amandus Xiâ—â—ixiensis * Antiq. Eccles. â—rit p. 4 5. where hee notably inveighs against ceremomonies and the â—igorous presâ—â—ng of them 42 WILIAM LAUD * Sunday no Sabbath p. 2.43 44. Altare Christianum * See D. Râ—â—naldâ— conference with Haâ—â— c. 6. Divil 3. p. 210. to 218. Christopher Câ—rlilâ— his St Peters life and peregrination proving that Peter was never at Romeâ— M. Bâ—rnard his fabulous foundation of the Popedome * See M. Râ—usâ— his speech to the Lords at the Transmission of M. Smarts cause Mr. Pimmes Speech See thâ— Charge of the Scâ—ttish Commissioners against Canterbury * Which Doctor Pierce Bishop of Bath and Welâ— in his speech to hiâ— Clergy to set on this contribution stiled Bellum Episcopale adding that whatâ—â—ver his Majesty had expressed in his Declarationâ— tâ— be the cause of this warrâ— yet in truth this warre is FOR VS Bishopsâ— Chaptâ—â— 7. * The Relation of his Confâ—rence with Fisher p. 132.142.296 â—â—8 301 * Relation of his Conferencâ— with Fiâ—â—er p. 270. * Ibidem p. 384.385 * See Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 8. Godwin p. 8. Malmesbur dâ— Gestis Pontif. lib. 1. p. 196. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 14.15.17 Godwin p. 11. THEODORUS Malmesbur de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p 261.262 BIRHTUALDUS * Malmes de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p. 263. to 266. Antiq. Eccl. Briâ— p. 17.18.19 TATWIN * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 21. Godwin Pag. 13. * Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 22.24 CUTBERT LAMBERT * Matth. Westm. An. 765. p. â—76 Malmesburiensiâ— De gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198 199. Ant. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 26.29 Godwin p. â—5 ATHELARDUS * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27 to 34. Malmes de Gestis Pontif l. 1. p. 199. Matth. West An. 1267. p. 292. Godwin p. 16. * Epistola ad Hegibaldum Episc. Ant. Eccles. Brit. p. 31. * Beda Eâ—el Hist. l. 2. c. 3. Antiqu. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 7. * Camdeâ—s Britannia p. 460. ELNOTHVS Speed Hist. l. 8. â— 4. p. 484.496 Holinshed History of England l. 7. c. 13. p. 182 * William Hâ—â—rison Description of England â— 132.133 We have seene the like of late iâ—â— like prelaâ—icall quarrell * I would oâ—â— secular Lordly Prelates would consider this * William Harrison Description of England pag. 134 135. * Sermo 1. in convers S. Pauli super Cant. Sermâ— 77. Hee writes it principally of the Popes of Rome but t is as true oâ— the Popes of Canterbury * Rev. 18.19.21 * Rev. 1â— â— Sylâ—â—sâ—â—r â—â—ralduâ— 1 WILFRID * Will Malâ—sb de Gestâ—s Pontif. l. 3. p. 260. to 266. Antiquâ—t Eccâ—â—s Brit. p. 14. to 19. Godwin p 560 561 562. Math Westm. Anno 672. Florentius Wigorniensis An. 677 6â—5 Holinshed hist. of Brit. l. 5. c 34.35 36. l 6 c. 2. Henrici Spelm. Concil Tom. 1. p. 146 147 149 157.161 162 163 178 179 200 to 206. Antiqu Eccâ—es Brit p 47. * Matth Wesâ—m Anno 673. Henriâ—i Spelm. Coâ—cil Tom. 1. p. 153. * Matb Westm. An 872. Godwin p. 566. 2 VLFERUS Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p 269. Godwin p 567. Holinâ—hed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 23. p. 158. Math. Wâ—stm Ann. 951.953 3 WOLSTAN * Math. Westm. Hovâ—den Florentius Wigorniâ—sis An. 951 952 953. * Holinshed hist. of England l. 6. c. 25. p. 162. 4 OSVVALD 5 ELFRICK Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. p 270 271. Godwin p 570. Florentius Wigoâ—niensis An. 1040 1041. Math Westm. An 1040 Holinsheds Hist. of England l. 7. c 15. p. 185. Speed p. 407â— 6 ALDREDUS * Will Malmsb. de Gestâ—s Pontif. l. 3. p. 271. Godwin p. 571. to 574. Speed p. 419. Polichroâ— l. 7. c. 27 28. l. 7. c. 1. Math. Wâ—stm Ann. 1071. Wigâ—rniensis An. 106â— Holinshed â—ist of England l 8. c. 8. p. 196. 7 THURSTAN * Polichron l. 7. c. 15. Malmsbâ— de Gestis Ponti l. 3. p. 274 275. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 112 113. Eadmerus hist. Novorum l 5 6. p. 117. to 138. Godwin p. 579.580.981 Walfingh and Holtnshed p. 41 42 49. 8 MURDAC * Nenbrigâ—nsis hist. l. 1. c. 17. Godw. p. 582. 9 PLANTAGINET * Godw. p. 587 588 Neubrig l. 4. c. 17. Matâ— Paris hist Maior p. 146.157 134 212 222 Holinshed p. 143 147 163 170. * Matth. Westm. Anno 1207. * Holinshed p 147. 10 GODFREY DE KINTON Godwin p. 594. * Godw p. 596. See 21. Ed. 1. â—n the Fleas of the Parliament plac 17. Dorsâ—clauso p. 21. E. 1. m. 3. 11 IOHN ROMAN * Godw. p. 597.598 12 THOMAS DE CORBRIDGE Walsingâ— hist. Angliae pâ— 110 111. Holinsh. 348. 13 WILLIAM DE MELTON * Holinshâ—d hist. of Scot. p. 222. 14 ALEXANDER NEVEL * Godwin p. 601 602 Grafton p. 375. Holiâ—shed p. 458 460 463 464. Walsingh hist Ang p 354 368. Speeds p. 748 749. * Alexan. Nevel â—roditorâ— â—usurâ—one translato adâ— Episcopatum S. Andrâ—ae in Scotia Hist. Ang. p. 368. 15 THOMAS ARUNDEL Godwin p. 603â— Graâ—ton p. 382. Walsâ—â—gh hist. Ang. p 386 392 393. Yâ—â—dig Naâ—st p. 151. * Holinshed p 488. * Holinshed p. 503. * Godwin p. 604 605 606. Polychron lib 8. c. 10. f 326. Walsingh Ypodigm Nâ—ust Aâ— 1405â— f. 168.170 Caxton pars 7. Hâ—n 4. p. 430. Stow Martin Fabian An. 6. Hen. 4. Speeds Hist. l 9. c. 14. p. 775. sect 43. Halls Chron. par 1. An. 6. H. 4. f. 25. Walsingh hist. Angliae p. 416 417. Holinshed p. 522.529 530. 16 RICHARD SCROOPE Stamford Plecs of the Crowne l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. a Cromptons Iâ—risdiction of Courtsâ— f. 12. b. Pag. 430. * Walsingh hist. Ypodigm An. 1406. p. 170. * An 6. Hâ—â— 4. f. 25. 17 IOHN KEMP Holinshâ—d p. 620â— to 627. 18 GEORGE NEVILL Godwin p. 609 610 611 Halls Chron. An. 8
example In a word he was the worst persecuting Bishop in his age and was twice deposed from his Bishopricke for his misdemeanors first in King Edwards dayes and after in the beginning of Queene Eâ—izabeths raigne by authority of Parliament at which time he was committed to the Marshashey among Rogues and murtherers where he died and was buried at midnight in obscurity Richard Fletcher the 42. Bishop of London incurred Queene Elizabeths just displeasure for his misdemeanors whereupon he fell to cure his cares by immoderate drinking of Tobacco and Iune the fifteenth 1596. died suddenly at his house in London being to see well sicke and dead in one quarter of an houre Richard Bancroft Bishop of London consecrated the eleventh of May 1597. was a great persecuter of godly Ministers a favourer and harbourer of Priests and Jesuites and caused Dolmons Book of Succession against King Iames his tittle to the Crowne to be Printed in his house and published hee was the chiefe Author of the Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall set forth in the first yeare of King Iames which afterwards did breed much trouble and disturbance in our Chuâ—ch and are now voted in Parliament to be made without any lawfull authority and to be repugnant to the Lawes of the Realme and liberty of the subject William Laud the last Bishop of London but one whilst he continued in that See was very like to his predecessors Bonner and Bancroft in his practises and proceedings for some of which and others since he now stands charged of high treason by the Parliaament Of which more before p. 157. c. The present Bishop of London William Iuxon was Bishop Laudes creature advanced by him and the first Prelate in our memory who relinquished the cure of soules and preaching of Gods Word to become a Lord Treasurer and sit as a Publican at the receit of Custome His disposition and carriage as a man have beene amiable commendable but how farre forth he hath concurred with Canterbury in his evill counsells and designes as he is a Prelate time will discover How ever in the interim his forwardnesse in compiling and pressing the late new Canons Loane and c. Oath and his last Visitation Articles wherein these new Canons and Oath are inforced upon the Subjects against the Lawes and their Liberties with some censures of his in the Starre-chamber and high Commission resolved by Parliament to be against the Law and liberty of the Subject and his Innovations in Scotland are inexcusable Winchester From the Prelates of London I now passe to those of Winchester of whom William Harrison in the discription of England hath made this true observation If the old Catalogue of the Bishops be well considered of and the Acts of the greatest part of them weighed as they are to be read in our Histories ye shall finde the most egregious hypocrites the stoutest warriours the cruellest tyrants the richest mony-mongers and politicke Councellours in temporall affaires to have I wote not by what secret working of the divine providence beene placed here in Winchester since the foundation of that See which was erected by Birinus An. 639. whom Pope Honorius sent hither out of Italy and first planted at Dorcester in the time of Kimgils then translated to Winchester where it doth yet continue Wina the third or rather the first Bishop of Winchester from whence some write this city tooke its name about the yeare of our Lord 666. I know not for what misdemeanour so highly offended Kenwalchus King of the West Saxons who advanced him to this See that the King fell into great mislike of him and drave him out of his Country who thereupon flying to Wulfher King of Mercia bought of him for a great summe of money the Bishopricke of London being the first Symonist that is mentioned in our Historyes whence aâ—ter his death he was deservedly omitted out of the Catalogue of the Bishops of London Herefridus the fifteene Bishop of Winchester and Sigelmus Bishop of Sherborne An. 834. accompanied King Egbert to the warres against the Danes and were both slaine in a battell against them About the yeare of our Lord 1016. Edmond Ironside succeeding his father in the Kingdome was crowned at London by the Archbishop of Yorke but the rest of the Bishops Abbots and spiritualty among whom Edsinus the 32. Bishop of Winchester was one favouring Cnute a Dane who had no right nor title to the Crowne assembling together at Southampton within Winchester Diocesse 〈◊〉 proclaimedâ— and ordained â—nuâ—e for their King and submitted themselves to him as their Soveraigne which occasioned many bloody battells and intestine warres almost to the utter ruine of the Kingdome of which you may read at large in our Historians â—nute not long after his inauguration being put to the worst at Durham by Edmâ—â—d immediaâ—ly tooke into Winchesâ—er to secure himselfe a good proofe this Bishop sided with him against his Soveraigne Eâ—mond though a most heroicke Prince Alwyn the 33. Bishop of Winchester was imprisoned by Edmond the Confessor for the suspition of incontinency with Emma the Kings mother and that upon the accusation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury who likewise accused Queene Egitha of adultery more out of envy to her father than truth of so foule a fact in her whereupon the King expulsed her his Court and bed and that with no little disgrace for taking all her Jewels from her even to the uttermost farthing he committed her prisoner to the Monastery of VVilton attended onely with one Mayde while she for a whole yeares space almost in teares and prayers expected the day of her release and comfort The Clergy at this time were altogether unlearned wanton and vicious for the Prelates neglecting the office of their Episcopall function which was to tender the affaires of the Church and to feede the flocke of Christ lived themselves idle and covetous addicted wholely to the pompe of the world and voluptuous life little caring for the Churches and soules committed to their charge and if any told them faith Higden that their lives ought to be holy and their conversation without coveteousnesse according to the sacred prescript and vertuous examples of their Elders they would scoffingly put them off Nunc aliud tempus alii pro tempore mores Times have mutations So must mens fashions and thus saith he they plained the roughnesse of their doings with smoothnesse of their answers Stigand Anno 1047. was translated to Winchester from whence also he was removed to Canterbury in the yeare 1052. But whether he mistruâ—ted his Title to Canterbury Robert the former Arch-Bishop being yet alive or whether infatiable covetousnesse provoked him thereunto I cannot tell hee retained still Winchesâ—er notwithstanding his preferment to Canterbury which was the cause of his undoing at last For the Conqueror who came into this Realme while he was
Arch-Bishop being desirous to place his own Countrey-men in all roomes of speciall Authoritie and besides having a private grudge at Stigand for forcing him to yeeld Kentish men their ancient Liberties whereof see more in Canterbury procured him to be deprived of both his Bishoprickes upon this point that he had contrary to the Law held them both together He was deprived An. 1069. and dyed a prisoner in the Castle of Winchester soon after About the yeare 1107. King Henry the first taking upon him to bestow Bishoprickes giving investiture and possession of them by delivering the Ring and the Crosier placed divers of his Chaplaines in Bishoprickes without election commanding the Arch-bishop to consecrate them Among divers others hee appointed William Giffard Bishop of Winchester and required Anselme the Arch-bishop to consecrate him Anselme utterly denyed to afford consecration either to him or any other in the like case The King then sent unto Girard Arch-bishop of York whom he found nothing strange but Gâ—ffard saith Matthew Westminster timens rigorem sancti Anselmi spernit consecrationem ejus stood so much in awe of Saint Anselme as hee durst not but reject the offer of the others consecration The King angry hitherto with the Arch-bishop onely was now much more incensed against this Giffard and in great displeasure banished him the Realme In the end the King and the Arch-bishop grew to this agreement that the gifts of the King already passed should be ratified and his Clerkes nominated to Bishoprickes have consecration upon promise that hereafter he should not disturbe Canonicall Elections and utterly renounce his pretended priviledge So after much adoe he was consecrated togegether with divers others An. 1107. Henry de Bloys being Bishop of Winchester when King Henry the first dyed although he with the other Bishops of the Land had sworne fealtie unto Maud the Empresse yet she being absent in Normandy this Bishop doubting left some other stepping up before her arrivallâ— the Kingdome might be rent away quite from his kindred and passe to some strangerâ— by vertue of his power Legantine called a Councell of the Clergie who swayed all in those dayes and drawing Roger Bishop of Saliâ—bury to his partie easily procured his Brother Stephen Earle of Boloigne to be elected King whom they crowned and submitted to as their Soveraigne disinhereting Maud the right Heire The King not long after falling out with these two Bishops seized upon their Castles and imprisoned the Bishop of Salisbury who dyed for griefe The Bishop of Winchester summons a Counsell there to which the Bishop was cited the Case of the Bishops concerning their Castles was there long debated betweene the Pope the Bishops and those on the Kings side he would yeeld to nothing whereupon they moved the Legate to Excommunicate him who replied he durst not doe it without the Popes privitie The Kings unthankefulnesse to the Bishops who onely had set him up did so alienate them from him that thereupon they joyned with Maud the Empresse against him who by their meanes became able to make her part good with Stephen and tooke him prisoner the Bishop of Winchester and a great part of the Realme too receiving her for their Queene Hereupon this Prelate accurseth and excommuncates al the opposites of Maud the Empresse who denying him a suite in the behalfe of his Brother Eustace He thereupon revokes hâ—s Excommunication secretly falls from her stirres up the discontented Londoners against her mans divers Castles to resist her equivocates in his words and actions with her to worke her ruine fiers Winchester upon her and at last entraps her Thus this turne-coat trecherous Prelate with the rest were Traytors and Rebels on both sides of which see more in William Corbell Arch-Bishop of Canteâ—bury and Roger of Salisbury and in the Historians hereunto quoted The Pope sent a Pall to this Bishop desirous to constituâ—e a new Arch-Bishoprick at Winchester and to assigne 7. Bishops to him Peter de la Roche or de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester who was Protectour and had greatest sway in the Government of the Realme in the beginning of King Henry the 3. his Raigne by his evill Counsell to the King became the chiefe Incendiary and occasion of the Barons warres For having by his false accusations and policies wrought Hubert Earle of Kent out of the Kings favour and plotted his death that hee might solely raigne and predominate over the gentle young King The better to effect this his designe he procures him to displace the English Officers and in their roomes to surrogate Poictovines and Britons who comming over to the number of about 2000. hee stuffed his Castles with them and did as it were wholly intrust himselfe his Treasures strength and the Realme to them So that Judgements were committed to the unjust Lawes to the out-lawesâ— peace to wranglers and Justice to wrong-doers Such as would have prayed redresse for these abuses were interrupted and put off by this Bishop of Winchester Among them who were removed from their places in Court was one Sir William de Redune a Knight and Deputie Marshall to Richard Earle of Pembroke This was to the Earle very displeasant which joyned with a consideration of the publicke cause and danger hee associates to him certaine of the great Lords as was the fashion of those Lording times upon every discontent and in the company of them advanceth confidently to the Kingâ— whom in the hearing of many he reproveth for that hee had through finister advice called in the â—oictovins to the oppression of the Realme and of his naturall Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties humbly therefore hee beseecheth him that he would speedily reforme such abuses which threatned the imminent subversion both of the Crowne and Kingdome which if hee did not himselfe and other Lords would so long withdraw their attendance as hee entertained strangers The Bishop hereunto makes answer That the King might well and lawfully call in what strangers himselfe thought good for the defence of the Crowne and Realme and such and so many of them as might be able to compell his proud and rebellious people to due obedience When the Oracle would speake no otherwise they departed from Court greatly discontented firmly promising one to the other that in such a cause which did so touch them all they would like men stand together while any breath was in their bodies Those who were now most potent about the King nothing sorry for the discontentment of so great a Peere as the Earle Marshall but counting it a part of their strengths to use the Regall power towards the weakning of the English nourish in the King his aversion The Poictovins and other strangers thus bearing the swayâ— so as the Kings person went guarded with troopes of such the Earles and Barons being by the Kings command summoned to antoher Parliament at Oxford refused to come While the King was there one Robert Bacon who
Wresting of Scripâ—ure Tyranny and cruelty by the Pope * Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 656.657 Alexander Fabritius 1 Tim. 3.1 * Thomas Gascoigne in Dict. Theolog part 3. Ioan. Balaeus Cent. 8. c. 19. Fox Acts and Monuments Edit ult Vol. 1. p. 929 930. Hall 36. H. 8. fo 171. Holinshed p. 946. Reynold Peacocke All the Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons convocation with King H. the eight Nota. Note Cuthbert Tonstall and Iohn Stokerley * Thom. Beacon â—is Reports of certaâ—ne men vol. 3. f. 267. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 972.973 Miles Clericus * Centur. scriâ— Brit. l. 5. sectâ— 18. p. 396. Hebr. 5.1 Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 510 511. Catalog Testium veritatis p. 512.524 525 529. Antoninus m. 4. part Extraâ—agâ— Ioan. 22. * English Waldenses Hist. Angl. p. 101. Sir Iohn Borthwick Fox Acts and monuments vol. 2. edit ult p. 609 610. The sixth Article Civill domion differing fâ—om Ecclesiasticall Christ refuseth the office of a Civill Iudge An objection made by the example of Moâ—es supplying both the offices answered unto Palaces to Princes Churches pertaine to priests Peter could not give that he had not Peter had no Lordly dominion Ergo Peter could not give Lordly dominion to his successors The seventh Article Borthwicke M William Tyndall Martyr David How Bishops instruâ—â— Kings * Pag. 114 115. Kings defend the false authorityâ— of the Pope their office punishing of sinne laid apart Bishops ministeâ— the Kings duty their owne laid apart yea they persecute their owne office Kings doe but wait on the Popes Pleasâ—râ— The jugling of the Pope Bishops of Almany Milaine Bishops of France A Cap of Maintenance Most Christian Kingâ— Defender of the Popes Faith The eldest sonne of the holy seat Blasing of arms The English Bishops The falshood of Biâ—hops A cruell and an abominable example of â—yranranny judge them by their â—leeds saith Christ. * Hee meanes Cardinall Wâ—lsey in case of the Laâ—tie * See Latymers Sermons at Sâ—â—mford f. 97. The Whore of Babylon Note this Bishops Behold the face of the Pope and of the Bishops in this glasse Peters patrimony The Popes authority is improved Bishops have captived Gods Word with their own decrâ—es Kings are in capâ—ivity The duty of Kings Vnlawâ—ull Oaths ought to be broken and may without dispensation The King onely ought to punish sinne I meane that is broken forth the hâ—â—rt must remaine to God Against the Coâ—â—on Law The Kings Law is Gods Law Kings ought to see what they doe and not to beleeve the Bishops namely seeing their living is so sore suspect The Kings are become Antichrists hangmen Be learned ye that judge the â—arth Who slew the Prophets Glorious Names How are they esteemed Kings arâ— downe they cannot goe lower Note this They win somewhat alwayes Note this The Prelates aâ—e cloathed in red Pollaxes Judge the tree by his fruite and not by his leaves Compare their deedes to the Doctrine and deedes of Christ and of his Apostles and judge their fruites What Judas is now Bishops wâ—rke Treason through Conâ—ession Kings be sworne to the Bishops and not the Bishops unto the Kings The 〈◊〉 reape by having Bishops Confessionâ— Note this Pâ—licie The manifold â—â—ormities which their Auricâ—laâ— Confession 〈◊〉 brâ—â—dâ— No wonder then our Prelates and Priests of late were so eager to bring in Confession againe The Pope and his Chaplaines are the Fountaines of all evills in spirituall regiment or temporall Vnder an oâ—tward pretence of Gods honour the Popes Clergie procured their owne dignity Note this Notâ— The keeping downe of Gods Woâ—d promoted the Popes spiriâ—ualties honour The Bishop of Rochesteâ— is a fit patterne to judge all the rest of affinity by Thâ— cauâ—â— why Kings could not come to the knowledge of the truth The ministers of Christs Doctrine may not have â—nâ— temporall offices Mat. 6. Mat. 20. The Officers in Christs Kingdome may have no temporall dominion Mat. 1â— To receive a child in Christs name what it is 1 Thess. 5. The Pope iâ—â— Wolfe in a Lambâ— Skiâ—â— JOHN â—RITâ— Bound up witâ— M. Tyâ—â—â—lls workeâ—â— Silveâ—â—er When corruption entred into the Church Bishoprickes were not greedily sought after in the Primitive Church for then it was a charge and not a Lordship Mat. 27. Mark 25. Joh. 1â— A great alteration in the Châ—rch since the time of Christ and his Apostles â— Cor. 11â— A little flâ—cke is left that are not corrupted D. Barnes The sixt Article Tit. 1. The Cardinall and D. Barnâ—s râ—â—sâ—nâ—d togethâ—r Bâ—t therefore was I am hereticke O figmentum If I fained such a thing I should be an hereticke Athanius com in Tâ—tâ—mâ— c. 1. Chrysostome in Titum The eighth Arâ—iâ—le Officers be but Bishops hangmen God amend it The ninth Arâ—â—â—lâ— The tenth Arâ—icle 2. qu. 7. Secuti sunâ—â— â—ap Noâ— si A supplication to King Heâ—râ— the eight Ioh. 3. Matth. 5. Actâ— 6. Isay 3. Prov. 14.20 Isay. 11. 1 Tim. 6. Luk. 22. 1 Pet. 5. Rom. 10. Joh. 2. 1 Cor. 4. Mat. 6. Ioh. 9. Isay 5. Isay 66. Gal. 1. Psal. 53. Isay â— Note this Ioh. 1â— Iohn 15.19 Iohn Lambert Fox Acts and Monument old edition p. 541. 553. The order and state of Priests Election of Ministers in the old time not without the assent of the people The Image of a very Christian Bishop c. * See Fox Acts and monuments old edition p. 574. The preachers ought much rather to rebuke the spirituall heads than the temporall for divers just causes Nicholaicall Bishops I wene he means the Bishops made of children at Saint Nicholas time Tyrants Temporall Princes and Governours Rom. 13. The Word of God Object Answ. Note this The profit that commeth of our Bishops 2 Cor. 1. Psal. 57. Deafe Serpents They that resist the Word of God be sediâ—ious persons What the Bishops call â—edition The tyranny of the Pope The sloathfulnesse and reachlesnesse of Bishops Objectâ— Answ. An History 〈◊〉 Narration * Fulgâ—sus Collect. lib. â— * The Patron of Colâ—n A true Character of Lordly Prelâ—tâ—â— * Titus 1.5.7 Presbyter Episcopus Tituâ— 1. â— â—â— Acts 7. Ye seâ— here that the Preachers of the Gospel tâ—ach no sedition shedding of blood or fighting with the hand Object Answ. Note this Boniface Titâ— Note this The Examples of holy men may not be perjudiciall to Gods holy Word For all men may erre God saved Daniel in the Dungeon of Lyons Dan. 6. Dan. 3. Note All the Priests of one City be called of Paul Bishops All true Preachers been Biâ—hops The Court of Rome Note Proverbs Philippi â—uraâ—es or Parish Priests Episcopus Bishops Officials what kinde of men Note Bishops werâ— in those dayes deemed intollerable greevances fit to be removed The Decree of the Author Pâ—esbyters Note Note Vos non sic Notâ— this old and new practise of Prelates Object Answer Note Note The causes of the Division betweene the Spiritualty and the Commonalty William Wraughton alias Turneâ— Roderickeâ— Mors. Note well
what â—nsueth Henry Stalbridg * See the 5 6. part of the Hom. against wilfull rebellion And the 2. part of thâ— Homely on Whitsunday * Ibid. fol. 18. 22. to 31. Note * See a supplication to King Henry the 8. An. 1544. accordingly * M. Tindals practise of Prelates accordingly * Buceâ—us de Regnâ— Christi l. 2. c. 12. * Note See the Supplication to King Henry the eight An. 1544. Mr FISH Fox Acts and Monum p. 926.927 The fruits of Prelates greatnesse sitting in Parliament * Now they bring such into the High Commission there ruine them or force them to give over their actions Note the danger that accrews by making Clergy-men chiefe Temporall officers MARTYN BUCER * Lib. 2. c. 1.2.12 In his Scripoa Anglicana Basilea 1577. p. 65.69.70.71.580 * It is the Divell then not God that calls Bishops to be Courtiers and temporall officers * How Prelates came by their great Lordly possessions See his Scripta Anglicana pag. 254.255.259.291 292 293. and Comment in Matth. 16. And â—he unbishoping of Timothy and Titus p. 106 107 108. Zwinglius Bishop Hooper * Fox vol. 3. pag. 46.137 * Upon the 8. Commandement p. 78. * See Rucerus dâ— râ—gnâ— Christi l. 2. c. 12. Note The Booke of Ordination * 3 Edwâ— 6. c. 12.8 Eliz. c. 1. Canon 36. The Bishop Answer The Bishop Answer The Booke of Homilies Father Latimer * in his Sermons f. 17 18 c. Note this Note this welâ— * Fathâ—r Laâ—ymer would not have Bishops Lords of the Parliament or to sit therein Note this The Spirituall Pastors have a great charge In his Sermons fol. 10.11 Dr. Harpesfield Iohn Bradford Fox Acts Monuments v. 3. p. 293. Edmund Allâ—n This is the present objection for the continuance of Bishops Deanes and Chapters Notâ— IOHN BALE * His Image of both Churches on Apoc. 19. 20. part 3. f. 195.208 MATTHEW PARKER * Antiquit. Ecâ—l Brit. p. 139.140.141.142.143 A strange evill death of a Clergie Lord Treasurer who like Iudas Christs Treasurer and bag-bearer dyed in despaire * Lego omnia bona mâ—a Dominâ— Regi corpus sepulturâ— Animâ—m Diabolo Quâ— dictâ— expiravit c. Note See Nicholas de Clemangiis De Corrupto Ecclesia statu c. 17.18.19 an excellent Discourse against Bishops intermedling in temporall affaires and bearing civill ofâ—â—ces * Hâ—vedâ—n Aâ—â—â—l pars postâ—â—iâ—r p. 779. Speed p 550 * Annal. pars posterior p. 767.768 THOMAS BEACON Isay. 36.10 Mat. 5.13 Joh. 20.21 Wolvish Sheepheards The description of a certaine head Wolfe clathed in a Bishops rotchet A comparison betweene Queen Isabels time and ours Priests chiefe in the Country and thorow out England Awake Nobility The ambition and security of the Papists MILES COVERDALE * Godwins Cat. p. 338. JOHN PONET WALTER HADDON Bishop ALLEY Bishop PILKINGTON Mr. Nowel BISHOP ELMER Few of our Prelates would now refuse such a proffer Act. 3 â— to 7. Cor. 4.12 * 1 Tim. 6.8 NICHOLAS BULLINGHAM IOHN BRIDGES Difference betweene Priests and Bishops * Hiâ—râ—niâ—us 〈◊〉 Titum Dist. 63. Can. Oliâ— idâ—m * Lib. 4. Dist. 24.1 â— Tim. 3â— Instiâ—utiâ— dâ—ctr Christi de shâ—râ— ordinis fol. 196. * Summa Angâ—lica L. Ord. The papistâ— controversie about their holy order The Heavenly and earthly Kingdome are not 〈◊〉 joyned that the Bishops may be earthly Kings M. Sanders objetion and answer Whether a Bishop may take a Kingdome upon him pâ—operly or unproperly Deposing of Princes by the Prelates practises Heb. 10. The Churches promotion Matth. 2â— Glossa in Lyâ—â—â—â—â—â—pâ—r Iâ—h Hofmeister in Luc. 12. Why Christ took not on him the office of a Magistrate Christ abolished not the magistrates office though he himâ—elfe reâ—used it M. Iohn Fox Bishop Iuâ—l * Ad Eâ—agrium * Dâ— simplicit Prelatâ—r Eâ—asm in Schol. in Epist. ad Euagrium M. Harding Hieron iâ— Epist. ad Titum c. I. Erasm. in Schol. iâ— Epist. ad Euagr. Sub. Lâ—â—ne Sâ—ssiâ—ne 10. Erasm. in Apologia ad Pium * Hieron ad Euagrium * Erasmus adversus Albert. Pighium * Hierâ—n in Epist. ad Titum c. 1. * Hieron â—odem locâ— * August Epist. 9. * Chrys. in 1 Tim. Homili 11. Hieron ad Euagrium * Aug. in quaest Novi Vet. Testamâ— q. 101. * Amb. in 1 Tim. cap. 3. * Ioh. de Paristis cap. 22. in vira Silvestri * De câ—nsideraâ—â— ad Eug. lib. 4. â— * Aug. de Civit. Deâ— lib. 19. c. 19. * Chrysost. Hom. 43â— in opere imperfecto in Mat. * Serm. 33. in Cantica * Bern. Serm. 1. in Conv. S. Pauli * Conc. Macrâ—â—se â—itatur ab Illyr intâ—r testâ—s verit p. 121. * Chrys. in Mat. Homil. 35. * Hieron contra Lucifâ—rianos * Hieron in Sophoniam â—ap 1. * Conc. Trident. * Sub Paulo 3. Admonitio Legator * Avâ—ntinus lib. 3. de Rupertâ— * Berâ— in Cantic Serm. 33. Holcot in sapient lect 23. * Bern. in Cantiâ— Serm. 77. * Lauâ— Valla de Donat. Const. Paralipomen * Vrspergen * Bernar. de considerationâ— ad Eugenium l. 4â— (a) 8 Quast 1. Qui Episcopatum (b) August 2. qu. 7. Qui nec Aug. (c) Aug. cont Donatist lib. 6. (d) Bern. de considerat ad Eugenium lib. 3. 1â— Cor. 15. (e) Aâ— Do. 1â—9â— (f) An. 1273. In provisione Marâ—ona c. 9. (g) Extr. Qui silli sunt Legitime (h) Lâ—ges Canuti (i) Robert Keilwey his Reports f. 184. b. (k) Nostre Seigâ—iour le Roy poit assets bien tener son Parliament perlâ—y ses temporall Seigniours per ses Commons tout sans les spirituals Seigniors Carlos spiritual Signiors nont ascun place enâ—â— Parliament Chamber per Reason de lour spiritualty mes solement perâ— Reason de lour Temporall possessions c. Bishop Latymer Bishop Bilsâ—n A Parliament taking part with truth hath the warrant of God and the Magistrate Laymen may make their choice what faith they will professe The Prince is authorized from God to executâ— his Commandement The Jesuites presume that all is theirs The Prince may command for truth though the Bishops would say no. The Jesuites have neither Gods Law nor mans to make that which the Prince and the Parliament did to be void for lacke of the Bishops assents The Kings Judah did command for truth without a Counâ—â—ll * 2 Chron. 14. cap. 15. * 2 Chron. â—9â— 4 Kings 22. Christian Princes may do the likâ— * Constantine authorised Christian Religson without any Coâ—â—cell Eusâ—b de vita Constant. lib. 2. * Iustinian had no Councell for the making of his Constitutions But 6. generall Councels in 790 yeares * Soâ—ra l. 5. c. 10. Theodosius made his owne choyse what Religion he would establish Realmes have beene Christned upon the perswasions of Lay men and women †Ruff. l. â— c. 9. And never asked the Priests leave so to doâ— Soc. l. 1. c. 19. India converted by Merchants †Ruff. l. 1. c. 10. Iberia converted by a woman The Jesuites would have