well vnto vs yet it would not follow that therefore we should pray vnto them Oecolampad see hereof Centâ—r 2. err 8. 4. Controv. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdomes v. 22. Till thou know that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of the earth and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will This Soueraigne power belongeth vnto God to dispose of kings and kingdomes to pull downe and set vp then it is presumptuous arrogancie in the Pope to challenge vnto himselfe any such supereminent power ouer kings vnto whome he himselfe ought to be subiect according to S. Pauls rule Rom. 13. 1. See before chap. 2. controv 6. 5. Controv. Against satisfaction by workes v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse The Latine interpreter readeth redeeme thy sinnes by righteousnes whereupon Pererius with other Romanists doe collect that workes of righteousnes and mercie doe satisfie for sinne and are auaileable ad expianda peccata venialia to expiate veniall sinnes And to that purpose he vrgeth that place Prov. 16. 6. By mercie and truth iniquitie shall be forgiuen Contra. 1. It is before sufficiently declared Quest. 30. that the true reading here is not redeeme but breake off thy sinnes 2. Though that other reading be retained the meaning onely is that he should redeeme and satisfie men whome he had wronged 3. And this had beene impossible for him to doe to make recompence to so many whome he had cruelly handled the space of 40. yeares 4. And if he would not make satisfaction vnto men much lesse vnto God 5. Wherefore in these words non exponitur modus redimendi peccata sed modus potius agendi the way of redeeming his sinne is not declared but the way rather of working such as becommeth those that are truly penitent first then his sinnes must be forgiuen by faith before he can bring forth the workes of repentance Iun. 6. Further as Nabuchadnezzer could not satisfie for his sinne no more can any man for our best works are imperfect our righteousnes is as a stained clout Isa. 6. 6. but that which must satisfie before God ought to be perfect and absolute it is therefore the most perfect righteousnes of Christ and none other that is able to satisfie Gods iustice for our sinnes 7. And concerning that place vrged out of the Proverbs either it may be vnderstood not of mercie which we shew which is called an actiue mercie but of mercie shewed vnto vs from God which is a passiue mercie by the which our iniquitie is forgiuen as Iunius prooueth by the words following by the feare of the Lord they depart from euill or els the meaning is by the works of mercie we are assured our sinnes are forgiuen vs Genevens as in the like sense our Sauiour saith Many sinnes are forgiuen her because shee loued much Luk. 7. 47. her great loue was not the cause but the signe rather and effect of the forgiuenes of her sinnes And so the Apostle saith 1. Ioh. 3. 14. We know that we are translated from death to life because we loue the brethren he saith not we are translated but we know we are But of the question against satisfaction by workes see more Synops. Papism Centur. 4. err 78. 6. Controv. Of the certentie of remission of sinnes v. 24. The Latine readeth It may be God will forgiue thee thy sinnes whereupon Pererius inferreth nemini liquido cognitam remissionem peccatorum that remission and forgiuenes of sinne is not certenly knowne vnto any Contra. 1. It is shewed before Quest. 31. that the word here vsed is not a particle of doubting but rather it serueth to exhort and stirre vp to haue further confidence in God and to take away carnall securitie 2. But that by faith we are vndoubtedly assured of the remission of sinne the Scripture euidently sheweth Rom. 5. 1. Beeing iustified by faith we are at peace with God but our conscience can not be setled or at peace vnles it be assured of Gods fauour in the remission of sinnes likewise Rom. 8. 16. The same spirit beareth witnesse to our spirit that we are the children of God but how can we be assured that they are the children of God if their sinnes be not forgiuen them See further hereof Centur. 4. err 56. 7. Controv. Which be the good workes of Christians v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnes c. Here good workes are defended to be the workes of righteousnes and mercie Among the Romanists these are counted their good workes suscipere peregrinationes erigere statuam c. to vow and take in hand pilgrimages to set vp an image to found crosses Calvin But these are not the workes which God is pleased with those are the works acceptable vnto him not which mans curiositie hath inuented but such as God himselfe hath appointed for vs to walke in Eph. 1. 10. The hypocrites say Wherewith shall I come before the Lord c. will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams or with ten thousand riuers of oyle c. But the Lord maketh answer what workes he requireth To doe iustly to loue mercie to humble thy selfe c. Mich. 6. 7. 8. Controv. That Gods prouidence is not onely a bare prescience or permission v. 32. According to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen c. Polanus hence refelleth that error of certaine Lutherans who affirme providentiam Dei nihil aliud esse nisi praescientiam that the prouidence of God is nothing els but a certain prescience formul concord fol. 249. for here it is euident that God is not a foreâ—eer but a doer that all things in heauen and earth fall out according to his will as Psal. 135. 6. Whatsoeuer pleased the Lord that did he in heauen and earth c. And Luther himselfe was of an other iudgement whose words are these Deus omnia infallibili voluntate praevidet proponit facit c. that God by his infallible â—ill doth foresee propound and doe all things c. Polan Calvin further vrgeth this place against those which make a distinction betweene the will of God and permission As though he suffered some things which he would not haue done which should argue impotencie and weaknes in God as though he should suffer some things against his will A voluntarie permission there is in God in leauing men vnto themselues and suffering things to worke according to their kind but an inuoluntarie permission there is not in God to suffer any thing which he would not haue done He suffereth sinne to be done though he will it not to be done yet it is his will it should be done because he knoweth how to make it serue vnto his glorie yet he is no way the author of sinne nor yet accessarie vnto it 9. Controv. Against the presumption of the Pope who would be without checke and controlement v. 32. None may say vnto him What doest thou This prerogatiue and priuiledge this great king giueth
of the dust of the earth out of the which the Lord shall raise our bodies againe Bulling Secondly in that both good and bad are raised 1. we must consider that all are raised both the one and the other by the power of Christ in common but the righteous are raised vnto life by the peculiar operation of Christ as he is the head of the faithfull 2. the wicked also shall be awaked vp vnto a kind of life for they shall neuer die but liue in continuall torment but eternall life is to be considered two wayes simply and essentially in respect of the creature it selfe as it liueth by the power of the creator so the wicked shall liue and in respect of the habite and affection which the creature hath vnto God the author of life and so the faithfull onely shall liue for euer So euerlasting death is not so called essentially which consisteth in the finall dissolution of humane nature but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habitually and respectiuely because though they liue they haue no communion with the life of grace Iun. in commentar 3. they shall awake to shame and contempt not as the vulgar Latine that they may see alwaies for the word is deraon which signifieth contempt loathsomenesse as it is taken Isay. 66. 24. they shall goe forth and looke vpon the carkases of those which haue transgressed c. and they shall be an abhorring to all flesh like as a stinking carkase is abhorred of all so the wicked then shall be an abomination to God to Angels and men Quest. 11. Of the great glorie which shall be giuen vnto those which instruct others to saluation v. 3. v. 3. They that cause others to vnderstand that is teach others shall shine as the brightnesse of the firmament and they that iustifie many shall shine as the starres These words are diuersely expounded whereas here a reward is promised and they are described also to whom this reward shall be giuen 1. Some doe make the first and the second clause all one in sense but set forth with varietie of words as Pererius thinketh that both the same excellencie of glorie is set forth by the brightnesse of the heauens and of the starres and they are the same which first are said to be wise and vnderstanding and afterward to iustifie many But it is not like that in this prophetiall narration beeing so concise and compendious there should be such a multiplying of words without insinuation of some further sense 2. An other sort doe make a difference both in the reward and in them which shall obtaine it and here 1. by the wise hearted or vnderstanding Carthusianus thinketh to be meant those onely which are sanctified by the spirit of grace neither hauing gifts nor calling to teach others and they onely shall be like the brightnesse of the firmament but they which iustifie others by their doctrine and bring them vnto Christ shall shine as the starres which are the brighter parts of the firmament this sense also followe Osiander and Pappus that doe conclude from hence the diuerse degrees of glorie in the kingdome of heauen 2. Some contrariwise by the first vnderstand those which are teachers of others by the second those that are onely righteous in themselues so Lyranus and the interlinearie glosse before them Theodoret following the Septuag who read and many iust whereas it is in the originall matzedike harabbim iustifying many and these make the brightnesse of the firmament a greater degree of glorie then the light of the starres 3. Some doe distinguish here the persons which shall be rewarded but take the similitude expressing the reward the bright heauens and the starres to expresse the same thing the great glorie of the next life the righteous are likened for their great glorie vnto the cleare azure skie in the day and to the bright shining starres in the night But here also 1. Some by the first vnderstand such as teach and instruct others as preachers and ministers by the other that iustifie such as by discipline and good order are the meanes of the saluation of others as godly magistrates Parents Schoole-masters Bullinger 2. some by the first doe vnderstand the faithfull by the second ministers and teachers Calv. Genevens 4. Some distinguish not the persons but diuerse parts of their office for they are said to teach or cause others to vnderstand for the word is maschill in hiphil which signifieth to cause to vnderstand in respect of the administration of their office in setting forth the truth and making them to vnderstand it and they are said to iustifie others in regard of the worke and effect because by their ministerie faith is wrought in them whereby they are iustified Iun. in commentar 5. But Polanus doth more fitly apply this text vnto martyrs for to their consolation this is specially ministred that should suffer in those troublesome times vnder Antiochus And them he maketh of two sorts some that by the constant confession of the truth and suffering for the same therein by their example did teach others and some beside their constant suffering had by their godly instructions also edified many and this commeth neerest vnto the true sense because as is said this consolation is specially intended for the comfort of the holy martyrs Now further although in this verse the diuerse degrees of glorie are not described yet in comparing it with the former verse the diuersitie is expressed for all the faithfull and righteous as is before said shall rise vnto life but among these faithfull these holy teachers and instructors of others shall shine as the cleare heauens and as the bright stars Quest. 12. How the faithfull teachers are said to iustifie others That this may be the better vnderstood we must consider the causes of our iustification which are these 1. the efficient and principall cause is God himselfe Rom. 8. 33. it is God that iustifieth who shall condemne and the moouing cause was onely the mercie and loue of God toward vs 1. Iohn 4. 10. herein is loue not that we loued God but he loued vs. 2. The materiall and meritorious cause is the perfect obedience of Christ which was either actiue or passiue actiue either the originall and natiue righteousnesse of Christ who knewe no sinne he was without all spot or his actuall obedience through his life in keeping the whole lawe and the commandements of God for vs so that which was impossible to the lawe in vs was fulfilled in Christ as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 8. 2. his passiue obedience was in suffring the most ignominious death of the crosse for vs Philip. 2. 8. he became obedient vnto death euen the death of the crosse and so did beare the curse of the law which was due vnto vs Galat. 3. 13. 3. The instrumentall cause on Gods behalfe is the preaching of the Gospell whereby faith is wrought in vs for faith commeth by hearing Rom. 10. 17. on our behalfe the
loue I were nothing Pintus 3. But there are some which are the faithfull seruants and true Prophets of God who haue both the gift of Prophesie with the vnderstanding therof and are also in Gods fauour and in the state of grace such an one was Daniel Quest. 4 v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazzar What the meaning of this name is is shewed before c. 1. quest 28. But Daniel nameth himselfe here Belteshazzar for these cause 1. voluit hoc vaticinium celebre esse per omnes nationes he would haue this prophesie famous among all nations where he was knowne rather by the name of Belteshazzar then by the name of Daniel Calvin 2. by this meanes though he were called by a strange name yet he would make it knowne se non alienum esse à populo Dei that he was not enstranged from the people of God but continued still in their communion 3. And hereby also Daniel intimateth that he was the same man vnto whom the former visions were shewed and the vnderstanding of secret things and so by this meanes this vision was receiued with greater credit and authoritie Polan Quest. 5. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauines 1. Theodoret thinketh this was one cause thereof because all of the Iewes hauing libertie to returne yet many of them beeing in loue with the pleasures of Babylon neglect◠in patriam reditu tanto beneficio vti noluerunt neglecting to returne into their countrey would not vse so great a benefit But if this had beene the cause Daniel would not haue deferred the time of mourning so long for this backewardnesse of the people was knowne in the 1. yeare of Cyrus when the people had licence to returne 2. An other cause of Daniels mourning is supposed to haue beene the remembrance and consideration of so many heauie things as were foreshewed him in time to come to befall his people 3. As also because it was reuealed vnto him to what blindnesse and obstinacie his people should growe as to put to death the Messiah Perer. But if either of these had beene the cause Daniel would not haue put off his mourning so long for the first was signified vnto him in the 3. of Balthazar c. 8. and the other in the 1. of Darius c. 9. But this mourning of Daniel was in the 3. yeare of Cyrus two yeares after 4. Therefore this indeede was the cause the people which were returned had begunne to reedifie the Temple and presently they were hindred by Cambyses Cyrus beeing occupied in warres abroad this hard newes came to Daniel in Persia and therefore he mourneth entreating the Lord that the businesse might goe forward Iun. Polan Oecolampad Pellic. with others Quest. 6. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weekes of dayes 1. This is added of dayes by way of distinction because in the former chapter he had spoken of weekes of yeares Polan 2. Some thinke he mourned 3. weeks to signifie the Trinitie gloss interlin but that is too curious 3. Some because the people hauing leaue to returne in the first of Cyrus had deferred their iourney vntill this 3. yeare and therefore Daniel mourneth 3. weeks for euerie yeare a weeke least this negligence should haue beene layd vnto the peoples charge Hugo but this is contrarie to the storie Ezra 2. where it is declared that they beganne to build the Temple in the second yeare therefore they did not put off their returne vnto the third yeare 4. Further Hugo hath an other conceit that as Daniel fasted 21. dayes before the Angel appeared which represented Christ so the Church hath the like vse to fast 21. dayes before the aduent But such superstitious customes are not grounded vpon either precept or example in Scripture superstition was the mother and founder of such inuentions 5. This then was the cause Daniel herein sheweth his constancie not that sorrowe is valued before God by the length of time but Daniel continueth in fasting and prayer expecting still some comfortable answer from God he therefore giueth not ouer vntill he sawe that the Lord graciously inclined vnto his prayer Iun. 6. And in that he fasted 21. dayes in the 1. moneth the 1. day which was the newe moone which they were commanded by the lawe to keepe with reioycing seemeth to be excepted Iun. 7. And whereas within this time they vsed to keepe the Passeouer which was a time also of reioycing it seemeth that in the captiuitie that solemnitie was omitted and so thinketh R. Leui whereupon Theodoret reprooueth the Iewes in his time who vsed to celebrate the Pasch with all the rites and ceremonies thereto belonging wheresoeuer they were whereas by Moses lawe it was onely to be kept in the place which the Lord should chuse Quest. 7. Of Daniels abstinencie v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread In the Hebrewe it is called bread of desries which Theodoret taketh to haue beene common bread because it was desired of all but it rather signifieth some fine pleasant bread such as whitebread or manchet is to browne Vatab. for afterward he speaketh of wine which is a pleasant and principall drinke from the which also Daniel abstained it is not like that for 3. weekes he did eat no bread at all 2. Now in that Daniel the space of 3. weekes refrained the drinking of wine and eating of pleasant bread or meate it seemeth that before he vsed them so that Daniels abstinencie when he did chuse at the first to be fedde onely with bread made of pulse c. 1. seemeth only to haue beene for a time which some thinke was for that he was now in yeares and therefore it was not fit he should vse such a sparing and course diet as he did before or now he was at his owne finding and needed not to be forced to eat any meate that was polluted but might prouide such as he thought best himselfe Lyran. Perer. But this rather was the cause as M. Calvin well noteth that now there was not the like danger as then in eating delicate meates for then they were vsed as baits to corrupt Daniel and winne him from his faith and religion But afterward Daniel elapsus è Diaboli Regis insidijs hauing escaped the snares of Sathan and of the king vseth greater libertie Quest. 8. Of the custome and vse of anointing which Daniel also forbeareth Hierome here writeth that the Persians in stead of bathes vsed to anoint themselues ye◠to besmeare themselues all ouer with ointment as Plinie writeth lib. 13. c. 1. which they did both to defend themselues from the intemperat heat and to keep their bodies in health Lyran. this custome of anointing was verie auncient Plinie in the same place saith it was not in vse in the time of the Troiane warte But that is not so for Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. c. 1. reporteth how a king of Egypt called Miridies allowed vnto his wife for ointment and other ornaments of her bodie
gift were especially called and sent to that ende to prophesie and in this sense onely the Iewes hold neither Dauid nor Daniel to be Prophets 2. Theoderet doth simply reprehend the Iewes for denying Daniel to be a Prophet and this booke to be any of the propheticall writings so also Iunius affirmeth that the Iewes denie this booke to be counted among the Hagiographa or holy writings 3. But the truth is as Polanus setteth it downe that the Elder Iewes did acknowledge this booke to be authenticall and canonicall and equall in authoritie to the booke of the Psalmes the Prouerbs of Salomon the Lamentations of Ieremie and diuerse of them haue written commentaries vpon this booke as R. Salomon R. Leui Ben Gerson R. Abraham Aben Ezra R. Saadia with others but the later Rabbines doe denie the booke of Daniel to be authenticall and therefore seldome reade it as he speaketh of his owne experience how diuerse Rabbines in Moravia whose helpe he vsed did confesse that they seldome did reade the prophesie of Daniel the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this because Daniel doth so euidently point out the time of the Messiah his comming 4. But this errour of the Iewes in reiecting this prophesie of Daniel may thus further be refuted 1. The bookes which are called Hagiographa holy writings were of three sorts either they are taken for those bookes which were laid vp by the Arke and had the miraculous extraordinary approbation by the Vrim and Thummim other visible demonstrations or for such canonicall books which though they had not that allowance being written after the captiuitie when those visible monuments of the Arke the Vrim and Thummim ceased yet were written by the spirit of God and commended to his Church and thirdly those bookes were called holy writings which were not made of Canonicall authoritie but onely preferred before other humane writings and receiued of the Church into some higher order though not made equall to the the Scriptures Now though the prophesie of Daniel be not of the first sort yet that it is authenticall and canonicall of the second it thus may appeare The authoritie then of this booke is set forth by testimony both internall and externall the externall is either diuine or humane the diuine essentiall or accidentall the humane is either Ecclesiasticall and domesticall or forraine or prophane these further shall thus be declared in their order 1. The internall testimonie est spiritus testificatio the inward witnesse of the spirit which cleareth our vnderstanding that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Diuine prophesie of Daniel by the which he wrote it 2. The Diuine externall testimonie which is called essentiall is consensio cum diuino canone the agreement which this prophesie hath with the rest of the Scriptures and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimonie of Christ Matth. 24. 15. 3. The Accidentall is à signis euentis from the signes which God ioyned with the prophesie as Daniels interpretation of dreames and his preseruation from the lyons c. 6. The euents were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophesies conteined in this booke as all histories which doe write of these Kingdomes doe beare record and where these two doe concurre with the truth of doctrine namely the signes and euents they are diligently to be regarded Deut. 17. 4. The Ecclesiasticall testimonie is the consent of Gods Church and generall approbation of the seruants and worshippers of God which though it be not so forcible to perswade vs as the former yet it is a good motion and inducement ioyned with the rest hereunto may be added that testimonie of Iosephus that all the bookes which were written vnto the time of Artaxerxes were of diuine authoritie 5. The forraine testimonie is the authoritie and allowance which this booke found euen among the Heathen as is euident in that a great part of this prophesie is written in the Chalde tongue which sheweth that the truth thereof was euen euident to the Chaldeans Iunius And here may be remembred how laddus the high Priest shewed Daniels prophesie vnto Alexander the great and by name that vision c. 8. how the goate which signified the Grecians ouercame the ramme which betokened the Persian Monarchie as Iosephus reporteth whereupon this booke was had in great admiration of Alexander Quest. 12. Of the difficultie and obscuritie of this prophesie Pererius giueth these foure reasons and causes thereof 1. Because diuerse things are otherwise reported of forraine historiographers then they are remembred in this booke as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King vpon the earth whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares who raigned about that time among the Medes c. 5. Balthazar is said to be depriued both of life and kingdom by Darius king of the Medes whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus vnto Alexanders time whereas there were many more 2. The transposing of the storie which is often vsed in this booke is an other cause of the darkenesse and obscuritie as the prophesies conteined in the 7. and 8. chap. which were shewed vnto Daniel vnder the raigne of Balthazar in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth that the historie of Susanna which happened when Daniel was yet a child and the storie of Bell and the dragon which was done the Empire of the Chaldes yet standing should be placed tâ—e one before the second the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories there is no certaintie of the truth of them at the least when and at what time they were done and therefore this instance might be spared 3. The prophesies and visions themselues are darke and obscure as that c. 9. of the 70. weekes which terme when it should take beginning and how it proceeded and was continued is a matter of deepe vnderstanding 4. The varietie of histories which must be vsed as helpes for the vnderstanding of this prophesie and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdomes in this booke decyphered doe make this prophesie intricate specially because many of those historicall writers whose workes are necessarie for the opening and vnfolding of this mysticall prophesie are now lost and perished As Hierome sendeth vs to the histories of Sâ—etâ—nius Callinicus Possidonius Thean Andronicus Polybius Diodorus Titus Linius Trâ—gus Pompeius whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel are now either in part or in whole wanting 5. And thus much was signified by the Angel that this historie should seeme obsure vntill the things therein contained were accomplished as he saith to Daniel Goe thy way Daniel for the words are closed vp and sealed till the ende of the time vntill then they should be obscure to all but euen afterward also when the fulnesse of time is come none of the wicked shall haue vnderstanding and
12. Iechonias begate Salathiel Pererius obserueth out of Epiphanius and Beza also is of the same opinion that in the first place Iechonias is taken for Iehoiakim the father in the latter for the sonne for otherwise there are not 42. but onely 41. generations there rehearsed Quest. 4. Why the King of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim 1. First Nebuchadnezzar came against him because he was made king by Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt with whom Nebuchadnezzar had warre and subdued his countrie and thereupon Iehoiakim became tributarie to the king of Babel 2. But Nebuchadnezzars hatred was more increased afterward when as after three yeares Iehoiakim rebelled against him and would haue cast off his yoke then the king of Babel came vp the second time and carried Iehoiakim away captiue who after he was dead was cast out and lay vnburied according to Ieremie his prophesie c. 22. 19. 3. But the greatest cause of all was the purpose of God to punish the wickednesse of the king and his people for he killed the Prophet Viiah Ierem. 26. cut Ieremie his prophesie with a knife and cast it into the fire Ierem. 36. beside there were found in his bodie when he was dead markes of idolatrie as Lyranus following the Hebrewe noteth vpon that place 2. Chron. 36. 8. Concerning the rest of the acts of Iehoiakim and his abhominations which he did and that which was found vpon him c. God therefore for his crueltie impietie idolatrie brought this iudgement vpon him Pere Quest. 5. Of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel and how many there were of that name 1. Pintus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was a generall name to the kings of Babylon as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Pharaoh and the kings of the Philistins of Abimelek And he further is of opinion that this Nebuchadnezzar had a sonne of the same name and that neither of them are the same with that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the storie of Iudith who sent Holofernes against the Iewes for that was after the returne of the Iewes out of captiuitie as appeareth Iudith 5. beside he thinketh that neither Nebuchadnezzar the father nor the sonne was that Nebuchadnezzar which destroyed Tyrus according to the prophesie of Ezechiel 26. 7. which he taketh to be Cyrus or Alexander But Pintus is in many things here deceiued 1. It is not to be shewed out of the sacred historie of Scripture that all the kings of Babylon were called by the name of Nebuchadnezzar but the contrarie rather appeareth for this kings sonnes name was Evilmerodach 2. King 25. 27. and his sonne Balthazar Dan. 5. 2. And this Nebuchadnezzar was the sonne not the father and the second was called great Nebuchadnezzar for his great exploits and many victories for next vnto this succeeded Evilmerodach So throughout the whole prophesie of Daniel we must vnderstand the second Nebuchadnezzar Iun. 3. We easily agree that neither of these could be that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the booke of Iudith for who that was it is vncertaine and there is small certaintie of any thing in the booke beside for Pintus will haue that storie referred to the times after the captiuitie Pererius thinketh it was done before the captiuitie in the time of Manasses but neither of these can stand not the first for we reade of no Nebuchadnezzar after the captiuitie when the kingdome was translated from the Chaldeans to the Persians nor the second for that storie of Iudith maketh mention of the casting downe of the Temple cap. 5. 18. which had not yet beene done in the dayes of Manasseh 4. This Nebuchadnezzar was the same which besieged Tyrus which he besieged 13. yeares as witnesseth Iosephus lib. 10. c. 11. he could not be Cyrus or Alexander for he is called the king of Babel Ezek. 26. 7. 2. Pererius acknowledgeth that there were two Nebuchadnezzars the one here spoken of and in the Prophets the other whereof mention is made in the booke of Iudith whom he taketh to haue beene before this and he misliketh their opinion who take this Nebuchadnezzar some for Cyrus some for Cambises some for Artaxerxes or Darius Ochus the last king but one of the Persians for neither was the Temple yet built againe vnder the raigne of Cyrus and Cambises as is mentioned Iudith 5. and Artaxerxes was 200. yeares after the returne of the Iewes from captiuitie whereas the storie of Iudith seemeth to haue fallen out immediately after Iudith 5. 19. Pere Contra. 1. It appeareth what small certaintie there is of the Apocryphall booke of Iudith seeing it cannot be agreed vpon who that king Nebuchadnezzar was 2. He could not be the Elder Nebuchadnezzar for in his time the temple was not destroyed but in his sonnes but before the time of Iudith it had beene destroyed Iudith 5. 18. 3. Wherefore their opinion is to be preferred that make two Nebuchadnezzars the father and the sonne who was called Nebuchadnezzar the great Iun. Caluin Bullinger Polanus so also Iosephus who giueth vnto the raigne of the Elder 23. yeares and to the other 43. This Nebuchadnezzar seemeth to be the same whom Ptolome calleth Nabopolassar in the 19. yeare of whose raigne he saith the captiuitie of Babylon beganne Polan Quest. 6. Of the acts and exploits of Nebuchadnezzar 1. Iosephus out of Berosus who wrote of the Chalde affaires reporteth of Nebuchadnezzar the second that beeing sent by his father the Elder Nebuchadnezzar against the king of Egypt who reuolted from him and in the meane time hearing of his fathers death returned to Babylon and tooke the gouernement vpon him where he did many princely and sumptuous workes he beautified the temple of Belus repaired the edifices of the city enlarged the riuer compassed the citie with a treble wall built a goodly palace in the space of 25. dayes which seemeth incredible and built high rocks and mountaines vpon vaults of stone and vpon them planted orchards as hanging aloft because his wife being brought vp in Medea desired to see some resemblance of her countrie for the like acts he referreth vs to the histories of Megasthenes the Indian historiographer and Diocles who wrote of the Persian histories and Philostratus of the Pheniceans who witnesseth that Nebuchadnezzar besieged Tyrus 13. yeares which beganne in the 7. yeare of his raigne as Pererius noteth 2. His acts set downe in the Scriptures were these in the third yeare of Iehoiakim he besiedged Ierusalem and carried the spoyle of the citie into Babylon in the 11. yeare he came againe and tooke the citie and carried many into captiuitie and slue Iehoiakim who wanted the honour of buriall then he set in his place his sonne Iehoaichin whom after 3. moneths he remooued and appointed Zedekiah in his place in whose 11. yeare which was the 18. of Nebuchadnezzar he tooke Zedekiah and put out his eies and the 19. yeare he burnt the citie and Temple and carried away the people captiue these things are thus testified 2.
Nego which was the starre of Venus Bullin some thinke it should be read Abednebo the seruant of Nebo the God of the Chaldeans some giue the sense servus anxius a carefull seruant Pintus But the true deriuation is of ghebat a seruant and Nego fire which the Chaldeans worshipped as a God So then in all these foure names there was some memoriall of the Chaldean idolls of Bel in the first rach which was the Sunne in the next of their goddesse Shacah which was Venus in the third and of their god Nego in the last Iun. Polan Quest. 29. Ver. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate and of the diuers kinds of abstinence Ver. 8. Dâ—â—iel had determined in his heart that he would not defile himselfe with the portion of the kings meate 1. here we may remember that there are foure kinds of vnlawfull abstinence 1. Some of the Philosophers as Pythagoras Empedocles Apollonius Porphyrius because they imagined that the soules of men did passe into the bodies of beastes in varia se corpora indure and did as it were cloth themselues with diuers bodies for this cause they abstained from the eating of flesh 2. There were certaine heretikes who therefore would eate no flesh because they held them to be euill by nature a malo quodam principio conditas and made at the first by some euill powers such were the Heretikes Marcion Tacianus the Encratites the Manichees against whom Augustine did write at large confuting their errors but specially in his bookes against blasphemous Faustus the Manichee 3. Some were in an other error who at the first beeing conuerted from Iudaisâ—e did thinke they were bound to abstaine from certaine meates as vncleane according to the law of Moses concerning whom the Apostles made a decree Act. 15. 4. And some other there are which haue a peruerse opinion of fasting which thinke that the perfection of a Christian consisteth in fasting or they fast onely for the praise of men and opinion of the world All these are in great error and doe offend in their fasting but Daniels abstinence was of none of these kinds Pere Quest. 30. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate There were many pollutions in the meate which serued at the kings table 1. they might eate such flesh as was counted vncleane by the lawe of Moses as swines flesh hares and conies were held to be vncleane by the lawe of the Hebrewes and diuerse others both beasts fish and foule as is declared Deut. 14. which might be notwithstanding vsed as delicate meates in the kings court Pap Bullinger which meates though of their owne nature they defiled not yet by the institution of God beeing forbidden they defiled the eater in respect of his disobedience to the lawe 2. Beside they in the beginning of their feasts did praise the gods of gold and siluer and so consecrated their meates and table to their idols for which cause Daniel and the rest abstained Iun. Polan Lyran. Hugo Cardi. And though the first obseruation of meates was onely legall and ceased with the rest of the ceremonies yet the abstaining from things offered to idols was perpetuall afterward obserued of the Christians as both is euident by S. Paul 1. Cor. 8. 10. where he speaketh of those that sate downe in the idoll temples and by the practise of the Primitiue Church as Caecilius obiected to the Christians praeceptos delibatos altaribus cibos abhorretis c. yee abhorre meates commanded that are consecrate to idols 3. Beside sciebat perturbationum fontem esse intemperantiam he did knowe that intemperancie was the fountaine of all distemperature he remembred that Adam was cast out of paradise for eating of the forbidden fruit and Esau lost his birthright for a messe of pottage Daniel therefore and the rest abstained least they might be intangled with the desire of their delicate meates Pintus 4. An other reason was that the king by this sweet poyson should not cause him to forget his religion Geneuens ne inescaretur talibus illecebris least he should haue beene caught with such baits he therefore shunneth the occasion Quest. 31. vers 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate Though that the meate it selfe in it owne nature could not haue defiled Daniel as our Blessed Sauiour saith that which goeth into the mouth defileth not the man Matth. 15. 11. yet foure waies Daniel should haue defiled himselfe and others 1. He had offended the godly if they were weake in following his example so wounding their owne conscience if they were strong yet they would haue grieued to see the law of God transgressed 2. The profane should haue beene scandalized if they were enemies in causing them to blaspheme if they were indifferent and such as of whom there might be hope in putting before them a stumbling blocke they might haue discouraged them from embracing their religion in seeing them to doe contrarie to their owne profession 3. Their owne conscience they should haue defiled in sinning against the â—nowledge and disobeying the lawe 4. God they should haue contemned in neglecting his lawe and so in a manner haue polluted him as in another case the Priests are said to haue polluted God for offering vncleane bread vpon his altar Malach. 1. 7. Polan Quest. 32. Whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate It is like that Daniel afterward did both eate and drinke of the kings prouision for he was of the kings Court and was the chiefe officer about the king and sate in the kings gate cap. 2. 49. therefore it is not vnlike but that he did liue at the kings diet neither doe we read of Ioseph that was in the like estimation with Pharaoh that he refused the kings meat Caluin The reasons why Daniel abstained now and not afterward may be these 1. Daniel principio abstinuit à lautitijs aulae ne inescaretur at the beginning abstained from the delicats of the court lest he should haue bin intangled Cal. but afterward there was not the like feare when Daniel was called to place of gouernement and depended not vpon the command and authority of others as now he did So also Pellicâ—iam grandaevus extra periculum constitutus vinum bibisse legitur c. when he waxed olde and was out of danger he is found to haue drunke wine c. 2. this must be admitted ceremonialia cedere magnae necessitati that the ceremonialls must giue place vnto extreame necessitie It is no question but the people of the Iewes beeing in captiuitie did sometime eate of the meates forbidden by the lawe rather then they should be famished but if the eating of such meates had beene a deniall of their faith and religion in that case they should rather haue chosen to die then in the least ceremonie to denie their faith Osian Daniel might then in his captiuitie vpon such necessitie eate such things as in
interpretation thereof 8. The king answered and said I know certenly that he would gaine time redeeme or buie time Chald. because ye see the thing is gone from me 9. But if yee will not declare me the dreame there is but one iudgement sentence L. V. I. or law A. for you for yee haue prepared lying and corrupt words to speake before me till the time be changed G. I. the time be passed L. till there be an other state of things V. therefore tell me the dreame that I may knowe if ye can declare the interpretation thereof 10. The Chaldeans answered before the king and said Chal. and saying there is not a man vpon the earth Chal. vpon the drie ground which can declare the kings matter therefore not any king nor prince or ruler mightie Chald. euer asked such a question such a saying C. of any Magician Astrologian or Chaldean 11. And the matter the saying C. which the king requireth is precious I. rare G. of great weight L. A. and there is not any other to be found L. which can declare it before the king except the gods whose dwelling is not with flesh with men L. with mortall men V. 12. For this cause the king was angrie and in a great furie and gaue charge to destroy all the wisemen of Babel 13. So the sentence was giuen and the wisemen were slaine and they sought Daniel and his fellowes to be slaine 14. Then Daniel enquired of the counsell and decree L. Po. returned the counsell and decree C. not answered with counsell G. or interceded V. of Arioch the captaine of the guard I. or cheife marshall or executioner V. the captaine of his armie L. to the king which was gone forth to slay the wise men of Babel 15. Yea he answered and said vnto Arioch the kings captaine why is the sentence so hastie from the king then Arioch made knowne declared G. the thing the word C. to Daniel 16. So Daniel went in and desired of the King that he would giue him time leasure G. and he would declare the interpretation to the king 17. Then Daniel went to his house and made knowne the matter the word C. to Hananiah Chananiah C. Mishael and Hazariah his companions 18. And that they should beseech mercie from the God of heauen in this secret sacrament L. that Daniel with his fellowes might not perish with the rest of the wisemen of Babel 19. Then was the secret reucaled to Daniel in a vision by night therefore Daniel blessed the God of heauen 20. And Daniel answered and said The name of God be blessed for euer and euer for wisedome and strengh are his 21. And he changeth times and seasons moderateth V. he taketh away kings not kingdomes L. and establisheth kings setteth vp G. createth V. he giueth wisedome to the wise and knowledge to men of vnderstanding to them which knowe vnderstanding C. 22. He discouereth the deepe and secret things he knoweth what is in the darkenesse and the light dwelleth with him 23. I thanke thee and praise thee O thou God of my fathers that thou hast giuen me wisedome and strength and hast made knowne vnto me made me to knowe that which we desired of thee for thou hast made knowne vnto vs the kings matter word C. 24. Wherefore Daniel went vnto Arioch whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babel he went and said thus vnto him Destroy not the wise men of Babel bring me in before the king and I will declare vnto the king the interpretation 25. Then Arioch in hast brought in Daniel before the king and said thus vnto him I haue found a man of the children of ludah taken captiues children of the captiuitie of Iudah C. that will make knowne vnto the king the interpretation 26. Then answered the king and said vnto Daniel whose name was Beltshatzar Balthasar L. Beltsazar V. Belteshazzar G. art thou able to make knowne vnto me the dreame which I haue seene and the interpretation thereof 27. Daniel answered before the king L. A. to the king I. V. in the presence of the king B. G. and said The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wisemen astrologians magicians L. wisards V. soothsayers B. magicians I. V. enchanters G. wise men B. coniecturers L. soothsayers such as gaue coniecture by the entralls of beasts aruspices I. L. readers of destinies V. B. declare vnto the king 28. But there is a God in heauen the reuealer of secrets who hath made knowne vnto king Nebuchadnezzar what shall be in the dayes following I. V. in the latter dayes L. G. B. A. P. but many of these things fell out not long after Nebuchadnezzars time in the consequence or following of dayes C. Thy dreame and the vision of thine head vpon thy bed is this 29. O king thoughts came ascended C. to thee vpon thy bed what should come to passe hereafter and he which reuealeth secrets telleth thee what shall come 30. As for me not for any wisedome which is in me more then in any liuing is this secret reuealed vnto me but for this that they might not that I might B. or that it might L. that some might V. for their cause which might I. make known vnto the king the interpretation and that thou mightest knowe the thoughts of thine heart 31. O king thou sawest and behold a great image this large image whose glorie and the glorie thereof C. was excellent stood before thee and the forme thereof was terrible 32. This images head was of fine good C. gold the breast thereof and the armes thereof of siluer his bellie and his sides I. thighes caeter of brasse 33. His legges of yron his feete were part some of them C. of yron part of clay 34. Thou beheldest till a stone was cut out which was not with hands that is cut out without hands caeter but then the relatiue which should be omitted which smote the image vpon his feete which were of yron and clay and brake them in peices 35. Then was the yron the clay the brasse the siluer and the gold broken altogether and became like the chaffe of the summer floates where the wheat is threshed and the wind carried them away that not any place was found for them and the stone that smote the Image became a great mountaine and filled the whole earth 36. This is the dreame and we will declare the interpretation thereof before the king 37. O King thou art a King of Kings for the God of heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome power and strength and glorie 38. And in all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the foules of heauen hath he giuen into thine hand A. P. G. B. not all those places where c. V. L. for here the preposition in is omitted or where the children of men the beasts of the field c. dwell I. these are rather said to be giuen as Ier. 27. 6.
hath an other exposition that hereby is signified that Nebuchadnezzar was aduanced from low degree vnto the kingdome and that he was per humilitatem restitutus restored againe by humilitie 3. But the vse is rather more generall that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king men might learne that all kingdomes are at Gods disposing seeing many times most base men haue beene aduanced to the kingly dignities and so as Caluin well noteth hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit c. this hath not fallen out onely in one king It is notorious that among the Romane and Greeke Emperours some had beene â—eateheards as cruell Maximinus some swineheards as Iustinus the father of Iustinian Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre Diuerse reasons may be yeelded of this silence of Daniel 1. Some thinke that in this space Daniel praied vnto God for the interpretation of the dreame as Theodoret saith prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas c. first humane infirmitie was to shewe it selfe and then inspired grace to be manifested c. so thinketh Dyonis Carthusi intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam c. that in this space was shewed vnto him the interpretation of the dreame se totum ad Deum extulit cum pijs precibus he lifted vp his prayers vnto God Pint. feruids Dominum orauit c. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling 2. But this seemeth not to haue beene all the cause for it is said Daniels thoughts troubled him not because he was afraide of the king â—â—d dolebat pro eo he grieued for him of whom he had receiued such honour Hierome so also Lyran. Iun. Polan for the holy prophets had a double affection when they declared Gods iudgements ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus on the one side they pitied those miserable men to whom the iudgements were denounced deinde intrepide pronuntiabant yet they pronounced them without feare Caluin And this seemeth to haue beene the cause of this pause which he made the greatnesse of the iudgement which was determined and for that it greiued him for the king of whom he had beene so honoured because the king encourageth him to proceede whatsoeuer the dreame was 3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio c. and in this behalfe also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king that he might be more desirous to heare the truth Oecolampaid Pelli This vse the king might make thereof but this was not the cause which mooued Daniel Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies Daniel should seeme herein to pray against the will of God which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar and beside it might be thought against charitie to wish such things vnto those whome he knewe not who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar 1. Some thinke therefore that Daniel by this speach onely sheweth the great calamitie which should befall him such as we vse to say a man wisheth to his enemie Bulling which was the cause he was so loath to open the dreame because it pretended such heauie things but it is euident by Daniels troubled thoughts that he was indeede sorie for the king and wished that euill farre away from him 2. Dyonis Carthusian answereth that this euill which he wished vnto the kings enemies might ad salutem animae proficere be profitable vnto them for their soules health and therefore this wish was not vncharitable But it might as well haue beene for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soule he should not then haue wished it from him 3. Some thinke that it was rather ciuilis salutatio then precatio ex fide a ciuill kind of salutation then a prayer of faith which it was necessarie Daniel should vse to insinuate himselfe Iun. in commentar 4. But it was more then a ciuill salutation for indeede Daniel desired averti tam horriâ—ilem poenam à regis persona such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king Caluin whereupon Polanus also noteth that we should euen pray for our enemies as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar who was an enemie to the people of God and held them in captiuitie 5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God for he thus prayeth praesupposito beneplacito diuino presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure Dyon Carthus so also Pintus he knew Dei minis promissionibus haerere suas conditiones that certaine condions were annexed to the threatnings and promises of God Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vaine afterward had giuen counsell vnto Nebuchadnezzar here to preuent this calamitie see further quest 29. Quest. 22. That at yrannicall gouernement is better then an anarchie or no gouernement V. 19. It is thou O king that art great and mightie 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant as both appeareth by his crueltie against the Iewes in destroying their citie both burning the Temple and putting the people to the sword as also by his fierce rage shewed against the Chaldeans whom he vniustly caused to be killed cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dreame which he had forgotten yet he is compared to a goodly tree which gaue meat and shadowe vnto the foules and beasts So that although Tyrants and cruell gouernours seeke to extinguish all equitie and iustice Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo God holdeth them in after a secret manner that some profit commeth by their gouernement Caluin As the heathen Emperours of Rome though they were cruell yet ordained good politike lawes as may appeare by the constitutions of Alexander Diocletian and the rest as are extant in the Code 2. Whereas when there is no gouernement but euery one doth what they list there is a confusion of all things a corruption both of manners and religion as appeareth in the time of the Iudges when as there was no king in Israel they followed what religion they would Iudg. 17. 6. and they liued as they would themselues without either feare of God or man as appeareth by the sinne of the men of Gibeah against the Leuites wife Iudg. 19. Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing downe the tree 1. If but one or two branches had beene cut off yet the rest remaining would haue flourished still and so the losse should not haue beene so great As in a commonwealth when one noble man of account or one of excellent learning or vertue dieth and is taken away though it be a losse or hinderance yet the countrey is not vndone others may rise vp in his place as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romanes was slaine yet Cicero succeeded in whom that want was supplied And if a king loose one citie in his kingdome yet he may comfort himselfe in the rest But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion and be stripped of his regall dignitie The Duke of Florence gaue for his ensigne a
of him both for the inward conscience which they had of authoritie and in respect of his great and absolute power the other is in the king himselfe he might doe and did what he would both the liues and goods of men were at his becke Polan Daniel therefore rather speaketh what he did de facto in fact then de iure of right Quest. 31. Of the writing and the interpretation thereof in generall v. 24. Then was the palme of the hand sent c. Three things are here declared 1. the manner of the writing 2. the matter 3. the meaning 1. The manner is set forth in these foure points 1. the time is expressed then and there when the king had profaned the holy vessels and blasphemed God 2. the author and efficient cause was God 3. the iustrument a palme or part of an hand 4. the forme it was in writing 2. The matter which was written consisted of fowre words the first beeing twice repeated 3. The meaning and interpretation consisteth of three parts 1. the certaine determination of God who had now numbred and fulfilled the time of his kingdome 2. the inquisition and examination God hauing weighed him found him to be too light 3. the execution of Gods decree his kingdome was diuided and giuen to others Quest. 32. Of interpretation by writing in generall 1. By this example of Daniel who scanneth the words themselues and thereupon groundeth his interpretation the Rabbines would warrant their deuise of their Cabbalisticall interpretation whereby they take vpon them by hunting after syllables and letters to finde out mysteries in Scripture thinking that they may take vnto themselues the like libertie which Daniel here vsed 2. Contra. 1. They must first be sure that they haue the like propheticall spirit which Daniel had before they may aduenture vpon such mysticall interpretations 2. the occasion is not alike this writing was extraordinarie and therefore it was obscure and mysticall but the writing of the Scripture containeth an ordinarie and plaine forme of doctrine and therefore it is not in such curious manner to be handled 3. neither did Daniel here examine euery letter and syllable as the Cabalists do but taketh the words onely as they lie in order and maketh vp a full sense of them Quest. 33. Why the first word Mene is doubled 1. Some do giue this reason of this repetition the word mene is deriued of manah which signifiech to number and first they would haue signified the numbring of the yeares of his kingdome then the dayes and tearme of his life But this is too curious and the interpretation is of his kingdome God hath numbred thy kingdome 2. Bullinger taketh it to be according to the Hebrewe phrase as they vse to say clamando clamauit in crying he cried moriendo morieris in dying thou shalt die which phrase is vsed for more vehemencie of speach 3. But there is beside an allusion here vnto the manner of taking account and numbring men for fayling will number twice to be sure that they number right so by this twice numbring is signified that God had most exactly nnmbred the tearme of his kingdome so R. Saadia whom Polanus followeth so also Calvin 4. Iunius thinketh that by numbring is meant the singular care which God had of that kingdome singulari quadam ratione curatum est that God after a singular manner tooke care thereof as they vse to doe which haue things in number and account but it rather sheweth that the time and tearme of his kingdome was determined as the next words declare and hath finished it sic Lyran. Hugo necesse est vt finem accipiat c. now his kingdome must needes be at an ende because it is fulfilled Caluin Quest. 34. Of the meaning of the word Tekel 1. Tekel signifieth he hath weighed this phrase is taken from merchants or goldsmiths that vse most exactly to weigh their gold and that which is light they doe reiect and refuse So God had most exactly tried and examined the life and workes of Balthazar and found them too light 2. Some doe thus apply this similitude as though the sinnes of Balthazar should be weighed in one balance which was pressed downe and in the other which was light his pietie and vertue which appeared to be verie small Perer. Hugo thus expoundeth God hath weighed the time of thy life iamillud declinare pronuntiat and now he pronounceth it to be declining as a scoale that inclineth and sinketh downe But rather Balthazar is found beeing weighed against Gods iustice to be in the light scoale quasinullum pondus haberet as though he had no weight at all as Daniel here expoundeth Caluin 3. Thus is this phrase vsed in Scripture as Iob saith c. 6. 2 3. O that my miseries were laid together in a balance it would now be heauier then the sand of the Sea His meaning is that if his miseries were valued in an equall iudgement they would be found to be heauier then they seemed to be Pintus giueth this sense as though Iob should thinke that his afflictions beeing weighed against his sinnes would be found too heauie for them but Iob was farre from accusing God of such iniustice that his miseries and sorrowes laid vpon him were greater then his sinnes 4. But it will seeme strange this phrase of weighing in a balance beeing vsed to signifie a iust examination and triall that Apocal. 6. 5. he which sate vpon the blacke horse whom Pintus expoundeth to be the deuill should haue a paire of balances in his hand for it is farre from Sathan to doe things in measure and weight Pintus therefore giueth this sense he is said to haue a ballance non quod illa vtatur sed quod videatur vti not that indeede he vseth a iust balance but seemeth to vse it But the sense of the place rather is this by the blacke horse is signified dearth famine and scarcitie of all things and by the balance that by a scant and exact weight their corne and food should be weighed vnto them 5. In this interpretation two things are insinuated 1. the examination and triall of Balthazar in the iudgement of God he was weighed 2. then the euent and issue he was found too light Polan 6. Deus non vtitur communi trutina God vseth not here a common balance or scoale he hath a balance of his owne though Balthazar might be approoued in the iudgement of others yet Gods iudgement was otherwise he found him too light Calvin like as the goldsmith vseth more exact weights then other Merchants and tradesmen so the Lords exact iudgement farre exccedeth mans Quest. 35. Of the meaning of the word Pheres 1. Whereas the word written vpon the wall was pharsin in the plurall they haue deuided and here it is put in the singular pheres he hath deuided therein is no great difference for by both are expressed the causes subordinate one vnto another in the singular it is vnderstood of
The victorie then is specially ascribed vnto Darius though it were atchieued and obtained by Cyrus skill and valour for these three reasons as Hierome briefly expresseth them ordâ— aetatis propinquitatis regni servatus est the order of age of affinitie and of the kingdome was kept 1. Darius was now not onely 40. yeare old as Cicero saith but 62. yeares old Cyrus beeing a young man 2. he was Cyrus great vnkle his grandfather Astyages brother and beside as some thinke his father in law 3. and now the chiefe dominion was in the Medes from whome it was translated after Darius death by Cyrus to the Persians 48. Quest. Of the cause of this Babylonian warre 1. Heaodotus thinketh it was onely Cyrus ambition and immoderate desire of enlarging his dominion that made him enterprise this battell but this was not the chiefe cause for Cyrus was but an assistant and associate vnto Darius in this exploit as is before shewed 2. The author of the scholasticall historie imagineth this to be the cause that the mother of Baltbazar for whose cause those hanging orchards were made in Babylon was this Darius daughter and now Balthazar hauing no sonne Darius attempted to inuade the kingdome Balthazar yet liuing But this is not like for Darius could pretend no title at all by this pretext vnto the kingdome especially Balthazar the right heire of the kingdome beeing aliue 3. That cause is more probable which is alleadged by Xenoph. lib. 1. that the king of Babylon combining himselfe with the kings of Asia was purposed to haue warred against the Medes who had then the chiefe dominion and therfore Darius to preuent him first setteth vpon Babylon 4. But what cause soeuer mooued them the speciall stirrer and instigator to this battell was the Lord himselfe as Ierem. 14. The Lord hath broken the rodde of the wicked and the scepter of the rulers and Ierem. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised vp the spirit of the king of the Medes 5. For the Lord was prouoked by the sinnes of Babel and therefore brought this desolation and destruction vpon them which sinnes were these 1. their crueltie and oppression Isa. 14. 6. which smote the people in anger with a continuall plague c. And they were not onely cruell toward other nations but specially against the people of God when they destroyed their citie and Temple and therefore Ieremie saith c. 51. 11. It is the vengeance of the Lord and the vengeance of his Temple 2. An other of their great sinnes was their superstition and idolatrie Ierem. 51. 44. I will visit Bel in Babel v. 52. I will visit her grauen images 3. The Babylonians were giuen to diuinations to sorcerâ—e and enchantiments for the which they were punished Isa. 47. 9. They shall come vpon thee c. for the multitude of thy diuinations and for the great abundance of thine enchantments 4. And to fill vp the measure of their iniquitie Balthazar had in this his last and as it were his funerall feast prophaned the vessels of the Temple and blasphemed God All these sinnes beeing put together made vp the full measure and cried for vengeance which the Lord would no longer deferre 49. Quest. Whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according the predictions of the Prophets 1. The Prophets spake of an vtter ouerthrow and subuersion of Babylon as Isa. 13. 19. Babel the glorie of kingdomes and the beautie and pride of the Chaldeans shall be as the destruction of God in Sodome and Gomorrha it shall not be inhabited for euer c. and c. 14. 23. I will make it a possession for the hedgehogge and pooles of water and I will sweepe it with the besome of destruction saith the Lord. Ierem. 50. 23. Babel is become desolate among the nations c. But at this time Babylon was not brought to such desolation for it continued after the raigne of Darius and Cyrus to the times of Alexander beeing then a citie of great riches and power 2. Some to winde themselues out of this straight doe make an allegorie of these propheticall predictions whome Hierome iustly reprehendeth in his commentarie vpon the 13. c. of Isa for if still vpon euery doubt and obiection men should flie vnto allegories there would be no certentie of any thing 3. Calvin to dissolue this knot saith that Babylon was subdued twice once by Cyrus and Darius the Mede then afterward by Darius Hystaspis by the helpe of Zopyrus when 3000. of the nobles were hanged vp and many other put to the sword But although this second taking of Babylon were more cruell and grieuous then the other yet neither at this time was it finally ouerthrowne as is before shewed 4. Wherefore it must be considered that these prophecies were not fulfilled all at once neither was Babylon at the first brought to vtter desolation but by degrees 1. it was surprised by Cyrus and Darius and depriued of the Empire and dominion 2. afterward it was defaced by Darius Hystaspis when they rebelled and the walls were broken downe to the ground Herod lib. 3. Iustin. lib. 1. 3. after this not farre from Babylon by Seleucus Nicanor was built the citie Seleucia and by the Parthians the citie Ctesiphon Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. and so Babylon was almost exhaust by this meanes of the inhabitants 4. In the Emperour Adrians time as Pausanias writeth lib. 8. Babylon nihil praeter muros reliqui habet had nothing left but the walls 5. In Hieromes time as he writeth from the report of an Elamite the walls of Babylon onely serued to keepe in wild beasts for the kings game and so he saith vsque in praesentem diem prophetia Babylonis impletur euen vnto this day the prophecie on Babel is fulfilled Isa. 13. 20. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his teuts there neither shall the shepheards make their folds there And so accordingly it was fulfilled as Hierome saith praemultitudine bestiarum daemonum nullus pastorum audet intrare by reason of the multitude of beasts and of deuills and vncleane spirits that there haunted no shepheard durst enter within the walls of Babylon 50. Quest. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued There are three generall opinions hereof 1. Some extend it not so farre as to 70. yeares 2. some limit it vnto 70. yeares 3. some make it farre to exceede the tearâ—â— of 70. yeares 1. Of the first opinion are diuers one disagreeing from an other Berosus from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers raigne to the ende of Balthazar 's counteth but 65. yeares as Iosephus alleadgeth him lib. 1. cont Appion Alexander Polyhistor cited by Euseb. lib. 9. de praep Evang. reckoneth but 62. yeares Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat and August lib. 18. de civit Dei doe make the summe but 48. yeares But the Scripture euidently conuinceth all these which sheweth that the Chaldeans should rule ouer nations 70. yeares Ierem. 25. 11. and so long the Iewes should be in captiuitie vnder
this looking of Daniel toward Ierusalem out of the captiuitie of Babylon teacheth vs that we beeing set here in the world as in the captiuitie of Babel ex hac confusione ad calestem Ierusalem respiciamus should out of this confused estate looke vp to the heauenly Ierusalem Pintus Quest. 15. Why Daniel prayed thrice in a day 1. Daniel did not make choice of these houres as though they were more specially consecrated vnto praier and by the circumstance of the time more holines and efficacie were added thereunto as the Romanists haue such a superstitious conceit of their canonicall houres And they say the Iewes obserued these three times with more religious respect as the third houre because then the holy spirit was giuen the sixt houre because then the brasen serpent was lift vp in the wildernesse and the ninth because then the waters came out of the rocke in Cades And so Christians should obserue the same three times the third houre when the Holy Ghost was giuen the sixt at what time Christ was crucified and the ninth when the water gushed out of his side Pintus 2. But this was the reason rather why Daniel obserued these times he made choice of such times wherein he had best leisure and was freest from worldly businesse which was the morning before he went abroad at noone when he came home to eate meate as Ioseph also vsed to doe Gen. 43. 16. and at night when all his businesse was ended Iun. Besides these are the fittest times in respect of the benefits therein receiued of God in the morning to giue thankes for our deliuerance the night past at noone when we take our meat and at night for our preseruation that day Calv. of these three times Dauid maketh mention Psal. 55. 17. Euening morning and at noone will I pray A Deo initium felicem successum beatum exitum petimus we doe aske of God the beginning the happie successe and prosperous end of our busines Oecolampad 16. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in thus praying to offer himselfe to publike danger It will be obiected that Daniel might haue done better to haue prayed in secret 1. because of the kings commandement 2. he should haue had herein some speciall reuelation 3. he might haue prayed vnto God though he had not done it so openly seeing the externall worship is not simply necessarie but it is referred to the internall whereby God will specially be serued 4. a wise man would haue giuen way to the present necessitie and obserued the time 5. by this meanes he might haue brought all the Iewes into danger if God had not extraordinarily deliuered him Contra. 1. The kings commandement was to be obeyed so long as it was not contrarie vnto Gods commandement as in this case it was for the Lord saith call vpon me in the day of trouble but here the king forbiddeth that God should be called vpon 2. Daniel herein was guided by the spirit of God yet he was not to expect any speciall reuelation hauing the generall word of God as Deut. 6. 12. 13. beware least thou forget the Lord thy God c. thou shalt feare the Lord thy God and serue him c. and Deut. 8. 10. when thou hast eaten and art filled thou shalt blesse the Lord thy God 3. though the internall worship of God be most necessarie yet the other is necessarie also as beeing a part of our outward confession of God as in this case it was necessarie Daniel should thus testifie his worship of God because it had beene his custome in former times which if he had intermitted fâ—isset obliqua quaedam abiuratio c. it had beene an indirect abiuring of his religion 4. in ciuill matters things indifferent it is good to giue way vnto the time but not in matters which concerne the saluation of the soule 5. he was rather to goe before his nation in constancie of religion and to giue them a good example whereas if he had dissembled he might haue brought them all into the same dissimulation Daniel then herein doing his dutie was not to giue ouer in respect of any danger but to leaue the successe vnto God But that Daniel did well in making this open confession of his faith it appeareth by the happie successe Gods extraordinarie assistance whereby the Lord approoued of Daniels godly resolution Beside if Daniel had done otherwise he should haue diuersely offended 1. against God in preferring the kings commandement before his 2. against the law of nature which teacheth vs that God is to be worshipped 3. against the true religion and worship of God which by his example should haue beene much hindred 4. against the people of God in offending them with his inconstancie 5. and against his owne conscience if he had for feare forbeared that which in his iudgement he allowed Iun. in comment Quest. 17. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 1. First they lie in waite for Daniel And there is both a multitude of them which conspire together these men assembled v. 11. and they finde Daniel in the verie manner praying vnto his God 2. In their accusation is to be considered the forme of it which is full of subtiltie and cunning they doe not at the first directly accuse Daniel because they knewe he was fauoured of the king but first by making rehearsall of the decree in generall they drawe from the king a former consent that afterward he should not goe backe wherein they call three things to the kings remembrance the sum of the decree the ratification the penaltie v. 12. 3. The matter of the accusation is against Daniel which is not simply done but with diuerse false and enuious suggestions Enuious concerning his person in obiecting his captiuitie and the action in concealing to whom he made his petition they simply propound it he made his petition three times a day the king might conceiue that he might make it to some other man their suggestion is false as though Daniel did it in contempt of the king lawes 4. And their enuie further appeareth in these two things 1. they omit to make mention of Daniels vertues they burie them all in obliuion and picke what matter they can against him Pintus 2. they forget that Daniel was their fellowe in office which many times is respected by men of like place and calling Osiand Quest. 18. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the sunne went downe 1. The king by deferring the sentence vntill night might thinke that some opportunitie might in the meane time be offred vnto Daniel to escape this danger Iun. And in the meane time optimum testimonium Danieli dat he giueth a good testimonie vnto Daniel Oâ—co it is like he pleaded for him shewing what a necessarie man he was to the commonwealth and what good seruice he had done and that afterward there might be great misse of him Beside he might dispute the cause with them
their conscience in religion and they call that heresie which is the truth and pietie And then when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees they accuse them as rebells to the Prince Thus are the seruants of God handled in Italy and Spaine so that there Omnia cum liceant non licet esse pium when all things else are lawfull it is not lawfull to be godly Polan 7. Controv. Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition condemning the Protestants their cause not beeing heard v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lyons denne it was sufficient to accuse him he hath no libertie giuen him to answer for himselfe Thus both vnder the Pagan Emperours of Rome were the Christians proceeded against beeing not suffred to come to their answer as appeareth in the Apologie of Iustinus and Athenagoras And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruell inquisitions against the Protestants to this day condemning them in corners and neuer bringing them to publike answer Polan 8. Controv. Of the practizing of Popes against Princes v. 21. O king liue for euer Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperitie of the king who had vniustly persecuted him and commaunded him to be cast into the lyons denne And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings who then were heathen and persecutors 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians vsed to pray for the heathen Emperours wishing vnto them vitam prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes Setum fidelem a long life a quiet Empire a safe house strong armies a faithfull Senate a good people c. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30. Contrarie hereto hath beene and yet is the practise of the Popes of Rome they pray not for Princes but rather seeke to make a prey of them They excommunicate princes such as fauour not their superstition and stirre vp their subiects to rebellion against them Gregor 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors Gregor 7. waged battell against Henrie the 4. he hired one to haue brained him with a stone in the Church but that the mischeife was preuented the beame beeing broken and the stone falling downe which drewe â—he murtherer to the ground after it Clemens the 5. practised to haue poisoned Henrie of Lucelburg the Emperour in a consecrated hoast Paschalis the 2. set Henrie the 5. against Henrie the 4. his father Adrianus stirred vp the Lombards against Frederike Barbarossa the Emperour and betraied him to the Sultane of Egypt Such were the practises of late also of that bloodie Sea against our late renowned Soueraigne as in the conspiracie of Ballard with his confederates and of Parrie incited by the counsell and gifts of the Cardinall of Coinie to muâ—ther our worthie Queene Elizabeth Polan And now since his maiestie came vnto the crowne first treacherous Watson with his adherents attempted against the kings Royall person and since that miscreant crue Catesbie Percie Digbe with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to haue blowen vp the parliament house and so at once to haue made hauocke of King Queene Prince nobles and the chiefe of the commons 9. Controv. Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice v. 22. My iustice was found out before him It followeth not hereupon because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God that therefore by any righteousnesse in vs we are iustified before God the iustice whereby we are iustified with God is the righteousnesse of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith and is not inherent in vs as the Apostle saith that I may be found in him not hauing mine owne righteousnesse which is of the law but that which is through faith in Christ Philip. 3. 10. Beside this iustice which is vnto eternall life which is not inherent but imputed there is iustitia temporaria a temporarie iustice or righteousnesse which is our innocencie and holinesse which is called our Sanctification and this is inherent in vs the first is called iustitia personae the righteousnesse of the person which is iustified by faith in Christ the other is iustitia causae the righteousnesse of our cause See more of this question of inherent iustice Synops. Centur. err 56. 10. Controv. Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance According to the reading of the vulgar Latine because my righteousnesse is found out before him hence this collection is made by the Romanists that Daniels innocencie was the cause of his deliuerance Contra. 1. The word is not well translated quia or quoniam because but rather propterea therefore as Iun. and Polan for so the words col kebel di may be translated and then the meaning is that this deliuerance of Daniel was onely a testimonie of his innocencie and to shewe the goodnesse of his cause 2. But if it be translated quia because it is not alwayes taken as a causall but as an illatiue particle a word onely of inference and consequence as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay there the verie same words are vsed yet is it not there taken as a causall for the kings vision and dreame was no cause of the things to come which were reuealed vnto him so Psal. 25. 11. Dauid saith be mercifull vnto mine iniquitie for it is great the greatnesse of his sinne was not the cause of forgiuenesse this coniunction therefore alwaies sheweth not the cause 3. There is great difference betweene these two for ones innocencie to be found before God and for the same innocencie to merit for to merit is required that a man should doe some worke dignum compensatione worthie of compensation but innocencie is not mans worke it is Gods worke in man for if the innocencie and godnesse of the cause should deserue a temporal deliuerance then God should haue dealt vniustly with many martyrs which haue not beene temporally deliuered Polan 4. The cause then of Daniels deliuerance was indeede the faith of Daniel as it followeth v. 13. there was no hurt found vpon him because he beleeued in his God And so the Apostle testifieth Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouthes of lyons ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae and out of this faith proceeded his innocencie as a fruite thereof Osiand for otherwise without his faith though this cause had beene neuer so good it should not haue beene accepted 5. Here also we must distinguish betweene eternall deliuerance and temporall God deliuereth vs from euerlasting death not for any respect of any righteousnesse in vs but freely of his owne grace he respecteth vs in Christ but in particular deliuerances Deus potest respicere vniuscuiusque iustitiam God may respect euerie ones righteousnes not as it is theirs but as it is wrought in the by his spirit Cal. So then as Melancthon saith here are three things to be considered saith whereby we are acceptable vnto
world could not beare two kings Oecolamp 4. He is said also to cast him downe to the ground and stampe vpon him that is Alexander made none account of the Persian glorie and riches who at the instance of his concubine caused the most goodly pallace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire Calvin Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horne and of the death of Alexander Three things are worthie of obseruation in Alexanders death 1. the time 2. the causes 3. the manner of his death 1. When Alexander was at the greatest and was returned from the conquest of the Indians as of king Porus and Ambira and purposed to passe ouer into Greece and into the West parts he died in the way at Babylon where embassadours from all nations in the world expected him from Carthage and Africa Spaine France Sicilia Sardinia 2. The causes of this sudden iudgement which befell him may be thought to be the great vices which he fell into in the last three yeares of his raigne hauing in the former 8. yeares shewed himselfe an example of a good prince Theâ—e fowre great sinnes he was touched withall crueltie he killed diuerse of his friends in his drunkennesse which was another vice then he was giuen vnto lust and wantonnes his pride also was such that he would be worshipped as a God and made himselfe Iuppiter Ammons sonne for which cause he commaunded Calisthenes to be killed because he refused to worship him for these his great enormities the diuine iustice ouertooke him and iudged him 3. The manner of his death some thinke was by poison but the most agree that he died of a surfet he feasted at a Physitians house a Thessalian one of his friends and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking vnto midnight and thorough this distemperature he fell into a burning feuer and after fewe dayes died at Babylon and had no time to returne into his owne countrey thus write of him Iustinus Arrianus Curtius Plutarke Quest. 17. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne 1. These fowre hornes were fowre kingdomes into the which the Monarchie of Alexander was diuided in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtayned the kingdome of Babylon and Syria in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdome of Macedonia in the North Antigonus held Asia minor in the South Ptolome obtained Egypt 2. the Rabbines doe not agree among themselues what these fowre hornes should be Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the fowre hornes one Romanus at Rome the second Alexander in Alexandria the third Arideus in Achaia the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the fowre kingdomes of Rome Egypt the land of Israel Persia But both these opinions are euidently conuinced by the text for the Angel afterward interpreteth these fowre hornes to be fowre kingdomes which should stand vp of the nation of the Grecians v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceiued who appointeth but three successors to Alexander Ptolome in Egypt Seleucus in Syria and Antigonus in Macedonia whereas he succeeded in Asia and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia Quest. 18. When these fowre kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken 1. The author of the historie of the Macchabees affirmeth that Alexander beeing sicke parted his kingdome among his seruants while he was yet aliue 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrarie to all other historiographers Iustinus Diodorus Curtius Arrianus Orosius Iosephus who all affirme that this was the cause of the long warre among Alexanders captaines after his death because he had appointed none to succeede him 2. Pererius to iustifie the Apochryphall storie of the Macchabees thus helpeth the matter that Alexander being at the point of death when he could not speake did resigne his ring vnto Perdiccas to whom the rest of the captaines at the perswasion of Aristonus did yeeld the chiefe dominion and so in that by his authoritie the fowre kingdomes were diuided to the rest it was in effect done by Alexander who had resigned the kingdome vnto Perdiccas while he liued But this agreeth not with the true historie for after Alexanders death not Perdiccas but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded and Perdiccas was but viceroy neither was there any peaceable diuision of the kingdom but after much contention and bloody warres wherein 15. of Alexanders captaines were slaine Polan 3. Some thinke that presently after Alexanders death the captaines made this distribution among themselues and diuided the kingdome into fowre parts gloss ordinar but that is not so for after Alexanders death Philippus Arideus succeeded and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy vntill Roxane Alexanders wife had brought forth Alexander his sonne and then Philistio was protector of the kingdome But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexanders mother and Alexander his sonne with Roxane his mother and Hercules an other son of Alexanders with Barsanâ— his mother were killed by Cassander so immediately after Alexanders death this diuision could not be made 4. Wherefore the truth is that a long time after Alexanders death there was contention among Alexanders captaines for the kingdom Orosius saith 14. years And then these fowre captaines preuayling diuided the kingdome among them as is shewed in the former question And as Eusebius writeth the kingdome of Syria begunne the 11. yeare after the death of Alexander Quest. 19. Who was this little horne v. 9. 1. This little horne was Antiochus Epiphanes that is noble or famous Antiochus or rather as Polybius calleth him Epimanes the furious or madde Antiochus he came out of one of the fowre hornes namely of Seleucus Nicanor beeing the eight of that race which are thus reckoned Seleucus Nicanor Antiochus Soter Antiochus Theos Seleucus Callinicus Seleucus Ceraunus Antiochus Magnus Seleucus Philopator and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus and younger sonne to Antiochus the great 2. Hierome then is here deceiued who maketh this Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Philopator beeing indeede his brother 3. He is called a little horne not in respect of other kingdoms then whom he was mightier but in these respectâ— 1. because he had no title to the kingdome at the first beeing the younger brother and Seleucus his elder brother had also an issue male Demetrius Polan 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome and liued as a priuate man Perer. 3. he was of a seruile and flattering nature and had no princely qualitie and condition in him Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horne Three effects are described 1. his attempts against other nations 2. his violence against the people of God 3. his blasphemie and profanenesse against God himselfe 1. He attempted much against the South namely against Egypt vpon this occasion Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter vnto Antiochus the great sister vnto this Antiochus Epiphanes by whom he had Ptolome Philometor who being a child Antiochus tooke vpon
him as their captaine see further in the appendix Exercis 8. argum 2. answer 9. But thus it is argued against this exposition 1. Porphyrie who literally vnderstandeth this prophesie of Antiochus saith that these things happened in his 11. yeare whereas in the beginning of that yeare he died farre from home in Persia Perer. 2. After the Romanes by their Embassadour Popilius had discharged Antiochus out of Egypt he neuer returned thither againe Perer. 3. Antiochus neuer subdued the countreys of Lybia and Aethiopia as here it is said of this king Hierome 4. Neither had Antiochus all countreys in subiection vnto him onely these three excepted of Edom Moab Ammon Answ. 1. Though these things were not done in the 11. yeare of Antiochus as Porphyrius thinketh who was therein deceiued yet this letteth not but that this prophesie was fulfilled in Antiochus these things might fall out two yeares after he had set vp idolatrie and some two yeares or thereabout before his death Iun. annot 2. Though Antiochus did forbeare to invade Egypt after that discharge by way of hostilitie and conquest yet he might and did affoard his helping hand to one of the brothers against the other which might be taken for no breach of his promise made vnto the Romanes to depart out of Egypt 3. Neither doth the text say that he subdued Lybia and Aethiopia but as Hierome saith he passed thorough or by them and Hierome himselfe giueth this satisfaction that when Egypt was taken the countreys next adioyning conturbatae sunt were troubled But the word is bemitzghadaiv in his pases or footings that is Lybia and Aethiopia followed his footsteppes they obeyed him as their captaine 4. Neither are all the countreys of the world here spoken of for neuer any Conqueror subdued the whole world neither euer shall but the countrey adioyning to Egypt and Palestina felt Antiochus hand the meaning is that onely these three countreys in those parts and in that tract and circuit escaped his hands namely Edom Moab Ammon Quest. 49. Of the Lybians and Aethiopians where they inhabited v. 43. Because mention is here made of the Lybians and Aethiopians which should take part with Antiochus against the king of Egypt it shall not be amisse briefely to describe what nations these were 1. For the Lybians they were people that inhabited Africa but the countrey called Lybia was either taken for the larger countrey of Africa or for that part onely which was next vnto Egypt called Cyrenaica as Act. 2. 10. it is said by way of distinction the parts of Lybia which is beside Cyrene And that larger countrey and the remoter parts of Lybia are called in Scripture Phut as Nahum 3. 9. the Phutei and Lybians are named together they were so called of Phut one of the sonnes of Cham Genes 10. 6. in which countrey there was a riuer called Phut The Lybians then here spoken of were those people of the nearer Lybia to Egypt 2. Cush here is taken for Aethiopia so called of Cush the sonne of Cham but there were two countreys called by that name Cush or Aethiopia one was Arabia in Asia and therefore Zipporah Moses wife is called a Cushite or Aethiopesse Numb 12. of this Aethiopia was Zerah king that came against Asa with such an huge armie 2. Chron. 14. 9. the king of the other Aethiopia which was in Africa beyond Egypt he is not like to be because of the great distance of the place and there was no cause of hostilitie betweene them the Aethiopians here spoken of were of that larger countrey adioyning vpon Egypt see further Hexapl. in Genes c. 10. quest 9. 3. But Pintus by occasion of this word Cush which signifieth a Niger or blacke Moore will haue it taken not only for one that is blacke in the colour and complexion of his bodie but blacke also in manners and conditions according to that saying of the Poet Herace hic niger est hunc tu Romane canâ—eto c. this is a blacke fellowe thou Romane take heede of him This his opinion he would warrant by the title of the 7. Psalme Shigaion of Dauid which he sang c. concerning the words of Cush the sonne of Iemini which he taketh to be vnderstood of Saul the king who is called Cush because of his euill and cruell conditions Now for the meaning of this place there are diuerse opinions 1. Some thinke that this is vnderstood of Chushai Dauids friend who opposed himselfe to the counsell of Achitophel of this opinion are Basil Chrysostome Theodoret Euthymius with others but this cannot be so 1. His name is Cushat with other letters and prickes this is Cush 2. that Cushai was an Archite that is of Beniamin 3. he was Dauids friend but this was Dauids enemie of whom he complaineth in this Psalme 2. An other opinion is that this Cush was Saul because he was of Iemini that is of the tribe of Beniamin Thus expoundeth Ionathas the Chalde paraphrast as though Cush should be here taken for Cis the father of Saul of the same opinion that Saul is here vnderstood are Hierome whom followe herein Raynerus Isidor Brixianus Iansenius Vatablus Pintus with others But this we refuse also for when the word is taken for a Cushite or Aethiopian it is Cushi not Cush for so the Hebrewes ende their gentile names in I so Cushi signifieth a Cushite or Aethiopian Ierem. 13. 23. 3. Some doe here referre vs to Shemei that cursed Dauid 2. Sam. 16. Genevens as though he should be called by another name beside Shemei but there beeing no such thing mentioned in Scripture I leaue it as a bare coniecture 4. Wherefore it is more like that this Cush was some other of Sauls followers that gaue in false information of him vnto Saul as Dauid complaineth of such vnto Saul himselfe 1. Sam. 24. 10. wherefore giuest thou an care to mens words that say Behold Dauid seeketh euill against thee Iun. Quest. 50. Of the end of Antiochus and such things as immediatly went before In this last part of this propheticall narration there are first shewed the signes and forerunners of this cruell Tyrants ende and sudden destruction secondly his ende and ruine it selfe there ate three signes which went before as ominous accidents 1. the rumors which he heard from the East and the North. 2. his indignation and furie thereuppon 3. the planting of his tabernacle in the holy mount 4. then followeth his finall ruine 1. What these rumors should be there are diuerse opinions 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the fame and rumor of warres which should be raised by the faithfull and Chrstian people against Antichrist in the ende of the world But such an Antichrist to be one particular person to come in the ende of the world hath no ground in Scripture neither is the accomplishment hereof to be deferred so long vnto the ende of the world 2. M. Calvin still continueth his interpretation of the Romane state these
this cannot be vnderstood of Egypt literally for though their might be abundance of siluer and gold yet the hauing power ouer the hid treasures and ouer precious things as peâ—rles precious stones so well agreeth not to Egypt Hereby rather is signified the rich spoyles which the Spainyards the Bishop of Romes right hand haue taken from the poore Indians and so haue corrupted all Europe with their Indian siluer and gold And so Augustine speaking of Antichrist saith dabit credentibus in se abundantiam auri argenti he shall giue to such as beleeue in him abundance of siluer and gold Graser p. 394. 395. 4. And this shall be done successiue per certos progressus successiuely and by certaine pases as it were and degrees so Graserus interpreteth the word bemitzeghadau at his footesteppes or pases p. 386. But this was not true of Antiochus whome Iunius supposeth to haue done all this in his last two yeares nor yet of the Papists Antichrist who they imagine shall raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe p. 398. Answ. 1. It is a slender coniecture that because cushim and lubbim are writen without vau shurek that thereby are signified such nations as came out of those countreys for Zipphorah Moses wife is called Cushith â— Cushite which word is written without vau shurek Numb 12. 1. and yet she was indeede of that countrey a Cushite or Aethiopisse of Arabia for there was one Aethiopia in Asia which was Arabia an other in Africa beyond Egypt neither can it be shewed that the East and West Indians had their beginning from the Lybians and Aethiopians 2. The phrase of stretching out the hand hath no such speciall signification the phrase in Hebrewe is shalach iado he sent his hand which is indifferently vsed when any are assaulted neere or farre off whether prouoked or not as Exod. 24. 11. vpon the nobles of the children of Israel lo shalach iado he layd not his hand 3. Egypt was verie rich in siluer and gold and other precious things It is said before v. 8. that the king of the South hauing ouercome the king of the North should carrie into Egypt precious vessels of siluer and gold and v. 28. Antiochus returned thence with great substance this therefore may very well agree vnto Egypt literally that he shall haue power ouer the siluer and gold 4. The word bemitzeghadau properly signifieth in his progresse or at his footsteppes for so the word tzaghad of the same roote is taken for going Prouerb 30. 29. the words then are thus to be read the Lybians and Aethiopans at his footesteps or pases that is shall followe him for the distinction athnah diuideth the Lybians and Aethiopians from the first clause though Graserus thinketh that it serueth rather for ornament here then distinction p. 386. the meaning is that the Lybians and Aethiopians who ioyned vpon Egypt and vsed to assist the Egyptians in their warres as may be gathered Nahum 3. 9. should leaue the king of Egypt and ioyne with Antiochus beeing allured by his promises and rewards Here then no such successiue proceeding is signified as Graserus supposeth see c. 11. quest 48. toward the ende Argum. 3. Graserus proceedeth to shewe the probabilitie of this his opinion that by the Cushites and Lybians are vnderstood here the East and West Indians 1. First the Americans are without all question descended of Noah and most like of Cham whose seede was accursed and those beastly people of the Indians therefore may be thought to be of his line 2. The coasts of Africa are nearest vnto the West Indians and parts of America and most like in that behalfe to haue beene stored with people from thence 3. The likenesse of beastly and bruitish manners and the affinitie in colour betweene the Indians inhabiting betweene the tropike of Cancer and the equinoctiall doe shewe them to come of the same offspring with the blacke Mores and Aethiopians p. 400. 401. Answ. 1. The contrary is euident out of Scripture that the East Indians are not descended of Cham but of Sem As Ophir and Havilah who inhabited the golden Indians were the sonnes of Ioktan of Eber and so of Sem Gen. 10. 29. though the Americanes and West Indians should deriue their petigree from Cham yet the other Indians in the East must certainely come of Sem. 2. America is more like to haue beene replenished from the East India from the which it is thought either not at all to be deuided by Sea or by a verie small cut then from the coasts of Africa from whence it is separated by the large and great Ocean And if the old inhabitants of America had come from Africa there would haue beene greater entercourse betweene them whereas till of late those parts haue beene vtterly vnknowne both to the Africanes and Europians 3. The similitude of colour is caused by the qualitie and condition of the climate for otherwise if their originall from blacke or tawnie Moores were the cause not onely in that climate betweene the tropike of Cancer and the equinoctiall but in other climates and regions also the people would retaine the same complexion and colour if it were naturall vnto them in respect of their parentage and beginning and not rather caused by the qualitie of the climate and region 4. This coâ—ceit then of Graserus in taking these Lybians and Aethiopians to be the East and West Indians hath no probabilitie and we further reiect it vpon these reasons 1. The Lybians and Cushites are here to be vnderstood according to the phrase of Scripture in other places But where they are named elsewhere they are taken for the people inhabiting in the parts of Africa neere vnto Egypt as Ierem. 46. 9. Nahum 3. 9. therefore so are they also to be interpreted here 2. the king of the North who throughout this whole prophesie is vnderstood to be the king of Syria had power ouer these countryes but the kings of Syria neuer stretched their hand vnto the Indians 3. the Bishop of Rome cannot be said to be the king of the North in respect either of the East or West Indians but he is toward the East to the one and Westward to the other 4. by the king of the North one speciall king is signified whose ende is described v. 45. therefore not a succession of Kings or Popes The ninth exercise Wherein Graserus expoundeth the 44. v. applying the same still to the Romane Antichrist and his proceedings Argum. 1. By the rumors from the East and North he vnderstandeth the euill newes both from the East of the Turkes victories and of his taking of Constantinople ann 1453. the hearing whereof did terrifie all Europe but more afterward when in the yeare 1481. Geduces a Bassa of the Turkes inuaded Calabria and made the Pope himselfe Sixtus 4. and all Rome afraid the rumors from the North was the fame of Luthers preaching and of others which set forth the gospel and discouered the hypocrisie and