published that all men might plead it for their advantage but a Charter was left in deposito in the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time and so to his successours Stephen Langthon who was ever a Traytor to the King produced this Charter and shewed it to the Barons thereby encouraging them to make war against the King Neither was it the old Charter simply the Barons sought to have confirmed but they presented unto the King other articles and orders tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth which when the King refused to signe the Barons presently put themselves into the field and in rebellious and outragious fashion sent the King word except he confirmed them they would not desist from making war against him till he had satisfied them therein And in conclusion the King being betrayed of all his Nobility in effect was forced to grant the Charter of Magna Charta and Charta de Forestis at such time as he was invironed with an Army in the Meadowes of Staynes which harters being procured by force Pope Innocent afterward disavowed and threatned to curse the Barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their Soveraigne Lord which when the Lords refused to obey the King entertained an army of strangers for his own defence wherewith having mastered and beaten the Barons they called in Lewes of France a most unnaturall resolution to be their King Neither was Magna Charta a Law in the 19. of Henry the 2d but simply a Charter which hee confirmed in the 21. of his reigne and made it a Law in the 25. according to Littletons opinion Thus much for the beginning of the Great Cbarter which had first an obscure birth from usurpation and was secondly fostered and shewed to the world by rebellion JUST I cannot deny but that all your Lordship hath said is true but seeing the Charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by Parliament and made Lawes and that there is nothing in them unequall or prejudicial to the King doth not your Honour think it reason they should be observed COUNS. Yes and observed they are in all that the state of a King can permit for no man is destroyed but by the Lawes of the land no man disseized of his inheritance but by the Lawes of the land imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the King hath cause to suspect their loyalty for were it otherwise the King should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or Treason against his Person or state and being imprisoned yet doth not any man suffer death but by the Law of the land JUST But may it please your Lordship were not Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins imprisoned being no suspition of Treason there COUNS. They were but it cost them nothing JUST And what got the King by it for in the conclusion besides the murmure of the people Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins having greatly overshot themselves and repented them a fine of 5 or 600l. was laid on his Majesty for their offences for so much their diet cost his Majesty COUNS. I know who gave the advice sure I am that it was none of mine But thus I say if you consult your memory you shall find that those Kings which did in their own times comfirme the Magna Charta did not onely imprison but they caused of their Nobility and others to be slain without hearing or tryall JUST My good Lord if you will give me leave to speak freely I say that they are not well advised that perswade the King not to admit the Magna Charta with the former reservations For as the King can never lose a farthing by it as I shall prove anon So except England were as Naples is and kept by Garrisons of another Nation it is impossible for a King of England to greaten and inrich himself by any way so assuredly as by the love of his people For by one rebellion the King hath more losse then by a hundred years observance of Magna Charta For therein have our Kings been forced to compound with Roagues and Rebels and to pardon them yea the state of the King the Mouarchie the Nobility have been endangered by them COUNS. Well Sir let that passe why should not our Kings raise mony as the Kings of France do by their letters and Edicts onely for since the time of Lewes the 11. of whom it is said that he freed the French Kings of their wardship the French Kings have seldome assembled the states for any contribution JUST I will tell you why the strength of England doth consist of the people and Yeomanry the Pefants of France have no courage nor armes In France every Village and Burrough hath a castle which the French call Chasteau Villain every good City hath a good Cittadell the King hath the Regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay yea the Nobility of France in whom the strength of France consists doe alwayes assist the King in those leavies because themselves being free they made the same leavies upon ther Tennants But my Lord if you marke it France was never free in effect from civill wars and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the Spaniard or to be cantonized by the rebellious French themselves since that freedome of Wardship But my good Lord to leave this digression that wherein I would willingly satisfie your Lordship is that the Kings of England have never received losse by Parliament or prejudice COUNS. No Sir you shall find that the subjects in Parliament have decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our Kings in former times JUST My good Lord to avoid confusion I will make a short repitition of them all then your Lordship may object where you see cause And I doubt not but to give your Lordship satisfaction In the sixt year of Henry the 3d there was no dispute the house gave the King two shillings of every plough land within England and in the end of the same year he had escuage payed him to wit for every Knights fee two marks in silver In the fifth year of that King the Lords demaunded the confirmation of the Great Charter which the Kings Councell for that time present excused alleadging that those priviledges were exhorted by force during the Kings Minoritie and yet the King was pleased to send forth his writ to the Sheriffes of every Countrey requiring them to certifie what those liberties were and how used and in exchange of the Lords demaund because they pressed him so violently the King required all the castles and places which the Lords held of his and had held in the time of his Father with those Manors and Lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the Crown which at that time the King being provided of forces they durst not deny in the 14 year he had the 15. peny of all goods given him upon condition to confirme the Great Charter For by reason
Crown the ornaments thereof And it is an infalliable maxime that he that loves not his Majesties estate loves not his person COUNS. How came it then that the act was not executed IUST Because these against whom it was granted perswaded the King to the contrary as the Duke of Ireland Suffolk the chief Iustice Tresilian and others yea that which was lawfully done by the King and the great Councell of the kingdome was by the mastery which Ireland Suffolk and Tresilian had over the Kings affections broken and disavowed Those that devised to relieve the King not by any private invention but by generall Councell were by a private and partiall assembly adjudged traitors and the most honest Iudges of the land enforced to subscribe to that judgement In so much that Iudge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk when he was constrained to set his hand plainly told these Lords that he wanted but a rope that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription And in this Councell of Nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the King of the Iudges by them constrained of the Lords that loved the King and sought a reformation and of the King himself for though the King found by all the Shrieves of the shires that the people would not fight against the Lords whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the King when the Citizens of London made the same answer being at that time able to arme 50000. men and told the Major that they would never fight against the Kings friends and defenders of the Realme when the Lord Ralph Passet who was near the King told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands pleasure when the Lord of London told the Earle of Suffolk in the Kings presence that he was not worthy to live c. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate lay ambushes to intrap the Lords when they came upon his faith yea when all was pacified and that the King by his Proclamation had clear'd the Lords and promised to produce Ireland Suffolk and the Archbishop of Yorke Tresiltan and Bramber to answer at the next Parliament these men confest that they durst not appear and when Suffolk fled to Callice and the Duke of Ireland to Chester the King caused an army to be leavied in Lancashire for the safe conduct of the Duke of Ireland to his presence when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords ranne like a coward from his company and fled into Holland After this was holden a Parliament which was called that wrought wonders In the Eleventh year of this King wherein the fornamed Lords the Duke of Ireland and the rest were condemned and confiscate the Chief Iustice hanged with many others the rest of the Iudges condemned and banisht and a 10. and a 15. given to the King COUNS. But good Sir the King was first besieged in the Tower of London and the Lords came to the Parliament and no man durst contradict them IUST Certainly in raising an army they committed treason and though it appear that they all loved the King for they did him no harm having him in their power yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the Kings commission and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King not attending the sequell And it is so judged upon good reason for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent And besides those Lords used too great cruelty in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the Kings servants who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Soveraigne Lord in that he commanded COUNS. It is true and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death seeing the principalls Ireland Suffolk and York had escaped them And what reason had they to seek to enform the State by strong hand was not the Kings estate as dear to himself as to them He that maketh a King know his errour mannerly and private and gives him the best advice he is discharged before God and his own conscience The Lords might have â—â—tired themselves when they saw they could not prevail and have left the King to his own wayes who had more to lose then they had IUST My Lord the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under yeares and being wholly governed by their enemies and the enemies of the kingdome and because by those evil mens perswasions it was advised how the Lords should have been murthered at a feast in London they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies But we will passe it over go on with our parliaments that followed whereof that of Cambridge in the Kings 12th year was the next therein the King had given him a 10th and a 15th after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged saith H. Kinghton his Treasurer his Chancellour the Iustices of either bench the Clerk of the privy seal and others and took the government into his own hands He also took the Admirals place from the Earl of Arundell and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the yeare following which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wooll 14s and 6d in the gound upon other Merchandise COUNS. But by your leave the King was restrained this parliament that he might not dispose of but a third part of the money gathered IUST No my Lord by your favour But true it is that part of this mony was by the Kings consent assigned towards the wars but yet left in the Lord Treasurers hands and my Lord it would be a great ease and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes by which he might have 1000l upon every 10000l and save himself a great deale of clamour For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained and that those poor men as well Carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary then to discontent those poor men who being made desperate beggars may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the Kings estate And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements especially where the necessity of such as are to receive cannot possible give dayes his Majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expences he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for and then dispose the rest at his pleasure And my good Lord
condition that for one whole year no subsedies should be demanded but this promise was as suddenly forgotten as made for in the end of that year the great subsedy of Poll mony was granted in the Parliament at Northampton COUNS. Yea but there followed the terrible Rebellion of Baker Straw and others Leister Wrais and others IUST That was not the fault of the Parliament my Lord it is manifest that the subsedy given was not the cause for it is plain that the bondmen of England began it because the were girevously prest by their Lords in their tenure of Villenage as also for the hatred they bate to the Lawyers and Atturneyes for the story of those times say that they destroyed the houses and Mannors of men of Law such Lawyers as they caught slew them and beheaded the Lord chief Iustice which commotion being once begun the head mony was by other Rebels pretended A fire is often kindled with a little straw which oftentimes takes hold of greater timber consumes the whole building And that this Rebellion was begun by the discontented slaves whereof there have been many in Elder times the like is manifest by the Charter of Manumission which the King granted in hec verba Rich. Dei gratid c. Sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ spirituali manumissimus c. to which seeing the King was constrained by force of armes he revoked the letters Pattents and made them voide the same revocation being strengthened by the Parliament ensuing in which the King had given him a subsedy upon Woolls called a Maletot In the same fourth year was the Lord Treasurer discharged of his Office and Hales Lord of St. Iohns chosen in his place in his fift year was the Treasurer again changed and the Staffe given to Segrave and the Lord Chancellour was also changed and the staffe given to the Lord Scroope Which Lord Scroope was again in the beginning of his sixt year turned off and the King after that he had for a while kept the Seal in his own hand gave it to the Bishop of London from whom it was soon after taken and bestowed on the Earle of Suffolke who they say had abused the King and converted the Kings Treasure to his own use To this the King condiscended and though saith Walsingham he deserved to loose his life and goods yet he had the favour to go at liberty upon good sureties and because the King was but young that the reliefe granted was committed to the trust of the Earle of Arundell for the furnishing of the Kings Navy against the French COUNS. Yet you see it was a dishonour to the King to have his beloved Chancellour removed IUST Truly no for the King had both his fine 1000l lands and asubsedy to boot And though for the present it pleased the King to fancy a man all the world hated the Kings passion overcomming his judgement yet it cannot be call'd a dishonour for the King is to believe the generall counsell of the Kingdome and to preser it before his affection especially when Suffolke was proved to be false even to the King for were it otherwise love and affection might be called a frenzie and a madnesse for it is the nature of humane passions that the love bred by fidelity doth change it self into hatred when the fidelity is first changed into falshood COUNS. But you see there were thirteen Lords chosen in the Parliament to have the oversight of the government under the King IUST No my Lord it was to have the oversight of those Officers which saith the story had imbezeled lewdly wasted and prodigally spent the Kings Treasure for to the Commission to those Lords or to any six of them joyn'd with the Kings Counsell was one of the most royall and most profitable that ever he did if he had bin constant to himself But my good Lord man is the cause of his own misery for I will repeat the substance of the commission granted by the King and confirmed by Parliament which whether it had bin profitable for the King to have prosecured your Lordship may judge The preamble hath these words Whereas our Sovereigne Lord the King perceiveth by the grievous complaints of the Lords and Commons of this Realme that the rents profits and revenues of this Realme by the singular and insufficient Councell and evill government as well of some his late great Officers and others c. are so much withdrawen wasted given granted alienated destroyed and evill dispended that he is so much impoverished and void of treasure and goods and the substance of the Crown so much diminished and destroyed that his estate may not honorably be sustained as appertaineth The King of his free will at the request of the Lords and Commons hath ordained William Archbishop of Canterbury and others with his Chancellour Treasurer keeper of his privy seal to survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house c. as of all the rents and profits and revenues that to him appertaineth and to be due or ought to appertain and be due c. And all manner of gifts grants alienations and confirmations made by him of lands tenements rents c. bargained and sold to the prejudice of him and his Crown c. And of his jewels goods which were his Grandfathers at the time of his death c. and where they be become This is in effect the substance of the commission which your Lordship may read at large in the book of Statutes this commission being enacted in the tenth year of the Kings reigne Now if such a commission were in these dayes granted to the faithfull men that have no interest in the sales gifts nor purchases nor in the keeping of the jewells at the Queens death nor in the obtaining grants of the Kings best lands I cannot say what may be recovered and justly recovered and what say your Lordship was not this a noble act for the King if it had been followed to effect COUNS. I cannot tell whether it were or no for it gave power to the Commissiouers to examine all the grants IUST Why my Lord doth the King grant any thing that shames at the examination are not the Kings grants on record COUNS. But by your leave it is some dishonour to a King to have his judgement called in question IUST That is true my Lord but in this or whensoever the like shall be granted in the future the Kings judgement is not examined but their knavery that abused the King Nay by your favour the contrary is true that when a King will suffer himself to be eaten up by a company of petty fellows by himself raised therein both the judgement and courage is disputed And if your Lordship will disdain it at your own servants hands much more ought the great heart of a King to disdain it And surely my Lord it is a greater treason though it undercreep the law to tear from the
Military King that hath not the Sovereignty in time peace as the making of Laws But in War only as the Pâ—loniâ—â— Kings II. Aristocracy or Senatory State AN Aristocracie is the Government of a Common-wealth by some â—ompetent number of the better sort â—referred for wisdom and other virtues â—f the publick good 1. Aristocracie are of three sorts viz. There the Senatours are chosen for Virtu Riches and the common good as the Venetian 2. Virtue and the publick good without respect of wealth as sometimes the Roman when some of the â—enatours were fetched from the â—ough and some from the Schools 3. Virâ—ue and wealth more respecting their private than their publick good which inclineth towards an Oligarchie or the Government of the Richer or Nobler sort as in Rome towards the end III. Free-State or Popular State THe Popular State is the Government of a State by the choisest sort of people tending to the publick good of all sorts viz. w th due respect of the better Nobler and Richer sort In every Just State some part of the Government is or ought to be imparted to the people As in a Kingdom a voice or suffrage in making Laws and somtimes also in levying of Arms if the charge be great and the Prince forced to borrow help of his Subjects the matter rightly may be propounded to a Parliament that the tax may seem to have proceeded from themselves So consultations and some proceedings in Iudicial matters may in part be referred to them The reason least seeing themselves to be in no number nor of reckoning they mislike the state or kind of Government And where the multitude is discontented there must needs be many Enemies to the present State For which cause Tyrants which allow the people no manner of â—ealing in State matters are forced to bereave them of their wits and weaâ—ons and all other means whereby they may resist or amend themselves â—â— in Rushland Turkey c. IV. Tyrannie A Tyrannie is the swerving or distorting of a Monarchie or the Government of one tending not the publick good but the private benefit of himself his followers As in the Russ Turkish Government where the State and Wealth of other orders are employed onely to the upholding of the greatness of the King or Emperour This is the worst of all the â—astard States because it is the pervering of the best Regiment to wit of a Monarchie which resembleth the Sovereign Government of God himself V. Oligarchie or the Government of a few AN Oligarchie is the swerving or the corruption of an Aristocracie or the Government of some few that are of the Wealthier or Nobler sort without any respect of the publick good The chief end of these Governours is their own greatness and enriching And therefore their manner is to prepare fit means to uphold their Estate This State is not wholly so bad as if the Tyrannie and yet worse than the Common wealth because it respecteth the good of a few VI. Common wealth A Common-wealth is the swerving of depravation of a Free or popular State or the Government of the whole multitude of the baâ—e and poorer sort without respect of the other Orders These two States to wit The Oligarchie and Common-wealth are very adverse the one to the other and have many bickerings between them For that the Richer or Nobler sort suppose a right or superiority to appertain unto them in every respect because they are superiour but in some respects onely to wit in Riches Birth Parentage c. On the other side the Common people suppose there ought to be an equality in all other things and some State matters because they are equall with the Rich or Noble touching their Libertie whereas indeed neither the one nor the other are simply equall or superiour as touching Government and fitness thereunto because they are such to wit because they are Rich Noble Free c. But because they are Wise Virtuous Vaâ—ant c. and so have fit parts to Govern a State The severall States are sometimes mixed and inter-wrought one with the other yet ever so as that the one hath the preheminent predomination over the other as in the humours and complexions of the body So in the Roman State the people had their Plebescita and gave the suffrage in the election of Magistrates Yet the Senate as the State stood for the most part swayed the State and bare the chief rule So in the Venetian State the Duke seemeth to represent a Monarch and the Senate to be his Councell Yet the Duke hath no power in State matters but is like a head set on by art that beareth no brain And so that State is Senatoricaâ—l or Aristocraticall Causes of States and Common-wealths in general Causes of States or of Common-wealths are of 3. sorts viz. 1. Founding or setling a State where to be considered 1. Measure 2. Parts and their Qualities 2. Preserving a State 3. Changing and altering a State Founding a State In founding a State are to be considered 2. things 1. Proportion 2. Parts PRoportion is a just measure or Mediocritie of the State whereby it is framed kept in that Order as that neither it exceed nor be defective in his kind to wit so that a Monarch be not too Monarchical nor strict or absolute as the Russe Kings nor Aristocratical that is overâ—mated or eclipsed by the Nobilitie as the Scottish Kingdom but ever respective to the other degrees That Aristocracie be not to magnificent nor intire to it self but communicate with the people some commodities of State or Government the Venetians and sometimes the Roâ—â— allowed the people to elect certain Magistrates out of themselves to have a Tribune to make Plebiscita c. So a Free State or Common-wealth that it is not over popular viz. That it depress not too much the richer wiser nor leaneder sort but admit them to offices with a Caution out of the rules and masteries of that State That they seek no alteration of the present State The reason because the moderate States in their several kinds as all other things that observe the mean are best framed for their continuance because they give less cause or grudge envy and affecting the Wealth Honour and 〈◊〉 which they see in others that 〈◊〉 the State and so are less subject to stirs and commotions and easiest kept in their present State wherein they are set Parts THe parts of the State or those Magistrates that bear place or sway in the publick Government Parts or partakers of Publick Government are 1. Councel or Senate which consulteth of all matters pertaining to War and Peace Magistrates c. in admiâ—ting of whom there ought to be a moâ—â— special care that they may be men expert in matter of Policie because it iâ— their Trade and Voâ—ation as men use to chuse Pilots and Masters of Ships such as know the Art of Navigation and noâ— Husband men c. And so the
used with great caution and wisdom If any great person be to be abated not do real with him by calumniation or forged â—atter and so to cut him off without desert especially if he be gratious among the people after the â—â—chiavâ—an Place which besides the injustice an occasion many times of greater danger towards the Prince Not to withdraw their Honour all at once which maketh a desperate 〈◊〉 in the party and a commiseration in the people and so greater love he be gracious for his virtue and publick service Not to banish him into Forreign Countries where he may have opportunity of practising with Forreign States whereof great danger may â—nâ—e as in the example of â—ortulanus Henry the fourth and such like But to use these and the like Sophisms viz. To abate their greatnesse by degrees as David Joabs faâ—â—â—â—a Bellisarius c. To advance some other men to as great or greater Honour to shadow â—â— over-mate the greatnesse of the other To draw from him by degrees his friends and followers by â—â—veferâ—â—â— rewards and other good and lawfull means especially to be provided that these great men be not imployed in great or powerfull affairs of the Common wealth whereby they may have more opportunity to sway the State 3. People viz. So to order and behave himself that he be loved and reverenced of the People For that the Prince need not greatly fear home conspiracâ—es or forreign Invation she be firmly loved of this own people That reason for that the Rebel can neither hope for any forces for so great enterprise not any refuge being discovered put to flight â—t the multitude affect their Prince But the common people being once offended hath cause to fear every moving both at home and abroad This may be affected by the Prince the use means and art of getting the favour of the people and avoid those things that breed have and contempt viz. if he seem as Tutor or a Father to love the people and to protect them if he maintain the peace of his Kingdom For that nothing is more popular nor more pleasing to the people than is peace 4. If he shew himself oftentime graciously yet with State and Majestie to his people and receive complaint of his suppliants and such like 5. If he sit himself sometimes in Open Courts and place of â—ustice that he may seem to have a care of Iâ—â—stice among his people If he bestow many benefits and graces upon that Citie which he maketh the seat of his Lâ—â—â—â— and to make it sure and faithfull unto him which is fit to be in the middle of his Kingdom as the heart in the middle of the body or the Sun in the middle of Heaven both to divide himself more easily into all the parts of his Dominions and least the furthest parts at one end move whilest the Prince is in the other If he go in progress many times to see his Provinces especially those that are remite 6 If he gratifie his Couâ—tiers and â—â—â—â—ians in that sort and by such means as that he may seem not to pleasure them with the hurt injury of his people as with Mâ—nâ—â—olâ—es and such like 7 If he commit the handling of such things as procure envy or seem grievous to his Ministers but reserve those things which are gratefull and well pleasing to himself as the French Kings who for that purpose as may seem have erected their Court at Paris which acquitteth the Prince from grudge and envy both with the Nobles and the scope 8. If he borrows sometimes sums of money of his people though he have no need and pay the same justly without defalcation of any part by his Exchequer or other Officer 9. If he avoid all such things as may breed hâ—treâ— or contempt of his person which may be done if he shew himself not too light unconstant hard cruel esteminate fearfull and â—asterdly c. But contrariwise Religious Grave Just Valiant c. Whereby appeareth the false doctrine of the Machiavilian Policie with far the better means to keep the people in obedience than love and reverence of the people towards the Prince 10. If the Prince be well furnished with Warlike provision which is to be rumoured and made known abroad if it be known that he is reverenced and obeyed by his peoples at home 11. If he provide so much as lieth in him that his neighbour Kingdoms grow not over much in power and Dominior which if it happen he is to joyn speedily with other Princes which are in like danger to abate that greatness and to strengthen himself and the rest against it An oversight of the Christian Princes towards the King of Spain 12 If he get him Intelligencers by reward or other means to detect or hinder the designs of that Prince with whom he hath differences if any thing be intended against his State Or at least have some of his own Lydging abroad about that Princes Court under colour of Embassage or some other pretence which must be men of skill and Dexterity to serve for that turn 13. To observe the Laws of his Country and not to encounter them with his Prerogate nor to use it at all where there is a Law for that it maketh a secret and just grudge in the peoples hearts especially if it tender to take from them their commâ—dâ—tâ—es and to bestow them upon other of his COURTIERS and Ministers 14. To provide especially That that part which favoureth the State as it standeth be more potent than the other which favoureth it not or desireth a change 15. To make speciall choise of good and sound men to bear the place of Magistrates especially of such as assist the Prâ—â—â—â—â— on Couâ—sels and Policieâ— and not to lean overmuch to his own advise contrarie to the rule of Maâ—liâ—â— who teacheth That a Prince can have no good â—â—â—â—sul except it be in himself his reason â—â— use if he use the 〈…〉 is in dangâ—r to be over w 〈…〉 d by him and if he counsel with more then he shall be 〈…〉 in opiâ—iâ—â—s As if a Prince of great or mean wisdom could not take the Judgement of all his câ—ncâ—llours in any point of Poâ—â—â—â— or of so many as he himself thinke he good and to take it either by word or in writing and himself then in private peruse them all and so after good and mature deliberation make choise of the best without any distraction of binding himself to the direction of one For the Proverb is true that two eyes see more than one and therefore the advises and Consultations of a Senatory State is compared by some to a Feast or dinner where many contribute towards the â—â—â—t by which means they have more variety of dishes and so better fare and yet every mean may make choice of that dish that serveth him best for his 〈…〉 e. 16. The Prince himself is to sit sometimes in place of publick justice and to give an experiment
Machiavilian at the least and that he be taken so to be for that it maketh him more to be feared and regarded and is thought thereby not unworthy for to Govern others 2. To make shew not of severity but of gravity by seeming reverent and not terrible in his speech and gesture and habit and other demeanour 3. To pretend care of the Common-wealth And to that end to seem loath to exact Tributes and other charges and yet to make necessity of it where none is To that end to procure such War as can bring no danger toward his State and that might easily be compounded or some other chargeable business and to continue it on that he may continue his exaction and contribution so long as he list And thereof to imploy some in his publick service the rest to hoord upon his Treasury which is sometimes practised even by lawfull Princes as Edward the fourth in his Wars against France when have levied a great sum of money throughout his Realm especially of the Londoners he went over Seas and returned without any thing doing 4. Sometimes to give an account by open speech and publick writing of the expence of such Taxes and Impositions as he hath received of his subjects that he may seem to be a good husband and frugal and not a robbe of the Common-wealth 5. To that end to bestow some cost upon publick buildings or some other work for the Common good especially upon the Ports Forts and chief Cities of his Realm that so he may seem a benefactour have a delight in the adorning of his Country or doing some good for it 6. To forbid feastings and other meetings which increase love and give opportunity to confer together of publick matters under pretence of sparing cost for better uses To that end the Curficu Bell was first ordained by William the Conquerour to give men warning to repair home at a certain hour 7. To take heed that no one grow to be over-great but rather many equally great that they may envy and contend one with another and if he resolve to weaken any of this sort to do it warily and by degrees If quite to wreck him and to have his life yet to give him a lawfull tryal after the manner of his Country And if he proceed so far with any or great power and estimation as to do him contumely or disgrace not to suffer him to escape because contumely and disgrace are things contrarie unto Houour which great spirits do most desire and so are moved rather to a revenge for their disgrace than to any thankfulnesse or acknowledging the Princes favour for their pardon or dismission True in Athâ—ists but not in true Christian Nobility 8. To unarm his people and store up their weapons under pretence of keeping them safe and having them ready when service requireth and then to arm with them such and so many as he shall think meet and to commit them to such as are sure men 9. To make schism or division under hand among his Nobility and betwixt the Nobility and the people and to set one Rich man against another that they combine not together and that himself by hearing the griefs and complaints may know the secrets of both parts and so have matter against them both when it listeth him to call them to an account 10. To offer no man any contumely or wrong specially about womens matters by attempting the chastity of their Wives or Daughters which hath been the ruin of many Tyrants and conversion of their States As of Tarquinius by Brutus Appius by Virginius Pisistratus by Harmodius Alexander Medices Duke of Florence Aloisus of Placenâ—â—a Rodericus King of Spain c. 11. To that end to be moderate in his pleasures or to use them closely that he be not seen For that men sober or watchfull or such as seem so are not lightly subject to contempt or conspiracies of their own 12. To reward such as atchieve some great or commendable enterprize or do any speciall action for the Common-wealth in that manner as it may seem they could not be better regarded in case they lived in a Free-State 13. All rewards and things gratefull to come from himself but all punishments exactions and things ungratefull to come from his Officers and publick Ministers And when he hath effected what he would by them if he see his people discontented withall to make them a Sacrifice to pacifie his Subjects 14. To pretend great care of Religion and of serving God which hath been the manner of the wickedest Tyrants for that people do less fear any hurt from those whom they do think Virtuous and Religious nor attempt likely to do them hurt for that they think that God protects them 15. To have a strong and sure Guard of forreign Souldiers and to bind them by good turns that they having at least profit may depend upon him and the present State As Caeligula the German Guard where the Nobility are many and mighty The like is practised by Lawfull Kings as by the French King 16. To procure that other great persons be in the same fault or case with them that for that cause they be forced to defend the TYRANT for their own safetie 17. To take part and to joyn himself with the stronger part if the Common people and mean degree be the stronger to joyn with them if the Rich and Noble to joyn with them For so that part with his own strengh will be ever able to overmatch the other 18. So to frame his manners and whole behaviour as that he may seem if not perfectly good yet tolerably evil or somewhat good somewhat bad These Rules of Hypocriticall Tyrants are to be known that they may be avoided and met withall and not drawn into imitation Preservation of an Aristocracie RUles to preserve a Senatory State are partly taken from the common Axioms and partly from those that preserve a Kingdom Preservation of an Oligarchie by Sophisms Rules 1. IN Consultations and Assemblies about publick affairs to order the matter that all may have liberty to frequent their Common Assemblies and Councels But to impose a Fine upon the richer sort if they omit that duty On the other side to pardon the people if they absent themselves and to bear with them under pretence that they may the better intend their Occupations and not be hindered in their trades and earnings 2. In election of Magistrates and Officers To suffer the poorer sort to vow and abjure the bearing of Office under colour of sparing them or to enjoyn some great charge as incident to the Office which the poor cannot bear But to impose some great Fine upon those that be rich if they refuse to bear Office being Elect unto it 3. In judiciall matters In like manner to order that the people may be absent from publick Trials under pretence of following their businesse But the Richer to be present and to compel them by Fines to frequent
Captains Souldiers c. Execution when the means or provision is not used of all used 5. Particular To be noted and collected out of the contraries of those rules that are prescribed for the preservation of the Common-wealth Particular causes of Conversion of States are of two sorts 1. FOrreign By the over greatness of invasion of some forreign Kingdom or other State of meaner power having a part within our own which are to be prevented by the providence of the chief and rules of policy for the preserving of every State This falleth out very seldom for the great difficulty to overthrow a forreign State 2. Domestick Sedition or open violence by the stronger part Alteration without violence Sedition SEdition is a power of inferiours opposing it self with force of Armes against the superiour power Quasi ditio secedens Causes of Sedition are of two sorts 1. General Liberty Riches WHen they that are of equal qualitie in a Common-wealth or do take themselves so to be are not regarded equally in all or in any of the these three or when they are so unequal in quality or take themselves so to be are regarded but equally or with less respect than those that be of less defect in these three things or in any of them Honour 1. IN the Chief Couetousness or oppression by the Magistrate or higher Power viz. when the Magistrates especially the Chief encreaseth his substace revenue beyond measure either with the publick or private calamitie whereby the Governours grow to quarrel among themselves as in Oligarchie or the other degrees conspite together and make quarrel against the Chief as in Kingdoms The examples of â—at Tylâ—r Jack Straw c. 2. In the â—â—â—â—f Injury when great Spirits and of great power are greatly wronged dishonoured or take themselves to be as Coriolanus Cyrus minor Earl of Warwick In which cases the best way is to decide the wrong 3. Preferment or want of preferment wherein some have over-much and so wax proud and aspire higher or have more or lesse than they deserve as they suppose and so in envy and disdain seck Innovation on by open faction so Caesar c. 4. Some great necessity or calamity So Xerxes after the foil of his great Army And Senacherib after the losse of 185. in one night 2. Particular 1. ENvy when the chief exceed the mediocrity before mentioned and so provoketh the Nobility and other degrees to conspire against him as Brutus Cassius c. against Caesar. 2. Fear viz. Of danger when one or more dispatch the Prince by secret practice or force to prevent his own danger as Artabanus did Xerxes 2. Lust or Lechery as Tarquinius Superbus by Brutus Pisistratiâ—â—ae by Armoaius Appiuâ— by Virginiuâ— 4. Contempt For vile quality base behaviour as Sardanaâ—alus by â—â—aces Dionysius the younger by Dion 5. Contumely when some great disgrace is done to some of great Spirit who standeth upon his honour and reputation as Caligula by Chaereas 6. Hope of Advancement or some great profit as Mithridates Anobarâ—anes Alteration without violence CAuses of alteration without violence are 1. Excess of the State when by degrees the State groweth from that temper and mediocrity wherein it was or should have been setled and exceedeth in power riches and absoluteness in his kind by the ambition covetousness of the chiefe immoderate taxes and impositions c applying all to his own benefit without respect of other degrees so in the end changeth it self into another State or form of Government as a Kingdom into a Tyrannie an Oligarchy into an Aristocracy 2. Excess of some one or more in the Common-wealth viz. When some one or more in a Common-wealth grow to an excellency or excesse above the rest either in honour wealth or virtue and so by permission and popular favour are advanced to the Sovereignty By which means popular States grow into Oligarchies and Oligarchies and Aristocracies into Monarchies For which cause the Athenians and some other free States made their Laws of Ostroâ—ismos to banish any for a time that should excell though it were in virtue to prevent the alteration of their State Which because it is an unjust Law 't is better to take heed as the beginning to prevent the means that none should grow to that heigth and excellency than to use so sharp and unjust a remedy FINIS A METHOD How to make use of the Book before in the reading of the Storie DAVID being seventy years of age was of wisdome Memory c. sufficient to govern his Kingdom 1. Reg. Cap. 1. Old age is not ever unfit for publick Government DAVID being of great years and so having a cold dry and impotent body married with Abishag a fair maid of the best complexion through the whole Realm to revive his body and prolong his life 1. Reg. Chap. 1. vers 3. Example of the like practise in Charles the Fifth DAvid being old and impotent of bodie by the advise of his Nobles and Phisitians married a young maid called Abishag to warm and preserve his old bodie Observation WHether David did well in marrying a maid and whether it be lawfull for an old decayed and impotent man to marrie a young woman or on the other side for an old worn and decrepite woman to marrie a young and lustie man For the Affirmative ARG. The end of marriage is Society and mutual comfort but there may be Societie and mutual comfort in a marriage betwixt an old and young partie Ergo 'tis Lawful Answ. Societie and comfort is a cause effect of marriage but none of the principal ends of marriage which are 1. Procreation of children and so the continuance of mankind 2. The avoiding of Fornication As for comfort and societie they may be betwixt man and man woman and woman where no marriage is and therefore no proper ends of marriage The Negative ARG 1. That conjunction which hath no respect to the right and proper ends for which marriage was ordained by God is no lawfull marriage But the conjunction betwixt an old impotent and young partie hath no respect to the right end for which marriage was ordained by God Therefore it is no lawful marriage 2. No contract wherein the partie contracting bindeth himself to an impossible condition or to do that which he cannot do is good or lawfull But the contract of marriage by an impotent person with a young partie bindeth him to an impossible condition to do that which he cannot do viz. to perform the duties of Marriage Therefore it is unlawfull For the same cause the civil Law determineth a nullity in these marriages except the woman know before the infirmitie of the man in which case she can have no wrong being a thing done with her own knowledge and consent because Volenti non fit injuria In legem Julian de adulteriis leg Si Uxor c. It provideth further for the more certainty of the infirmatie That three
mind is alienate and face transformed Whom have not plentifull cups made eloquent and talking When DIOGENES saw a house to be sold whereof the owner was given to drink I thought at the last quoth Diogenes he would spue out a whole house Sciebam inquit quod domus tandem evomeret CHAP. X. Let God be thy Protectour and Directour in all thy Actions NOw for the World I know it too well to perswade thee to dive into the practices thereof rather stand upon thine own guard against all that tempt thee thereunto or may practise upon thee in thy conscience thy reputation or thy purse resolve that no man is wise or safe but he that is honest Serve God let him be the Authour of all thy actions commend all thy endeavours to him that must either wither or prosper them please him with prayer lest if he frown â—e confound all thy fortunes and labours like the drops of Rain on the sandy ground let my experienced advice and fatherly instructions sink deep into thy heart So God direct thee in all his ways and fill thy heart with his grace FINIS The dutifull ADVICE OF A LOVING SON To his AGED FATHER SIR I Humbly beseech you both in respect of the honour of God your duty to his Church and the comfort of your own soul that you seriously consider in what tearms you stand and weigh your self in a Christian ballance taking for your counterpoise the judgements of God Take heed in time that the word TEKEL written of old against Belshazzar and interpreted by Daniel be not verified in you whose exposition was You have been poized in the scale and found of too light weight Remember that you are now in the waining and the date of your pilgrimage well nigh expired and now that it behoveth you to look towards your Countrey your forces languisheth your senses impair your body droops and on every side the ruinous Cottage of your faint and feeble flesh threateneth the fall And having so many harbirgers of death to premonish you of your end how can you but prepare for so dreadfull a stranger The young man may die quickly but the old man cannot live long the young mans life by casualty may be abridged but the old mans by no physick can be long adjourned and therefore if green years should sometimes think of the grave the thoughts of old age should continually dwell in the same The prerogative of Infancy is innocency of Child-hood reverence of Man-hood maturity and of old age wisdom And seeing then that the chiefest properties of wisdom are to be mindfull of things past carefull for things present and provident for things to come Use now the priviledge of natures talent to the benefit of your own soul and procure hereafter to be wise in well doing and watchfull in the fore-sight of future harms To serve the world you are now unable and though you were able yet you have little cause to be willing seeing that it never gave you but an unhappy welcome a hurtfull entertainment and now doth abandon you with an unfortunate fare-well You have long sowed in a field of flint which could bring nothing forth but a crop of cares and afflictions of spirit rewarding your labours with remorse and affording for your gain eternal danger It is now more than a seasonable time to alter the course of so unthriving a husbandry and to enter into the efild of Gods Church in which sowing the seed of repentant sorrow and watering them with the tears of humble contrition you may hereafter reap a more beneficial harvest and gather the fruits of everlasting comfort Remember I pray you that your spring is spent your summer over-past you are now arrived at the fall of the leaf yea and winter colours have long since stained your hoary head Be not carelesse saith Saint Augustine though our loving Lord bear long with offenders for the longer he stays not finding amendment the sorer he will scourge when be comes to Iudgement And his patience in so long forbearing is only to lend us respite to repent and not any wise to enlarge us leisure to sin He that is tossed with variety of storms and cannot come to his desired Port maketh not much way but is much turmoyled So he that hath passed many years and purchased little profit hath a long being but a short life For life is more to be measured by well doing than by number of years Seeing that most men by many days do but procure meny deaths and others in short space attain to the life of infinite ages what is the body without the soul but a corrupt carkasse And what is the soul without God but a sepulchre of sin If God be the Way the Life and the Truth he that goeth without him strayeth and he that liveth without him dieth and he that is not taught by him erreth Well saith Saint Augustine God is our true and chiefest Life from whom to revolt is to fall to whom to return is to rise and in whom to stay is to stand sure God is he from whom to depart is to die to whom to repair is to revive and in whom to dwell is life for ever Be not then of the number of those that begin not to live till they be ready to die and then after a foes desert come to crave of God a friends entertainment Some there be that think to snatch Heaven in a moment which the best can scarce attain unto in the maintainance of many years and when they have glutted themselves with worldly delights would jump from Diâ—e Diet to Lazarus Crown from the service of Satan to the solace of a Saint But be you well assured that God is not so penurious of friends as to hold himself and his Kingdom saleable for the refuse and reversions of their lives who have sacrificed the principall thereof to his enemies and their own bruitish lust then onely ceasing to offend when the ability of offending is taken from them True it is that a thief may be saved upon the crosse and mercy found at the last gasp But wâ—l saith S. Augustine though it be possible yet it is scarce credible that he in death should find favour whose whole life deserved death and that the repentance should be more excepted that more for fear of hell and love of himself than for the love of God and loathsomnesse of sin crieth for mercy Wherefore good SIR make no longer delays but being so near the breaking up of your mortall house take time before extremity to pacifie Gods anger Though you suffer the bud to be blasted though you permitted the fruits to be perished and the leaves to drie up yea though you let the boughs to wither and the body of your tree to grow to decay yet alas keep life in the root for fear left the whole tree become fewel for hell fire For surely where the tree falleth there it shall lie whether towards the South
they would dislike that which we would dislike It is evident also that men differ very much in the temperature of their bodies else why should some more easily digest Bief than Shel-fish and other be mad for the time if they drink wine There was an old woman about Arbeus which drunk three drams of Câ—â—uâ—â— every dream weighin sixtie Barley corns and eight drams to an ounce without hurt â—â—sis without hurt took four drams of Popple and 〈◊〉 which was Gentleman-Sewer to Alexander was very cold when he stood in the sun or in a hot bath but very hot when he stand in the shadow Al 〈…〉 felt no pain if a Scorpion stung him And the Psillâ— a people in Lyâ—â—â— whole bodies are venom to serpents if they be stung by serpents or Asps receive no hurt at all The Ethiopians which inhabit the river Hynaspis do eat serpents and scorpions without danger 〈◊〉 a Chirurgian at the smell of a Sturgeon would be for the time mad Aâ—dron of Argos was so little thirstie that without want of drink he travelled through the hot and dry countrey of Lybia Tiberius Caesar would see very well in the dark Aristotle mentioneth of Thratius who said that the image of a Man went always before him If then it be so that there be such differences in Men this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination for if one hate and another love the very same thing it must be that their phantasies differ else all would love it or all would hate it These Men then may tell how these things seem to them good or bad but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell If we will heathen to mens opinions concerning one and the same matter thinking thereby to come to the knowledge of it we shall find this to be impossible for either we must believe what all men say of it or what some men only say of it To believe what all men say of one the same thing is not possible for then we shall believe Contrarieties for some men say that that very thing is pleasant which other say is displeasant If it be said we must believe onely some men then let it be shewed who those some men are for the Platonists will believe Plato but the Epicures Epicurus the Phytagorians Pythagoras other Philosophers the masters of their own Sects so that it is doubtfull to which of all these we shall give credit If it be said that we must credit the greatest number this seemeth childish for there may be amongst other Nations a greater number which denie that very point which the greatest number with us do affirm so that hereof nothing can certainly be affirmed This Argument seemeth to be further confirmed if the differences of the Senses of Hearing Seeing Smelling Touching and Tasting be considered for that the Senses differ it seemeth plain Painted Tables in which the art of Slanting is used appear to the Eye as if the parts of them were some higher and some lower than the other but to the Touch they seem not to be so Honey seemeth to the Tongue sweet but unpleasant to the Eye so Oyntment doth recreate the Smell but it offendeth the Tast. Rain-water is profitable to the Eyes but it hurteth the Lungs We may tell then how these things seem to our severall senses but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell for why should not a man credit any one of his senses as well as the other Every object seemeth to be presented diversly unto the severall instruments of Sense An Apple to the Touch seemeth smooth sweet to the Smell and to the Eye yellow but whether the Apple have one of these qualities onely or more than these qualities who can tell The Organ hath many Pipes all which are filled with the same blast of wind varied according to the capacitie of the severall Pipes which receive it even so the qualitie of the Apple may be but one and this one quality may be varied seem yellow to the Eye to the Touch smooth and sweet to the Smell by reason of the divers instruments of the Sense which apprehend this one quality diversly It may be also that an Apple hath many qualities besides but we are not able to conceive them all because we want fit means and instruments to apprehend them For suppose that some Man is born blind and deaf and yet can touch smell and tast this man will not think that there is any thing which may be seen or heard because he wanteth the Senses of hearing and seeing he will onely think there are those qualities in the object which by reason of his three Senses he conceiveth Even so the Apple may have many more qualities but we cannot come to know them because we want fit instruments for that purpose If it be replied that Nature hath ordained as many instruments of Sense as there are sensible objects I demand What Nature for there is a confused controversie about the very Essence of Nature Some affirming it to be one thing others another few a greeing so that what the quality of an Apple is or whether it hath one qualitie or many I know not Let a man also consider how many things that are separated and by themselves appear to differ from that which they seem to be when they are in a mass or lump the scrapings of the Goats horn seems white but in the horn they seem black but in the lump white The stone Toenaru being polished seemeth white but unpolished rough it seemeth yellow Sands being separated appear rough to the Touch but a great heap soft I may then report how these things appear but whether they are so indeed I know not Sir Raleigh's OBSERVATIONS Concerning the Causes of the Magnificencie and Opulencie of CITIES THAT the onely way to civilize and reform the savage and barbarous Lives and corrupt Manners of such people is 1 To be dealt withall by gentle and loving Conversation among them to attain to the knowledge of their Language and of the multitude of their special discommodities and inconveniences in their manner of living 2 The next is to get an admired reputation amongst them upon a solid and true foundation of Pietie Iustice and wisdom conjoyned with fortitude and power 3 The third is discreetly to possess them with a knowledge of the condition of their own estate Thus Oâ—pheâ— and Amphâ—â— were said to draw after them the beast of the field c. And this must be first wrought by a visible representation of the certaintie truth and sinceritie of these together with the felicitie of a reformed estate All which is but to give foundation bottom and firm footing unto action and to prepare them to receive wholesom and good advise for the future profit and felicitie of themselves and their posteritie For the more commodious effecting of this Reformation in a rude
executed whereby the citie must needs be enlarged and enriched for our lives and all that ever we have are in the hands of Iustice so that if Iustice be not administred amongst men in vain is there any societie and commerce or any other thing can be profitable or safe so much is love and charitie failed and iniquitie increased upon the face of the earth The excellencie and multitude likewise of Artificers exercising their manuall arts and trades do marvellously increase and enrich a State whereof some are necessary some commodious for a civil life other some are of pomp and ornament and other some of delicacie and curiositie whereof doth follow con course of people that labour and work and current money which doth enrich and supply Materials for labourers and work-men buying and selling transportation from place to place which doth imploy and increase the artificious and cunning parts of the wit of Man and this art and exquisitnesse of work manship and skill is so powerfull herein that to far excels the simple commodities and materials that Nature produceth and is alone sufficient of it self to make a Citie or State both magnificient and glorious and the daily experience we have in these our dayes and in former times doth manifestly approve the same and make evident without all contradiction Some naturall benefits that a Citie also may have for the excellency of Art or work manship of some special commodities above any other place either through the qualitie of the Water or other matter whatsoever or some hidden mysterie of the inhabitants in working thereof may be a great help for the enlargement and enriching of a citie The command of a Countrie that affordeth some proper commoditie is of it self sufficient mightily to bring a Citie to great wealth and to advance it to great power and draweth thereby dependence and concourse much advantageous also as well for the publick weal as the private person A Citie also may be Lord of much Merchandize and traffick by means of the commodious situation to many Nations to whom it serveth and hath relation to as Ware houses Roomth and Store-houses by reason whereof the nations adjoyning do use to resort thereunto to make their provisions of such things And this consisteth in the largenesse of the Ports the fitnesse of the gulphs and creeks of the seas in the Navigable rivers and channels and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the Citie or that come our turn by or near it Priviledge and freedom from Customs and exactions ' doth greatly increase the Trade and draw inhabitants to a citie whereby the same may become both rich and powerfull whereof the Maâ—ts and Fairs and Markets bear good witnesse which are frequented with great concourse of people Tradesmen and Merchants for no other respect but that they are there free and frank from Customs and exactions And the cities in Flanders are lively testimonies hereof where the Customs are very small By reason whereof all such as have erected new Cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it have granted large immunities and priviledges at the least to the first inhabitants thereof The like have they done that have restored Cities emptied with Plague consumed with Wars or afflicted with Famin or some other scourge of God In respect whereof Freedom of Cities hath been often granted to such as would with their families inhabit there or would bring Corn and other necessaries for provision of victual The Romans to increase their Cities made the Towns that well deserved of them which they after called Municiple to be partakers of their franchises and priviledges The first means the Romans used to allure people to make their habitations rather in Rome than else where was the opening the Sanctuarie giving libertie and freedom to all that would come unto them In respect whereof there flocked thither with their goods numbers of people that were either racked with exactions thrust out of their habitations or unsafe or unsure for their lives in their own Countreys for Religion sake The very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the citie of Geneva for as much as it hath offered entertainment to all commers out of France and Italie that have either forsaken or been exiled their Countreys for Religions sake Likewise triumphs goodly buildings battels on the water fights of sword-players hunting of wild beasts publick shows and sights plays solemnized with great pomp and preparation and many other such things do draw the curious people to a citie inspeakably which leaves behind them much treasure and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there than in other places This was also the devise of Rome in her infancy to enlarge herself The Causes that Concern the Magnificencie of a CITIE TO confirm a Citie in her Greatness Justice Peace and Pleantie are the undoubted means for Justice assureth every man his own Peace causeth all Arts and negotiation whatsoever to flourish and Plentie of food and victuall that sustaineth the life of Man with ease and much contentment To conclude All those things that cause the Greatnesse of a Citie are also fit to conserve the same Sir Walter Raleigh's Seat of GOVERNMENT That the Seat of Government is up 〈…〉 y the two great pillars thereof viz. Civile Iustice and Martiall Policie which are framed out of Husbandrie Merchandize and Gentry of this Kingdom THey say that the goodliest CEDARS which grow on the high mountains of Libanâ—s thrust their roots between the clifts of hard Rocks the better to bear them selves against the strong storms that blow there As Nature hath instructed those kings of Trees so hath Reason taught the Kings of Men to â—oot themselves in the hardie Hearts of their faithfull Subjects And as those kings of Trees have large Tops so have the Kings of Men large Crowns whereof as the first would soon be broken from their bodies were they not underborn by many branches o would the other easily tytter were they not fastened on their heads with the strong chains of Civil Justice and Martial Discipline 1. For the administration of the first even God himself hath given direction Judge and Officers shalt thou make which shall judge the People with righteous judgement 2 The second is grounded on the first Laws of the world and nature that Force is to be repelled by Force Yea Moses in the 10 of Exodus and elsewhere hath delivered us many Laws Policies of War But as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both so have we heatd of the decline and ruine of many Kingdoms States long before our days for that Policie hath never yet prevailed though it hath served for a short season where the counterfeit hath been sold for the natural and the outward shew and formalitie for the substance Of the Emperour Charls the Fourth the writers of that age witness that he used but the name of
Justice and good order being more learned in the Law than in doing right and that he had by far more knowledge than conscience Certainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untransparable bodie of Gold every ordinarie wit can vitrifie and make transparent pierce and discern their corruptions howsoever because not daring they cover their knowledge but in the mean while it is also true That constrained dissimulation either in the proud heart or in the oppressed either in publick estates or in private persons where the fear of God is not prevalent doth in all the leisure of her lurking but sharpen her teeth the voluntarie being no less base than the forced malitious Thus it fared between the Barons of England and their Kings between the Lords of Switzerland their people between the Sicilians and the French between the Dolphin and John of Burgoign between Charl the Ninth and the French Protestants and between Henry the third his successor and the Lords of Guise hereof in place of more particulars the whole world may serve for examples It is a difficult piece of Geographie to delinate and lay out the bounds of Authority but it is easie enough coÌ„ceive the best use of it and by which it hath maintained it self in lasting happiness t hath ever acquired more honour by perswading than by beating for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal so do all other chains or cords both rustâ—e rot Noble parts of their own Royal and Politick bodies But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Civil Justice for in respect of the first sort of Men to wit of those that live by their own labour they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels Meum Tuum Mine Thine is all wherein they seek their certaintie protection True it is that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land which God in Deuteronomie commanded to be spared they gather honey and hardly enjoy the wax and break the ground with great labour giving the best of their grain to the easefull idle For the second sort which are the Merchants as the first feed the Kingdome so do these enrich it yea their trades especially those which are forcible are not the least part of our Martiall Policie as hereafter proved and to do them right they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land not onely with great sums of money but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas The second have seldome or never offended their Princes to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other Nations give them but the Commission of Reprisal they will either Right themselves or sit down with their own losse without complaint 3. The third sort which are the Gentrie of England these being neither seated in the lowest grounds and thereby subject to the biting of every beast nor in the highest Mountains thereby in danger to be torn with tempest but the Valleys between both have their parts in the inferiour Iustice being spread over all are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S LETTERS Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood before his Iourney to Guiana Honourable SIR I Was lately perswaded by two Gentlemen my ancient Friends to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine made heretofore for a Journey to Guiana who were of opinion That it would be better understood now than when it was first propounded which advice having surmounted my dispair I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote both to his Majestie and to the Treasurer Ceuill wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered as the objections by him made are briefly answered What I know of the riches of that place not by hear say but what mine eyes hath seen I have said it often but it was then to no end Because those that had the greatest trust were resolved not to believe it not because they doubted the Truth but because they doubted my Disposition towards themselves where if God had blessed me in the enterprise I had recovered his Majesties favour and good opinion Other cause than this or other suspition they never had any Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in searching out the Nature of my offences The Queens Majestie hath informed her self from the beginning The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocencie they would otherwise never have moved his Majestie on my behalf The Wife the Brother and the Son of a King do not use to sue for men suspect but Sir since they all have done it out of their charitie and but with references to me alone Your Honour whose respect hath onely relation to his Majesties service strengthened by the example of those Princes may with the more hardnesse do the like being Princes to whom his Majesties good estate is not lesse dear and all men that shall oppugne it no lesse hatefull then to the King himself It is true Sir That his Majestie hath sometimes answered That his Councel knew me better than he did meaning some two or three of them And it was indeed my infelicitie for had his Majestie known me I had never been here where I now am or had I known his Majestie they had never been so long there where they now are His Majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruine and his Majestie misknowing of them hath been the ruine of a goodly part of his estate but they are all of them now some living and some dying come to his Majesties knowledge But Sir how little soever his Majestie knew me and how much soever he believed them yet have I been bound to his Majestie both for my Life and all that remains of which but for his Majestie nor Life nor ought else had remained In this respect Sir I am bound to yield up the same life and all I have for his Majesties service to die for the King and not by the King is all the ambition I have in the world Walter Raleigh Sir Raleigh's Letter to his Wife from Guiana Sweet Heart I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand for I have suffered the most violent Calenture for fifteen days that ever man did and lived but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities hath also now strengthened it in the hell fire of heat We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship of which fourtie two have died and there are yet many sick but having recovered the land of Guiana this 12 of November I hope we shall recover them We are yet two hundred men and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong strong enough I
of the wars in France and the losse of Rochett he was them enforced to consent to the Lords in all they demanded in the tenth of his reigne he fined the City of London at 50000. marks because they had received Lewis of France in the 11. year in the Parliament at Oxford he revoked the great Charter being granted when he was under age and governed by the Earle of Pembroke and the Bishop of Winchester in this 11. year the Earles of Cornewall and Chester Marshall Edward Earle of Pembroke Gilbert Earle of Gloucester Warren Hereford Ferrars and Warwick and others rebelled against the King and constrained him to yeeld unto them in what they demaunded for their particular interest which rebellion being appeased he sayled into France and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporality and a disme and a half of the spirituality and withall escuage of every Knights fee. COUNS. But what say you to the Parliament of Westminster in the 16th of the King where notwithstanding the wars of France and his great charge in repulsing the Welsh rebels he was flatly denyed the Subsidy demanded IUST I confesse my Lord that the house excused themselves by reason of their poverty and the Lords taking of Armes in the next year it was manifest that the house was practised aganst the King And was it not so my good Lord think you in our two last Parliaments for in the first even those whom his Majesty trusted most betrayed him in the union and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter But your Lordship spake of dangers of Parliaments in this my Lord there was a denyall but there was no danger at all but to returne where I left what got the Lords by practizing the house at that time I say that those that brake this staffe upon the King were overturned with the counterbuffe for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority he called all his exacting officers to accompt he found them all faulty he examined the corruption of other Magistrates and from all these he drew sufficient money to satisfie his present necessity whereby he not onely spared his people but highly contented them with an act of so great Iustice Yea Hubert Earle of Kent the chief Iustice whom he had most trusted and most advanced was found as false to the King as any one of the rest And for conclusion in the end of that year at the assembly of the States at Lambeth the King had the fortieth part of every mans goods given him freely toward his debts for the people who the same year had refused to give the King any thing when they saw he had squeased those spunges of the Common-wealth they willingly yeelded to give him satisfaction COUNS. But I pray you what became of this Hubert whom the King had favoured above all men betraying his Majesty as he did IUST There were many that perswaded the King to put him to death but he could not be drawn to consent but the King seized upon his estate which was great yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times For this Majesty though he tooke advantage of his vice yet he forgot not to have consideration of his vertue And upon this occasion it was that the King betrayed by those whom he most trusted entertained strangers and gave them their offices and the charge of his Castles and strong places in England COUNS. But the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that Marshall Earle of Pembroke moved war against the King JUST It is true my good Lord but he was soon after slain in Ireland and his whole masculine race ten yeares extinguished though there were five Sons of them and Marshal being dead who was the mover and ring-leader of that war the King pardoned the rest of the Lords that had assisted Marshall COUNS. What reason had the King so to doe JUST Because he was perswaded that they loved his person and only hated those corrupt Counsellors that then bare the greatest sway under him as also because they were the best men of war he had whom if he destroyed having war with the French he had wanted Commanders to have served him COUNS. But what reason had the Lords to take armes JUST Because the King entertained the Poictovins were not they the Kings vassals also Should the Spaniards rebell because the Spanish King trusts to the Neapolitans Fortagues Millanoies and other Nations his vassals seeing those that are governed by the Vice-royes and deputies are in policy to be well entertained to be employed who would otherwise devise how to free themselves whereas being trusted and imployed by their Prince they entertain themselves with the hopes that other the Kings vassals do if the King had called in the Spaniards or other Nations not his Subjects the Nobilitie of England had reason of grief COUNS. But what people did ever serve the King of England more faithfully then the Gascoynes did even to the last of the conquest of that Duchie IUST Your Lordship sayes well and I am of that opinion that if it had pleased the Queen of Eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the Irish Nobilitie into Eng. and by exchange to have made them good free-holders in Eng. she had saved above 2. millions of pounds which were consumed in times of those Rebellions For what held the great Gascoigne firme to the Crown of England of whom the Duke of Espernon married the Inheritrix but his Earldome of Kendall in England whereof the Duke of Espernon in right of his Wife beares the Title to this day And to the same end I take it hath Iames our Soveraign Lord given Lands to divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland And if I were worthy to advise your Lordship I should think that your Lordship should do the King great service to put him in mind to prohibite all the Scottish Nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here for they selling they not only give cause to the English to complain that the Treasure of England is transported into Scotland but his Majestie is thereby also frustrated of making both Nations one and of assuring the service and obedience of the Scots in future COUNS. You say well for though those of Scotland that are advanced and enriched by the Kings Majesties will no doubt serve him faithfully yet how their heires and successors having no inheritance to lose in England may be seduced is uncertain But let us go on with our Parliament And what say you to the denyall in the 26th year of his reigne even when the King was invited to come into France by the Earle of March who had married his Mother and who promised to assist the King in the conquest of many places lost IUST It is true my good Lord that a subsidie was then denied and the reasons are
delivered in English Histories and indeed the King not long before had spent much Treasure in aiding the Duke of Britain to no purpose for he drew over the King but to draw on good conditions for himself as the Earle of March his father in law now did As the English Barons did invite Lewes of France not long before as in elder times all the Kings and States had done and in late years the Leaguers of France entertained the Spaniards and the French Protestants and Netherlands Queen Elizabeth not with any purpose to greaten those that aide them but to purchase to themselves an advantageous peace But what say the Histories to this denyall They say with a world of payments there mentioned that the King had drawn the Nobility drie And besides that whereas not long before great summes of money were given and the same appointed to be kept in four Castles and not to be expended but by the advice of the Peeres it was beleeved that the same Treasure was yet unspent COUNS. Good Sir you have said enough judge you whether it were not a dishonour to the King to be so tyed as not to expend his Treasure but by other mens advice as it were by their licence IUST Surely my Lord the King was well advised to take the money upon any condition and they were fooles that propounded the restraint for it doth not appear that the King took any great heed to those overseers Kings are bound by their pietie and by no other obligation In Queen Maries time when it was thought that she was with Child it was propounded in Parliament that the rule of the Realme should be given to King Philip during the minoritie of the hoped Prince or Princesse and the King offered his assurance in great summes of money to relinquish the Government at such time as the Prince or Princesse should be of age At which motion when all else were silent in the House Lord Daâ—res who was none of the wisest asked who shall sue the Kings Bonds which ended the dispute for what other Bond is between a King and his vassals then the Bond of the Kings Faith But my good Lord the King notwithstanding the denyall at that time was with gifts from particular persons and otherwise supplyed for proceeding of his journey for that time into France he took with him 30 Caskes filled with Silver and Coyne which was a great Treasure in those dayes And lastly notwithstanding the first denyall in the Kings absence he had Escuage granted him to wit 20s of every Knights Fee COUNS. What say you then to the 28th year of that King in which when the King demanded reliefe the States would not consent except the the same former order had bin taken for the appointing of 4 overseers for the treasure as also that the Lord chief Iustice and the L. Chancelor should be chosen by the States with some Barons of the Exchequer and other officers JUST My good Lord admit the King had yeelded their demands then whatsoever had been ordained by those Magistrates to the dislike of the Common-wealth the people had been without remedie whereas while the King made them they had their appeal and other remedies But those demands vanished and in the end the King had escuage given him without any of their conditions It is an excellent vertue in a King to have patience and to give way to the furie of mens passions The Whale when he is strucken by the fisherman growes into that furie that he cannot be resisted but will overthrow all the Ships and Barkes that come into his way but when he hath tumbled a while he is drawn to the shore with a twin'd thred COUNS. What say you then to the Parliament in the 29th of that King IUST I say that the Commons being unable to pay the King relieves himself upon the richer sort and so it likewise happened in the 33. of that King in which he was relieved chiefly by the Citie of London But my good Lord in the Parliament in London in the 38th year he had given him the tenth of all the revenues of the Church for 3 years and three marks of every Knights Fee throughout the Kingdome upon his promise and oath upon the observing of Magna Charta but in the end of the same year the King being then in France he was denyed the aides which he required What is this to the danger of a Parliament especially at this time they had reason to refuse they had given so great a summe in the beginning of the same year And again because it was known that the King had but pretended war with the King of Castile with whom he had secretly contracted an alliance and concluded a Marriage betwixt his Son Edward and the Lady Elenor. These false fires do but fright Children and it commonly falls out that when the cause given is known to be false the necessitie pretended is thought to be fained Royall dealing hath evermore Royall successe and as the King was denyed in the eight and thirtieth year so was he denyed in the nine and thirtieth year because the Nobilitie and the people saw it plainely that the K. was abused by the Pope who as well in despite to Manfred bastard Son to the Emperour Frederick the second as to cozen the King and to waste him would needes bestow on the King the Kingdome of Sicily to recover which the King sent all the Treasure he could borrow or scrape to the Pope and withall gave him letters of credence for to take up what he could in Italy the King binding himself for the payment Now my good Lord the wisdome of Princes is seen in nothing more then in their enterprises So how unpleasing it was to the State of England to consume the Treasure of the Land and in the conquest of Sicily so far off and otherwise for that the English had lost Normandie under their noses and so many goodly parts of France of their own proper inheritances the reason of the denyall is as well to be considered as the denyall COUNS. Was not the King also denyed a Subsidie in the fortie first of his reigne IUST No my Lord for although the King required money as before for the impossible conquest of Sicily yet the House offered to give 52000 marks which whether he refused or accepted is uncertain and whilst the King dreamed of Sicily the Welsh invaded and spoyled the borders of England for in the Parliament of London when the King urged the House for the prosecuting the conquest of Sicily the Lords utterly disliking the attempt urged the prosecuting of the Welshmen which Parliament being proroged did again assemble at Oxford and was called the mad Parliament which was no other then an assembly of rebels for the royal assent of the King which gives life to all Lawes form'd by the three estates was not a royall assent when both the King and the Prince were constrained to yeeld to the
and unanswerable COUNS. But to execute the Laws very severely would be very grievous IUST Why my Lord are the Laws grievous which our selves have required of our Kings And are the Prerogatives also which our Kings have reserved to themselves also grievous How can such a people then be well pleased And if your Lordship confess that the Lawes give too much why does your Lordship urge the Prerogative that gives more Nay I will be bold to say it that except the Lawes were better observed the Prerogative of a Religious Prince hath manifold lesse perils then the Letter of the Law hath Now my Lord for the second third to wit for the appointing of Treasures and removing of Councellors our Kings have evermore laught them to scorn that have prest either of these after the Parliament dissolved took the money of the Treasurers of the Parliament and recalled restored the Officers discharged or else they have been contented that some such persons should be removed at the request of the whole Kingdom which they themselves out of their Noble natures would not seem willing to remove COUNS. Well Sir Would you notwithstanding all these arguments advise his Majesty to call a Parliament IUST It belongs to your Lordships who enjoy the Kings favour are chosen for your able wisedome to advise the K. It were a strange boldnesse in a poor and private person to advise Kings attended with so understanding a Councell But be like your Lorpships have conceived some other way how money may be gotten otherwise If any trouble should happen your Lordship knows that then there were nothing so dangerous for a K as to be without money A Parliament cannot assemble in haste but present dangers require hasty remedies It will be no time then to discontent the subjects by using any unordinary wayes COUNS. Well Sir all this notwithstanding we dare not advise the King to call a Parliament for if it should succeed ill we that advise should fall into the Kings disgrace And if the King be driven into any extremity we can say to the King that because we found it extremely unpleasing to his Majesty to hear of a Parliament we thought it no good manners to make such a Motion IUST My Lord to the first let me tell you that there was never any just Prince that hath taken any advantage of the successe of Councels which have been founded on reason To fear that were to fear the losse of the bell more then the losse of the steeple and were also the way to beat all men from the studies of the Kings service But for the second where you say you can excuse your selves upon the Kings own protesting against a Parliament the King upon better consideration may encounter that fineness of yours COUNS. How I pray you IUST Even by declaring himself to be indifferent by calling your Lordships together and by delivering unto you that he heares how his loving subjects in generall are willing to supply him if it please him to call a Parliament for that was the common answer to all the Sheriffes in England when the late benevolence was commanded In which respect and because you come short in all your projects because it is a thing most dangerous for a King to be without treasure he requires such of you as either mislike or rather fear a Parliment to set down your reasous in writing which you either mislike or feared it And such as with and desire it to set down answers to your objections And so shall the King prevent the calling or not calling on his Majesty as some of your great Councellers have done in many other things shrinking up their shoulders and saying the K. will have it so COUNS. Well Sir it grows late I will bid you farewell onely you shall take well with you this advice of mine that in all that you have said against our greatest those men in the end shall be your Iudges in their own cause you that trouble your self with reformation are like to be well rewarded hereof you may assure your self that we will never allow of any invention how profitable soever unlesse it proceed or seem to proceed from our selves IUST If then my Lord we may presume to say that Princes may be unhappy in any thing certainly they are unhappy in nothing more then in suffering themselves to be so inclosed Again if we may believe Pliny who tels us that 't is an ill signe of prosperity in any kingdome or state where such as deserve well find no other recompence then the contentment of their own conseiences a farre worse signe is it where the justly accused shall take revenge of the just accuser But my good Lord there is this hope remaining that seeing he hath been abused by them he trusted most he will not for the future dishonour of his judgement so well informed by his own experience as to expose such of his vassals as have had no other motives to serve him then simply the love of his person and his estate to their revenge who have onely been moved by the love of their own fortunes and their glory COUNS. But good Sir the King hath not been deceived by all IUST No my Lord neither have all been trusted neither doth the world accuse all but believe that there be among your Lordships very just and worthy men aswell of the Nobility as others but those though most honoured in the Common-wealth yet have not been most imployed Your Lordship knows it well enough that three or 4 of your Lordships have thought your hands strong enough to beat up alone the weightiest affairs in the Commonwealth and strong enough all the Land have found them to beat down whom they pleased COUNS. I understand you but how shall it appear that they have onely sought themselves IUST There needs no perspective glasse to discern it for neither in the treaties of Peace and Warre in matters of Revenue and matters of Trade any thing hath hapned either of love or of judgement No my Lord there is not any one action of theirs eminent great or small the greatnesse of themselves onely excepted CO. It is all one your Papers can neither answer nor reply we can Besides you tell the King no news in delivering these Complaints for he knows as much as can be told him IUST For the first my Lord whereas he hath once the reasons of things delivered him your Lordships shall need to be well advised in their answers there is no sophistry will serve the turn where the Iudge the understanding are both supreme For the second to say that his Majesty knows and cares not that my Lord were but to despaire all his faithfull Subjects But by your favour my Lord we see it is contrary we find now that there is no such singular power as there hath been Iustice is described with a Balance in her Hand holding it even and it hangs as even now as ever it did in any Kings dayes for singular authority begets but generall oppression COUNS. Howsoever it be that 's nothing to you that gave no interest in the Kings favour nor perchance in his opinion and concerning such a one the misliking or but misconceiving of any one hard word phrase or sentence will give argument to the King either to condemne or reject the whole discourse And howsoever his Majesty may neglect your informations you may be sure that others at whom you point will not neglect their revenges you will therefore confesse it when it is too late that you are exceeding sory that you have not followed my advise Remember Cardinall Woolsey who lost all men for the Kings service when their malice whom he grieved had out-lived the Kings affection you know what became of him as vvell as I. IUST Yea my Lord I know it well that malice hath a longer life than either love or thankfulnesse hath for as we alwaies take more care to put off pain than to enjoy pleasure because the one hath no intermission with the other we are often satisfied so it is in the smart of iniury the memory of good turns Wrongs are written in marble Benefits are sometimes acknowledged rarely requited But my Lord we shall do the K. great wrong to judge him by common rules or ordinary examples for seeing his Majesty hath greatly enriched and advanced those that have but pretended his service no man needs to doubt of his goodnesse towards those that shall performe any thing worthy reward Nay the not taking knowledge of those of his own vassals that have done him wrong is more to be lamented than the relinquishing of those that do him right is to be supected I am therefore my good Lo held to my resolution by these 2 besides the former The 1 that God would never have blest him with so many years and in so many actions yea in all his actions had he paid his honest servants with evill for good The 2d where your Lordship tels me that I will be sorry for not following your advice I pray your Lordship to believe that I am no way subject to the common sorrowing of worldly men this Maxime of Plato being true Dolores omnes ex amore animi erga corpus nascuntur But for my body my mind values it at nothing COUNS. What is it then you hope for or seek IUST Neither riches nor honour or thanks but I onely to seek to satisfie his Majesty which I would have been glad to have done in matters of more importance that I have lived and will die an honest man FINIS The Authors Epitaph made by himself EVen such is Time which takes in wast Our Youth and Ioy 's and all we have And payes us but with age and dust Which be the dark and silent grave When we have wandred all our wayes Struts up the story of our dayes And from which Earth and Grave Dust The Lord shall raise me up I trust Chief Other degrees Other degrees Seeing Touching Hearing Smelling Tasting Situation for Safety Plenty Multitude of Inhabitants Religigion Academies Courts of Justice Artificers Privledge The first devises of Rome to allure strangers as is Sanctuarie Triumps Huband men Merchant Gentry Two things Sâ— W. Raleigh accused of