Canaanite Math. 15.22 is in Marke called a Syrophoenician Marc. 7.26 2. Where meÌ„tion is made in Iosua Ios. 5.1 of the Kings of Canaan they are in the Septuagints translation named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. To put it out of questioÌ„ All that coast from Sidon to Azzah that was Gaza neere to Gerar is registred by * Gen. 10.19 Moses to haue beene possessed by the posterity of Chanaan Of which coast the more northren part aboue the promontory of Carmell or rather from the riuer Chorseus Kison the Iewes called it that nere the promontory of Carmel Strab. l. 16. noÌ„ long ante med Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Ptâ—lem Tab. 4. Aâ—ae Dionys Alex. in Periegesi entreth the sea to the city of Orthosia aboue Sidon northward is by Strabo Plinie Ptolomy and others referred to Phoenicia although Strabo extend that name along all the maritime coast of Palestina also to the confines of Aegypt as Dionysius Periegetes also doth placing Ioppa and Gaza and Elath in Phoenicia which very tract to haue bin the seuerall possessions of Zidon and Cheth Girgashi and Harki and Aruadi and Chamathi sixe of the eleuen sonnes of Canaan the other fiue inhabiting more to the south in Palestina they that are skilful in the ancient Chorography of the Holy land cannot be ignorant Seeing therefore out of this part of the land of Canaan for in this part Tyrus was the Carthaginians and other colonies of the Phaenicians in Afrique came it is out of all doubt that they were of the Chananites progenie August expos â—â—â—hoat epist. ad Roman in med and for such in very deede and no other they reputed and professed themselues to be for as Austine hath left recorded who was borne liued among them the country people of the Puniques when they were asked touching themselues what they were they would make answere that they were Channai meaning as Austine himselfe doth interprete them Canaanites Certaine therefore it is that the natiue Punique langauge was not the Chanaanitish tongue but that I added for explication this clause or the olde Hebrew meaning by the olde Hebrew that which was vulgarly spoken among the Iewes before the captiuity you will perhaps suspect my credite and bee offended for I am not ignorant how superstitiously Diuines for the most part are affected toward the Hebrew tongue yet when I had set downe the Africans language to haue beene the Canaanitish tongue I thought good to adde for plainesse sake or the old Hebrew because J take them indeede to be the very same language and that Abraham and his posterity brought it not out of Chaldaea but learned it in the land of Chanaan Neither is this opinion of mine a meere paradox and fantasie but I haue * Postel lib. de Phoenic lit c. 2. §. 5. Arias Monta. L. Chanaan ca. 9. Gâ—â—ebrard l. 1. Chron. an Dâ—lunij 131 Scalâ—â— â—d seâ— in diâ—t â—â—rte in ep â—d V. â—ertâ—e ad Tomson three or foure of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that nation that the later times could afford of the same minde And certainly by * Isa. 19.18 Isaiah it is called in direct termes the language of Chanaan And it is moreouer manifest that the names of the places and cities of Chanaan the olde names I meane by which they were called before the Israelites dwelt in them as is to be seene in the whole course of the books of Moses and of Ioshuah were Hebrew names touching which point although I could produce other forceable reasons such as might except my fantasie delude me vex the best wit in the world to giue them iust solution yet I will adde no more both to auoide prolixity and because I shall haue in another place fitter occasion But to speake particularly of the Punique tongue which hath brought vs into this discourse and which I proued before to be the Canaanitish language it is not only * Augu. in ser. 35. de verb. Dom. in EuaÌ„gel sec. LucaÌ„ in one place pronounced by Augustine who knew it well no man better to haue neer affinitie with the Hebrew tong which also the * As in the Punique tongue Salus three Augustin in expos inchoat epist. ad Roman Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Edom bloud Enar. Psalm 136. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mamon lucre De Sermon Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bal. the Lord. Quaest. in Iudie cap. 16. Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Samen Heauen Ibid. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Messe to annoint Tract 15. in Ioan. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alma a Virgine Hieron in c. 7. Isai. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gadir a fence or wall Plinie l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and some other that diligence might obserue Punick words dispearsed in the writings of Augustine and of others as many as come to my remembrance proue to be true But more effectually in * Aug l. 2 coÌ„t litter Petiliani â—ap 104. an other place to agree with it in very many yea almost in euerie worde Which speech seeing they could in no sort haue from the Israelites being not of Abrahams posterity both because no such transmigration of them is remembred in the holy histories and for that the Punique colonies are specially mentioned to haue beene deduced from Tyre which neuer came into the possession of the Israelites but from the Canaanites whose of-spring they were It followeth therupon that the language of the Canaanites was either the very same or exceeding neere the Hebrew And certainely touching the difference that was betweene the Hebrew and the Punique I make no doubt but the great distance from their primitiue habitation and their conuersation with strangers among whom they were planted and together with both the length of time which is wont to bring alteration to all the languages in the world were the causes of it And although that Punique speech in Plautus which is the onely continued speech of that language Plauâ— iâ— Pâ—e nulo Act. 6. that to my knowledge remaineth extant in any Author haue no such great conuenience with the Hebrew tongue yet I assure my selfe the faults corruptions that haue crept into it by many transcriptions to haue beene the cause of so great difference by reason whereof it is much changed from what at the first it was when Plautus writ it about 1800. yeares agoe And specially because in transcribing thereof there would be so much the lesse care taken as the language was lesse vnderstood by the writers and by the readers and so the escapes lesse subiect to obseruation and controlement Of the largenesse of the Slauonish Turkish and Arabique languages CHAP. VIII MAny are the nations that haue for their vulgar language the Slauonish tongue in Europe some in Asia Among which the principall in Europe are the Slauonians themselues inhabiting Dalmatia Liburnia the West
be not to bee found at this time an hundred housholds of Iewes Boter Relat pa. â— l. 2. c. de Gindei Onely of all the townes of Palestina Tiberias which Amurath the great Turke gaue to Aluarez Mendez a Iew and Staffâ—letto are somewhat peopled with them Neither haue they at this present for any thing that is certainly knowen any other region in the world seuerall to themselues Yet because there be some prouinces wherein they are obserued specially to abound as others also whence they are excluded and banished I will consider a little of their present condition The first Country of Christendome whence the Iewes were expelled with out hope of returne was our Country of England whence they were banished Anno 1290 by King Edward the first Not long after they were likewise banished France An. 1307. by Philippus Pulcher Onely of all the Countryes of France in the Iurisdiction of Auignon the Popes state some are remaining Out of Spaine An. 1492 by Ferdinand and shortly after out of Portugall An 1497 by Emanuel Out of the Kingdome of Naples and Sicilie An. 1539. by Charles the 5. In other regions of Europe they are found and in some of them in great numbers as in Germanie Bohem Polonia Lituania Russia and part of Italie specially Venice and Rome In Greece also a great multitude wherein two Citties beside all them of other places Constantinople and Thessalonica are esteemed to be about 160000 Iewes As also they are to be found by plentifull numbers in many parts of the Turks dominion both in Asia and Afrique And for Asia specially in Aleppo in Tripoli in Damascus in Rhodes and almost in euery City of great trade and traffique in the Turkâ—sh Empire As likewise in diuers parts of the Persian gouernment in Arabia also lastly in India namely about Cranganor and in some other more remote regions And to come to Afrique they are not only foundin the Cities of Alexandria and Cair in Aegypt but as in many other regions places of Afrique so principally in the Cities of Fess and Tremisen and specially in the Hilles of Sensaua and Demen in the Kingdome of Maroccho many of which last are by Leo Africanus specially noted to be of that Sect Leo African l. 2. c. 36. c. which the Iewes name * For of the Iewes as touching their religion there bee in these times three fects The first which is the greatest of them is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who beside the holy scriptures imbrace the Talmud also for Authenticall and for that cause they are also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which receiue onely the scriptures And the Third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Samaritans at this day but very few which of all the holy Scriptures admit onely the Pentateuch or bookes of Moses Karraim and by the other Iewes of Afrique are reputed no better then heretiques But yet beside these and such like dispersions of the Iewish Nation that may be elsewhere in the world there is a phantasie of many learned men not vnwoorthy some diligent consideration that the Tartars of Scythia who about the yeare 1200 or a little before became first knowen abroad in the world by that name and hold at this day a great part of Asia in subiection That those Tartars I say are of the * Postell Descript Syriae cap. 1. Genebrad Chron. l. 1. Boteâ— Relat. pa. 1. l. 2. c. vlâ—ima parte della Tartaria pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gindei Israelites progeny Namely of the ten Tribes which by Salmanazar and some of his predecessours were carried captiue into Assyria Which although it be as I said no other then a vain and cappriccious phantasie yet hath it not onely found acceptance and entertainement with sundrie learned and vnderstanding men but reason and authority are produced or pretended to establish it for a truth For first It is alleaged that the word Tatari or Totari for so indeed they are rightly called as * Leunclau in Pandect Hist. Turcic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syr. learned men obserue and not Tartari signifieth in the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues a Residue or Remainder such as these Tartars are supposed to bee of the Ten Tribes Secondly because as the Patrons of this phantasie say they haue alwaies embraced the ancient character of Iudaisme Circumcision And thirdly 2 Esdras 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45 the authority of supposed Esdras the very spring I take it whence hath flowed this streame of opinion is alleaged Namely that the Tenne Tribes tooke this course to themselues that they would leaue the multitude of the heathen and goe foorth into a farther Country where neuer mankinde dwelt That they might there keepe their statutes which they neuer kept in their owne land And that they entred in at the narrow passages of the Riuer Euphrates The most high shewing them signes and staying the Springs of the floud till they were passed ouer And that their Iourney was great euen of a yeare and a halfe and the region is called Arsareth But to the first of these arguments I may answere that the Tartars obtained that name neither from Hebrew nor Syriaque originall and appellation but from the riuer Tartar saith Leunclauius Leunclau in Pand. histor Turcic §. 3. and * Boem de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10. Haitti lib. de Tartaris cap. 16. others Or else from the Region as sayth Haitho where the principall of them anciently dwelled Secondly that the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew or Syriaque signification importing a residue or remainder can but full ill as it seemes be applied to the Tartars in relation of the Israelites whom they exceedingly surpasse in multitude as ouerspreading halfe the vast continent of Asia or thereabout For all the Nations of Asia from the great riuers of Wolgha and Oby Eastward and from the Caspian sea the riuer Oxus the Countryes of India and China northward are contained vnder the Appellation of Tartars and yet without these bounds many Tartars there are both toward the West and South And what if the innumerable people of so many Nations as are knowen to inhabite and ouerspread the huge continent of America be also of the same of-spring Certainely if I bee not greatly deceiued they are no other For first that their originall must bee deriued from Asia is apparent because as he that readeth the relations and histories of those Countryes of America may easily obserue they haue no rellish nor resemblance at all of the Arts or learning or ciuility of Europe And their colour restifieth they are not of the Africans progenie there being not found in all that large Continent any blacke men except a few about the Riuer of S. Martha in a small Countrey called Quarequa which by force and violence of some tempest are
part of Afrique adioyning to Aegypt was full of Greeke Citties These were the places where the Greeke tongue was natiuely and vulgarly spoken Hieroniâ— Loco supra citato either originally or by reason of Colonies But yet for other causes it became much more large and generall One was the loue of Philosophie and the liberall arts written in a manner onely in Greeke Another the exceeding great trade and traffique of Grecians in which aboue all nations except perhaps the old Phenicians to whom yet they seeme not to haue beene inferior they imployed themselues A third beyond all these because those great Princes among whom al that Alexander the Great had conquered was diuided were Grecians which for manie reasons could not but exceedingly spreade the Greeke tongue in all those parts where they were Gouernors among whom euen one alone Seleucus by name is registred by Appian to haue founded in the East parts vnder his gouernement Appian L. de Belâ—s Syriac at least 60 Citties al of them carrying Greeke names or else named after his father his wiues or himselfe And yet was there a fourth cause that in the after time greatly furthered this inlargement of the Greeke tongue namely the imployment of Grecians in the gouerment of the prouinces after the translation of the Imperiall seate to Constantinople For these causes I say together with the mixture of Greeke Colonies dispersed in many places in which fruitfulnesse of Colonies the Grecians far passed the Romanes the Greeke tongue spred very farre especially towards the East In so much that all the Orient which yet must be vnderstoode with limitation namely the Orientall part of the Romane Empire or to speake in the phrase of those times the dioces of the Orient which contained Syria Palestine Cilicia and part of Mesopotaneia and of Arabia is said by Hierome Hieror bisuper to haue spoken Greeke which also Isidore specially obserueth in Aegypt and Syria to haue beene the Dorique dialect Iâ—â—dor Origin L. 9 C. 1. And this great glory the Greeke tongue held in the Apostles time and long after in the Easterne parts till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia it came to ruine in those prouinces about 640 yeares after the birth of our Sauiour namely in the time of the Emperour Heraclius the Arabians bringing in their language together with their victories into all the regions they subdued euen as the Latine tongue is supposed to haue perished by the inundation and mixture of the Gothes and other barbarous nations in the West Of the Decaying of the ancient Greeke tongue and of the present vulgar Greeke CHAP. 2. BVt at this day the Greeke tongue is very much decayed not onely as touching the largenesse and vulgarnesse of it but also in the purenesse and elegancy of the language For as touching the former First in Italie Fraunce and other places to the West the naturall languages of the countries haue vsurped vpon it Secondly in the skirts of Greece it selfe namely in Epirus and that part of Macedon that lieth towards the Adriatique sea the Sclauonique tongue hath extinguished it Thirdly in Anatolia the Turkish tongue hath for a great part suppressed it And Lastly in the more Eastward and South parts as in that part of Cilicia that is beyond the riuer Piramus in Siria Palestine Aegypt and Libia the Arabian tongue hath abolished it Abolished it I say namely as touching any vulgar vse for as touching Ecclesiasticall vse many Christians of those parts still retaine it in their Leiturgies So that the parts in which the Greeke tongue is spoken at this day are in few words but these First Greece it selfe excepting Epirus and the West part of Macedon Secondly the Isles of the Aegaean sea Thirdly Candie the Isles Eastward of Candie along the coast of Asia to Cyprus although in Cyprus diuers other languages are spoken beside the Greeke and likewise the Isles Westward of Candia along the Coastes of Greece and Epirus to Corfu And Lastly a good part of Anatolia But as I said the Greeke tongue is not onely thus restrained in comparison of the ancient extention that it had but it is also much degenerated and impaired as touching the purenesse of speech being ouergrowne with barbarousnesse But yet not without some rellish of the ancient elegancie Neither is it altogether so much declined from the antient Greeke Bellon Obseruat L. 1. c. 3 Turcogroec L. 3. 5. as the Italian is departed from the Latine as Bellonius hath also obserued and by conferring of diuers Epistles of the present language which you may finde in Crusius his Turcograecia with the ancient tongue may be put out of question which corruption yet certainely hath not befallen that language through any inundation of barbarous people as is supposed to haue altered the Latine tongue for although I know Greece to haue beene ouerrunne wasted by the Gothes yet I finde not in histories any remembrance of their habitation or long continuance in Greece of their coalition into one people with the Grecians without which I conceaue not how the tongue could be greatly altered by them And yet certaine it is that long before the Turkes came among them their language was growne to the corruption wherein now it is for that in the writings of Cedrenus Nicetas and some other late Greekes although long before the Turkes inuasion there is found notwithstanding they were learned men a strong rellish of this barbarousnesse Insomuch that the learned Grecians themselues Geâ—â—ach in epist ad Crusiâ—m TurcoGraeâ— L. 7. pag. 489. acknowledge it to bee very ancient and are vtterly ignorant when it began in their language which is to me a certaine argument that it had no violent nor sodaine beginning by the mixture of other forrain nations among theÌ„ but hath gotten into their language by the ordinarie change which time and many common occasions that attend on time are wont to bring to all languages in the world for which reason the corruption of speech growing vpon them by little and little the change hath beene vnsensible Yet it cannot be denied and * â— Zygomalos in Epist. ad Cius Turcog pag. some of the Grecians themselues confesse so much that beside many Romane words which from the translation of the imperiall seate to Constantinople began to creepe into their language as we may obserue in diuers Greeke writers of good antiquitie some Italian words also and Slauonian and Arabique and Turkish and of other nations are gotten into their language by reason of the great traffique and commerce which those people exercise with the Grecians For which cause as Bellonius hath obserued Belloâ— Obseruat L. 1. C 3. it is more altered in the maritime parts and such other places of foraigne concourse then in the inner region But yet the greatest part of the corruption of that language hath beene bred at home and proceeded from no other cause then their owne
Italie that is the broder part named then Gallia Cisalpina as is remembred by Dion Dion l. 41. But not long after the forraine Prouinces also began to be infranchized Fraunce being indued with the libertie of Roman Citizens by Galba as I find in Tacitus Ta cit l. 1. Historiaâ— Plin. l. 3. ca. 3. Spaigne by Vespasian as it is in Plinie And at last by Antonius Pius all without exception that were subiect to the Empire of Rome as appeareth by the testimonie of Vlpian in the Digests Digest l. 1. Tit de Statu hominum Leg. In Orbe Romano The benefite of which Romane freedome they that would vse could not with honestie doe it remaining ignorant of the Romane tongue These two as I haue said were the principall causes of inlarging that language yet other there were also of great importance to further it For first concerning Ambassages suites appeals or whatsoeuer other businesse of the Prouincials or forraines nothing was allowed to be handled or spoken in the Senate at Rome but in the Latine tongue Secondly the Lawes whereby the prouinces were gouerned were all written in that language as being in all of them excepting onely municipall Cities the ordinarie Roman law Thirdly the * Digest l. 42 Tit. de re iudicata Leg. Decret Praetors of the Prouinces were not allowed to deliuer their Iudgements saue in that language and we read in Dion Cassius of a principall man of Greece that by Claudius was put from the order of Iudges Dion l. 57. Val. Maxim l. 2 c. 2. for being ignorant of the Latine tongue and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus that the Romane Magistrates would not giue audience to the Grecians lesse therefore I take it to the Barbarous nations saue in the Latine tongue Fourthly the generall schooles erected in sundry Cities of the Prouinces wherof we finde mention in Tacitus Tacit. l. 3. Annal. Heron. in â—p st ad Rusticum Tom. 1. Hierome and others in which the Roman tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech as is vsuall in vniuersities till this day was no small furtherance to that language And to conclude that the Romans had generally at least in the after times when Rome was become a Monarchy and in the flourish of the Empire great care to inlarge their tongue together with their dominion is by Augustine in his bookes de Ciuitate Dei August de Ciuit. Deâ— lib. 19. c. 7. specially remembred I said it was so in the after times for certainly that the Romanes were not very anciently possessed with that humour of spreading their language appeareth by Liuie in whom we finde recorded that it was granted the Cumanes Liu. Histor. Rom. l. 4â— for a fauour and at their suite that they might publiquely vse the Romane tongue not fully 140 yeares before the beginning of the Emperours And yet was Cuma but about 100 miles distant from Rome and at that time the Romanes had conquered all Italie Sicilie Sardinia and a great part of Spaine But yet in all the Prouinces of the Empire the Romane tongue found not alike acceptance and successe but most inlarged and spread it selfe toward the North and West and South bounds for first that in al the regions of Pannonia it was known Velleius is mine Author Vellei lib. 2. Strab. lib. 3. 4. Secondly that it was spoken in Fraunce and Spaine Strabo Thirdly that in Afrique Apulei in Floridis Apuleius And it seemeth the sermons of Cyprian and Augustine yet extant of Augustine it is manifest that they preached to the people in latin But in the East parts of the Empire as in Greece and Asia and so likewise in Afrique from the greater Syrtis Eastward I cannot in my reading finde that the Roman tongue euer grew into any common vse And the reason of it seemes to be for that in those parts of the Empire it became most frequent where the most and greatest Roman Colonies were planted And therefore ouer all Italy it became in a maner vulgar wherin I haue obserued in Histories and in registers of ancient inscriptions to haue beene planted by the Romanes at seuerall times aboue 150 Colonies as in Afrique also nere 60 namely 57 in Spaine 29. in Fraunce as it stretched to Rhene 26 and so in Illyricum and other North parts of the Empire betweene the Adriatique sea and Danubius verie manie And yet I doubt not but in all these parts more there were then any historie or ancient inscription that now remaines hath remembred And contrariewise in those Countries where fewest Colonies were planted the Latine tongue grew nothing so common as for example heere in Britaine there were but foure those were 1 Eboracum Yorke 2 Debuna Chester 3 Isâ—a Caâ—rusk in Monmouth-shire and 4 Camalodunum Maldon in Essex for London although recorded for one by Onuphrius Onuphr in Imper. Rom. was none as is manifest by his owne * Tacit. l. 14. Annal. Author in the place that himselfe alleageth and therefore we finde in the British tongue which yet remaineth in Wales but little rellish to account of or reliques of the Latine And for this cause also partly the East prouinces of the Empire sauoured little or nothing of the Roman tongue For first in Afrique beyond the greater Syrtis I find neuer a Roman Colonie for Onuphrius Onuphr lib. iam citato that hath recorded * Vide Digest l. 50. Tit. de Censibus Leg. sâ—â—endum Indicia Cyrenensium for one alleaging Vlpian for Author was deceiued by some faultie Copie of the Digests For the corrected copies haue Zernensium and for Indicia is to be read in Dacia as is rightly obserued for in it the Citie of Zerne was by Pancirellus Secondly in Aegypt there were but two Pancirell id Comment Notit Imper Orienâ—alis Cap. 138 and to be briefe Syria onely excepted which had about 20 Romane Colonies but most of them late planted especially by Septimius Seuerus and his sonne Bassianus to strengthen that side of the Empire against the Parthians and yet I find not that in Syria the Romane tongue euer obtained any vulgar vse the rest had but verie few in proportion to the largenesse of those regions Of which little estimation and vse of the Roman tongue in the East parts beside the want of Colonies forementioned and to omit their loue to their owne languages which they held to be more ciuill then the Roman another great cause was the Greek which they had in farre greater account both for learning sake insomuch that Cicero confesseth Graeca saith he leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus Cicer. in 〈◊〉 pro Archiâ— poeta Latina suis finibus exiguis sane continentur and for traffique to both which the Graecians aboue all nations of the world were anciently giuen to omit both the excelleÌ„cy of the tongue it self for souÌ„d copiousnes that it had forestalled the Roman in
Indus also the great kingdomes of Cambaia and Bengala for a great part of them and about one fourth part of the inhabitants of Malabar are obserued to be Mahumetans And secondly to consider the inland parts all from the westerly bounds of Asia namely the riuer Tanais with the Euxine Aegaean and Mediterane seas as farre Eastward as the mountaine Imaus which is more then halfe the length of Asia is possessed by them Except first the * Guaguin Descr. Tartar in Kyrgesâ—orum Horda Kirgessi neere Imaus who are Idolaters and secondly the mixture of Christians among them who yet haue very small proportion for their multitude to Mahumetans in any prouince of all the mentioned vast circuit for howsoeuer Burchardus about 320. yeares agoe hath left recorded of those parts of Asia that there were to be found in them 30. Christians for one Mahumetan Descr. ter sanct pa. 2. c. 2. § 9. yet certainely that in these present times the excesse of multitude is growne great on the Mahumetans side in respect of Christians the experience of many putteth out of question And if wee shall proceed yet farther eastward in the inland parts of Asia and passe in our speculation beyond the mountaine Imaus euen there also sundry prouinces are obserued as * Paul Venet. l. 1. c. 41.42.43 Peim Cotam Lop where Mahumetans are the maine and sole inhabitants and many more as * Id. l. 1. ca. 38.40.47.62.63.64 c. Cassar Carcham Chinchintilus Tanguth Ergimul Cerguth Tenduc c. where they are mingled among idolaters which may for a great part counteruaile those regions of Asia which Christians and Idolaters take vp on this side that mountaine So that in my estimation hauing about these points coÌ„ferred history with Geography in the most circumspect considerate manner that I was able about nine parts of 20. of Asia are possessed by Mahumetans Thus then is Mahumetanisme spread ouer the one halfe almost of the firme land of Asia And yet moreouer in the Ilands also that are about Asia that religion hath found large intertainment For not onely a good part of the small * Nicol. de coÌ„â—i Viag nelle Indie Baâ—bos â—p Ramus Vol. 1. de Viaggi p 313 318.319 Boter Relat p. 3. l. 2 de Mahometani Isles of Maldiuia namely those of them that are inhabited for they are aboue 7000. in all and most without habitation are possessed with Mahumetans but moreouer all the ports of the Isle of Ceilan except Colombo which the Portugalls haue the Sea coasts of Sumatra the ports of Iaua with the Isle of Sunda the ports of Banda of Bornéo and of Gilolo with some of the ilands Malucos are in the hands of Mahumetans Of the great spreading inlargement of which religion if the causes were demanded of mee I should make answere that beside the iustice of almighty God punishing by that violent and wicked sect the sinnes of Christians for we see that by the conquests of the Arabians and Turks it hath cheefly seased on those regions where Christianity in ancient time most flourished both in Afrique and Asia and partly in Europe one cause J say of the large spreading of their Religion is the large spreading of their victories For it hath euer beene the condition of the conquered to follow for the most part the religion of the conquerors A secoÌ„d their peremptory restraint euen on the paine of death of all disputation touching their religion and calling any point of it into question A third their suppression of the studie of Philosophy by the light whereof the grosnesse and vanity of many parts of their religion might bee discouered which is inhibited to bee taught in their vniuersities and so hath beene about these 400. yeares whereas till then it greatly flourished among theÌ„ in Cordoua in Fess in Maroccho in Bagded and other cities And yet as Bellonius and * Bellon Obser l. 3. c. 30. Georgeuitz l. 2. de Ritib Turcar. cap. de Scholis others write the Turkes fall now againe to those studies afresh A fourth cause may well bee assigned the sensuall liberty allowed by it namely to haue many wiues and the like promise of sensual pleasures to succeed after this life to the Religious obseruers of it in Paradise wherewith men for the greatest part as being of things wherewith their sense is affected whereof they haue had certaine experience are more allured and perswaded then with promises of spiritual delights presented only to their hopes and for which present and sensible pleasures must in the meane time be forsaken Of the sundrie regions of the world inhabited by Idolaters CHAP. XII NOW touching Idolaters they possesse in Europe a region as I before obserued about 900. miles in circuit although the ordinary Geographical charts represent it but falslie more then twise so large containing Lappia Corelia Biarmia Scricfinia and the north part of Finmarch All which together may by estimation make about one sixtieth part of Europe or a little more more I meane in magnitude rather then in multitude for it is indeed a little greater then so Beside which prouinces there are also to bee found in diuers places of * Beem de Morib gent. l. 3. c. 7. Boter Relat. p. â— l. 1. c. Litunia Lituania and Samagotia some scattered remnants of Idolaters But in Afrique their multitude is very great for from C. Blanco on the coast of Libya the most westerly point of all Afrique being about the north latitude of twenty degrees euen al the coast of Afrique southward to the cape of Buena Esperanza And thence turning by the backe of Afrique as farre as the cape of Mozambique beeing ouer against the middest of Madagascar in the south latitude of fifteene degrees all this coast I say beeing not much lesse then halfe the circumference of Afrique is inhabited by Idolaters Onely on the East side from Mozambique to Cape de Corrientes which is the south latitude of 24 degrees they are mingled with Mahumetans And on the west side in the kingdome of Congo and the north part of Angola with Christians But yet in both these places of their mixture idolaters are the greater multitude But now if wee consider the inland Region of Afrique all betweene the riuer Nilus and the West sea of Aethiopia from about the north parallel of tenne degrees to the south parallel of 6. or 7. degrees but from that parallel of 6. or 7. degrees euen all Aethiopia southward on both the sides of Nilus from the east sea of Aethiopia to the West euen to the most southerly point of all Afrique the cape of Buona Speranza is possessed by idolaters excepting onely some part of Congo and Angola afore mentioned toward the west sea inhabited by Christians and the vtmost shore of the East sea froÌ„ Mozambique northward which is replenished with Mahumetans And yet beside all the regions before mentioned euen all the kingdome of * Leo African l. 7.