a wype To the Father Prior of Corta caeli I sende a riche palia for my sake I pray you to cōmaunde that it bée giuen him in my behalf to visit him bicause I lodged long time with him am much bound affectioned vnto him No more but that our Lord be your protector and kéepe you from an euill lemman and heale you of your goute From Madrid the thirde of Marche .1527 A letter vnto the Bishop of Zamora Sir Anthony of Acuna wherein he is sharply reprehended for that he was captain of the commons that rebelled in Spaine REuerent and seditious Prelate Zalobrena the sergeant of your bande gaue mée a Letter of yours whiche presently I coulde not vnderstand but after I had read returned againe to reade the same I did sée it was no letter but a bill that the Bishop of Zamora had sente wherein he dyd desie and threaten that he woulde kill me or commaunde mée to be chastized The cause of this defiaunce your Lordshippe declareth to procéede for that in Villa Braxima I withdrew Sir Peter Giron from your parcialitie and counselled hym to cease to followe you and retire to serue the king I my Lorde doe accept your defiance and hold my selfe defyed not that wée kill our selues but that we examin our selues not to the ende wée goe vnto the fielde but to incommende our selues to reason Which reason as a viewer of our factes shall declare whether of vs is moste culpable I in followyng and obeying the Kyng or you in altering and reuolting the kingdome I remēber me being as thē but yong in Trecenon a manour house of Gueuara I did sée my vncle Sir Ladron sir Beltram my father mourne in black for your father in verie trouth my lord Bishop seeing you as I did sée you in Villa Braxima compassed with artillery accōpanied with souldiours and armed at al points with more reason we might weare gréen bicause you liue than black for that your father died The diuine Plato of two thinges did not discerne which first to bewayle that is to wit the death of good men or the life of the wicked for it is a most great grief vnto the heart to sée the good so soon to die and the wicked so long time to liue A certain Greeke béeing demanded for what cause he shewed so great sorow in the death of Agesilaus He answered I wéepe not bicause Agesilaus died but for that Alcibiades remaineth liuing whose life offendeth the Goddes and escandalizeth the world A certain Gentleman of Medina who is named Iohn Cnaso reported that being appointed to haue the ouersight of your bringing vp he was driuen to change foure Nursses in six moneths for that in nursing you were fierce wayware and importune in suckyng It séemeth vnto mée my Lorde Bishop that since in your childhoode you were so paynfull and in your lyfe so sedicious it were great reason that in your olde yeares as you shoulde be quiet if not for your deseruing yet to repose you shoulde seeke quietnesse holding as you haue in youre possession thrée score yeare completed ▪ and shortely maye boaste youre selfe of thrée score and tenne accomplyshed it seemeth to mée no euyll counsayle that you offer if it lyke you the flower to God for that you bestowed so muche branne in the worlde Since your gardein is blasted your vinedage ended youre floure fallen your primetyme finished your youthe passed you olde age come it were muche more conueniente to take order for amendment of olde sinnes reformation of youre life than to execute the office of Captaine ouer rebelling cōmoners If you will not followe Christe that made you yet folow sir Lewes of Acuna that begat you at whose gates many poore euery day did féede and at your gates we sée not but playing and blaspheming souldiours To make of souldiours priests it passeth but of priests to make souldiors is an acte moste scandalous whervnto I wil not say your Lordship consented but that you exactely haue perfourmed You broughte from Zamora to Tordissillas thrée hundreth Massing Priestes not to instructe the Kinges subiectes but to defend that Town against the King and to remoue your Lordship from euill toungs as also for the better saluation of their soules you brought them from Zamora in the beginning of Lent in such wise that like a good pastor an excellent Prelate you remoued thē from praying to fighting in the assault which the Gentlemē gaue at Tordessillas against your bande I saw with mine eyes one of your priests with an harquebuse ouerthrow eleuen men behinde a window the grace was that when he did leuell to shoote he blessed him selfe with his péece and killed them with the pellot I sawe also before the assaulte was ended the Souldiours of oure side that were without giue that good Prelate such a blow in the forehead with an arrow that the death of that caytise was so suddain as he had neither time to confesse his sinnes nor yet so muche as to blesse himselfe But nowe the soule of that Bishop that remoued that priest from his churche the soule of that priest that slew so many men what excuse can they haue before men and what accounte maye they make to God It were a sinne to take you from the warres but much greater to make you of the church since you be so offensiue in nothing scrupulous hereof we be most certain for that you make no account to fight to kill and also to be irregular I woulde gladly knowe in whether booke you haue read most which is to wit in Vegetius whiche entreateth of matters of warres or in S. Austine his booke of Christian doctrine and that whiche I durste auouche is I haue séene you many tymes handle a partisan but neuer anye booke and it séemeth vnto mée not a little gréeuous that to the souldioures that assaulted and fel at the taking of the fort of Impudia they say that you sayde So my sonnes vp fight and die beholde my soule for yours since you dye in so iust an enterprise and a demaunde so holye My Lorde Bishop you well knowe that the Souldiors that there were slayne were excommunicate for sacriledge traytours to the King robbers of churches théeues on high ways enemies of the common wealth and maintainers of ciuill warre It is most euident that the soule of that Bishop that speaketh suche blasphemie is not much scrupulous that desireth to die as a souldiour neither doe I maruell that he desireth to die like a desperate Souldiour that neuer made account of his estate as a Bishoppe If you had raysed this warre to reforme the common wealth or to haue made frée your countrey from some oppression and taxation it might séeme you had occasion although in déed no reason but your Lordship hath not risen against the king for the weale of the kingdom but to make exchange for a better Bishoprike
and giue me grace to serue him From Burgos the 15. of September in the yeare 1523. A letter vnto Sir Ynnigo of Velasco Constable of Castile wherein the author doth teache the briefenesse of writing in olde time THe fourth of October here in Valiodolid I receyued a letter from your honour written in Villorado the thirtith of September and considering the distance from hence thither and the small tarying of your letter from thence hither too my iudgement if it had bin a troute it had come hither very fresh Pirrhus the King of the Epirotes was the first that inuented currers or postes and in this case he was a Prince so vigilant that hauing thrée armies spred in diuers partes his seate or pallace being in the Citie of Tarento in one day he vnderstood from Rome in two dayes out of Fraunce in thrée out of Germany and in fiue out of Asia In such sorte that his messengers did rather séeme to flie than otherwise The hart of man is such an inuentor of new thinges and so farre in loue with nouelties that the more straunge the thing is they say or wright vnto vs so much the more we do reioyce and delight therein for that olde things do giue lothsomenesse and new things do awaken the spirites This vātage you haue that can do much of them that haue but little that in short time you write whether you will and vnderstand from whence you think good although also it is most true that sometime you vnderstand some newes within thrée dayes which you would not haue knowen in thrée yeares There is no pleasure ioye or delight in this world that with it bringeth not some inconuenience in such wise that that wherin long time we haue had delight in one day wée pay and yelde againe Sir I haue saide thus muche to the end to continue your good opinion towards Mosen Ruben your Steward whiche by the date of your letter dothe séeme to haue made greate spéede and to haue slept very little for he brought the letter so freshe that it séemed the inke to be scarce drie You write vnto me that I should certefie you what is the cause that I being descended of a linage so auncient of body so high in the momentes of my prayers so long and in preaching so large how I am in writing so briefe especially in my last letter that I sent from the monasterie of Fres Dell Vall when I was there preaching vnto Caesar Whiche you say did containe but foure reasons and eight lines Sir in these things that you haue written you haue giuen me matter not to answere very short And if by chaunce I shall so doe from hencefoorth I say and protest it shal be more for your pleasure than for mine owne contentation As concerning that you say my linage is auncient your lordship doth well knowe that my graundfather was called sir Beltran of Gueuara my father also was named sir Beltran of Gueuara and my Cosin was called sir Ladron of Gueuara and that I am now named sir Antony of Gueuara yea and also your Lordship doth know that first there were Earles in Gueuara before there were Kings in Castile This linage of Gueuara bringeth his antiquitie out of Britaine and dothe containe sixe houses of honour in Castile whiche is to wete the Earle of Onate in Alaua sir Ladron of Gueuara in Valldalega sir Peter Velez of Gueuara in Salinas sir Diego of Gueuara in Paradilla sir Charles of Gueuara in Murcia sir Beltran of Gueuara in Morata All which be valiant of persones although poore in estates rentes in such sorte that those of this linage of Gueuara do more aduaunce themselues of their antiquitie from whence they are descended than of the goods which they possesse A man to discend of a delicate bloud and to haue noble or Generous parents doth muche profite to honour vs and doth not blunte the launce to defende vs for that infamie doth tempt vs to be desperate and the honour to mende our estate Christ and his Mother would not descend of the tribe of Beniamin whiche was the least but of the tribe of Iuda which was the greater and the better They had a law in Rome named Prosapia which is to say the law of linages by which it was ordained and commaunded in Rome that when contention did arise in the senate for the consulship that those which discended of the linage of the Siluians of the Torquatians and of the Fabritians should obtain chiefe place before all others and this was done after this manner for that these thrée linages in Rome were most auncient and did descend of right valiant Romaines They whiche descended of Cato in Athenes of Licurgus in Lacedemonia of Cato in Vtica of Agesilaus in Licaonia and of Tussides in Galacia were not onely priuiledged in their prouinces but also amongst all nations much honored And this was not so much for the desert of those that were liuing as for the merite of the auncient personages that were dead Also it was a lawe in Rome that all those that descended of the Tarquines of the Escaurians Catelines Fabatians and Bithinians had no offices in the commō wealth neither yet might dwell within the compasse of Rome And this was done for the hate they bare to King Tarquin the Consull Escaurus the tyrant Catiline the Censor Fabatus and the traytour Bithinius all which were in their liues very vnhonest and in their gouernement very offensiue Sir I say this bicause a man to be euill descending from the good surely it is a great infamie but to descend of the good and to bée good is no small glorie But in fine it is with men as it is with wines sometime he sauors of the good soyle sometime of the caske others of the goodnesse of the grapes A minde not to flie a noblenesse in giuing swéete and curteous in speach an heart for to aduenture and clemencie to pardon graces and vertues be these that are rarely founde in a man of base soyle And many times suche one is extract of an auncient and Noble linage As the worlde nowe goeth vpon who art thou and what art thou it doth not séeme to me a man may haue better blason in his house than to be and also descended of a bloud vnspotted For that such a man shall haue whereof to commend himself and not wherefore to be despised or taunted Sir also you say in your letter that I am in body large high drie and very straight of which properties I haue not whereof to complaine but wherefore to prayse my self Bycause the wood that is large drie and straight is more estéemed and bought at a greater price If the greatnesse of bodie displeased God hée had neuer created Paulus the Numidian Hercules the Grecian Amilon the wilde woodman Sampson the Hebrewe Pindarus the Thebane Hermonius the Corinth nor Hena the Ethicke whiche were in the
Cicero sayth writing vnto Articus this name Knight or Gentleman the Romaynes did neuer admit either consent to entitle those that could gather muche riches but suche as had bene at the victory of many battailes That Knight or Gentleman that doth not imitate the valiant actes of his predecessours ought not boast himselfe to descend of them For how much the more renoumed the life of the fathers is so much the more are the children to be accused for their negligence To presume much of no more but to descend of Noble parents I say is a thing most vaine To blason a mans owne proper déedes is foolishnesse but in the end of these two extremities he is more tollerable that prayseth his owne vertues than he that boasteth himselfe of other déedes When amongst Knights or Gentlemen talke is of armes a Gentleman ought to haue great shame to say that he read it but rather that he saw it For it is very conuenient for the Philosopher to recount what hee hath read but the Knight or Gentleman it becommes to speake of things that hée hath done The Consull Marius when he was resident in Rome and also in the warres many times would say I confesse that I am extract of linage obscure and also I acknowledge that I haue no armes of my predecessors for that they were not florishing Captaines But iointly with this they that are now aliue can not denie that in the temples I haue erected pictures or counterfets I haue receiued in my body many woundes and in my house many enseignes none of which I do enherite of my predecessours but haue wonne thē of mine enimies And Marius saide more Your predecessors left you riches to enioy houses wherein to dwell slaues to serue you gardens to delight in fame whereof to boaste and armour wherwith to venter but they haue not left you vertue wherof you might presume Of which déede Oh you Romaynes ye may inferre that it is very little that he doth enherite which doth not enherite the vertues of his predecessors I thought good to aduertise you of these things to the end that in remembring the fame and noblenesse of such men as were your predecessours you should muche more estéeme to imitate their vertuous actes than too haue their armes sette forth and drawen at large I am deceiued if I did not sée in Caesars court a certaine gentleman of more than a Quent of rent whiche I did neuer sée haue a horse in his stable either launce in his house neither yet commonly did weare his sword but onely a Dagger that was very little But on the other part when he began to recount the doubty déedes of his forefathers it séemed that he daunted Lions Men do now estéeme to paint their armes in their houses to graue them in their seales to place them in their portals to weaue them in their sumpter clothes but none aduētureth to win them in the field in such wise that they hold armes for others to behold and not for themselues to fight One thing I will counsell your lordship which for suche as are of your estate in the warres is very necessary And that is aboue al things to be vigilant to haue great regard that amongst the captaines of your army there be vsed great secrecie for in greate affayres there is neuer good successe when they be discouered before they take effect If Suetonius Tranquillus doe not deceyue vs Iulius Caesar neuer sayde to morow this shal be done and to day let this be done but onely to day this shal be done and to morrowe wée shall sée what wée haue too doe Plutarche saithe in his politiques that Lucius Metellus being demaunded of one of his Captains when the battayle shoulde bée giuen made aunswere if I thought my shirt did knowe the leaste thought that is in my hart I woulde presently burne it and neuer weare another It were very well the affaires of warres shoulde bée commoned of many but the resolution of them to be vsed with few For otherwise they are like to be discouered before they bée concluded Also I thinke very well that you take counsayle with men that be graue and of experience but not without consideratiō that they be wise without rashnesse For sometimes more sound counsaile doth procéede from men of fewe yéeres and of much habilitie than from men that be opinatiue and of old yéeres Your Lordship hath great cause to consider howe to take aduise of men that in their counsayles be headstrong and in their déedes very rashe for in daungerous cases that happen in the warres it is lesse euill to retire than to be loste Alcibiades a Captaine amongst the Greekes did vse to say that men of bolde and valiant harts haue more néede of fortitude to moue them to retire than to abide their enemies For not to flie their honour doth moue them but to retire their wisdome doth constraine them In greate hazardes it is muche better that men submitte themselues to reason than to hurle themselues into fortune In all things your Lordshippe hath to imbrace counsaile except it be when you shall see your selfe in some sodaine daunger for in the warre wée haue séene many Captaines lost for no other cause but for that when they should haue done a thing at the sodaine they haue sit downe with great leysure to take counsell Also your lordship ought to admonish your armies that in their forcible and necessary perilles they shew not thēselues to be menns dismayed for the warres be of suche qualities that the feare of some dismayeth the rest Your Lordship may hold it for certaine that the heart which is full of feare must of necessitie be voide of hope Those that go alwayes to the warres neither ought to holde victorie for certaine eyther dispayre to obtaine it For there is nothing wherein fortune is lesse correspondent than in the affaires of warre Brasidas the Greek in the warres that hée held with the Thracians when they did take by force of armes a certaine fort which he defended meruailous valiantly being demaunded by one of his enemies why he had put him selfe within the same for his defēce answered I do sweare by the immortall Gods that she did rather commend hir self vnto me to be kept than I vnto hir to be defended Bycause in the end I haue more certentie of hir to serue me for a sepulcher than for a sauegard I will saye no more in this case but craue of especiall fauour that in such wise ye behaue your selfe in these warres of Prouance that it may séeme and also be to all men notorious that you do more for the obedience of your Lord the Emperour than to be reuenged of the French king For otherwise God would take vengeance of your reuengement The penne of gold that you sent me I haue receiued and so I beleue your Lordship shall receiue Marcus Aurelius whiche I do send you the
great trauelles that vnprofitable friends bring with them is that they come not to seeke vs to the end to doe what we wil but to perswade vs to doe what they will. It is great perill to haue enemies and also it is greate trauell to suffer some kind of friendes for to giue the whole hart to one is not much but how much lesse when amongst many it is reparted neyther my condition may beare it either within the greatnes of your estate may it be cōtained that we should loue after such sort neither in such maner to behaue ourselues for that there is no loue in this worlde so perfect as that which holdeth no scruple of intereste Your Lordship saith in your letter that you write not vnto me for that I am rich or mighty but because I am learned and vertuous And you instantly desire me that I write vnto you with mine owne hand some thing that maybe worthy to be vnderstood and plesaunt to be read To that which you say that you hold me to be wise to this I aunswere as Socrates did whiche is too wit that hée knew not any thing more certaine but in perceyuing that he did know nothing Very great was the Philosophie that Socrates did inclose in the aunswere for as the deuine Plato doth say the lesser part that we vnderstand not is much more than al that we know In all this world there is not the like infamie as a man to bée imputed ignorant either the like kind of praise as to bée called wise bycause in the wise death is very euil imployed and in the foole life is much worse bestowed The tirant Epimethes séeing the Philosoher Demosthenes wéep immeasurable teares for the death of a Philosopher demaunded for what cause hée wept so muche since it was a straunge thing for Philosophers to wéepe To this Demosthenes answered O Epimethes I do not wéepe bycause the Philosopher died but for that thou liuest and if thou knowest not I will giue thée to vnderstand which is that in the scholes of Athens we do more wéepe bycause the euill doe liue than for the death of the good Also your honour doth saye that you doe iudge me to be a man solitarie and vertuous might it please the diuine clemencie that in al this and much more you speake the truth bycause in case for one to be or not to bée vertuous I dare venter to speake that how muche sure it is to be and not too séeme to be so daungerous it is to seeme to be and not to be in déede Man is naturally variable in his appetites profoūd in hart mutable in his thoughts incōstant in his purposes indeterminable in his conclusions wherof we maye well gather that man is easie to knowe and very difficile to vnderstand Your excellencie giues me more honour in calling me wise and vertuous than I giue to intitle you Duke of Sesa Marques of Bitonto Prince of Guilache and aboue all great captaine For to my vertue and wisedome warres can giue no impeachment but your potencie and greatnes is subiect vnto fortune Your honour writeth vnto me that I certifie you of my opinion in that the king our master doth commaund now of new that you passe once more into Italy by occasion of the battell that the Frenchmen of late haue ouercome at Rauenna whiche in the worldes to come shall be so famous as it was now bloudie Vnto this answering your honour I saye that you haue great reason to doubt and vpon the same too vse counsell for if you do not accomplishe what you be commaunded the Kyng takes displeasure and if you doe what they entreat you you contend with fortune Two times your honour hath passed into Italy and twice woon the kyngdome of Naples in which two iorneyes you ouercame the battell of Garrellano and the battell of Chirinola and slewe the best people of the house of Fraunce And that which is most of all you brought to passe that the Spanish nation of all the world were feared and obtained vnto your selfe renoume of immortall memory This being true as it is it were no wisedome either suretie once more to returne thither to tempt fortune which with none doth shew hir self so malicious and double as with such as spend long time in the warres Hanniball a Prince of the Carthaginians not contented too haue ouercome the Romanes in those great and famous battailes of Trene Trasmene and Canna but as hée would alway force and wrestle with fortune he came to be ouercome of those which he many times had ouercome Those that haue to deale with fortune must entreate hir but not force hir they must heare hir but not beleue hir they must hope in hir but haue no confidence in hir they must serue hir but not anger hir they muste bée conuersant with hir but not tempt hir For that fortune is of so euill a condition that when shee fauneth she biteth when she is angred she woundeth In this iourney that they commaund your honour neither do I perswade you that you go either diswade you to tary Onely I say and affirme with this third passage into Italy you returne to put your life in perill and your fame in ballance In the two first conquests you obtaine honour with them that be present fame for the worldes to come riches for your children an estate for your successours reputation amongst straungers credit amongst your owne gladnes for your friends and grief vnto your enemies Finally you haue gotten for excellencie this renoume of great Captaine not only for these our times but also for the world to come Consider well what you leaue and what you take in hand for that it may rather be imputed for rashnes than for wisedome that in keping your house where al doth enuie you should depart where al men should be reuenged You ouercame the Turkes in Paflonia the Mores in Granada the Frenchmen in Chirinola the Picardes in Italy the Lombardes in Garellano I holde it to be doubted that as fortune hath not more nations to giue you to ouercome she will now leade you where you shall be ouercome The Dukes the Princes the Captaines and vnder Captaines against whom you haue fought eyther they be deade or else gone In suche sort that nowe against an other kinde of people you must deale and fyght I sayd it for that it may chaunce that fortune which then did fauour you now maye fauour them To accepte warres to gather people to order them and to giue battaile it belongeth vnto men but to giue victorie appertaineth only to god Titus Liuius saith that many times with greate ignomie the Romaines were ouercome at Furcas Caudinas in the ende by the counsell of the Consull Aemilius they changed that Cōsul which had the charge of that army where they were before that time ouercome were frō thence forward conquerours of their enimies Of
séeke that whiche we may when we cannot what we desire No more but our Lorde be youre protector and giue me grace to serue him From Valiodolid the xxvj of October .1520 A letter vnto sir Iohn of Moncada in whiche is declared what thing is Ire and how good is patience EXpectable Gentleman and magnificent Knight if it shall séeme vnto you that I aunswer youre Letters with slacknesse impute the fault to Palome your seruant which halteth and the horse whereon hée rideth is lame the way long the winter hard and I also am always in businesse although from the same I haue gathered small profit and as I suspect if this your seruant haue made any tarriance vppon the way in comming hither or hath made small hast in returning thither it hath procéeded of a certayne combat with loue that he hapned to encounter by the way Wherein you may then well thinke how much rather he would accomplishe the loue that he beares in his brest than with your letters that he carieth in his bosome If you will credit me to men inamored you shall neuer commend your busines For his office is not to be occupied in other affayres but in writing letters watching at corners playing on gitterns climing of walles and vewing of windowes As concerning that which you write vnto me in youre letter I shall aunswer you more briefly than your desire and more largely than I may Considering how I goe to the Inquisition to reforme and to the Court too preach and euery day in Caesars Chronicles to write My busines is ouermuch and my time too little By the holy God I do sweare that as many courtiers which be idle in this court I do more enuie the time they loose than the money they possesse But comming to the purpose I do sweare by the law of a friend I haue bene as muche gréeued for your greate mischance and misfortune as if it had bin myne owne cause For as Chilo the Philosopher said the mischances of a friend we must not onely remedy them but also bewayle them Agesisaus the Greek being demanded for what cause he did more lament the heauinesse of his frends than the death of his children made answere I do not bewayle the want of my wife the losse of my goodes or the death of my children for al these are partes of my selfe but I bewayle the death of my frend which is an other my selfe Sir I saye thus muche since I may not be there present to lamente with you neither doe I here finde my selfe of power sufficient to remedie your case I will write some letter to comforte you For sometimes the pen vseth no lesse pitie with the friende than the launce doth crueltie with the enimie to persuade that you shoulde not féele that which reason would you shoulde so muche féele it shuld be iust occasion for me to be worthily noted with want of due consideration and you accused to be insensible That which I dare speak in this matter is that you conceyue therof as a man and dissemble the same as aduised and discrete The iniuries that touche our honour done by suche of whom we may not be reuenged the most sounde counsell is to let it fal since with due vengeance it may not be quited If in these present gréeues you wil take the order of a Christian leaue the way of a worldly knight you shall fixe your eyes not on him that doth persecute you but in God that doth permit the same before whō you shal find your self so faultie that that is little whiche you suffer in respect of that ye deserue to suffer Moreouer ye ought to thinke that tribulations whiche God permitteth be not to lose vs but to proue vs For in the books of God they set downe no man as quited but he that is apte for trauell and amongst those of the worlde they giue wages to none but vnto him that is giuen to wantonnesse Sir you write vnto me that I certifie you what thing is anger and the definition therof To sée if you may forget the dispite of him that hath done you so cruel an outrage to know what thing is Ire and to cut of the furious curse of his rage Sir it semes to me no euill counsell the very troth being knowen many times it is more securitie for him that is iniuried to dissemble the iniurie than to reuenge it Aristides saieth that ire is no other thing but an inflaming of the bloud and an alteration of the hart Possidonius sayth that ire is no other thing but a short foolishnes Cicero saith that which the Latins do cal ire the Grekes do name desire of vengeance Aeschines sayth that ire was caused of the fume of the gall and of the heate of the heart Macrobius saith there is muche difference betwixte ire and testinesse bicause ire groweth of an occasion and testinesse of euyll condition The diuine Plato sayeth that the faulte is not in anger but in hym that giues occasion Laertius sayth when the chastisement excéedes the fault then is it vengeance and not zeale But when the fault doth excéede the chastisemente it is zeale and no vengeance Plutarche saith that the priuiledges of ire are not to beléeue our friends to be rash in attempts to haue the chéekes inflamed to vse quicknesse with the handes to haue an vnbridled toung at euery word to vse ouerthwartnesse to be fumish for small causes and to admitte no reason Solon Solonio being demāded whom we cal properly irous answered he that little estéemeth to lose his friendes and maketh no account to recouer enimies After so manie and so graue Philosophers that which I dare say is that the vice of ire is lightly written easy to persuade pleasaunt to preach ready to counsell and very difficile to refrayne Of any vice wée may speake euill but of the vice of anger we may say much and very much euil For ire doth not only transform vs into fooles but also maketh vs of al men to be abhorred To temper ire is sufficientely vertuous but vtterly to expell it is a thing more thā sure For all things that are euill of themselues and of condition hurtfull are more easily resisted than throwne away In the beginnings many thinges be in oure owne handes to admit or to send them away but after they haue taken power ouer vs if by chaunce reason rise against them they say they will not depart since they be in possession Ire hath so euil a condition that of one only tyme that we yéelde him our will he afterwards maketh our will vnto all the hée liketh In the Magistrates that gouerne the common wealthe we condemne not the good or euill correction they vse but the greate furie they shewe in the same For if they be bounde to chastise the offences they haue not licence to shew themselues passioned Those that offend it is a thing very iust that they remaine not vnpunished but
the one that you liue onely with your own and in the other that also you take profit of other mennes 8 In the one that alwaies you remember to dye in the other that for nothing you leaue to lead an ill life 9 In the one that alwaies you occupie your self in knowledge in the other that you giue your self to be of much power 10 In the one that you impart of that you haue with the poore and friends and in the other that alwaies you keepe for deare yeares 11 In the one that you vse much silence and in the other that you presume to be very eloquent 12 In the one that you beléeue onely in Christ and in the other that you procure to haue money If you my Lord Embassador with these xy conditions wil be a Romane much good may it do you For vpon the day of accoumpt you would rather haue bin a laborer in Spaine than an Embassadour at Rome No more but that our Lord be your protector and to you and to me he giue good endings From Granado in the yeare 1525. the daye and moneth aforesaid A letter vnto the said Sir Ierome Vique in whiche is declared an Epitaph of Rome RIght magnificent Embassadour to Caesar by your letter that I haue receiued I was certified that to you was deliuered an other of mine wherein I haue vsed no curious care For vnder your good condicion there is no place for any thing to be dispraysed much lesse to be condemned Mosen Rubine aduertised me that by sléeping in an ayry place you haue bin very reumatike which I certainly béeleue hath procéeded of the great heate of the moneth of August but by my aduise you shall not vse it neither others so giue counsell for that it is lesse euill in sommer to sweate than to cough You write and also send vnto me certaine Gothicke letters that you haue foūd written in an aunciēt place in Rome whiche you can neither reade or they in Italy can declare Sir I haue very well séene considered and also reconsidered them and to him that is not acquainted with this Romish cyphringes they séeme illegible and not intelligible and that to vnderstand and read them well it were necessary that the men that bée a liue shoulde deuine or those that wrote them shoulde rise from death to life But to expound these letters no dead man shall bée raysed either am I a soothsayer or diuine I haue tyred my wittes and called to remembrance I haue ouerturned my Bookes and also haue ouerloked meruailous and many histories to see and to know who it was that did write them and wherefore they were written and in the ende as there is nothing that one man doth that another can not do or that one man knoweth and an other knoweth not your good luck wold and my great diligence that I met with that whiche you desired and I sought for And for that it shall not séeme that I speake without Booke in few wordes I will recite the history In the times of Octauius Augustus the Emperour there was in Rome a Romane Knight named Titus Annius verely a man of great experience in causes of warre and right wise in the gouernment of the common wealthe There was in Rome an office that was called Tribunus Scelerum this had the charge of all criminall causes whiche is to wit to hang to whip to banish to cut throates and to drowne in wels in such maner that the Censor did iudge the Ciuill and the Tribune the Criminall This office amongst the Romanes was of great preheminence and of no lesse confidence they neuer incommended the same but to a man of noble bloud auncient in yeares learned in the lawes in life honest and in iustice very moderate for that all these condicions did concurre in Titus Annius hée was by the Emperour Augustus in the office of Tribune named by the Senate confirmed and of the people allowed Titus Annius liued and was resident in this office xxv yeres in all whiche time hée neuer spake to man any iniurious word either did any iniustice In remuneration of his trauell and in reward of his bountie they gaue him for priuilege that hée shoulde bée buried within the walles of Rome and that hée should bury by him selfe some money and that in that sepulcher there shoulde not any other bée buried For a man to bée buried in Rome was amongst the Romanes a great preheminence the one was bycause the priests did consecrate the sepulcher and the other for that malefactors to flie vnto sepulchers were more worth than the temples But now these letters woulde saye that Titus Annius Iudge of the faultie by him in his sacred sepulcher did hide certaine money whiche is to wit ten foote off and that in the same sepulcher the Senate doth commaund that none of his heyres be buried This Titus Annius when hée died left his wife aliue that was named Cornelia whiche in the sepulcher of hir husband did set this Epitaphe The aucthors of this history are Vulpicius Valerius Trebellius And bycause the declaration of the history shall appeare more cleare let vs set the exposition ouer euery letter and these be the letters Titus Annius Tribunus Scelerum Sacro T. A. T. Sce. S. Suo Sepulcro Pecuniam Condidit Non. S. S. P. Con. N. Longe Pedes Decem. Hoc Monumentum Lon. P. X. H. M. Heres Non. Sequitur Iure Senatus H. N. S. I. S. Cornelia Dulcissima Eius Coniux Posuit Cor. D. E. Con. P. Behold here my Lord Embassador your letters expounded and not dreamed and in my iudgement this that we haue said they would say and if you be not satisfied with this interpretation let the dead expound them that did write them or those bée whiche aline that gaue them No more but that our Lord be your protector and giue vs grace that we ende in his seruice From Toledo the third of April 1526. A letter vnto the Bishop of Badaios in whiche there is declared the auncient lawes of Badaios RIght magnificent and Caesars Precor I receaued a letter from your Lordshippe with the whiche I did much reioyce my selfe before I did read it and after that I had reade it I remained no lesse offended not for that whiche you had written vnto me but for that you commaunded me and also demaunded of me If Plutarch do not deceaue vs into the chamber of Dionisius the Siracusan none did enter in the librarye of Lucullus no man sate down Marcus Aurelius with the key of his study no not with his Faustine did vse any trust and of a troth they had great reason bycause there be things of such qualitie that not only they ought not to be dealt withall neither yet to be looked vppon Aeschines the Philosopher said that for very great frendship that might be betwixt one and other he ought not to shew him all thinges in his house nor to communicate
health and the grief you séemed to haue of my infirmitie Beleue me Sir and be out of doubt that at that present I had more abilitie to drink than to read for I would haue giuen all my Librarie for one only ewer of water Your Lordship writeth vnto me that you also haue béen ill that you thinke all your sicknesse to be well employed as well for that you féele your selfe recouered as also that you finde your selfe affected with a holy purpose to departe from sin and to abstaine from excesse in eating My Lord I am sory with all my heart that you haue ben sicke and it pleaseth me very much that you stand vppon so good a purpose although it be very true that I wold more reioyce to sée you performe than to heare you promise for hell is full of good desires and heauen is full of good workes But be it as be may to my iudgemeÌ„t there is not any thing wherin we may soner discerne a man to be wise or foolish than to sée in what maner he behaueth him selfe in aduersitie how he reapeth profite by sicknesse There is no such foolishnes as to employe our health to euill purpose either is there any such wisedome as to drawe fruite or commoditie out of sickenesse Cum infirmor iuncfortior sum the Apostle said that wheÌ„ he was sicke then was he most strong this he said bycause the sicke man doth neither swel by pride or fornication doth make him coÌ„bat or auarice doth ouerthrow or enuie doth molest or ire doth alter or gluttony doth bring vnder or slouthfulnesse doth make negligent either ouerwatch him selfe with ambition My Lord Duke pleaseth it the Lord that wée were suche being whole as we promise to be when we be sicke All the care of the euill Christian when he is sicke is to desire to bée whole onely to liue and enioye more of this world but the desire of the good Christian wheÌ„ he is diseased is to be whole not so much to liue as to reform his life In the time of sickenesse there is none that doth remember himselfe of affection or passion of friendes or enemies of riches or pouertie of honour or dishonour of solace or trauell of laying vp treasure or growing poore coÌ„maunding or obeying but to be deliuered of one grief of the dead would giue all that he had gotten all the daies of his life In sicknes ther is no true pleasure in health all trauel is tollerable what wants he that lackes not health What is it worthe that he possesseth that enioyeth not his health What doth it profite to haue a very good bed if he cannot sléepe What benefite hath he that hath old wine of fragrant fauour if the phisitian do commaund that he drinke sod water What auayleth to haue good meat wheÌ„ only the fight thereof moueth belkes and makes the stomacke wamble What commoditie ariseth vnto him that hath much money if the more part hée spend vpon Phisitians and Poticaries Health is so great a thing that to kéepe it and to conserue it wée ought not only to watche but ouerwatche The whiche surely séemes not so since we neuer haue regard thereof vntil we haue lost it Plutarch Plini Nigidius Aristicus Dioscorus Plotinus Necephalus with them many others haue written great Bookes and treatises how infirmities are to be cured and how health is to be conserued And so God saue me if they affirmed a troth in some things in many other things they did but gesse and other things not a few they dreamed Béeleue me my Lord Duke and bée out of doubt for my part I doe fully béeleue and also I haue experimented that to cure diseases and to conserue healths there is no better thing than to auoyd anger and to eate of few meates How great weale should it be for the body and also for the souls if we might passe our life without eating and without anger For meates do corrupt the humors and anger doth contâ—â—ne the bones If men did not eat and would not be angrie there shoulde be no cause to be sicke and muche lesse of whom to complaine For the whips that doe most scourge our miserable life are ordinary excesse and profound sadnesse Experience teacheth vs euery daye that the men that bée doltishe and ignorant for the more part are alwayes strong lustie and in good healthe and this is the reason for that suche as they are neither doe weary them selues to obtaine honour eyther doe féele what is shame reproch or dispite the contrary of all this doth happen to men that be wise discrete quicke witted and of sharpe deuise euerye one of which be not only grieued of that which is spoken vnto them but also they growe sorowfull for that they imagine what others do thinke Ther be men that be so sharpe and so ouersharpe or refined that it séemeth little vnto them to interprete wordes but also they holde it for an office to diuine thoughts and their repaiment is that by them selues always they goe discomforted and with others euill lyked I durst affirme and in a maner sweare that to bréed a sickenesse and to daunger a mannes lyfe there is no poyson of so daungerous infection as is a profounde and déepe sorrow for the miserable hart when he is sad doth reioyce in weping and takes ease in sighing Let euery man speake what he thinketh good for amoÌ„gst such as be discrete and no fooles without comparison they be more that grow sicke by anger they receyue than of the meates they féede on All day long wée sée no other thing but that those men whiche be merrie and glad be always fat whole and well coloured and those that be sadde and melancholike alwayes go heauie sorowful swollen and of an euill colour In these writings I confesse vnto you my Lorde Duke that the Ague that now I haue was not of any meate that I had eaten but of a certayne anger I had taken Your Lordship doth write that by sléeping vpon the grouÌ„d you haue taken a pestilente reume I verily thynke the greafe heate of this moneth of Auguste hath bin the cause therof whiche in myne opinion you ought not to vse or counsell any other therevnto For it is lesse euill to sweate with heate than to cough with colde To the rest which I vnderstand by your letter in desiring I should write some newes it is sufficient for this tyme that of this our Courte there bée few things to be trusted in paper much to be said in a maÌ„s eare The thinges that appertaine vnto Princes and lordes of high estate wée haue permission to conceyue them and no licence to speake them In the Courte and out of Courte I haue séene many aduaunced by secrecie and many shamed by want of silence Your Lordship pardon for this tyme my pen and when wée shall méete together my toung shall supplie this present want No more but that
to renewe your Iudges chaunge your Iustices make proclamations and to remoue your seruice to other persons vnknown Consider very well if they attempte the same to the ende that you shall not erre or else to amend their owne estate For it was a lawe amongst the Athenians that he shoulde haue no voyce in the common wealth that pretended to haue interest in that which he counselled Now at the beginning you haue muche cause to consider in whom to trust and with whom to take counsell for if the counseller be such as hopeth thereby to gather any gaine to that end he will direct his counsell where his affection is enclined In suche sorte that if he be couetous he will séeke to rob and if he be malicious or matched with enimies how to be reuenged And also such things as you shall finde in your house to be reformed and your common welth to be chastised It is not my opinion that you amend or reforme all things in hast that is amisse For it is not iust neither yet sure that ancient customes of the cōmon people be taken away sodeynly being brought in by little and little The customes that touch not the faith neither offende the Churche eyther offende the Common wealth take them not away neither alter thē the which if you will not for their cause yet for your owne cause disfauor the same for if I be not deceiued in the house where dwelleth nouelties there lodgeth want of iudgement Also my Lord I counsell you that you in suche wise measure your goods that they liue not with you but that your lordship liue with them I say it bicause there be many noble men of your estate that kéepe a great house with other mens goodes he that hath much spendes little they call him a nigarde he that hath little spendes muche they hold him for a foole for which cause men ought to liue in such sorte that they bée not noted mizers for their kéeping either prodigal for their spēding My Lord Earle be none of those that haue two quentes of rent foure of follies which alwayes go taking by lone dealing by exchāge taking rent aforehand and selling their patrimonie In such maner as all their trauel doth cōsist not in mainteyning house but in sustayning follies Many other things I might say vnto youre Lordship in this matter the which my pen doth leaue to write to remit them vnto your prudencie No more but the Lorde be your protector From Valiodolid the thirde of Nouember A letter vnto the Admirall Sir Fadrique Enriques wherin is declared that olde men haue to beware of the yeare three score and three MOste renoumed Lorde and great Admirall I assure you I maye firmely aduouche vnto your honour that at the instant there was not anye thyng farther oute of my mynde than was your letter when I sawe it enter into my Cell and incontinente I imagined with my selfe that you wrote vnto mée some iest or sent vnto me to declare some doubt To the very like purpose the diuine Plato did say that such is the excellencie of the heart aboue all the other membres of man that many tymes the eyes be deceiued in the things they sée and the hart doth not erre in that it doth imagin The Consul Silla when he sawe Iulius Caesar being a yong man euill trussed and worse girt for whiche cause many did iudge him to be negligent and also doltish sayd vnto all those of his band beware of that il girt youth that although he appeareth to be such yet this is he that shall tirannise the Citie of Rome and be the ruine of my house Plutarch in the life of Marcus Antonius recounteth of a certaine Gréeke named Ptolomeus which being demaunded wherefore he did not talke or was conuersant with any man in all Athens but with the yong man Alcibiades answered bycause my hart giueth me that this yong man shall set Greece on fire and defame all Asia The good Emperour Traiane sayd that he was neuer deceyued in choosing fréends and in knowing of enemies for presently his hart did aduertise him to whome he shoulde repaire and of whome he should beware And if we well consider the foresayd neither the hart of Silla was deceyued in that he propbesied of Iulius Caesar neyther the Art of Ptolomeus did erre in that he diuined of Alcibiades bycause the one depriued Rome of hir libertie and the other darkned the glory of Greece Thus much I thought to saye vnto youre Lordship to the ende you might sée how my hart was not deceiued in diuining what you had written and also what you craued I may very well say that sometimes your Lordship writeth me some iests that makes me mery and sometimes you demaund questiōs that makes me watch for your Lordship hath your iudgement so cleare your memorie so readye the Scripture so prompt the time so disposed and aboue all great swiftnesse in writing and much vse in reading that you doe me great gréefe to importunate me so often to declare that which you vnderstande not and to séeke out that whiche you may not finde to expound as I did the verses of Homer too declare the life of Antigonus to search you the historie of Methiados the Thebane to relate you the Ceruatica of Sertorius you haue iudged to be don in maner without trauel but I sweare by the law of an honest man I was ouer watched in séeking spent in disposing and tried in writing it Many other Lords of this kingdome and also out of the same do write vnto mée and craue that I declare them some doutes and send thē some histories which doutes and demaundes be all plaine and easie and at thrée turnes I finde them amongst my writings but your Lordship is such a frend of nouelties as always you aske me histories so straunge and peregrine that my wittes may not in any wise but néedes go on pilgrimage My Lord comming to the purpose you say that the Earle of Miranda did write vnto you that eleuen dayes before the good Constable Sir Ynnigo of Velasco died he hard me say and certifie that he shoulde die the whiche as I then spake so afterwards it came to passe but I would not declare vnto him by what meane I vnderstood it Youre Lordships pleasure is that I shoulde write vntoo you whether I did speake it in earnest or in iest or if I sawe in the sickeman any prognostication or if I knewe in thys matter any great secret the which I will discouer vnto you if you promise me to kéepe it secret and that vnto me thereof you be not ingrate The truth is I sayd it to the Earle of Miranda and also to the Doctour Carthagna neyther did I know it by reuelation as a Prophet either did I obtayne it in Circle as a Nigromanticke either did I finde it in Ptolomeus as an Astronomer nor vnderstand by the pulse as a
Lordship hath much may do muche deserueth much and therefore we all estéeme you very muche For me to be ignorant of the great estate of your persone of bloud so vnspotted of iudgement so delicate in letters of so great exercise and of so greate dexteritie in armes the cause were to great foolishnesse or to much lacke of wit. But let the cace rest let vs deuide all this vnkindnesse amongst vs whiche is to wit that your Lordship from hence forward deferre or put off your choler pardon Mansilla for forgetting his letter and also kind me to expound your doubts and after this maner we will giue amends to that which is past and vse silēce for the time to come Your honour demaundeth that I declare wherefore the Patriarch Abraham in the vale of Mambre and the Prophete Ezechiel neare vnto the riuer Cobar as holy scripture saith of them fell to the ground vpon their faces and contrariwise Heli the Prophet and the Iewes that tooke Christe fell backwards Your Lordship hath to consider that it is not so light or easie whiche you doubt of for if I be not deceyued it is a question that few men do moue and in a manner none dothe expound For notwithstanding I haue séene much and read much I can not remember me to haue considered or doubted neither at anytime to haue preached thereof I dare bée bold to say that by these two maners of fallings the one back wards and the other forwards do signifie two kindes of sinning For euen as to fall after the one manner or the other in the end all is falling so in like manner to sinne after the one sort or the other all is sinning Those that do fall vppon the backe and backwards we sée them haue their faces discouered and looking vp to heauen by these are to be vnderstood those which do sinne without the feare of God afterwardes haue no shame to haue sinned We sée by experience that he that falleth forwardes may helpe hym selfe to rise with hys hands with hys elbowes with his knées and with hys féete by this I woulde say that then we haue hope to come out of sinne when we shall be ashamed to haue sinned The contrary happeneth in him that falleth backwards that whych can neuer help him selfe with his handes or lift him selfe or stay with his féete By this I would say that the man that is not ashamed to be a sinner late or neuer shall we sée hym come out of sinne Plutarch and Aulus Gellius doe saye that no yong man of Rome might enter amongst the common women but wyth their faces very wel couered If ther hapned any so vnshame-fast that durst enter or come foorth discouered so openly was he chastised as if he had committed some forcible adultery It is to be noted that all those that fell forward were saints as Abraham and Ezechiel and on the contrary those that fell backwardes as Hely the priest of the temple and the Iewes that sold Christ were sinners Out of all this there may bée gathered how much and how greatly we haue to regard not only that we fall either so much as to stumble for we knowe not whether we shall fall forward as Abraham or backward as the vnfortunate Hely Considering we discend of sinners liue amongst sinners be conuersant amongst sinners and this world being in so great want of iust men we cannot deliuer our selues from all sinnes ioyntly therefore with thys let vs pray vnto the Lord that if he take away his grace that we do fall that he take not away shamefastnesse wherewith to arise Much is God offended with vs to sée how little we estéeme to sinne but he is muche more offended to sée howe slowly we remember to repent for they be very few that do leaue to sinne but at the time when they cannot more sinne Oh how many moe be they that fal backward with Hely thā forward with Abraham for if there be one that is ashamed of sinne there is an hundreth that account sinne but pastime Let euery man estéeme himselfe as he list and let euery man say what he supposeth but for my part I hold none for a greater sinner than he that accompts himselfe for very iust neyther do I conceyue for very iust but he that acknowledgeth himselfe to be a great sinner God doth well knowe what wee can do and he vnderstandeth very well the strength that we haue and thereof it is that he is not offended for that we bée not iust but bycause we doe not confesse to be sinners I returne to say that God doth not maruell that we be humane in sinning but that which doth offēd him is for that being as we are so great sinners we would well make the world beléeue that we be very iust Let the conclusiō be in this matter that they only fall backwards with Hely and with the Hebrewes that so without remorse sit downe to sinne as they would sit downe to eate and lie downe to sléepe Of that whiche I doe most maruell in this matter is that being as we are fallen into most grieuous sinnes we do so liue and go so contented as though we had receyued of God a safeconduit to be saued Behold here my Lord your letter answered Beholde youre doubt absolued Beholde here my fault excused And also behold here your choler remoued No more but that our Lorde giue you his grace and vnto me his glory From Madrid the xj of Nouember 1528. A letter vnto the Abbot of Monserrate wherein is touched the oratories that the Gentiles vsed that it is a better life to liue in Monserrate than at the Court. MOst reuerend and blessed Abbot in the eleuenth Calends of May your Monke brother Roger gaue me a letter of yours which I receyued with gladnesse and read with pleasure for that it was from your fatherhoode and brought by the hands of that graue Father Of Aurelianus the Emperour it is read that the letters which Domitius sent vnto him were so tedious that he heard them but did not answer them and the letters that the Censor Turinus sent him he himselfe did read them and with his owne hand aunswered them Of a troth there be men so tedious in their spéech and so without grace in writing that a man would rather be sicke of a feuer than heare their talke either reade their letters No man of any man ought to maruell since men be so diuers in complexion and so variable in condition that many times against our will the hart doth loue which were muche better to be abhorred and doth abhorre that which were better to be beloued I say this father Abbot to the ende you shall vnderstand that as oft as they say here is one of Monseratte my heart reioyceth to heare some newes from thēce and the eyes he quickened in readyng your letters Father you write vnto me that I aduertise you if in the olde tyme
Father Abbot you will come and dwell at Court from hencefoorth I make exchaunge for your craggy mount and also doe promise you by the faith of a Christian you shall more repent you to haue bin conuerted a courtier than I to be admitted of the religion of S. Benet For the much good will I beare you for the much deuotion I hold of that place you are bound to pray vnto God that he will draw me from this infamous life and fight me with his grace without the whiche we cannot serue hym and much lesse be saued By the handes of Frier Roger I haue receyued the spoones you sent me and to him I deliuered the booke that he desired me in such wise that I shall haue spoones to eate with and your fatherhod a booke to pray in In the rest that you write as concerning your Monasterie the cace shall be that you deale with God for me as one that is deuoute and I shall do with Caesar the worke of a friend No more but that our Lorde be your protector From Valiodolid the vij of Ian. 1535. A letter vnto the Admirall Sir Frederique Enriques in the whiche there is declared a certaine authoritie of the holy scripture GLorious and right famous Archmarriner I am determined before the Iudge Ronquillo to adiorne your Lordship to the end that the parties called and hearde hée he iudge and giue sentence betwixte vs whether I being as I am a Gentleman and a Courtier be bound to answere Extempore vnto all your Letters and to expounde all doubtes which your honour so continually writeth vnto me Your sollicitor is so importunate for answere I confesse that many tymes I giue the seruaunt to the Deuil and also at sometime I pray not vnto God for the maister Complayning yesterdaye vnto your solicitour for that he was so tedious and bicause so continually he did moue me he made me answer with a verie good grace Consider sir master I giue you to vnderstande that the Admirall my Lorde craueth of your reuerence that you write vnto him as a friend that you send him newes as a Chronicler declare his doubtes as a Diuine and counsell his conscience as a Religious Whervnto I replyed if your maister the Admirall will be well serued also I wil be wel payed The paiment shal be for the office of Chronicler of a diuine of a friend and of a Counseller that since I cānot get my meat with the laūce I must obtayn it with the pen. I made al this threatening not to the intente your Lordship shall giue me to eate but for that you should cease to be importune for I thank God the Emperour that is my lord and maister hath not onely giuen mée that whiche is necessarie but also wherewith to reliene others The benefit that we haue that attend vpon Princes is that if we be bound to serue them we haue alwais licēce to craue of them but let the conclusion be that with the same intention that I did speake those wordes here it may please your Lordship to receiue them there that in fine in the end chide we neuer so much or be we neuer so angrie you must nedes do what I desire you and I must of necessitie doe what you commaunde me Your Lordships pleasure is that I write vnto you howe that texte is to be vnderstoode of Esaias where he sayeth Vae tibi Ierusalem quia bibisti calicem irae Dei vsque ad feces Whiche woordes are to bée vnderstoode wo be vnto thée Ierusalem bycause thou hast dronke the cuppe of the Lords wrath euen to the dregs Your lordship asketh a matter so high a thing so profound that I had rather vnderstand than speak it tast it than write it for they know more therof that be giuē to contemplation than such as be occupied in reading but this is the doubt Since God the father did send to Christ his son a cup to drinke of bitternesse wherof is Ierusalem reprehended for the cup that she drank of wrath the one was the cup the other was the cup the one of bitternesse the other of wrathe the Synagogue did receyue the one and the Churche the other Christe dyd drinke the one Ierusalem dyd drynke the other God sent the one and God sent the other But since it is so why doe they so muche prayse the cuppe that Christe tasted of and condemne the sorrowfull cuppe that Ierusalem dyd drinke To vnderstand the profunditie of this scripture we muste presuppose that there be two maners of cuppes which is to wit the cup that is sayd simply only of God and the cup that is sayd with an addition that is of the ire of god There is so great difference betwixt these two cuppes that in the one we drink heauen in the other we swalow hell the holy cup of God is no other thing but temptations hunger cold thirste persecutions exile pouertie and martirdom of which thinges God giues to drink and to tast to such as he hathe chosen to serue him and hath predestinate to be saued Vnto whome God giueth this cup to drynke it is a signe that he is registred amongest them that shall be saued in suche sorte that we can not escape Hell but at the coste of verie great trauel Profoundly it is to be considered what Christ sayde that the cup should not only be giuen to his owne person but that it shoulde also passe vnto his Church in such wise that he drank thereof but he made not an ende for if Christ had dronke al the cuppe only Christ should haue entred the glorie And for this cause he prayed vnto his father that the cup shoulde passe vnto those of his Churche for that we shoulde all enter with him into the glorie Oh high misterie neuer heard of that Christ being in the Garden in the darke alone flat vpon his knées sweating praying and wéeping he did not craue of hys Father that the elect of his Church shuld be cherished or worldly pampred but of that cup he would giue them a draught to drinke Of that cup of bitternesse and trauell only Christ did drinke his fill bicause he only was sufficient to redéeme vs All we that came after Christ If we cannot drinke our fill I would to God we might drinke sufficient for our Saluation the sword of saint Peter the Crosse of saint Andrew the knife of saint Bartelmew the girdierne of S. Laurence the sheares of saint Steuen what other things are they but certaine badges they haue receyued of Christe and certaine gulpes they haue drunke of his cup. So many more degrées we shall receiue in Heauen of Glorie as we haue drunke of the cup of Christ in this life and therefore we ought to pray vnto God euery day with teares that if we cannot drinke all his cup at the least that he will suffer vs to tast thereof The cuppe of Christ although it be bitter in drinking after the
they will rather amēd God than correct themselues Let houses fal the vines be blasted the stormes spoile corne the flocks die and rent gatherers run away if we giue thanks to God for that he leaueth vs if we do not murmur for that he taketh away if we grow not dul to serue him he will neuer grow negligent to giue vs prouision They say vnto me that your Lordship is vexed sorowfull and also vntractable these are priuileges of olde menne but not of wise olde men for it shoulde be a muche greater losse to haue the wit blasted thā the Corne destroied Vncle you know very well that in all the the markets of Vilada Palencia we shal find bread to be sold but in none of the faires of Medina shal we find wisdome to be bought For which cause men ought to giue more thanks vnto God for that hée did create them wise than for that he made them rich It is a more sounde welthinesse for a man to estéeme himselfe wise than to presume to be of great wealth for with wisdom they obtaine to haue but with hauing they come to lose thēselues The office of humanitie is to féele trauells and the office of reason is to dissemble them For when sodaine assaultes come vpon vs and infortunes knocke at our gates if the hart should receiue them all and of euery one complaine and bewayle he should euer haue wherof to recount and neuer want wherfore to lament Prometheus that gaue laws to the Aegiptians said that the Philosopher should not wepe for any thing but for the losse of his friend for all other things are contained in our chestes onely the friend dwelleth in the hart If Prometheus did not permit to shew any griefe but for a friende it is not credible that he would wéepe for the corne in the field wherin he had greate reason for notwithstandyng that the losse of temporall good is wherewith we be moste grieued yet on the other part it is that wherein our losse is least Séeing the incertayntie of this lyfe and the continuall chaunges that be in the same as little suretie men haue thereof that be in their houses as the corne that is in the field I dare say that wée haue very little wherin to trust and many things wherof to be afrayd It is not vnknowen to your Lordship that in this lyfe there is nothyng sure since wée sée the corne blasted trées striken downe floures fall woodde wormeaten cloath deuoured with moathes cattell doe ende and menne doe dye and that all thynges well marked in the ende all thyngs haue an ende Men that haue passed thrée score yeares haue for their priuiledge to sée in their houses great misfortunes whiche is to witte absence of friendes deathe of children losse of goodes infirmities in their persones pestilences in the common wealth and manye nouelties in Fortune and for thys cause Plinie durste saye that men ought not to bée borne if that he being borne foorthwith should die Oh howe well sayde the diuine Plato that men oughte not to be carefull to liue long but to lyue well I thought good thus muche to write vnto you to the ende you shoulde vnderstande to profite your selfe by olde age since you had skil to enioye the dayes of youth for in the age of fourescore yeares it is a tyme to make small accounte of lyfe and to vse great skill and no small reckening of death All these thinges I haue written vnto your Lordshippe and my good vncle not for that you haue néede but bicause you shall haue wherein to reade and also to the ende you shall vnderstande that although I go bescattered and wandring in thys Court I doe not leaue to reknowledge the good No more but that our Lorde be your protectour From Madrid the eleuenth of Marche 1533. A letter vnto Master Gonsalis Gil in which is expounded that which is sayd in the Psalmist Inclinaui cor meum ad faciendas iustificationes tuas in aeternum RIght reuerend and eloquent Doctor ad ea quae mihi scripsisti quid tibi sim respōsurus ignoro although I saye that to so many things I know not to answer I should haue sayd better that I dare not to wright For the affaires of our common wealth are come to that estate that though we be bound to féele them we haue no licence to reporte them It is too gréeuous in our humanitie to suffer iniuries but it is much more gréeuouse vnto the hart to kéepe them secret and not to vtter them for the remedie of the sorowfull hart is to discouer his poyson and to vnburden where he loueth He deserueth much and can do very much that hathe a hart to féele things as a man and dissembleth them as discret For he is of a greater courage that forgettes the sorowe that once entreth into the hart than he which reuengeth it If my memorie should reueale what it doth retaine my tong speake what it doth knowe and my pen write what me listeth I am sure those that be present would maruell and suche as be absent would growe offended for nowe burneth the pearcher without tallow and at randon all goeth to the bottom The armie of gentlemen be here in Medina del ryo secco and they of the communaltie in Villa Braxima in suche wise that too the one we desire victory and of the other we haue compassion For the one be our good Lords and the others our good friēds I desire that the part of the gentlemen may ouercome and it grieueth me to sée the deathe and fall of the poore chiefly for that they know not what they aske either vnderstand what they do If the trauell of the warre and the perill of the battel might light vpō their shoulders that were inuenters therof and that haue altered the people it shoulde be tollerable too sée and iust to suffer but alas the sorow they fight in safetie and chase the bull in great suretie wée haue the monasterie full of souldiors and the Celles occupied with knights wherin there is no place for a man to withdrawe eyther a quiet houre to studie In such wyse that if my Bookes be scattred also my wits be wandring What quietnesse or contentation will you that I haue séeing the king is oute of his kingdome the commons rebell the counsell fled the Gentlemen persecuted the townes men altered the gouernours astonied and the people sacked euery houre entreth men of warre euery houre they make alarums euery houre they sound to battell euery houre they ordeine ambushes euery hour there is skirmishes euery houre they intende repayres and also euery houre I sée them bring men wounded The Cardinal and the gouernours commaunde me to preache and instructe them in the affaires of peace that which I can say is euery thirde day I goe from one campe to an other and they of the cōmonaltie will not beléeue me neither will be conuerted in suche wise that
offended and growe angrie if I answere not presently vnto your letters and send you not your doubtes declared As concerning that whiche you write of Marcus Aurelius the case standeth thus that I translated and presented it vnto Caesar not all finished the whiche Laxao did steale from the Emperoure and the Quéene from Laxao and Tumbas from the Quéene and the Lady Aldonsa from Tumbas and your lordshippe from the Lady Aldonsa in suche wise that my sweates ended in your theftes The newes of this Courte is that the Secretarie Cobos groweth priuate the gouernour of Brefa doth kéepe silence Laxao doth murmure and groane the Admirall dothe write the Duke of Veiar dothe hoorde and kéepe the Marquise of Pliego dothe plays the Marquise of Villa Franca followeth his busynesse the Earle of Osorno dothe serue the Earle of Siruela doth praye the Earle of Buendia doth sigh Gutiere quixada doth iust and the Iudge Ronquillo doth whippe From Madrid the sixthe of Ianuarie 1524. A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco in which is said that which the Marques of Piskara reported of Italy REnowmed Lorde and cōplayning Constable it hath chaunced me with very good grace that you neuer writte me letter wherin there cōmeth not some murmuring complaintes saying that I haue not answered to all that you haue written or that I am very short in writing or that I write but now and then or that I detayne the messenger or that I write as one offended in suche wise that neyther in me is any end of faults nor in your Lordship any lacke of complaints but if youre Lordship will note and accuse all the wants of considerations negligences slacknesse simplicities and doltishnesse that I haue I can tell you that you shall be wearied and also tyred for there is in me many things to be reprehended and very few wherefore to be praised That which is in me to be praised is that I estéeme my selfe to be a Christian kéepe my selfe from doing hurt to any man and boast my selfe to be your friend And that which is in me to be reprehēded is that I neuer leaue to sinne neither euer begin to amend this it is my Lorde that doth vexe me this it is that settes me aground and this is the cause why that there neuer remayneth in me gladnesse for as youre Lordship knoweth matters of honor and of conscience gyue great cause to be felt or considered but not to be discouered To write short or at large to write late or in time to write polished or without order neither is it in the iudgemente of him that doth indite it either in the pen that writeth the same but in the matter that he hath in hande or in the aptnesse of time he vseth for if a man be disgraced he writeth that hée ought not and if in disposition he writeth what he listeth Homer Plato Aeschines and Cicero in their writings neuer ceasse to complaine that when theyr common wealthes were in quiet and pacifyed they studied read and writte but when they were altered and vnruly they coulde not study much lesse wrought That which passed by those glorious personages in those days euery day passeth now in my selfe for if I bée well disposed and in temper it is offred me by heapes as muche as I woulde write and if by chaunce I bée disgraced or distempred I would not so muche as to take pen in hand There be tymes that I haue my iudgement so kindled and so delicate that as me thinketh I coulde swéepe one graine of wheate and cleaue a haire in sunder At another time I haue it so dull and so farre remoued that I can hardly hit a nayle with a stedge I knowe not what to write of thys Court but that the Marques of Peskara is come hither from Italy which doth recount from thence such so many things that if they be worthy to be put in Chronicle they be not to be written in a letter He that knoweth the condicione of Italy will not maruell of the things therof for in Italy no man may liue vnder the defence of iustice but that to haue and too be able he must be of power or else very priuate Let him not desire to liue in Italy that hathe not fauour of the king to defend or power in the field to fight for in Italy they neuer care to demaunde by Iustice that whiche they may winne by the launce In Italy they haue not to aske of him that hathe an estate or goodes of whome he did inherit them but how be did winne them In Italy to giue or take away estates or goodes they séeke not right in the lawes but in armes In Italy hee that leaueth to take any thing it is for want of power and not for want of will. Italy is very pleasant to liue in and very perillous to be saued Italy is an enterprise whether many do go and from whence few do returne These and many other such like things the Marques of Peskara recounted vnto vs at the table of the Earle of Nassao many Lords being present and some Prelates Giue thanks vnto God our Lorde that hath bred you in Spaine of Spaine in Castile and of Castile in Castile the olde and of Castile the olde in Burgos where you are beloued and serued for that in the other places or townes of Spaine althogh they be noble of power they haue always some controuersies The memoriall the your Lordship sent me this yeare to consider of and vpon the same to giue you counsell nowe I sende it you corrected with my conscience and consulted with my science No more c. A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco in which is declared the prises of thyngs as in olde tyme they were wonte to be sold in Castile REnoumed and curious Constable I haue receiued a letter from your Lordshippe as it appeareth by the same although you be chief or heade of the Valascos and I of the Ladrons of Gueuara there you haue the déede and here I haue the name For entring into my cell you haue stolne my Pictures and ouerturned my Bookes If there be a priuiledge of the Constables of Castile the religious being at his prayers that they shal enter and sacke his Cel it were very iust to shew wherfore they did it or else to restore vnto the owner the thing stolne Your Lordship writeth vnto me that you wil not restore the pictures that you haue takē away except I send you written the auncient ordinances that were made by the king Don Iuan in Toro in suche wyse that you doe not content your selfe with stealing but that you will also extort and doe violence I know not which was greater that day your fortune or my mischance in that my Cell was open for I swear by the faith of a christian that my lance in the sight of God wer much more worth if I shuld vse as great circūspection in
for I haue red more in Hostiensis that instructeth to giue counsell thā in Ouid that teacheth to be enamored Of a troth master Mosen Rubin I say that it is neither you or I that loue dothe like and with whome she doth delight For you are now olde and I am religious in such sort that in you age doth abound and in me wanteth libertie Beléeue me sir be out of doubt it is not loue but sorow not mirth but displeasure not tast but torment not recreation but confusion when in the enamored there is not youth libertie and liberalitie The man that is now entred into age and wil be yong againe and enamored they neuer terme him an old louer but a filthy old foole and as God saue me they haue great reason that so do call them for old rotten strawes are more fit to make dung than to bée kept The God Cupid and the Goddesse Venus will not haue in houshold but yong men that can serue liberall that knowe to spend and frée that can enioy and delight pacient that can suffer discréete that haue skill to talke secret that knowe too kéepe silence faithfull to gratify and valiant that can perseuer he that is not endued and priuileged with these conditions it should bee more sound counsell for him to delue in the field than to be enamored in pallace For there are not in this world men more miserable than the enamored that be foolish The doltish louer besides that his dame scorneth him his neighbours iest at him his seruantes beguile him Pandar bepéeleth him he is blinded with gilefull spéeche euill imployeth his iuels goeth without foresight he is light of beliefe and in the end findes himselfe beflouted All the offices crafts and sciences in this world may be learned except it be the skil and occupation to know to loue the whiche neither Salamon had skill to write Asclepius to paint Ouid to teache Helen to report either yet Cleopatra to learne but that from the schoole of the hart it must procéede and pure discretion must giue instruction There is not any thing wherein is more necessitie to be discréet than in being a louer for if a man haue hunger cold thirst and werinesse the only body feeleth it but the follies that is committed in loue the hart chiefly bewayleth thē To the end that loue be fixed sure perpetuall and true there must be equalities betwixt the enamored for if the louer bée yong and she old or he old and she yong or he wise and she a foole or he a foole and she wise or he loue hir and she abhorreth him or she loue him and he abhorreth hir beléeue me sir and be out of doubt that of fained louers they shall ende assured and vnfained enemies Master Mosen Rubin I thought good to say thus muche vnto you to the ende that if the louer that you haue now chosen be in possession of thrée score and thrée yeres as you are there is no greate perill that you loue and know hir For most of the time you shall spend shall bée in recounting vnto hir the louers that you haue holden and she in reckoning vp vnto you all such as hath serued hir Speaking more in particuler I woulde knowe to what purpose a man as you that hath passed thréescore yeares that is full spent and laden with the goute will nowe take a Curtisan yong and faire which will rather occupy hir selfe in robbing than delighting of you To what ende will you haue a loue of whome you may not be serued but to bind vp grieues and to driue away flies Wherefore will you haue a daintie Dame since betwixt you and hir there may rise no either cōuersation or communication but to relate and count reckonings and tales and how little you haue eaten all the daye and howe manie tymes you haue tolde the clocke that night For what cause wold you haue a loue since you want strēgth to folowe hir goodes to serue hir patience to suffer hir and youth to enioye hir Why will you haue an amorous dame vnto whome you can not represente howe muche you haue suffered and endured for hir sake but reporte howe the goute is rysen from the hande to the shoulders To what conclusion will you loue an infamous woman whiche will not enter in at your dores that daye whiche you cease to giue hir or shall grow negligent to serue hir To what consideration doe you delite to haue a wanton loue vnto whome you shall not dare to deny any thing that she craueth either chide for anye displeasure she giueth To what seruice will you haue a lawlesse loue who may not be serued conformably to youre good but agréeable to hir foolishnesse For what skill will you haue alemman which must be gratified for the fauour she beareth you and dare not complayne of the ielosies she shal demaund of you For what conceyt will you haue a seconde Lais which when she shall flatter you it shall not only be to content you but something to craue of you For what intente will you haue a loue before whome you must néedes laugh althoughe the goute make you raue For what meaning will you haue a dissolute dame with whom you shall spend all your goodes before you shall haue acquaintance with hir conditions And why desire you a lustie Lasse with whom you are ioyned for money and also susteyn hir with delights and yet in the end must depart from hir with displeasures If you M. Mosen Rubin with these conditions will néedes be enamoured be it so in a good houre for I am sure it will rayne into your house To your age and infirmitie it were more cōuenient to haue a friend to recreate than a Lamia with whom to putrifie Samocratius Nigidius and Ouide did wryte many bookes and made greate treatyses of the remedies of loue and the rewarde of them is they sought remedies for others and vsed none for themselues all thrée dyed persecuted and banished not for those offences they committed in Rome but for the loues they attempted in Capua Let Ouide say what hée dreameth Nigidius what him pleaseth Samocratius what hée thinketh good but in fine the greatest and best remedy against loue is to flée the conuersation and to auoyde the occasion for in causes of loue wée sée many escape that doe flée it and verye fewe that abide it Sir take you héede that the Dinel deceyue you not in your reckenyng a freshe to be enamoured since it is not conuenient for the health of your person either aunswerable to the authoritie of youre house For I assure you of my faith that sooner you shall be deliuered of the displeasures of your Courtizan than of the paynes of the goute My pen hath stretched out farther than I thought and also farther than you would but since you were the first that laid hand to weapon the fault is not myne if I haue hapned to giue you
and to driue the Erle of Alua de Lista out of Zamora If you enter in reckening with all those of your bande which goe in your companie certainly you shall fynde that passion was your foundation not reason neither zeale of the common wealth but ouermuche desire in euery one to augment his owne house and estate Sir Peter Giron woulde haue the possession of Medina the Earle of Saluatiera commaunde the royall Pastures Fernando de Aualoes reuenge his iniurie Iohn de Padilia be maister of S. Iames Sir Peter Lasso the onely ruler in Toledo Quintanilla Controller of Medina Sir Fernando de Hulloa expell his brother out of Toro the Abbot of Compludo obtaine the Bishoprike of Zamora the Doctor Barnardine the Auditor of Valiodolid Ramir nimez the possession of Leon and Charles de Arrelano ioyne Soria with Vorobia The wise man sayeth hée séeketh occasion that will depart from a frend in like maner we may say that sedicious men séek not but rebellious times for that it séemeth vnto them whiche want are in necessitie while rebellion lasteth they may feed of the sweate of other mens brows and profit by their neighbors losse The arte séemeth not a litle gracious which you haue vsed to deceiue and persuade Toledo Burgos Valiodolid Leon Salamanca Auila and Segouia to rebell saying that by this meane they shal be established and made frée as Venize Geneua Florence Sena and Luke in suche wise that from hencefoorth they shall not bée named Cities but Seigniories Musing what was to be said in this matter a good space I had my pen in suspence and in the end I conceiued that vpon so great a vanitie and mischief neuer lyke heard of there is nothing to be sayd much lesse to be written For I hold it for certain and dare auouch that you make not those Cities frée but a praye not entitle them with seigniories but profit your selues with their riches Those the wil take in hand any enterprise that naturally is seditious or offensible haue not to consider of the occasion that moueth thē to ryse but only the good or euil end which therof may procéed for all famous offences haue had always a beginning of good respects Silla Marius and Cateline whiche were famous Romains and glorious Captaines vnder the coloure to delyuer Rome from euill gouernours made themselues tirants of the same At sometymes it is lesse euill in greate Cities to beare with some want of Iustice than to moue the people and therby to raise warre for that war is a certain net that catcheth away all weale from the common wealth The great Alexander being demaunded for what cause hée would be Lord of the whole worlde made answere All the warres that are raised in this worlde is for one of these thrée causes which is eyther to haue goodes many lawes or else many Kings therfore would I obtain the same to cōmaund throughout the whole worlde that they honour but one God serue but one king and obserue but one law But let vs now conferre your Lordship with Alexander the great and we shal finde that he was a King and your Lorship a Bishoppe he a Pagan and you a Christian he bred in the warres and you in the Church he neuer heard of the name of Christe you haue sworne to obserue his Gospell and with all these conditions he would not for the whole worlde haue but one king and your lordship wold haue seuen only for Castile I say vnto your Lordship that you wold establish seuen kings in Castile for that you would make the seuen Cities of the same seauen seigniories The good and loyal gentlemen of Spayn vse to remoue kings to make one king and such as be traytours and disloyall do vse to remoue the King to make kings For vs and our friends we wil no other God but Christ no other law but the Gospell or other king but the Emperoure Charles the fifth And if you and your commoners will haue an other king and an other lawe ioyne your selues with the Curate of Mediana which euery sunday doth establishe and take away kings in Castile And this is the case In a certain place named Mediana which is néere vnto Palomera of Auila there was a Biskay priest and halfe a foote whiche was moued with so great affection to Iohn of Padilia that at the tyme of bidding of beads on the holy days he recōmended after this maner My brethren I commend vnto you one Aue Maria for the most holy communaltie that it neuer decay I commende vnto you an other Aue Maria for the maiestie of king Iohn of Padilia the God may prosper him I cōmend vnto you an other Aue Maria for the Quéenes highnesse our mistresse and Lady Mary of Padilia that God may preserue hir for of a troth these be the true kings and all the rest before time were tyrantes These prayers continued aboute thrée wéekes little more or lesse After whiche tyme Iohn of Padilia with his menne of warre passed that waye and the souldiers that lodged in the priests house inticed away his woman drank his wine kilde his hennes and eate vp his bacon The sundaye folowing in the Churche he sayde It is not vnknowne vnto you my brethren howe Iohn of Padilia passed this way and howe his souldiors hath left me neuer a henne haue eaten me a flitch of bacon haue drunke out a whole tinage of wine and haue caried away my Cateline I say for that from hencefoorth you shall not pray vnto God for him but for king Charles and for our Lady Quéene Ione for they be the true Princes giue to the diuell these straunge kings Behold here my Lord Bishop how the Curate of Mediana is of more power than your Lorshippe for that he made and vnmade Kings in thrée wéekes whiche you haue not performed in eyght moneths and yet I doe sweare and prophesie that the King that you shall establish in Castile shall endure as little as that king whiche was made by the Curate of Mediana No more but that our Lorde be your protectour and lighten you with his grace From Medina del rio secco the .xx. of December .1521 A letter vnto the Bishop of Zamora sir Antony of Acunna in whiche the Author doth perswade him to turne to the seruice of the kyng REuerend disquiet bishop by the letter of Quintanilla of Medina I was aduertised in what maner your lordship receiued my letter and also vnderstoode that in the ende of reading thereof presentely you beganne to groue and murmuring sayd Is this a thing to be suffred that the tong of Frier Antony of Gueuara may bee of more power than my launce and that he be not contented to haue withdrawne Sir Peter Giron euen from betwixte oure hands but also now euen here doth write me a thousand blasphemies It hath much pleased me that my letter was so wel cōfected that with such swiftnes it
that théeues rob his treasure but in fine the miserable couetous man from no man dothe so muche defend his goodes as from his own person That wherin the couetous man takes most sauour is to hutch vp double Ducates to tell golde to hyde money to sel his wine deare to hoord much wheat in garners his Eawes to haue good yeaning not to raine in Aprill and to haue much wheate in May. The highest glory of the couetous man is to be gettyng to be hoording none to craue of him and neuer to spende And although in these fewe things he taketh some taste with many other he passeth greate torments which is to vnderstande if they aske an halfepenie for spice a peny for candles a dandiprat for an earthen pot a farthing for oyle two pens for salt he riues the house with yelles and giues vnto the diuell both wyfe and children exclaming that they are all bent to rob him God endueth that 〈◊〉 with singular grace to whom he giueth a shamfast couÌ„â—â—â—…unce and an heart of noble disposition For if the wretched nigard had once tasted how sweet a thing it is to giue the things most necessarie to his propre vse he should not be able to retaine The noble mynded and liberall man giueth not so muche as they giue him for in recompence of euery bountie they giue themselues wholly at his libertie to bée commaunded The liberall and noble minded man is Lorde of the people where he dwelleth of all men with whom he hath conuersation for being assured that he wil gratify them no maÌ„ hath the face to denye him any thing The contrarie doth chaunce to the miserable nigarde and harde harted couetous man vnto whome no man will approche no man will talke no man will accompanie no man giueth any thing no man entreth his dores neither any man will fetche fire at his house Who will craue any thing of the couetous nigard much lesse enter his house séeing him weare his shoes torne his hose rent his cap thréede bare his hat greasye his shirt ragged his doublet lose and vnpoynted and he walking alone Howe will he remedie the necessitie of a stranger that will not mende the gutter of his house Howe will hée giue any man an almes that trusseth himselfe with a points end How wil he succour the vnknown that killeth his own with hunger How wil he giue wood to the hospitall that warmes himselfe by the trash of strawe To whome will he lend money that burieth his owne Howe will he imparte and giue of his wheate that hath hope in May to sel for double price Who dare be a frend to the couetous and wretched nigard being an enimye to him selfe How many couetous men haue we séene and doe sée euery day vnto whome God giueth force to get riches wit to sustain them a mind to defend them a life to possesse them giueth them not licence to enioy them but where they might be Lordes of other mens we see them slaues to their owne proper goodes Of how muche more excellencie is honest propertie than is cursed auarice whiche is to be knowen moste cleare bicause the poore man is contented with his little and the rich man with his aboundance séemeth to be in necessitie What greater disgrace eyther greater mischance may happen to the welthy couetous man since for all things he séeth in others he sigheth and all that he hathe in possession he lacketh The couetous man hath his eyes occupied in his vines he planteth his hands in the money he receyueth his tong amongst his factors with whome he chideth his feete in wandring to his heards and granges hys time in wiles that hée frameth his eares in accompts be receaueth his body in bargaines he maketh his hart on the Ducates that with great watch he kéepeth in such wise that as he goeth wandring besides himself so he obserueth no part to himselfe That the couetous man hathe not the heart or courage to giue to hys friends or kindred it is most true Dare they bestow any cost vpon themselues no surely no truly but holde it as euill imployed whatsoeuer they bestowe vppon themselues as that which is stolne from them To the couetous miserable nigard they raise a slander vpoÌ„ him in saying that he is rich bicause not he the riches but the riches doth him hold possesse in such wise that he passeth greate trauelles in gathering of them danger in kéeping them law in defending them and tormeÌ„t in departing from them for if shame did not let him he would rather eate bread and onyons than lay out one peney The couetous man is not of so good disposition as is the dirtie Potter since the one profiteth himselfe by earthe and the other dare not touch golde and farther and besides this the poore Potter getteth his liuing by selling of pottes the wretched couetous man loseth his honor by hoording of riches The wretched niggard hauing his money neuer so muche buried watched and kept yet from none doth he so much kéepe it as from himselfe bycause if hée haue two keyes vnto his coffer to make all safe he hath two hundreth in his hart to saue theÌ„ from spending men shamefaced and of noble mindes haue greate cause to beware that they begin not to hourd or lay vp money for if he once giue himselfe to hourd and hide money be it neuer so little be it no more but to gain one only groate he shal euery day fall into a thousand euils shames and confusions For any man to be reuenged of a couetous manne he hathe not but to desire that he may liue long for a muche worse life is obtayned by the wretched nigard with his auarice than we would giue him with some great penance I doe lie if I did not know being warden of Areuallo a great riche man which did not eate of all his goodes but the faine frute the rotten grapes the mustie Wheate the sowre Wine the Rateaten bread the wemmy chéese and the resty Bacon in such wise that he would not enterprise or aduenture to eate but that he could not sell I confesse that sometimes I wente vnto his house more to beholde than for any businesse and saw his chambers full of Cobwebs his doores vnhanged the windowes cleft the lockes decayed the flowers vneuen and full of holes the tiles vntiled the chaires broken the chimneys falne downe in suche wise that it was rather an house to murmure at than to dwell in Although it be a shame to spell it I wil not leaue to say that which the neighbours and his friends hath sayd vnto me that if there hapned any kinsman or friend to visit him he was driuen to séeke lodging at his neighbours or to borow all that was necessary Great of a troth is that couetise and much infamous is that auarice which is not repressed with the shame of this world neyther cut off
sayd of him that he neuer made error in that he prognosticated either in any disease he tooke in cure Ipochras dyd giue counsel to Phisitions that they should neuer take in hād to cure anye disordered patient and did counsell the sicke to shunne the vnfortunate Phisition for sayth he he that cureth may not erre where the patient is of good gouernment and the Phisition fortunate The Philosopher Ipochras being dead for that his disciples began to cure or to say more truly to kill many sicke people of Grecia for that the science was very new and the experiēce muche lesse it was commaunded by the Senate of Athenes not only that they shoulde not cure but also depart out of all Grecia After that the disciples of Ipochras were thrust out of Grecia the art of Phisicke was banished and forgotten an hūdred and thréescore yeres so as none durst to learn and much lesse to teache the same for the Gréekes had their Ipochras in suche estimation that they affirmed that Phisicke was borne and buried with him Those hundred and thréescore yéeres being past another Philosopher and phisition was borne named Chrisippus in the kingdome of the Sicionians whiche was as renoumed amongst the Argiues as Ipochras amonst the Athenians This Philosopher Chrisippus although he were very well learned in Phisicke and very fortunate in the experience thereof of the other part he was much opinionatiue and of presuming iudgement for all the time of his life lecture and in all his bookes that he did write his purpose was none other but to impugne Ipochras in all that he had said and only to proue most true that which he affirmed in suche wise that he was the first Phisition that pulled medicine out of reason and put it in opinion The Philosopher Chrisippus being dead there was great alteration amongst the Gréekes whiche of the two doctrines they should follow whiche is to wit that of Ipochras or of Chrisippus and in the end it was determined that neither the one should be followed or the other admitted for they sayd that neyther life nor honor ought to be put in disputation After this the Gréekes remayned an other hundred yeres without Phisition vntill the time of one Aristrato a philosopher which did rise amōgst them He was cosin to the great philosopher Aristotle and was residēt in the kingdome of Macedonia where he of new did exalt the art of Phisicke not for that he was more learned than his predecessours but for that he was more fortunate than all the rest This Aristrato recouered fame by curing king Antiochus the firste of a certayne disease of the lights in reward whereof the yong prince his son that was named Ptholemus did giue a thousande Talents of siluer and a cup of golde in such wise that he wan honor thoroughout all Asia and ritches for his house This Philosopher Aristrato was he that most defamed the art of Phisicke bycause he was the first that set Phisicke asale and begā to cure for money for vntill this time all phisitions did cure some for friendship and some for charitie The Phisition Aristratus being dead ther succéeded him certaine his disciples more couetous than wise which for that they gaue thēselues to be more handsome men of their money than to cure diseases they were commaunded by the Senat of Athens that they should not presume to teach phisicke much lesse to cure any person Of other trauels that Phisick did passe ANother hundred yeres in Asia was phisick forgotten till the time that Euperices was raysed in the kingdome of Tinacria but for that he and another Phisition did vary vpon the curing of King Crisippus the which at that time raigned in that Ile it was determined by those of the kingdome that they should only cure with simple medicines and not presume to mixe or make compositiōs Long time the kingdome of Sicill continued and also the greater part of Asia without the knowledge of the art of medicine vntill the time that in the I le of Rhodes there remayned a certain notable phisition and philosopher named Herosilo a man that was in his time very learned in phisick and very skilfull in Astrology Many do say that this Herosilus was master to Ptolomeus and others say that he was not but his disciple but be it as be may he lefte many bookes written of Astrology and taught many scholers also This Herosilus held opinion that the pulse of the patient ought not to be taken in the arme but in the temples saying that there neuer wanted that which in the arme was sometime hidden This phisition Herosilus was of suche authoritie amongest the Rhodians that they held this opinion to take the poulse in the temples all the dayes of his life and also the liues of his scholers who with his scholers being all dead the opinion tooke an end although it were not forgotten Herosilus béeing deade the Rhodians would neuer more bée cured neither admit any other phisition in their countrie the one cause was not to offend the authority of their philosopher Herosilus and the other for that naturally they were enimies vnto straunge people and also no friendes of newe opinions This being past phisicke fell asléepe other .iiij. score yeres as wel in Asia as in Europa vntill the great philosopher phisition Asclepiades was raysed in the Ilande Mitiline A man sufficiently well learned and most excellent in curing This Asclepiades helde opinion that the pulse ought not to be sought in the arme as nowe they seeke but in the temples or in the nose This opinion was not so farre besides reason but that long time after him the phisitions of Rome and also of Asia did entertaine the same In all these times it was not read that any phisition was borne in Rome or came into Italy for the Romanes were the last of this world that did entertaine Clockes Iesters Barbars Phisitions Foure hundred iij. yeares and ten months the great city of Rome did passe without the entertayning of any Phisition or Chirurgian The first that hath ben read to haue entred Rome was one that was named Antony Musa a Greeke borne and in science a Phisition The cause of his comming thither was the disease of Sciatica that the Emperor Augustus had in his thigh the which when Antony Musa had cured and therof wholy deliuered him in remuneration of so great a benefite the Romanes did erect vnto him a picture of Porphiry in the fielde of Mars and farther and besides this did giue him priuiledge of citizen of Rome Antony Musa had gathered excéeding great riches also obtained the renoume of a great Philosopher if with the same he could haue bene contented and not to haue excéeded his Art of phisick but this was the chance of his sorrowfull fate Giuing him selfe to cure by Chirurgery as also by medicine it is some time necessary in that Art to cut of féete or fingers and
and the Phisition betwixt them made bargayne the one to cure and the other to pay and if by chaunce he did not cure according to his promise and band in such a case the law commanded that the Phisition shoulde lose the trauell of his cure and also pay the Apoticary I assure you Master Doctor that if this lawe of the Gothes were obserued in these oure dayes that you and your companions would giue your selues more to study and would be better aduised in the things you shuld take in hand but for that you be very well payd whether the pacient be cured or not cured and if ye happen to performe the cure you attribute the glory vnto your selues but if not you lay all the fault in the poore pacient This appeareth most cleare for coÌ„monly you charge the pacient that either he is a glutton drinketh much water eateth much frute sléepes at noone doth not receyue that he is commaunded takes too much ayre or doth not endure to sweate in such wise that the sorowfull pacient which they cannot cure they do not forget to defame It séemeth not a little gracious vnto me that which your Ipochras affirmeth whiche is that the Phisition is not to be estéemed that of himselfe is not well fortunate whereof we may inferre that all our lift and health doth depende not in your medcines that you minister vnto vs but in the fortune good or bad that the Phisition holdeth He séemeth to haue small confidence in Phisicke that durst publish such a sentence for if we stay our selues by this rule of Ipochras we must flie the wise Phisition that is ill fortunate and séeke to be cured with him that is vnwise and fortunate In the yere of xviij I being sick in Osoruillo whiche is neare vnto your house of Melgar comming to visite me you sayd that I had to consider for that you had killed Sir Ladron mine Vncle Sir Beltram my Father Sir Iames my cosyn and the Lady Ynes my Sister and that if I had a mind to enter into that brotherhood you would rather vndertake to kill me than to cure me although Master Doctor you spake it in iest yet in déede it was most true for whiche cause since I heard you speake it and read that rule of Ipochras I determined in my heart neuer more to offer my pulse neither incommend my health vnto your counsell bycause in my linage of Gueuara your medcine is vnfortunate Of many famous phisitioÌ„s I haue séene performed diuers famous cures and of many foolish Phisitions I haue séene brought to passe many and great doltish follies I speak it for this cause master Doctor for in the hands of the Miller we lose but our meale in the Ferrar but our Mule in the Lawyer but our goodes in the Tayler but our garment but in the hands of the PhisitioÌ„ we lose our liues Oh how great necessitie ought he to haue how conuenient it is for him first to coÌ„sider that at his mouth hath to receyue a purgation or to consente that in his armes they let him bloud for many times it doth hapen that the sick would giue all that he hath to be deliuered of his purgation or to recouer his bloud into his arme In this whole world there be no men of more healthe than such as be of good gouernment and reck not to follow phisick for our nature craueth to be well ruled and very little to vnderstand with Phisicke The Emperour Aurelius died of the age of thréescore and sixe yeares in al which time he was neuer purged or let bloud neyther did vse Phisicke but euery yeare he entred the Bath euery moneth he did vomit euery wéeke he did forbeare to eate one day euery day dyd walke one hour The Emperour Adrian for that in his youth he was gréedy in féeding and disordered in drinking he came to bée in his age much gréeued and sickly of the goute with greate paine in the head whereby he went euer laden with Phisitions and of great experience of many medcines If any man be desirous to know the profit he found by phisick and the remedies be receyued of Phisitions he may easely vnderstand in that at the houre of his death he commaunded these words to be ingrauen vppon his tombe per â—… turba medicorum as if hée should speake more cleare mine enemies hauing no power to kill me am come to die by the hands of Phisitions They report a certain thing of the Emperour Galienus of a troth worthy to be noted and gracious in hearing whiche is that the Prince being sicke and very euill of a Sciatica a certayne famous Phisition had the cure of him which had vsed a thousaÌ„d experimeÌ„ts without any ease or profit on a certayn day the Emperour called and said vnto him take Fabatus two thousande sexter 〈◊〉 and also vnderstande that if I giue them it is not bycause it 〈…〉 hast cured me but for that thou shalte neuer more hereafter cure me To how many Phisitions might we say 〈…〉 those dayes as the Emperour Gabenus sayd vnto hys Phisition 〈◊〉 which although there be not named Fabates with greate reason we mighte tear me them Bobates for they neyther knowethe him 〈…〉 that offendeth the disease eyther 〈…〉 apply a necessary or conuenient medcine As God saiâ—… and master Doctor for my part I do firmely beléeue that it shuld be sounder counsel for vs for no cause to pay the ignorant Phisitions to the ende they shall not cure vs than for that they shoulde minister vnto vs for we â—…earely sée with our owne eyes that they kill more with their receipts froÌ„ the Apoticaries than their predecessors haue slayn fighting in the warres But this shall be the conclusion of my letter that I do accept approue praise and blesse medcine and on the other side I do curse reproue and condemne the Phisition that knoweth not to vse the same For according to that whiche youre Plinie sayeth speaking of medcine non rem antiqui damnabant sed artem As if Plinie should speake more cleare the auncient wise men and suche as banished Phisitions out of their common wealthes did not condempne medcine but the art of curing that men had inuented in the same for nature hauing layde vp the remedy of diseases in simple medcines they haue framed and shut it vp in things compound in suche wise that manye times it is lesse painefull to suffer the disease than to abyde the remedie No more but that our Lorde be youre protector and giue me grace to serue him From Madrid the xxvij of December 1525. A letter vnto Mosen Puche of Valentia wherein is touched at large how the husband with the wife and the wife with the husband ought to liue A letter for the new married YOng and new married GeÌ„tleman Mosen Puche to be married vnto the Lady Mary Gralla and the Lady Mary Gralla to be married with Mosen Puche from hence I
wise that many Gentlewomē to mayntaine an estate make their house a stable For a woman to be good it is no small help to be alwayes in businesse and by the contrary we sée no other thing but that the idle woman goeth always pensitiue Let all maner of women beleue me that in any wyse they busie their daughters in some honest exercise for I giue them to vnderstand if they know not that of idle moments and wanton thoughtes they come to make euill conclusions No more but that our Lord be in your procéeding from Granada the .4 of maye .1524 yeares A letter vnto Mosen Rubin of Valentia wherein he answereth to certayne notable demaunds A letter very conuenient for the woman that marrieth an olde man. RIght worshipfull aunciente renued with youthely motion youre Letter read and considered that which I conceyue and comprehende thereof is that it contayneth much writing and commeth written in very grosse paper whereof it may very well be inferred that you haue wast time and want of money Small comforte shoulde he haue at youre handes that at thys instant should craue youre almes for a Cote that hathe not a Maruedye to buy a shéete of paper Althoughe I holde it for most certayne that if you haue not at this present a Mareuedy to buy paper at other times you vse to set an hundred Duckats at a rest The property and condition of Players is sometymes to haue greate abundaunce and at other times to suffer greate lacke in suche wise that to daye hauing too many Duckats to play on the morrowe they haue not to paye for their dinner I haue sayde it many times and also written in my doctrines that I enuy not these gamesters for the money that they win but at the sighes that they gyue bycause if they cast the dice with courage with great sighes they wish their chaunce But comming to the purpose of youre demaunde and answering to youre request I saye that if to all the demaundes of youre letter I shall not aunswer with grace and good eloquence impute the fault to my disgrace and also vnapte disposition And the cause of my disgrace endureth not to be written with inke in paper But it suffiseth a man to be at Court where be few things to be commended but many to the contrary Sir you write vnto me to aduertise you of my opiniō of the bailiwick of Orihnela which the Quéene hathe giuen you and the garde of the frontires of Caspe whither the Moores of Pampe do passe and they of Affrica do enter To this I aunswere that you haue to make small accounte that the Quéene hath giuen you the charge of Iustice if god deny you his grace bycause preheminent offices by vertues be conserued but heroicall vertues amongs offices do runne in perill In him that administreth Iustice it is necessary he haue good Iudgement to giue sentence temperance in his speche patience to suffer good counsell to discerne good disposition to Iustice and fortitude to execute If in the budget of your household stuffe you finde your selfe furnished with all these kind of goods you may safely be Iudge of Orihnela and also gouernour of Valentia And if your abilitie stretch not so farre it should be more sounde counsell for you to kepe your house than to bring your honour in question and disputation Also you wright vnto me to aduertise you what was contained in the countesse of Concentainas letter which the quéene shewed me That which passed in this case is that the Earle of Concentaina being dead my Lady the Countesse presently did wright vnto the vassalles of the Earldōr a certaine letter of the sorrow and griefe of hir husbands death and in the ende and conclusion of the letter they placed according to the manner of such Ladies and widowes which is to witte the sorowfull and most vnfortunat countesse and added ther vnto in the place of the firme therof two great blottes The letter being receyued and redde by hir vassals in their counsell before all men they aduised to aunswere my Lady the Countesse and also to giue hir to vnderstande of the sorowe they conceiued of the death of the Earle hir husband and their Lorde And it séemed good vnto them that since she hadde changed the stile of hir firme that also they were bounde too alter the stile of their letter In which the superscription therof saide thus Vnto our sorrowfull Ladye and moste vnfortunate countesse of Concentayna withinin the vpper face of the letter where they place the woordes of curtesy and congratulation was after this manner Righte magnificente and most sorowfull Lady at the end where was sayd by the ordinance of the coūsell iustice gouernours were made thrée dasshes much blotted in such wise that according to the tenor of hir writing she answered My Lady the Countesse receyued no small offence thereof and yet with good grace she sayd vnto me that she wished the error had passed by one mans faulte and not as it was by all their consents Also you write vnto me to aduertise you how it standeth with Mosen Burela since the time he receyued that so great distresse in Xatina Sir vnto this I answer that vnto me he giueth great sorow to beholde him and no lesse compassion to heare him bycause I sée hym wander laden with thoughts and no lesse forsaken of friends Beléeue me sir and be out of doubt that he falleth not in all this world that falleth not out of his princes fauour bycause the fashion or stile of Court is that the priuate and in fauoure knoweth not himselfe with the fall and out of fauoure no mā will grow aquainted The houses and Courts of Princes be very fortunate vnto some no lesse perillous vnto others bycause there either they preuayle and growe very greate or else vtterly lose themselues All Courtiers séeme to me to resemble the Bée or else the Spider wherin there be some persons in Court so fortunate that all thinges whereon they lay hands turneth to golde and others so vnlucky that all which they pretend cōuerts to smoke As concerning our Mosen Burela I can say vnto you that he is thoroughly smoked as touching his honor and no lesse stumbled and falne in respect of his goodes bycause he hath lost the office that he held and the credite wherwith he was sustayned Sir also you wrighte to me to aduertise you of the state of the Sonnes of Vasko Bello your friend and my neighbour to this I answer that their parents hauing past their liues in the trade of merchants they haue conuerted themselues to the state of Gentlemen and to the end you vnderstād me better I say they be not of the Gentlemen of auncient right but suche as haue obtayned by prise and purchase bycause their goodes being consumed I holde their gentry fully finished In the state that men do get theyr liuing in the same they ought to conserue themselues for otherwise
murdred and buried vpon whose Tomb was placed this Epitaph with his armes whiche englished importeth as followeth Here lyeth the valiant Athaolphus with sixe of his children issued of Gothick bloud this was the first that aduentured to enter Spayne with an Army slayne with his owne men and buried with great teares in the great Citie of Barcelone Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spayne and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic whiche was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spayne a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lord of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable wisedome named Caba Thys Damesell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the Countrey was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the king being surprised with hir loue when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The which when Count Iulian vnderstoode hée was hyghly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the ende he myght make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto King Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie whiche the King had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores whiche then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of his determinations with Muzza Liuetenaunt generall of that Prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supplye of souldiers hée woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hée gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Count but also sent him a sufficient army to bring his deuysed practize to effect The countrie béeyng néere the straites of Giberaltare was well furnished with men of great courage He then folowing fortune béeyng stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury whiche he had receyued reiecting all loue of his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as hée had imbarked his army of Moores in foure ships and strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniury which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waighty Wherevnto they assenting sent him aide both of men monie Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spaine and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic which was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spaine a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lorde of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable in wisedome named Caba This damsell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the cuntrie was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the King being surprised with louing hir when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir so as béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The whiche when Counte Iulian vnderstoode he was highly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the end he might make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto king Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie which the king had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores which then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of that which he woulde do with Muzza Auuenokair Liuetenaunt generall of that prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that is if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supply of souldiers hee woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hee gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Counte but also sent him a sufficient army to bryng his deuised practize to effect The Ilandes of this country beyng néere the straites of Giberaltare were wel furnished with meÌ„ of great courage He theÌ„ folowing fortune being stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury which he had receyued reiecting all loue to his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as he had imbarked his army of Moores in foure shippes strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniurie which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waightie Whervnto they assenting sent him aide both of men and monie so as he tooke all the coastes of Spaine and much of the cuntry for the Moores whiche was the firste entrie of the Moores into Spaine and was in the yeare of grace 712. When the miserable king Roderic had vnderstaÌ„ding hereof that if with speede he ordered not his affaires he shoulde be in daunger to loose his realme and state with all the hasâ—â— possible he assembled an armie to encounter the Moores and made a nephew of his Captaine generall But the Moores giuing them the ouerthrow mangled him his men in péeces About which time another armie of Moores which the fornamed Muzza had placed in garison in places before subdued entred and tooke another countrye or prouince Whiche King Roderic vnderstanding and perceyuing the Moores daylye to aduaunce their force committing to fire and swoorde all the countrie that they subdued he gathered togither another army in whiche himselfe in person togither with all the Nobilitie of Spaine woulde go to searche out the Moores which then remayned at Seres and did so in déede where hée made greate slaughter both of the straunge Moores of his owne Christians But in fine the Christian army was vtterly destroyed the king loste in suche wise that afterwards he could neuer be founde quicke or deade From this tyme Spaine fell into the subiection of the Moores This battell was ended on a sunday the fourth of September in the yeare of our Sauiour 714. so as the Moores beeyng then victors might
Court as well for the reasons abouesayd as also for that your people shal be indoctrined and maintayned in better behauiour and your haule and buttry more throughly furnished Farther you commaund me to write vnto you particularly whē the Carthaginians entred into Spayne at what time Scipio the African did take Carthage the chiefe Citie of youre Bishoprick and that you haue layd a wager with the Lord sir Peter of Mendoza gouernour of the same Citie vpō the same matter being of cōtrary opinions haue chosen me for iudge or arbitrator of your contentiō Certaynly these be things very farre from my profession for being religious as you know it shoulde serue much better to the purpose to sit and vnderstand of the time that my religion was inuented and in what countrey S. Francis was borne than to vnderstande when the Carthaginians entred Spayne at what time the Romaynes did sack subuert Carthage But since you haue chosen and established me for your iudge will that I shal say my opiniō that which I know I shal not fayle to yéeld rēder my endeuor without any remissiō of the Mule which you promised me But comming nowe to the purpose you haue to vnderstād during the warres betwixt the Gaditains the Turdetaynes the Gaditains sent their embassadors to the Carthaginians to draw thē to their party to haue succour from them whervnto the Carthaginians consented and at the instant sent Marhaball a man very valiant to go into Spayne to the succour of the Gaditains This Marhaball vnder the colour of giuing aide vnto the Gaditains brought himself in possession of a certayne part of Andolozia and reduced the same vnder the gouernmēt of the Carthaginians folowing his secret commission and the order which was giuen him in his eare This was broughte to passe in the yeare of the general Floud M. D.CCCX This was the first discent of the Carthaginians in Spayne In the days when the Romaynes expelled their kings But afterwards the Carthaginians diuers times by diuers Captayns did inuade had possessiō of many countries cities of Spayne which they held vnto the time that the Romayns comming vnto the succour of the Saguntines where the Carthaginians wer discomfited distressed driuen away both the armies being conducted by Hanniball Scipio the first being the leader and Captayn of the armies of Carthage the other for the Romains This Scipio was thē intituled Scipio the great renoumed with the surname African for that after he subdued the great Carthage did take the same by diuers assaults This City as is knowen to your Lordship it holdeth on the East part a certaine hill with a ridge compassed with the Sea and on the other side wher this hill or ridge ioyneth vnto the Citie there is a lake on that side of Bize The Carthaginians supposing theyr Citie to bée sufficiently strong vpon that side gaue no order thereof either for watche or ward As Scipio battred the Citie by Sea land he had aduertisemēt by certaine fishermen of Tarresko which at othertimes had repaired and gone to Carthage that the water of the lake did vse to fall at an houre By whiche aduertisement Scipio caused the water to be sounded and hauing found the greatest depth but to the girdle in most places but to the knées he caused certayne chosen souldiers to enter the water whych passing without impediment did climbe the walles entred the Citie obtayning thereby possession with small losse hauing executed great slaughter of the people thereof and Hanno the Captayne of the Citie being taken prisoner And as the Romaines did prosecute and performed the destruction of the Citie forcing to passe by the edge of the sword al that euer they met a Damsel of Spayne of a noble house the wife of Madonius brother to Indibilis Lord of the Illergets did yéelde hir selfe prostrate and groueling at the féete of Scipio most humbly beséeching that it might please him to vouchsafe to recommende the honor of the women vnto the souldiers And as Scipio answered that he woulde gladly performe the same this Lady replyed saying after this manner O Scipio I am charged with one particular and right sorrowfull griefe whiche pearceth my heart in this present fortune to solicite thy excellēcie to vse thy mild fauour with great diligence for I haue héere my two nices shewing two most excellent right singular yong Ladies daughters of Indibilis which hold and estéeme me as their onely mother who teare mine entrayles and breake and pearce my hart to sée them in seruitude amids the armies Whereof Scipio being moued by great compassion and no lesse reuerence made answer vnto this Lady Madame you haue to vnderstand that notwithstanding the common courtesy of the Romayne people and my naturall condition doe prouoke me to defend the honor of Ladies yet therewithall youre great vertue and dignitie constraynes me to vse more spéedy diligence therein considering that in the mids of youre aduersities you forget not the chiefe poynt of honor whiche al Ladies of chast renowne ought to mayntaine kéepe defend The which being sayd he commended these thrée Damsels to the gard and defence of a gentleman of name and much estéemed for his vertue straightly commaunding the same to entreate and serue these Ladies with no lesse courtesie than if they were the wiues or daughters of gentlemen of Rome And nowe since you haue bin aduertised of one vertuous acte of Scipio I will yet recite another right famous déede of great vertue to shew vnto the world that Scipio doth worthily deserue eternall prayse to serue as an example and perfect spectacle of continencie to all yong Captaynes The cause was thys at the very instant that Scipio hadde dispatched these thrée Ladies aforesayd the Souldiers brought vnto him a certayne yong Damsell the fairest that euer they had séene but Scipio vnderstanding that she was betrothed to Lucius Prince of the Celtibires and that she was discended of parents very noble would in no wise touch hir but rather had a duble care to defend hir honor And hauing commanded the father and the husband of the sayd Lady to be called vnto hys presence and also vnderstanding the sayd Prince to loue with an ardent desire and an inflamed affectiō said thus vnto him O Lucius hauing thy loue in my power and being yong as thou art I might well enioy the delight of hir beauty but hauing aduertisement that thou bearest hir great and most perfect affection I haue thought good not only to defende but also to preserue hir for thée and render the same into thy handes as chast a virgin as she was deliuered vnto me And I wil no other recompence at thy hands but that thou cōtinue a faithfull friend vnto the Romaines for thou shalt not find a Nation in this world of so perfect friendship as are the Romayne people neither of
Gospell of Iesus Christ And also most faythfully am fully persuaded that whē Christ in his humanitie did take beginning your ceremoniall law did then take ending And from the present houre that the Lord Iesus Christ sayd vpō the crosse Consummatū est he gaue vs to vnderstande that then was finished the holocaustes sacrifices oblations figures ceremonies and also your royall scepter had then taken ende and pontificall dignitie declined and in short time after vtterly consumed and in the same momēt our church began to spring your synagoge to be buried There is now more than .1500 yeres past that ye haue had neither King to obey sacrifising priest to command temple to pray in sacrifice to offer prophets in whome to giue credite either as muche as a citie wherein to be succoured or repaire vnto in suche wise that to all men it is manifestly seene that your sorowfull synagoge is dead and ended without all hope for euermore to ryse agayne Iesus Christ sayde that your kingdome should be remoued and taken away that your temple should be subuerted and ouerthrowen that ye shold be dispersed throughout the world the Ierusalem should be destroyed that your law should be lost In like maner Iesus Christ sayd that ye should dye obstinate in your sinnes and so cōtinue wandering as vacabunds vntill the ende of the world Notwithstanding that ye remained in bondage seruitude slauery in those two greate captiuities of Aegipt Babylon yet there remained with you some rēnāt of priesthood of prophet of king or of law But after the cōming of Iesus Christ all was lost al was finished al was vanished away nothing remaining vnto you but the name of Iewes the liberty of slaues There is not any nation in this worlde be it neuer so barbarous that hath not some place to retire vnto or some captaine to defend them the Garaments of Asia the Messagetes bordering vppon the Indians and the Negros of Aethiope bearing witnesse except you most miserable Iewes the which in all places and countries be fugitiues and captiues Certaynely moste obstinate and stiffe necked people I do not maruell that I haue so little profited and done so little good amongst you in these fyue monethes in arguing preaching and disputing in so muche that Iesus Christ with his excellent doctrine and maruelous miracles could do no more in .30 yeares hauing no grace to accept the same in better part than to crucifie him for his greate bountie Then sithens the principall cause of your losse doth consist in that yée beléeue not the newe Testament neyther vnderstand the olde which is most true For if soundly and intierly ye had vnderstanding of the sacred scripture with your owne handes ye would set fire vnto the synagogue And for that you haue all in generall and euery one in particular desired mée to say and gyue you to vnderstande what or howe the Christians do conceyue and what our doctors and learned men do teache as touching the right hyghe mysterie of the Trinitie I pray you also honorable Rabbies to be intentiue to that which I shall propose and to haue regard to that which I shal determine for that the mysteries of the Trinitie be of suche depth and profunditie that they ought to be beléeued with the vnderstanding although reason may not shewe and comprehend them Forasmuch as all you Rabbies Iewes whiche be present do well vnderstand the Latine and the Spanishe tongue and I vnderstand your Hebrew the Italian tongs I will endeuoire and vndertake to declare the best that I can this mysterie of the Trinitie partly in Latine and partly in Hebrew partly in Spanishe for the matter is so high that one language is not sufficient to declare the same scilicet singularitatis incommutabilitatis et dignitatis By this I vnderstande that for one personne to bee a Diuine personne it is requisite that he shoulde haue thrée thinges whiche is to vnderstande that it haue in it some singularitie whiche is not founde in any other Incommutabilite whiche vnto it and to no other is communicated And some dignitie which in it and not in any other is to bée founde The personne of Iesus Christ our God by all these reasons here aboue sayde is a person Diuine notwithstanding it bee cladde with humayne fleshe As touching the fyrst which is to haue some priuiledge of singularitie that hath beene founde in the Soule of Iesus Christe the which onely by spetiall grace from the howre it was create it was vnited with the Diuine worde The seconde priuiledge of Iucommutabilite was founde in the Sacred bodye of Iesus Christe the whiche in the Wombe of his gloryous mother lykewise was by the holye Ghoste fourmed Et a verbo Assumptum The thyrde priuiledge whiche is of dignitye is lykewyse founde in the Soule and bodye of Iesus Christe remayning in his humayne nature and not but one person the whiche was and is Diuine You haue farther to vnderstande honourable Rabbis That there are twoo termes the diffinicion of which is verye necessarie to bee knowne vnto them That seeke to vnderstande any thing in the holye Scripture whiche is to saye Actes essentialles and actes personalies The example thereof is written in the fyrste Chapter of Genesis Jn principio Creauit deus Celum et terram c. In this place here this name Deus Accipitur essentialiter Et non personaliter quia creare est actus essentiales et non personalis et conuenit e rinitati in quantum deus Also it is writtē Dominus dixit ad me filius meus es tu in which place this name dominus Accipitur personaliter et nō essentialiter qui de patris persona precise intelligitur et in diuini generare est actus personalis et non essentialis et est notio ipssius patris Likewise ye haue to vnderstande that as in Iesus Christ is one person diuine there is in the same diuine nature humaine nature mistical nature Prima est eterna Secunda est a verbo assumpta Tertia est in Adam corrupta qui licet nō sunt altera spetie ab humanitate Christi tamen est altera secundū conditionē nature sauciate In the scriptures Iesus Christ is introduced sometimes speaking according to diuine eternal nature as when it is sayd Dominus dixit ad me filius meus est tu Sometimes speaking in the humaine nature As when he sayth In capite libri scriptū est deme et illum non est exaltatū cor meū c. And sometimes is brought in speaking according to the nature mistical corrupted So as Longe A salute meaver ba delictorum meorum et illud Delicta labiorum meorum non sunt a te abscondita The which he sayd as of the paine not touching the faulte for as much as the body mistical dyd perpetrate his true verie body dyd paye and suffer Our amitie is so lytle That our
another booke apart by it selfe this Prince during the tyme that he made warres against the Parthians as Eusebius and Orosius do declare endeuored his power to persecute the Christians which remayned in Europe and Asia where Lucus Varus was gouernour This was the fourth persecution of the Church myllitant so that it followeth that God suffered this general pestilence to raigne amongst them and a thousande other callamities to happen vnto them enduring the gouernment of this Prince as wee haue largely declared in his Cronicle The fift persecution of the Church was during the raigne of Septimus Seuerus the Emperour the which by the instigation of the deuil made a great butcherie of the faithful Christiās This fift persecutiō was the cause as fayth Osorius the God dyd not permit this Prince to lyue in peace for one of his Captaines rebelled against him named Albinius the which made all Brittany to reuolt from him calling him selfe Emperour during the time of his life The sixt persecution of the Church was in the time of the Emperour Maximius the cursed Prince being offended that Alexander Seuerus had supported the Christians by expresse ordinaunce commission made a great and blooddye spoyle of the Christians principallie of the ministers of those which executed any aucthoritie amōgst the Christiā people This was the sixt persecutiō as saith Eusebius Orosius in the which this Prince vsed many vnacustomed tormēts and caused diuers cruell punishmentes to be inuented whereby the poore Christians might be miserablye handled who had such an opinion and presumptuous pride of himselfe his power that he estéemed that no person might once hurt him and that it were impossible to wounde or to kyll him In which opinion he most deuillishlie pursued all his cruelties and tormentes The seuenth persecution was in the rule of the Emperor Decius This Prince although otherwise he were of good naturall disposition was notwithstanding in religion an Infidell and in that respect sought the vexation of the millitant Church so that no such crueltye were before tyme vsed as nowe in his tyme towardes the afflicted Christians The which is affirmed that he onely dyd in despite of his prodecessour Phillip who had before béene Christened And so this seuenth persecution was in the time of this Decius The eyght persecution was enduring the raigne of the Emperour Valerian who as Eusebius doth report was so fauourable to the Christians in the beginning of his raigne that he would not permitte that any personne dyd them any wrong or violence for he bare such affection and honour vnto them that his pallace was a true colledge and sanctuarie for the Christians but towardes the ende of his raigne he suffred him selfe to be seduced by a Magicien of Egipt who was a deadlye enemie to the Christian religion because the same dyd impugne the deceiptes and Sorceries of the Magicians In such sort that he dyd not all onely chaunge his opinion towardes the Christians but also persecuted them with great slaughter This was the eyght persecution of which Orosius doth liberally discourse but such was the iustice of God for his cruell excesse that such euyll fortune followed Valerian after this déede that he was taken prisoner and fell into the handes of Sapor King of Percia which dyd intreate and handle him most cruelly The ninth persecution of the Church was in the time of the Emperour Aurelian who hauing most louinglie vsed the Christians in the first sixe yeares of his raigne as appeareth by the writing of Eusebius and Orosius in the ende by the prouocation of the Deuill and other most wicked persons he persecuted the Christians generally throughout all the confines of his Empire And this was the ninth persecution of the faithfull Now it happened that as this Prince was readie to signe a commission which he was to dispatche to the gouernors of the Princes of the Empire against the Christians an arrow fell from Heauen so neare vnto him that those which were present thought that it had kylled the Emperour But besides this signe and aduertisement God suffered the effect to followe that is to saye the death of the aforesayd Prince for he was miserablye slaine by his owne men and seruauntes and by the same receyued the guerdone and payment of his desartes and offences The tenth persecution was in the time of the Emperour Diodesian This Prince being in quiet rest from all his affaires styrred by Belzebub and his ministers he being a Painim and norished in the supersticions of the Idolatrye of the Gentiles beganne to persecute and pursue the Catholike church which was the tenth generall persecution of the Christians to accoumpt from the same of Nero and this was the most cruell longest of continuaunce of al others the which endured by the space of ten continuall yeares Now the Christiās had long time liued in rest quiet since the persecution which was in the gouernment of the Emperor Aurelian in such sort that the Christian religion was now become of great force in all churches And all the Cities and Towns as well within the dominions of the Emperour as without the limmits of the same and the Christians were excéedinglie multiplied in nomber and had great assemblies in their Churches But as sayth Eusebius this rest and libertie which they enioyed was cause that the pollicie and maner of lyuing of the Christians began to bee corrupted so that many iniquities wickednesse dyd grow presently the old former sanctimony began to deminishe and such disorders discentions began to be moued amongst the Bishops and the Prelats that as the sayd Eusebius witnesseth God permitted this persecution to serue in place of reuenge and chastisement of his Church This persecution was so great so cruell and so blooddy that it is impossible for any pen to write the vnnatural slaughters which the Paynims vsed neither is there any tongue that is able to pronoūce them The which Eusebius doth well declare being a present witnesse beholding the same with his eies as done in his owne sight for he sayth that he cannot discribe nor speake that which he saw executed before his face To whom Orosius doth condiscend wryting in the same sort that there was not any heart so harde that would not be moued to compassion reading the cruelties of this persecution Which amaseth me to consider of the constancie of the Martyrs which endured such tormentes so valiantlye and of the cruelty of those which murdered and tormented them so maliciouslye And to the entent that you and all other shoulde know what punishments this butcherlie Prince ministred vnto the Christians I haue wyllinglie recited some notable partes of the same which be these Fyrst this Prince dyd ruinate and sacke al the Churches of the Christians and forbid them to make any assembles for the seruice of God in any part be commaunded all the bookes of the holy Scriptures to be burned which they might finde Also he ordayned that all Christians
fortune The words of a very friend without dissimulation Men do order warres but God onely giueth victorie To one person and one matter fortune very seldome sheweth fidelitie What he ought to do that hathe continued long in the warres There is no greater trauel than to be ignorant of quietnesse Men oughte to trauell vntill they haue wherwith to defende necessitie He is in some hatred with fortune that is not suffred to repose in his owne house It is more to know how to enioy a victory than to ouercome a battell Our greatest trauels be of our owne seeking Both wisedome and eloqueÌ„ce in writing of a letter bee discouered In the courte men doe not but vndoe In the courte ther are thinges to be wondered as also to be shunned Newes of those dayes from Italy In Italy they win not so muche money as they learne vice Eight conditions of the courte and all verie perillous In the courte more despited than dispatched Death giueth feare but not amendment The ploughman reuewing the straightnes of his forough giueth note to the wise to examin their writings A letter ought to be pleasant to reade discret to be noted God dothe more for vs in giuiÌ„g vs grace than to take away temptations God doth know what he giueth vs but we know not what to craue To haue the occasion of sinne taken awaye is no small benefite of God. To be without temptatioÌ„ is no good signe The deuil procureth great welfare vnto his dearlings Notable examples against such as do persecute Very great bee the priuileges of the vertuous He incurreth great perils that coÌ„tendeth with the vertuous The certaine before the doubtfull is to be preferted A Kintall is a hundreth waight It is better to be than to seeme to bee vertuouse The conditioÌ„s of a friends letter A text of scripture expounded Vertue the vertues by exercise be conserued God hath more regarde vnto vs than we our selues Not the suffring but the pacieÌ„ce wherwith we suffer God regardeth The teÌ„ptation of the Deuill is limited It is lesse trauel to serue God than the world Good company is more pleasant then great fare The old Romanes were superstitious Places where the good wine of Spaine doth grow Terrible notes for the rich nigard The deed do here leaue their moneye and carie awaye theyr sinnes Horrible to liue poorely to die in great wealth Strange customes in a coÌ„mon welth are perillous Notable coÌ„dicioÌ„s of a good President The wordes of the eloqueÌ„t containe great efficacie A straunge example of an Orator A text of the Psalmist expounded It is lesse euill to enuie vs thaÌ„ to pitie vs The causes of hatred of Iulius Cesar and Pompeius Enuie bendeth his artillerie against prosperitie Behold the fraternitie of enuie Courtiers loose time Iniuries don by the almightie are to bee dissembled The trefull of al men and at all times abhorred In him that gouerneth ire is perilious A notable example to reâ—traine ire An example of the heathen to be noted and learned For the doubt of vice libertie refused Libertie craueth wisdome Twelue coÌ„dicioÌ„s of Rome variyng from Christes law A condicion at be in braced A rewarde after death A darke Epitaph expounded He is depriued of libertie that discouereth a secret It staineth a Gentleman to tell a lye Fiue Knightes throwne downe Sometimes some things vnfortunat To profite by sicknes declareth great wisedome Priuileges profites obtained by sicknes Anger 's and excesse be no small enemies to health To manifest the secrets of Princes is perillous An olde Epitaph Who dyd write the historie of the Sibils The historie of the man and the Lion. Great liberalitie vsed in feastes Did acquaintance renued betwene a maÌ„ and a Lyon. The Emperour Titus talketh with a slaue A slaue and also noble was Andronicus Auarice is cause of great infamie Foure sextertios amounte to .iiij. d. Where noblenesse dwelleth no treason haunteth An extreme distresse A passing toye Beastes doe feele benefits The Lyon feedeth his Chirurgian Absence extremely lamented The slaue craueth mercie The people of Rome make humble supplication for the slaue Note the authors of the historie Of what things they murmur in the Court. Who be great murmurers The order of the noble or gentlemans house The sinne of Ingratitude before God is detestable Zorzales blackbirds He is not to be holden for noble that hath much but that geueth much The poore do reuenge with teares To forget an iniurie proceedeth of singular wisedome Things that many desire but few obtain Conditions of a good iustice The conditions of Iudges vsed to be choseÌ„ in Rome The office of Iustice is to be giuen for merit and not for affection Euill iudges do execute the purse and not the person Iudges ought to dispatche with speed and answere with pacience Humanitie to all men of the mighty is to be vsed Of all men to be noted The womans armour is hir tongue True gentilitie pitieth the distressed Brothers children A speciall aduenture The pretence of priuate profite is voyde of all good counsell A notable measure A quent of Meruedis whiche be .6 a penie amouÌ„t 2500. Ducates The harte of man is moste excelleÌ„t in his kynde CommeÌ„dable qualities A notable secret in the yere climatik A perillous time for old men Notable conditions of a noble man. A lesson for Lords The expositioÌ„ of the text To be ashamed of sinne is hope of ameÌ„dment No greter sinner than he that presumeth to be good Oracles of old time Antigonus to be noted Gods grace doth only saue vs. A benefit due to suche as serue princes Badges of Christ Withoute grace a soule is lyke a body without life To drinke of the one or of the other great choyce is to be vsed Rules for old men Conuersation for old men The exercise of good old men The notes of good old men Necessary prouision for olde men A diet for old men Temperance in old men prouoketh sleepe and auoydeth belke A conclusion with rules conuenient for old men A most certaine remedie for loue A sodaine and strange spectacle Note the eloquence of the Author The perfect condition of a friende Buried being alyue A good praise to a Gentleman The wyse man weepeth not but for the losse of a frend The honest care not to liue long but well Who is worthie of prayse The friende vnto the freÌ„d neither hideth secret nor denieth money Not in your labour but in patience Not the paine but the cause maketh the martir A poudred crane sent froÌ„ Asia to Rome Plato offended with Dionisius for eating twice on the day Seuen nations inhabited Spaine The importunat and the foole are brothers children A notable example of a pitifull Prince An answer of Cato to Ascanius The good Iudge wresteth his condition agreeable to good lawes An example for men to be intreated of other men A sugred speach A commendable eloquence Notes of Iulius Cesar of Alexander the great The order of the knights of the
which wanne Belgra HuÌ„garia Buda and Rhodes Semiramis Queene of Babylon set this Epitaph vp in the name of hir husbaÌ„d Ninus The Epitaph of Cata MaÌ„lia that was buried liuing The Epitaph of Athaolphus king of the Gothes The deflouring of a maideÌ„ was cause of the ruine of Spaine or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The deflouring of a maideÌ„ was cause of the ruine of Spayne or rather the heresie of Arius wherewith they were infected was cause of that punishment The Moores being Lordes of all Spaine except Biscay the Mountaines which is Astiria Cantabria diuided it into kingdomes as Cordubia Carthage suche like A necessarie consideration betwixt will and necessitie A harde comfort An accompte to be made not what wee liue but howe we liue A counsell of Horace the Poet. Errors of mans life A superfluous care A sound couÌ„sell A smal boast of Anchises S 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 thi 〈…〉 Th 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 thei 〈…〉 An 〈…〉 eni 〈…〉 ceas 〈…〉 amoÌ„ 〈…〉 A straunge Sepulture A violence without all reason An art most barbarous An vse of the Chibirins most inhumayne The foure notable Sepultures in Rome A commendable manner of drunkennesse An amplification vpon a small cause An exposition of the .25 chapiter of Exodus A necessary maner to expounde the Scriptures A description of the Tabernacle A question An imperfection of all estates A note for the Pope and papistes An example not to be forgotten No smal part of iustificatioÌ„ to confesse our sinnes And yet vnperfect without correctioÌ„ Contempt of amendement yeldeth vtter confusion A chaunge of fashion The vnderstaÌ„ding of the snuffers of most pure and fine golde The snuffers of leade or yron to bee noted Notable qualities of a magistrate A notable example of king Dauid To be incommended to the memory of Princes A note for Iudges An excellent expoâ—â—tion An example to be imbraced For that God pardoneth sinners it is conuenient that sinners do pardon eche other To rowe agaynste the streame and fishe agaynste the winde The notes of Vertue The garmeÌ„ts wherewith a foole is clad An extreme excesse coÌ„mitted of Christ Thirste ceasseth not to coÌ„mit excesse Loue of effect more than of affection Wante of power but not of will is accepted Loue hath his maintenance by good workes Weake causes to obtayne the loue of God. Agaynst the heare of mundaine loue A diuine loue not vsed among men A most soueraine vnremouable loue Christ extended an ardent loue vnto vs before we had being A great cause of hope A loue neuer hard of An euerlasting loue The manner and frute of life in the Court of Spayne The commodities of the Court of Spayne A good rule for a Byshop A matter without remission The Gaditains be those of Caliz A possession and a secret commission to be noted A description of the situation of Carthage A most vnfortunate report of a neighbor A duble fute of a vertuous Lady An answer of a noble vertuous minde A chiefe point of Ladies of chast renowne A spectacle for yong Captaynes Scipio of singular continencie A rendred raunsome giuen to the mariage of an enemie A recompence for curtesie receyued Newes To be obstinate and opiniatiue expresseth enimitie to the troth The wise is knowen by the manner modestie of his talke The Inis dispute with their fists Psalme 63. King Dauid did Prophesie the errours and false interpretation of the Inis The GeÌ„tiles be excused of false interpretation of the scripture The Turks Moores and Sarasins were not acused by the prophesy of King Dauid to be false interpreters The Christians be defended of false interpretation of the Scriptures A manifest proofe that the Prophet only chargeth the Iewes of false interpretation Ieremy 31. A comfort vnto Christians The weale of the Christian is faith Many be saued without reading but not one person without beleeuing Loue is the law of Christians Chapter .49 A report as true as miserable An heauy destenie Nothing left but lies Nothing left but dregs Nothing but lies Nothing but dregges Nothing but lyes The beginning and ending of the Hebrew tong described The Iewes lost both the forme of their life and the maner of their speeche A maruelous desolation How where when and by whom the scriptures were falsifyed Aliama a troup or company A prohibitioÌ„ amongst the Iewes to reade the scriptures The Iewes doctors aleaged A most wicked exchange The apostles accused by the Iewes and defended by Christ A cause of error in the scripture CoÌ„gregatioÌ„s or Common wealthes The three cursed sectes Asees Saduces and Pharises The auctor knoweth the secretes of the Iewes The Iewes began to conuert Christians The Iewes coÌ„demne and dury the traÌ„slation of Abemiziel doubting the conuersion of the Iewes to Christ The firste traslatioÌ„ after the incarnation of Christ The seconde translation The thirde translation The fourth translation allowed in the Christian Churche A fifth traÌ„slatioÌ„ by Origen after Christ One of the great manifest causes of the false beleefe of the Iewes A Cruell suggestion of the Diuell Vanities affirmed by the Iewishe doctors This prophecie of Dauid verified vpon the Iewes This prophecie of Esay verified vpon the Christians Psal. 2. Psal. 30. Psal. 119. Psal. 20. ¶ The Table of the familiar Epistles of Sir Antony of Gueuara AN Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon at the triumphes vvhen the french king vvas taken fol. 1 An Oration made vnto the Emperours Maiestie in a Sermon on the daye of kinges vvherein is declared hovv the name of kinges vvas inuented fol. 4. A discourse or conference vvith the Emperour vpon certaine and most auncient stampes in metalles 12 A relation vnto Queene Germana declaring the life and lavves of the philosopher Licurgus 20 A letter vnto Sir Alonso Manrique Archbishop of Ciuile and Sir antony Manrique Duke of Nauara for the iudgemeÌ„t of a matter in coÌ„tentioÌ„ 21 A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynnigo of velasco vvherin the Author doth persvvade in the taking of Founterabie to make profe first of his vvisdome before he experiment his fortune 38 A letter vnto sir Antony of cuninga Prior of saint Iohn in vvhich is saide that although there be in a Gentleman to be reprehended there ought not to be cause of reproch 41 A letter to the Earle of Miranda vvherin is expounded that text of Christ vvhich saith My yoke is svveete 45 A letter vnto sir Peter Giron vvherin the Author doth toutch the manner of auncient vvriting 53 A letter vnto sir Ynnigo of Velasco Constable of Castile vvherein th' author doth teach the breifnes of vvriting in old time 59 A letter vnto the Marques of Pescara vvherein the Author doth note vvhat a captaine ought to be in the vvarres 66 A letter vnto sir Allonso Albornos vvherein in is touched that it is a poynt of euill manner not to aunsvvere to a letter vvritten vnto him 72 A letter vnto sir