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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	great_a	part_n	reason_n	3,086	5	4.5837	4	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A26165	An answer to Mr. Molyneux his Case of Ireland's being bound by acts of Parliament in England, stated, and his dangerous notion of Ireland's being under no subordination to the parliamentary authority of England refuted, by reasoning from his own arguments and authorities.	Cary, John, d. 1720?, attributed name.; Atwood, William, d. 1705?, attributed name.	1698 (1698)	Wing A4167; ESTC R9464	73,026	218

observ'd upon his way of Arguing I believe it will be found that this doughty piece of Irish Learning will appear but a very indifferent performance I would not however detract from any thing that may deserve applause and therefore must commend his smooth way of Expression and own him to be a good Master of Words but yet to have applyed them so ill will still continue him under the Censure of being much wanting either in Integrity or Judgment and makes this Book of his to deserve no better a Character than that of Vox praeterea nihil I have heard indeed that some have been taken with the seeming Modesty and Submission with which he introduces his Discourse as if it were but an innocent representation of the ancient Rights and Liberties of the People of Ireland and a just Remonstrance of some Encroachments and Invasions made upon them by the Government of England but if it shall appear that the Kingdom of England hath a certain Jurisdiction over them and that it hath never treated them otherwise than according to the Rules of Justice and with such a due Policy as becomes every Supream Authority to Exercise over all the Members of its Empire for the Conservation of Peace and Tranquility to the whole and in that have not exceeded the Bounds of a reasonable and just Dominion that part of the Empire that shall endeavour to withdraw themselves from the Subjection which they justly owe to the Supream Government that hath always protected and defended them and shall challenge to themselves Immunities and Privileges which never were or could be granted them without prejudice and injury to the greater Body of the Government deserve not to be considered as Assertors of their own Rights but rather as Invaders of the lawful Authority which God hath placed over them and certainly it must rather be Matter of Contempt and Derifion than of Commendation to see a Man treat his Superiour with a strain of Fine Smooth Gentle Words and Fawning Complements upon a Subject that is altogether imposing and odious to him Thus much I thought requisite to premise and so shall proceed to the Examination of his Discourse In which I intend to take Notice only of such matters as I shall think most Observable In his Dedication to the King he Humbly implores the Continuance of his Majesties Graces to them by protecting and defending those Rights and Liberties which they have enjoy'd under the Crown of England for above 500 Years and which some of late do endeavour to violate His most Excellent Majesty is the Common Indulgent Father of all his Countries and hath an equal regard to the Birth-rights of all his Children and will not permit the Eldest because the strongest to encroach upon the Possessions of the Younger Here is should be Noted that by the Crown of England he must intend the Kings of England as distinct from the Kingdom although I think this a very improper way of Expression which is evident from his Simile of the Eldest and Youngest Child as well as by the whole Design of his Argument and this perhaps might have serv'd the turn in making his Court to a Mac Ninny or a Prince ●ond of the Irish Nation but it looks but like a course Complement to his Majesty to entertain him with a meer begging the Question when he knows right well at what a va●t Expence of the Blood and Treasure of England that Country was so lately under his Glorious Conduct reduc'd to its Obedience and he is too Just and Generous a Prince to endure that any Parasite should perswade him that any acquisition gain'd at the Expence of great Taxes rais'd upon the whole Body of his Subjects of England and even appropriated by the Parliament for the particular Uses in which they were to be employ'd can appertain to him in any propriety distinct and separate from the Imperial Crown of England Neither is it reasonable for him to expect that his Majesty should believe that the Some he means are about to violate their Rights and Liberties without clearer Proof than any he hath brought But it may be worth Inquiry to know in what sense he brings Ireland in with us for an equal share of Birth-right allowing us no higher Priviledge than that of being the Elder Child If he means this with respect to the Old Irish surely the many Disturbances they have given us and the many Occasions we have had of reducing them by force of Arms may fairly admit us to some higher Title over them but if he means it of the English Inhabitants they will certainly own themselves to be descended from England and it would ill become them to start up and call their Mother by the Familiar Appellation of Sister What he hints of encroaching upon their Possessions cannot be taken to have any fair Meaning unless he intends thereby to blame us for seizing the Estates of those that have been in Rebellion against us In his Preface he tells us How unconcern'd he is in any particular Inducement which at this juncture might seem to have occasion'd his Discourse He hath no concern in Wool or the Woollen Trade he is not interested in the Forfeitures or Grants nor solicitous whether the Bishop or Society of Derry recover the Lands they contest about I believe seven Eighths of those Gentlemen of Ireland that have been so busie in soliciting against the Woollen Manufactury Bill might make as fair a Protestation as this and yet it seems they thought themselves concern'd in the Consequence of that Matter but his Reach in this is to shew his Dislike of the Parliament of England's medling with the Business of the Forfeited Estates as well as the rest He says 'T is a Publick Principle that hath mov'd him to this Vndertakeing he thinks his Cause good and his Country concern'd 't is hard if they may not complain when they think they are hurt and give Reasons with all Modesty and Submission The Great and Iust Council of England freely allow such Addresses to receive and hear Grievances is a great part of their Business and to redress them their chief Glory but that 's not to be done till they are laid before them and fairly stated for their Consideration 'T is yet but a Private Principle to become an Advocate for a part against the Whole his Name shews him to be of English Extraction and I know none of his Neighbours under that Circumstance who don't reckon it a Privilege that they may still own Old England to be their Country and be owned by her though they are permitted to live in Ireland if they please what if they are not hurt and the nature of their Complaint be such as that it cannot be thought to be within the Bounds of Modesty and Submission how could he be so fond of his Project as to imagine that the Parliament of England would freely allow such an Address which impeaches their own just Authority They

will never think the publishing a Book to the World which is little better than Sheba's Trumpet of Rebellion to be a fair way of stating Grievances but that 't is a part of their Business and their Glory when they think it worth their while to call such Authors to account for their Boldness I begin now with his Book which as near as possible I shall follow in order and for the Authorities which he hath quoted I shall leave them to him very little disturb'd but take them as he gives them whether they are right or wrong only making such Observations as may result therefrom or from his own Reasonings He begins with a very fine Complement again to the Parliament of England and then take upon him to give them Due Information in matters wherein as he says another People are chiefly concern'd and tells them that he could never imagine that such great Assertors of their own could ever think of making the least breach upon the Rights and Liberties of their Neighbours unless they thought that they had Right so to do and that they might well surmise if these Neighbours did not expostulate the matter and this therefore seeing all others are silent he undertakes to do but with the greatest deferrence imaginable because he would not be wanting to his Country or indeed to all Mankind for he argues the cause of the whole Race of Adam Liberty seeming the Inherent Right of all Mankind Now it seems from Children of the same Parent we are become another People and Neighbours the Irish may be said to be another People though they have not been very good Neighbours to us sometimes but the English we may justly challenge to be our own and not another People and we shall hardly admit them to be our Neighbours in such a sense as that we should transact with them in Matters of Government upon the same foot and at equal distance with our Neighbours of France Holland c. If they expect this from us I hope they 'll shew us the respect of sending their Ambassadours to us and do this Champion of their Liberties the Honour to let him be the first Can he think the Parliament of England will believe themselves to be civilly treated by him because of his fine Words when he is Suggesting to the World as if they acted so unadvisedly in their Councils as to proceed upon Surmises and to take upon them to do what they do but think they have a Right to when indeed they have none at all But doubtless Manking will ever have a higher Veneration for those August Assembles than to think them as subject to be mistaken in these Matters as one presuming single Gentleman But he argues for Liberty the right of all Mankind A Glorious Topick indeed and worthy of the utmost Regard especially from such great Assertors of it as an English Parliament But if People should ask for more then ever was their Due and challenge a Liberty of acting every thing they should think for their own profit thought it were to the Damage and Injury of others to grant this would be an Injustice and a sinful Liberty may as well be pleaded for such Expostulations as these are abominable and to assume such an equality with our Superiours as was never granted us is an Arrogance that might rather have been expected from 〈◊〉 Irish than an English Man And after all this 't is not enough for a Man to say If the great Council of England resolve the contrary he shall then believe himself to be in an Error and with the lowest Submission ask Pardon for his Assurance and he hopes he shall not be hardly censured by them when at the same time he declares his Intention of a submissive Acquiescence in whatever they resolve for or against Such Subjects as these as I have said before are beyond the Bounds of Modesty and cannot admit of any such Apologies He comes now to tell us the Subject of his Disquisition shall be how far the Parliment of England may think it reasonable to intermed●le with the Affairs of Ireland and bind up those People by Laws made in their House This is certainly a very odd stating the Question What need has he now to enquire since he knows already how for the Parliament of England have thought it reasonable to intermeddle Another Blunder as bad as this is his Talking of Laws made in their House Dot● he not know that our Laws are not made without the Concurrence of Two Houses and the Assent of the King also as the Third Estate But we will take his Meaning to be to enquire how far it may be reasonable for the Parliament of England to intermeddle c. and join Issue upon that Next he gives us fix Heads from which he undertakes to argue that they can have no such power For the First He pretends to give us the History of the first Expedition of the English into Ireland his Design being to shew That the first Adventurers went over thither yet with the King's License upon a private Vndertaking in which they were successful but that afterwards when King Henry the 2d came over with an Army the Irish generally submitted to him and received him to be their King without making any Opposition from whence he seems to suggest that Ireland subjected it self only to the King but not to the Kingdom of England But he should have considered that the Government of England was a limited Monarchy which was sufficiently acknowledg'd even by William the 1st commonly call'd the Conqueror in his Swearing to preserve the Liberties and Privileges of the People at his Coronation and confirming the same to them by his Charter and though he did indeed afterwards violate them in a greater measure than ever they had been before or since yet neither he nor his Successors did ever take upon themselves to be absolute Monarchs The great Power and Prerogative of an English King then can only be due to them as to the Supream Magistrate and Head of the Kingdom and not in any seperate propriety annext to their Persons as distinct from the Common-Wealth If then Henry the Second carried over an Army of English into Ireland it ought to be considered as the Army of the Kingdom for it is held as a Principle with us that no King of England may raise any Forces in this Kingdom but what are allow'd to be the Forces of the Kingdom I am not here arguing whether ever any King did or did not take upon him such an Authority but 't is sufficient for me to offer that he could not by right and according to this Authors own way of arguing what may not be done of Right ought not to be argued or brought into President if our Rights have at at any time been invaded and usurp'd upon this Nation hath had many Opportunities of Vindicating them and we do not believe that what we enjoy