most general good of people may justifie the Action be the people more or less Civil But Eupolis I shall not easily grant that the people of Peru or Mexico were such brute Savages as you intend or that there should be any such difference between them and many of the Infidels which are now in other parts In Peru though they were unapparelled People according to the Clime And had some Customs very barbarous Yet the Government of the Incae's had many parts of Humanity and Civility They had reduced the Nations from the Adoration of a multitude of Idols and Fancies to the Adoration of the Sun And as I remember the Book of Wisdom noteth degrees of Idolatry making that of Worshipping Petty and Vile Idols more gross than simply the Worshipping of the Creature And some of the Prophets as I take it do the like in the Metaphore of more ugly and bestial Fornication The Peruvians also under the Incaes had magnificent Temples of their Superstition They had strict and regular Justice They bare great Faith and Obedience to their Kings They proceeded in a kind of Martial Justice with their Enemies offering them their Law as better for their own good before they drew their Sword And much like was the State of Mexico being an Elective Monarchy As for those people of the East Goa Calecute Malaca they were a fine and dainty people Frugal and yet Elegant though not Militar So that if things be rightly weighed the Empire of the Turks may be truly affirmed to be more barbarous than any of these A cruel Tyranny bathed in the blood of their Emperours upon every Succession A heap of Vassals and Slaves No Nobles No Gentlemen No Free-men No Inheritance of Land No Stirp or Ancient Families A people that is without Natural Affection and as the Scripture saith that Regardeth not the desires of Women And without Piety or care towards their Children A Nation without Morality without Letters Arts or Sciences That can scarce measure an Acre of Land or an hour of the Day Base and sluttish in Buildings Diets and the like And in a word a very reproach of Human Society And yet this Nation hath made the Garden of the World a Wilderness For that as it is truly said concerning 〈◊〉 Turks Where Ottomans Horse sets his Foot people will come 〈◊〉 thin Pollio Yet in the midst of your Invective Martius do the Turks this right as to remember that they are no Idolaters For if as you say there be a difference between Worshipping a 〈◊〉 Idol and the Sun There is a much greater difference between worshipping a Creature and the Creator For the Turks do acknowledge God the Father Creator of Heaven and Earth being the first Person in the Trinity though they deny the rest At which Speech when Martius made some pause Zebedaeus replied with a Countenance of great Reprehension and Severity Zebed We must take heed Pollio that we fall not at unawares into the Heresie of Manuel Comnenus Emperour of Grecia Who affirmed that Mahomets God was the true God Which Opinion was not only rejected and condemned by the Synod but imputed to the Emperour as extream Madness Being reproached to him also by the Bishop of Thessalonica in those bitter and strange Words as are not to be named Martius I confess that it is my Opinion that a War upon the Turk is more worthy than upon any other Gentiles Infidels or Savages that either have been or now are both in point of Religion and in point of Honour Though facility and hope of Success might perhaps invite some other Choice But before I proceed both my Self would be glad to take some Breath And I shall frankly desire that some of your Lordships would take your turn to speak that can do it better But chiefly for that I see here some that are excellent Interpreters of the Divine Law though in several ways And that I have reason to distrust mine own Judgment both as weak in it self and as that which may be overborn by my Zeal and Affection to this Cause I think it were an Errour to speak further till I may see some sound Foundation laid of the Lawfulness of the Action by them that are better versed in that Argument Eupolis I am glad Martius to see in a Person of your Profession so great Moderation in that you are not transported in an Action that warms the blood and is appearing Holy to blaunch or take for admitted the point of Lawfulness And because methinks this Conference prospers if your Lordships will give me leave I will make some motion touching the distribution of it into Parts Unto which when they all assented Eupolis said Eupolis I think it would not sort amiss if Zebedaeus would be pleased to handle the Question Whether a War for the Propagation of the Christian Faith without other cause of Hostility be lawful or no and in what Cases I confess also I would be glad to go a little further And to hear it spoken to concerning the Lawfulness not only permissively but whether it be not Obligatory to Christian Princes and States to design it Which part if it please Gamaliel to undertake the point of the Lawfulness taken simply will be Compleat Yet there resteth the Comparative That is it being granted that it is either Lawful or Binding yet whether other things be not to be preferr'd before it As Extirpation of Heresies Reconcilements of Schisms Pursuit of Lawful Temporal Rights and Quarrels and the like And how far this Enterprise ought either to wait upon these other Matters Or to be mingled with them Or to pass by them and give Law to them as inferiour unto it self And because this is a great part and Eusebius hath yet said nothing we will by way of Mulct or Pain if your Lordships think good lay it upon him All this while I doubt much that Pollio who hath a sharp Wit of Discovery towards what is Solid and Real and what is Specious and Aiery will esteem all this but Impossibilities and Eagles in the Clouds And therefore we shall all intreat him to crush this Argument with his best Forces That by the Light we shall take from him we may either cast it away if it be found but a Bladder Or discharge it of so much as is vain and not sperable And because I confess I my self am not of that Opinion although it be an hard Encounter to deal with Pollio yet I shall do my best to prove the Enterprise Possible And to shew how all Impediments may be either removed or overcomen And then it will be fit for Martius if we do not desert it before to resume his further Discourse as well for the Perswasive as for the Consult touching the Means Preparations and all that may conduce unto the Enterprise But this is but my Wish your Lordships will put it into better order They all not only allowed the Distribution but accepted the Parts But because
the War carrieth the Defendant to affail and invade the Ancient and Indubitate Patrimony of the first Aggressour who is now turned Defendant Shall he fit down and not put himself in Defence Or if he be dispossessed shall he not make a War for the Recovery No man is so poor of Judgement as will affirm it The Castle of Cadmus was taken and the City of Thebes it self invested by Ehaebidas the Lace demonian insidiously and in violation of League The Process of this Action drew on a Resurprise of the Castle by the Thebans a Recovery of the Town and a Current of the War even unto the walls of Sparta I demand was the Defence of the City of Sparta and the Expulsion of the Thebans out of the ancient Laconian Territories unjust The sharing of that part of the Duichy of Millain which lieth upon the River of Adda by the 〈◊〉 upon Contract with the French was an Ambitious and unjust Purchase This Wheel set on going did pour a War upon the Venetians with such a Tempest as Padoua and Trevigi was taken from them and all their Dominions upon the Continent of Italy abandoned and they confined within the Salt Waters Will any man say that the Memorable Recovery and Defence of Padotia when the Gentlemen of Venice unused to the Wars out of the love of their Countrey became Brave and Martial the first day And so likewise the Readeption of Trevigi and the rest of their Dominions was matter of Scruple whether just or no because it had fource from a Quarrel ill begun The War of the Duke of Vrbin Nephew to Pope Julius the second when he made himself Head of the Spanish Mutineers was as unjust as unjust might be A Support of desperate Rebels An Invasion of St. Peters Patrimony and what you will The Race of this War fell upon the loss of Vrbin it self which was the Dukes undoubted Right Yet in this case no Penitentiary though he had enjoyned him never so strait Penance to expiate his first Offence would have counselled him to have given over the pursuit of his Right for Vrbin Which after he prosperously re-obtained and hath transmitted to his Family yet until this day Nothing more unjust than the Invasion of the Spanish Armada in 88. upon our Seas For our Land was holy Land to them they might not touch it Shall I say therefore that the Defence of Lisbon or Cales afterward was unjust There be thousands of Examples Vtor in Re non dubia Exemplis non necessariis The Reason is plain Wars are Vindicte Revenges Reparations But Revenges are not infinite but according to the measure of the first Wrong or Damage And therefore when a voluntary Offensive War by the Design or Fortune of the War is turned to a necessary Defensive War the Scene of the Tragedy is changed and it is a new Act to begin For though they the particular actions of War are complicate in Fact yet they are separate and distinct in Right Like to cross Suits in Civil Pleas which are sometimes both just But this is so clear as needeth no further to be insisted upon And yet if in things so clear it were fit to speak of more or less clear in our present Cause it is the more clear on our part because the Possession of Bohemia is setled with the Emperor For though it be true that Non datur Compensatio Injuriarum yet were there somewhat more Colour to detain the Palatinate as in the nature of a Recovery in Value or Compensation if Bohemia had been lost or were still the Stage of War Of this therefore I speak no more As for the Title of Proscription or Forfeiture wherein the Emperor upon the matter hath been Judge and Party and hath justiced himself God forbid but that it should well endure an Appeal to a War For certainly the Court of Heaven is as well a Chancery to save and debar Forfeitures as a Court of Common Law to decide Rights And there would be work enough in Germany Italy and other Parts if Imperial Forfeitures should go for good Titles Thus much for the first Ground of War with Spain being in the Nature of a Plaint for the Recovery of the Palatinate Omitting here that which might be the Seed of a larger Discourse and is verified by a number of Examples That whatsoever is gained by an Abusive Treaty ought to be restored in Integrum As we see the daily Experience of this in Civil Pleas For the Images of great things are best seen contracted into small Glasses We see I say that all Pretorian Courts if any of the Parties be entertained or laid asleep under pretence of Arbiterment or Accord and that the other Party during that time doth cautelously get the start and advantage at Common Law though it be to Judgement and Execution Yet the Pretorian Court will set back all things in statu quo prins no respect had to such Eviction or Disposition Lastly let there be no mistaking As if when I speak of a War for the Recovery of the Palatinate I meant that it must be in lineae rectae upon that Place For look into Jus faeciale and all Examples and it will be found to be without scruple That after a Legation ad Res repetendas and a Refusal and a Denunciation or Indiction of a War the War is no more confined to the Place of the Quarrel but is left at large and to choice as to the particular conducing Designs as Opportunities and Advantages shall invite To proceed therefore to the second Ground of a War with Spain We have set it down to be A just Fear of the subversion of our Civil Estate So then the War is not for the Palatinate onely but for England Scotland Ireland our King our Prince our Nation all that we have Wherein two things are to be proved The one that a Just Fear without an Actual Invasion or Offence is a sufficient Ground of a War and in the Nature of a true Defensive The other that we have towards Spain Cause of Just Fear I say Just Fear For as the Civillians do well define that the Legal Fear is Justus Metus qui cadit in constantem Virum in private Causes So there is Justus Metus qui cadit in constantem Senatum in causa publica Not out of Umbrages light Jealousies Apprehensions a far off But out of clear Foresight of imminent Danger Concerning the former Proposition it is good to hear what time saith Thucydides in his Inducement to his Story of the great War of Peloponnesus sets down in plain Terms that the true Cause of that War was The Overgrowing Greatness of the Athenians and the fear that the Lacedemonians stood in thereby And doth not doubt to call it A Necessity imposed upon the Lacedemonians of a War Which are the Words of a meer Desensive Adding that the other Causes were but specious and Popular Verissimam quidem sed minime sermone celebratam
arbitror exitisse Belli Causam Athenienses magnos effectos Lacedemoniis formidolosos 〈◊〉 illts imposuisse Bellandi Quae autem propalam 〈◊〉 utrinque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuerunt c. The truest Cause of this War though least voiced I conceive to have been this That the Athenians being grown great to the terrour of the Lacedemonians did impose upon them a Necessity of a War But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these c. Sulpitius Galba Consul when he perswaded the Romans to a Preventive War with the latter Philip King of 〈◊〉 in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot and his Designs to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans confidently saith That they who took that for an Offensive War understood not the state of the Question Ignorare videmini mihi Quirites non utrum bellum an pacem habeatis vos consuli neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur sedutrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis an hostem in Italiam recipiatis Ye seem to me ye Romans not to understand that the Consultation before you is not whether you shall have War or Peace for Philip will take order you shall be no Choosers who prepareth a mighty War both by Land and Sea but whether you shall transport the War into Macedon or receive it into Italy Antiochus when he incited 〈◊〉 King of 〈◊〉 at that time in Leagne with the 〈◊〉 to joyn with him in War against them setteth before him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fear of the over-spreading Greatness of the Romans 〈◊〉 it to a Fire that continually took and spread from Kingdom to Kingdom Venire Romanos ad 〈◊〉 Regna tollenda ut nullam usquam orbis terrarum nist Romanum imperium esset Philippum Nabin expugnatos se tertium peti Ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit per omnes velut continens incendium pervasurum That the Romans came to pull down all Kingdoms and to make the State of Rome an universal Monarchy That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated and now was his turn to be assailed So that as every State lay next to the other that was oppressed so the Fire perpetually grazed Wherein it is well to be noted that towards ambitious States which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies and to seek upon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions Crescunt Argumenta justi Metus All particular fears do grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the general Courses and Practice of such States Therefore in Deliberations of War against the Turk it hath been often with great judgement maintained That Christian Princes and States have always a sufficient Ground of Invasive War against the Enemy Not for Cause of Religion but upon a Just Fear For as much as it is a Fundamental Law in the Turkish Empire that they may without any other provocation make War upon Christendom for the Propagation of their Law So that there lieth upon the Christians a perpetual Fear of a War hanging over their heads from them And therefore they may at all times as they think good be upon the Prevention Demosthenes exposeth to scorn Wars which are not Preventive comparing those that make them to Countrey Fellows in a Fencing-School that never ward till the Blow be past Ut Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent it a vos bellum geritis cum Philippo Ex his enim is qui ictus est ictui semper inhaeret Quod si cum alibi verberes illo manus transfort Idum autem depellere aut prospicere neque scit neque vult As Country Fellows use to do when they play at Wasters such a kinde of War do you Athenians make with Philip For with them he that gets a blow streight falleth to ward when the blow is past And if you strike him in another place thither goes his hand likewise But to put by or foresee a blow they neither have the skill nor the will Clinias the Candiaen in Plato speaks desperately and wildly As if there were no such thing as Peace between Nations But that every Nation expects but his Advantage to War upon another But yet in that Excess of Speech there is thus much that may have a Civil Construction Namely that every State ought to stand upon his Guard and rather prevent than be prevented His words are Quam rem fere vocant Pacem nudum inane Nomen est Revera autem omnibus adversus omnes Civitates bellum sempiternum perdurat That which Men for the most part call Peace is but a naked and empty Name But the truth is that there is ever between all Estates a secret War I know well this Speech is the Objection and not the Decision and that it is after refuted But yet as I said before it bears thus much of Truth That if that general Malignity and Pre-disposition to War which he untruly figureth to be in all Nations be produced and extended to a just Fear of being oppressed then it is no more a true Peace but a Name of a Peace As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demands not so much towards a War as a just Fear but rather cometh near the opinion of Clinias As if there were ever amongst Nations a Brooding of a War and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to do hurt For he in the Treaty of peace with the Lacedemonians speaketh plain language Telling them there could be no true and secure Peace except the Lacedemonians yielded to those things which being granted it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians though they would And to say truth if one mark it well this was in all Memory the Main Piece of Wisdom in strong and prudent Counsels To be in perpetual watch that the States about them should neither by Approach nor by Encrease of Dominion nor by Ruining Confederates nor by Blocking of Trade nor by any the like means have it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serve And whensoever any such Cause did but appear straightways to buy it out with a War and never take up Peace at Credit and upon Interest It is so memorable and it is yet as fresh as if it were done yesterday how that Triumvirate of Kings Henry the Eighth of England Francis the First of France and Charles the Fifth Emperour and King of Spain were in their times so provident as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three but that the other Two would be sure to do their best to set the Ballance of Europe upright again And the like diligence was used in the Age before by that League wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story and maketh it as it were the Kalendar of the good dayes of Italy which was contracted between Ferdinando King of Naples Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence and Lodovico Zforza Duke of Milan designed chiefly against
liberty of the Germane Nation and for the Expulsion of Spanish and foreign Forces than they had in the years 1552. and 1553. At which time they contracted a League with Henry II. the French King upon the same Articles against Charles V. who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany through the discord of the German Princes which himself had so wen and fomented Which League at that time did the Deed and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany and re-integrated that Nation in their antient Liberty and Honor For the West Indies though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there except it have been from England yet nevertheless I see all Princes lay a kind of claim unto them accounting the Title of Spain but as a Monopoly of those large Countreys wherein they have in great part but an Imaginary Possession For Africk upon the West the Moors of Valentia expulsed and their Allies do yet hang as a Cloud or Storm over Spain Gabor on the East is like an Anniversary Wind that riseth every year upon the Party of Austria And Persia hath entred into Hostolity with Spain and given them the first blow by taking of Ormus It is within every mans observation also that Venice doth think their State almost on fire if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline That Savoy hath learnt by fresh experience That Alliance with Spain is no Security against the Ambition of Spain And that of Bavaria hath likewise bin taught that Merit and Service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day Neither do I say for all this but that Spain may rectifie much of this ill blood by their particular and cunning Negotiations But yet there it is in the Body and may break out no man knows when into ill Accidents but at least it sheweth plainly that which serveth for our purpose That Spain is much destitute of Assur'd and Confident Confederates And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Speech of a Councellor of State in Spain at this day which was not without Salt He said to his Master the King of Spain that now is upon occasion Sir I will tell your Majesty thus much for your comfort Tour Majesty hath but two Enemies whereof the one is All the World And the other is Tour own Ministers And thus I end the Second Main Part I propounded to speak of which was The Ballancing of the Forces between the Kings Majesty and the King of Spain if a War must follow FINIS AN ADVERTISEMENT Touching an HOLY WAR Written in the Year 1622. Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of WINCHESTER last deceased LONDON Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson and Sold by William Lee 1670. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND Father in GOD Lancelot Andrews Lord Bishop of WINCHESTER And Counsellour of Estate to his MAJESTY My Lord AMongst Consolations it is not the least to represent to a Mans self like Examples of Calamity in others For Examples give a quicker Impression than Arguments And besides they certifie us that which the Scripture also tendreth for satisfaction That no new thing is happened unto us This they do the better by how much the Examples are liker in circumstances to our own Case And more especially if they fell upon Persons that are greater and worthier than our selves For as it savoureth of Vanity to match our selves highly in our own conceit So on the otherside it is a good sound Conclusion that if our Betters have sustained the like Events we have the less cause to be grieved In this kind of Consolation I have not been wanting to my Self Though as a Christian I have tasted through Gods great goodness of higher Remedies Having therefore through the Variety of my Reading set before me many Examples both of Ancient and Later Times my Thoughts I confess have chiefly stayed upon three Particulars as the most Eminent and the most Resembling All three Persons that had held chief place of Authority in their Countries All three ruined not by War or by any other Disaster but by Justice and Sentence as Delinquents and Criminals All three famous Writers insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity is now as to Posterity but as a little Picture of Night-work remaining amongst the fair and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works And all three if that were anything to the matter fit Examples to quench any Mans Ambition of Rising again For that they were every one of them restored with great glory but to their further Ruine and Destruction ending in a violent Death The Men were Demosthenes Cicero and Seneca Persons that I durst not claim Affinity with except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it When I had cast mine Eyes upon these Examples I was carried on further to observe how they did bear their Fortunes and principally how they did employ their Times being banished and disabled for Publick Business To the end that I might learn by them And that they might be as well my Counsellours as my Comforters Whereupon I happened to note how diversly their Fortunes wrought upon them especially in that point at which I did most aim which was the employing of their Times and Pens In Cicero I saw that during his Banishment which was almost two years he was so softned and dejected as he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles And yet in mine opinion he had least reason of the Three to be discouraged For that although it was judged and judged by the highest kind of Judgment in form of a Statute or Law that he should be banished And his whole Estate confiscated and seized And his houses pulled down And that it should be highly penal for any Man to propound his Repeal Yet his Case even then had no great Blot of Ignominy but it was thought but a Tempest of Popularity which overthrew him Demosthenes contrariwise though his Case was foul being condemned for Bribery And not simple Bribery but Bribery in the Nature of Treason and Disloyalty yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his Fortune as during his Banishment he did much busie himself and intermeddle with matters of State And took upon him to Counsel the State as if he had been still at the Helm by letters As appears by some Epistles of his which are extant Seneca indeed who was condemned for many Corruptions and Crimes and banished into a solitary Island kept a Mean And though his Pen did not freese yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Business But spent his time in writing Books of excellent Argument and Use for all Ages Though he might have made better Choice sometimes of his Dedications These Examples confirmed me much in a Resolution whereunto I was otherwise inclined to spend my Time wholly in Writing And to put forth that poor Talent or half Talent or what it is that God hath given me not as heretofore to particular Exchanges but to Banks or