its total extent specially through these Nations Further he sayes they rendred the Catholicks vncapable of any mercy intended by the King for tender consciences that great argument being saith he the Irish rebellion in 41 the opposition and reiection of the peace of 46. with all the circumstances and consequents of euer since the fatall worke of Waterford Congregation the opposition likewise made by a very considerable part of the Cleargy and people to the peace of 48 and the Cleargy's rendring it at last fruitless euen I say after a general reception of and submission to it by the declaration made and censure issued at lamestowne and by the indeuours before and afther that last vnfortunat meeting of the Bishops finally their twice forcing or at least putting a necessitie on his Majesties Leutenant to depart the Kingdom The diuin who justifyed the casting away of the peace of 46 answered VVailsh in this kind This fa shewed himselfe presumptuous and to buisie in censuring the Cedars and Pillars of the Church to whom he ought to bow his head for reuerence and would haue done soe had he been a true and humble child of S. Francis all he haue said or can say will come to nothing and his arguments will be found of noe more strenght then a wauering reed such a thing he is for hauing plaid Iack on both sides will he dare say he had more piety then all the Bishops and Cleargy of the Kingdom more learning then they all in one body more loue to th◠flocks and people more fidelitie to the King more interrest in the nation or had he better knowledge of what past since the making the peace of 48 till the meeting of Iamestowne then they all what authoritie power or comission had he to iudge the decrees of Bishops and Cleargy he should rather have listened to Seneca's advise si judicas coonosce know affore you iudge he knew not the grounds the Bishops went vpon and consequently gaue an erronious iudgment there needs noe other reasons or arguments for convincing him then the view of the acts and Decrees of the said congregation in calling the Congregation fatall and vnfortunat he shews neither education or breeding towards these two venerable meetings He is erroniously mistaken in saying they gaue cause of scandall to the people as for the reuolution of 41. it hath been justified a holy and lawfull war by a skilfull and learned pen the Acts of the Congregation of Iamestowne alsoe haue been made good and maintained by what I haue writen and was not yet answered by Fa VVailsh the peace of 48 was not rendred as he pretends maliciously frùitlesse by those of Iamestowne or the people the Irish Comissioners haue sufficiently proued this in London before his Majestie and Counsel Besides the Bishops neuer intermedled in that peace hauing still esteemed the same as a pretious iewel of the Kingdom dearly bought and such as euery man desired to performe it hath been already sufficiently proued that they did not render these Articles fruitlesse but Fa VVailsh sayes they rendered them fruitlesse by putting a necessitie which is the second proposition objected against them vpon the Lord Leutenant to part the Kingdom and this wee alsoe denie Fa VVailsh will find noe such decree of ours to that purpose if his Excellency was able to doe any good in the extreme condition wee were in why did not he stay the obligation of being Lord Leutenant would haue him stay and this was not taken from him the truth is he was not able by his staying to face the enemie or defend what as yet was in the King◠possession and this is it made him goe away ashamed and confounded to have lost vs all wee had in our possession when he made the peace with vs and that he saw noe way of regaining the places lost this made him leaue the Gouernment with the Lord Marques of Clanricard when he saw evidently all was goeing to wrack they say it is a secret instinct of ratts to leaue houses that are like to goe to ruine or vessells that are to be drowned this truth wee haue found by experience the Lord Leutenant had a stronger ground for leauing Irland then the secret instinct of these smal beasts reason made him euidently know that Irland was to be soon lost his coming to vs was a great if not the only cause of this vnrecouerable losse and that destruction was approching their doores shall I make this manifest First there was noe mony nor treasure to pay the soldiers which did not vse to fight without good pay though our cause for fighting was the best in the world for liues liberties fortunes estates and religion wee had good experience of this and wee neuer saw in any countrie souldiers soe wel paid now cleare it is there was noe way for paying ergò noe fighting to be expected secondly there was noe amunition of pouder for defending the places wee had nor for field service would men thinke you expose themselves as marks to the enemie expresly to be killed without any defense Thirdly there was noe revenue or rents to be had for supporting in the future the souldrie officers traine of Artillerie pensions for Commissioners of trust and other necessarie Comissioners attending the Armie and publick this truth is cleare out of the Gentlemen Commissioners at London to witt that there was noe towne or considerable place when his Excellency did depart in his Majesties hands but Limerick and Galway and the Counties of Galway and Clare the other parts of connaght being wast and the rest of the Kingdom lost all which as they auerre happened before the proceedings of that part of the Cleargy mett at Iamestowne as was said before Fourthly there was noe expectation of ayde from any part of the world In this place I shall desire my Lord of Ormond or Fa VVailsh for him to name me any person Lord Gentleman Cittizen marchand or yeoman that would giue at that time by way of lone or gift vnto the publick any thing what hopes then had my Lord Leutenant of any substance to maintaine the war they will say there remained as yet the Citties Limerick and Galway and in these were many rich men but let him tell me who was able to get these riches the Lord Bishop of Limerick noe the Arch-bishop of Tuame ordinarie of Galway noe the Comissioners of trust nor those noe nor all the Bishops and Clergy of the Kingdom with them nor my Lord Leutenant himselfe in whose face they shut their gates I confess my Lord Leutenant had his faction in Limerick though the maior and honnester part were against him the recorder stackpole a rotten fellow his creaghs whites macnemarras and Fenells all these did not prouide the least in way of loane or otherwise they painted honnest men in ill collours and tould his excellency vnder hand they were to be suspected and feared but at last they them selues proued traitours and knaues
17'th of Aprill which was performed And after condescended that incase good and particulare hopes were demonstrated vnto vs wee would out of zeal to our liege Lord the King and in our great expectation of the interposition by them promised of the Crowne of France embrace a Cessation for six monthes soe that in the interval the Lord Marquis would accept noe Parliment forces into any of the Garrisons vnder his commâ—und and give good assurance for his performance therein where vpon Monsieur Tallone repaired to Dublin and brought vnto vs his Lordships absolute denyall of Cessation for more then three weekes vnto which wee could not condescend in regard wee had Iust and pregnant causes of feares that the said Lord Marquis did but seek that short Cessation in expectation of forces from the Parliment wherof wee had well grounded intelligence from London and otherwise and his Lordship having during the treaty with vs received men from the Parliment into Dublin and other his Garrisons and wee having vnderstood that his Lordships reason for not granting a Cessation for the six monthes propounded was that therby all hopes of his agreement with the Parliment had bin taken away and that then of necessity hee must throw himselfe on our party before hee could fairly fall of from the Parliment which whether hee can doe or noe the delivery of the hostages and theire quality and the forces by him allready received and the dayly expectation hee hath of more and the late propositions by him sent to the Parliment which if assented vnto by the Parliment hee declared himselfe to stick vnto them being considered it may be easily Iudged wherin the Impediment to an accommodation lyeth Adding to the premises for the more Cleare vnderstanding of our real desires to entertaine an accommodation wit the Lord Marquis of Ormond for preserving and continuing the places vnder his Majestys obedience which his Lordship holdeth that since our propositions sent him to put his Lordship in minde of an accommodation hee did neither by message or otherwise authorise any to treat further with vs ther vpon but vtterly sleighted that treaty by which wee had noe encourragment given vs to listen to a cessation which in it selfe was noe way profitable to the affaires of the Confederate Catholicks for the reasons afforesaid other then in order to the hopes wee might have of an accommodation the Coppy of which propossitions is hierwith sent Besides the motives afforesaid wee have it by assured and certaine intelligence that the Lord Marquis of Ormond hath alredy concluded with the Parliment and hath vpon confidence of prevailing for a short Cessation with vs assured them that hee would hould what hee enjoyeth vntill the month of May expecting then the Parliment of England theire Supplys Overtures for an accommodation delivered by Doctor Gerrald Fennell and Geffrie Brron Esquires from the Generall assembly of the confederat Catholicks to the Lord Marquess of Ormond in March 1647. 1. THat each party should continue theire respective goverment independent of ech other within such quarters as by the accommodation shall be agreed on vntill a peace 2. That both should joyne in a warre both by sea and land against the Enemys of his Majesty and this Nation and that neither party shall make Peace Cessation or other Agreement or ntertaine any Commerce or Trafick with the said Enemys without the consent of each other vntill a peace 3. That Dublin and other Garrisons your Lordships quarters may be secured against the said Enemie 4. That the Confederat Catholicks within the quarters that by this accomodation shall be agreed vpon to be left to your Lordship shall be secured of the free Enjoying of theire Religion Lives Estates and libertys 5. The like for all other Catholicks in the said quarters 6. That your Lordship shall permitt none to live within your quarters but such as shall sweare to the performance and accomodation 7. That your Lordship shall enjoy the profitts of your Estates in the quarters of the Confederate Catholicks paying such contributions out of it as the said Confederats shall doe out of theires 8. That the Confederats will contribut to the maintenance of your Lordships Charge by reason of your place in a Competent way Could there be any accommodation thought on more profitable to the King more considerable to the Queen and Prince his expectation and more advantagious to Ormond himselfe who therby had the rents of a great part of his Estate of that I meane that laid within the Catholick quarters then this Let any indifferrent conscientious man tell mee if any thing could be more Loyall or laying forth our great affection to our King in the distressed state hee then was in then this Here you have Ormonds answer to said accommodation sent by Mr. Wintergrant vnto the supreme Counsell the 10'th of may 1647. The answers were as followeth THe two first propositions are such as apeare fitter to be treated in a League offensive and defensive between neighbouring Princes then between his Majestys governour of a Kingdom and his subjects of the same declined from theire obedience with whome it is inconsistent with his Majestys Lieutenant to Ioyne otherwise then by theire returne to theire obedience and submission to his Majestys Authority 2. To the third When they are thus returned to theire obedience and have submitted to his Majestys Authority it will then be seasonable to consider of securing the Garrisons 3. The fiue other propositions are such as may be fitt to be considered in case of a sessation which when they shall propose vnto vs wee shall take it into consideration and give such answers thervnto as shall be reasonable You see the nature and condition of this answer Ormond would not com to any accommodation with the Confederate Catholicks because they were as hee saith declined from theire obedience vntill they had returned againe to theire former obedience and submission to his Majestys Authority yet the very same tyme the same Ormond treated publickly of a peace with the Parliment party a peace is of a higher nature then an accommodation open and knowne Rebels to the King and who had his Majesty at the very same tyme theire close prisoner and not only treated with those Rebels but even yielded vp to them the Cittie of Dublin the Castle sword and all appertaining thervnto Ormond gave to the confederate Catholicks and theire propositions of an accommodation the answer hee should have given to the Parliment party hee should have said to theire commissioners with whome hee then treated that it was not consistent with his Majestys Lieutenant to treat with them vntill they had set his Majesty at full liberty laid downe Armes restored to the King his Townes Forts and Navy acknowledging theire obedience and sworne aleageance vnto him This hee did not but perclosed a peace with them as above was said If this his acting when hee could have preserved the Kings Cittie and intrest from his enemys by
and for us he may for a time favour theyr wayes but to stick for good and all to such men rebellious enimie◠to the King and to him selfe is a thing I can not beleeue for yow must know that Ormond is a wise man a great politician you shall see in time how handsomly he will wind himselfe out of theyr clawes These and such like idle Sermocinations was theyr discourse but alack thes wise men did but flatter them selves and the time with such frivolous thoughts and conjectures grounding the fundation of theyr future prosperitie in Ormond's affection to the nation and his special care of theyr preservation which was in good earnest but to raise theyr building upon a fundation of sands or as Jmay say to build castels in the ayre but serò sapiunt Phryges the web is dispelled that couered ouer our eyes we can tandem see something and much like thos that rested long under the Iuniper tree whose shadow is both noxious and grivous to nature when they a wake feele a violent head-ach soe we hauing slept and slumbred long without due care to our owne preservation under the noxious shadow of Ormond's apparent affections at last experected and hauing opned our eyes we find our head heart and whole body in a far worse distemper then they that laid under the Iuniper tree our feauer is mounted to a hectical height partly by our owne carelessness and cheefly by the improper administration of our physitian Ormond who instead of salutiferous potions deluded us with poyson This Noble man haue poysoned as I may say the heart of us all I mean of his Majestie with toxical councels and fallacious informations against us soe as this poyson possessing the vitals we are faintinge and must of need perish if the antidot cordials of his Majestie 's goodness in whom next to god as thé fontaine of mercy and justice we place all trust and hope will not affoord us life and comfort which antidot cordials haue been hitherto as is evidently Knowne unjustly detained from us by the suggestions of Ormond and Clarindon CHAPTER II. A diligent Search off the motifs and reasons induced Ormond to forsake since the kings restauration the Catholicks of Irland and to stick to the Cromwelians WE are now to search out the motifs induced Ormond to à bandon the Catholicks and cause moved him to this suddain separation whether by ill chance the catholicks plotted against his life person libertie or fortunes or whether they with-drew first from him or haue given any occasion or offence sufficient to compel him to such à repentinous mutation or whether it was the king's interest for the better settlement of that kingdom under the crowne made him fasten hands with them new men and forsake the old stead-fast friends There is noe man will beleeue that soe noble à person soe compleat à states-man soe much esteemed in court and cittie for gallantrie and honour à man soe much cried up for his integritie and good nature to be the paramount of thousand as all his frinds in the beginning of his power gaue out of him then when he begun to haue dealing with the confederat catholicks there is not a man I say would beleeue that à person of such unparalelled parts would deflect foe nastilie in that nature from them without some efficatious ground and reason This unexpected catastrophe as it suggested matter of admiration to all sort of people soe it hath struken even dumb his neerest relations and thes his friends that most dearely respected him in soe much as they durst not speake one woord in deffence of this his instabilitie I am confident his grace wanted not such persons his close sticklers men skil'd both in the english and lattin letters wch formerly with heat and zeale were in a readiness to maintaine by hooke or crooke with apparent and seeming ratiocinations his sinistrous doeyngs faults and faylings now in this matter they dare not appeare to justifie his running a way from the camp of israel to the phylistin's field from the association and amitie of honourable and honestly true men the kings good subjects and his owne steadfast frinds to à cromwelian faction that heald out soe long in bloudy rebellion against the crowne and royal family even father VVaylsh himselfe who beyound all mortals Sacrifices himselfe to Ormond and who have written soe much of that Noble mans constancie vertues and supereminent talents sits now mute and silent he sayes nothing gives not a word in vindication of his great patron's defection from his friends alliances and countriemen I perceave the fathers mind and the cause of his silence in this matter he knowes it is hard for him invita Minerva pessima existente causâ to lay hand to his pen. His Grac◠the duke himselfe is sensible there are several inducing and obliginge reasons for continuing his affection if he had been soe pleased and association with the catholicks of Irland as may be the antiquitie greatness and Catholick pietie of his familie and renowned Ancestours for soe many hundred yeares in that Kingdom of Irland his vast patrimonie the Noble houses of two Viscounts three Barrons and great number of rich and worthie families of Knights and Esquires descended lineally from his pedigree that his Noble brother Mr. Richard Buttler his vertuous sisters gallant Ladies were borne in that land and have theyr estates and beeing therin add to this the alliance of several other peers of the land to his familie all which are undeniable and strong inducements powerfull to move and bind such a person or any other to love the Catholicks of Irland and closely fasten unto them in all theyr just concernments and undertakings In this place I would faine Know what had Orrery Monthrath and the rest of that crue to doe with the house of Ormond did there by good lucke intervene at any time tuixt theyr families and his any concatenation of marriages any relation of consanguinitie any firme connection of unstained friendship not that euer I could heare off but all to the contrarie well Knowne they were his deadly enemies and stared with an envious eye vpon his Lustre and Splendour who like unto a procerous Cedar they percēaved did overtopp them selves His Grace I suppose will not say he deserted the Catholicks whose loyaltie to the crowne of England have been sufficiently Knowne even to the very rebells themselues to joyne in friendship with these freash men but stale rebells for better advancing and securi◠his Majesties interest certainly a man of my lord's Iudgement as I am confident wid blush to pretend any such excuse or to say soe my lord of right should a gon with more moderation in foe waightie a matter and nicely ponder before pacting friendship with them whether or noe they that have been for soe many yeares fyrie and sworne enemies to the King and crowne would at long triall prove worthie of his amitie or of any other man 's else that had
exspect from you in due time for my light in the triangle cannot be exstinguished But my lord may not innocent benjamen alone nor frindly Ruben onely but even Symeon and Levi and their complices against you heretofore have cause to blesse God for you here after may they all find in effect that you have the bowells of Ioseph to forgive and compassion at them and his power to deliver them and his faith to beleeve that God permitted their evil against you even in forâ—ing you twice away from them of purpose to preserve you for their good and that you might returne even this second time their great deliverer Propâ—tious heaven and your owne good Genius my lord sâ—cond my wisâ—es and may your faith-full beleever see with his owne eyes the full accomplishment that â— may employ all his dayes after and all his labours in consecratnig to posterity your name with this Flogium of Ioseph the saviour of his brethren and of his country and of all the People and these are the harty wishes of my lord your Excâ—llencies most humble and most devoted servant P. VV. Here is a glorious perciose of that famous letter good God what a faire flourish wee have here of magnificent woords and even nothing but woords vowes and dreaming wishes that will take effect at once with the Velleities of the damned soules of hell first he infinuats the great wisedom of Ormond in the house and counsells of the king and would make vs beleeve he will appeare like an other Ioseph and by the best of advises preserve the best of Princes our gratious king and all his people of soe many different nations of the Brittish monarchy soe as the very Brittish crowne is againe like to suffer an other fatal knock iâ— Ormond's divine counsells and adviles doe not prevent it what man can read these Magnalia without gearing at this fryar's folly he then say's may the catholicks of Irland in particular owe you a great diliverance as I can not but confidently exspect from you in good time for my light in the triangle can not be exstinguished Certainly the man have been in a pleasant humour and some jouiall exstasie when he wroâ—e these things but I see the spirit of prophesie forsooke this friar long agoe and nothing I am sory for it fell out according his proguostication for Ormond did quite deceave him in his hopes and astrean predictions and his false light in the triangle if ever it was in the triangle is shamefully put out for the people of Irland in stead of this hopefull deliverance owe to Ormond their downfall and vtter destruction He then speaks of beloved Benjamen of frindly Ruben as likewise of Symeon and Levi and their complices against Ioseph giving therby to vnderstand that the Catholicks sould Ormond as Ioseph'â— brethren sould him to the Egyptians which is as great a lye as could be framed by a diabolick mind wheras Ormond if he did not sell the nation as Clarendo the Chanchelour did he hath at leastwise betrayed them in trust pray good F name the marchand to whome wee sould your Ormond tell the price wee had for selling him name the country he was transported vnto Now he comes to the bowells of Ioseph in Ormond O the mercifull bowells of Ormond in compassionating his countrymen It is true he had great power to doe vs good but turned that power to destruction carryed away by a spirit of rancor and revenge whereas you say wee forced Ormond away out of the country it is a shamfull lye but he himselfe withdrew in as much as he could doe noe good to the countrie as above said next you tell us he will become the great deliverer of his countrie O the great deliverer Ormond of his countrie and countriemen of the Catholicks of Irland noble Ormond that brought them out of chaines and bondage that defended them faith-fully against Orery Montrath and the rest of that rabelment of rebells when they had a contest before king and counsel that consoled them in their extremities delivered them from hunger and famin that represented to the king their loyalty and affection and made good to them the Articles of 48. O wonderfull deliverer of the nation Ormond the lying friar perclosed his letter with this great elogium and prayer That Ormond may prove a Ioseph and saviour of his brethren and of his Countrie and of all the people Change your stile idle and vaine friar writ truth once in your life and tell â—he world that thy Ormond hath not been a Ioseph nor saviour but the ruine looser and destroyer of his brethren and countrie and of all the people You may as wel prove crueltie to be mercy Hehogahalus was a Cato â—ticensis or a Phoâ—ion of Athens and that Messalina wife to Claâ—dius was a vestal nun as that Ormond was a Ioseph to the Irish Let who please compare Ormond with Ioseph and then judge this friar apostatizing from all pietie and his order a lyar in calling Ormond a Ioseph Ioseph in Putiphar's house was faithfull to his maister contenent and vertuous Ioseph in prilon was patient obedient to Gods will and beloved of all Ioseph in the court and governement of Egypt was wise just humble and in noe way proud or arrogant if Ormond hath those vertues let those that know him tell vs. Ioseph was of soe great wisedom and providence as he prevented seaven yeares famin by gathering corne in time of plenty and selling it in time of scarsity and hunger to the people thereby preserving them all from starving wherefore Pharo called Ioseph the saviour of the world surely the friar cannot stile Ormond saviour of Irland or of the Irish in this sense he preserved none of them from famin but starved thousands of them by taking away their lands estates and bread this his crvel tyrannie and oppression of the poore makes them strick the gates of heaven with grones and â—ighes and cryes they all say aloud O Ormond cruel man thou hast taken away the pleadge of thy brethren without cause and thâ— naked thou hasâ— spoiled of cloathes widdowes thou haâ—â— sent away â—mpâ—ie and the armes of pupills thou hast broken in peeces Iob. â— 22. Those are flatering friar the workes of mercy Ormond thy Ioseph have done the Catholicks of Irland this is the tenderness of his mercifull bowells towards them those are the effects of his great affection and care of them and all this being soe speake fa VVailsh truth and shame the divel what hath thy Ormond to doe with Ioseph thy Ormond I say a man of whome it is generally spoken and beleeved could never forgiven any thing that looked like an offence or injurie done him wheras mercy was the greatest vertue in Ioseph and his remitting and forgiving the injuries done him by his brethren who sold him over to the Egyptians CHAPTER X. Evident proofes of Ormonds deserting the Catholicks cheefly drawen out of his owne letter to Orery FRom the
shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant that wee and the Prince doe authoriz and apoint him to fill vp all the said blanks in such manner and to such purpose and with such contents as hee shall think most proper for the service of our dearest Lord the King in his Irish affaires and you shall assure him the said Lord Lieutenant that as wee and the Prince repose this trust and confidence in him that hee shall make vse of them as hee shall think fitt for the advancement of the peace in Ireland soe will both of vs at all tymes auow and Iustify those Instruments soe to be filled vp by him as our owne acts and as don by our owne particular directions and commaund you shall more particularly acquaint the Lord Lieutenant from vs and the Prince that if in the treaty of peace or in the conclusion therof hee desires to be assisted with any further Authority grounded vpon any letters sent to him from the King or otherwise in our power then wee desire him the said Lord Lieutenant to fill vp the blanks signed by vs or the Prince with such authority from vs or from vs and the Prince or from the Prince only in such manner as hee shall finde most proper and conducing to such a peace You shall likwise particularly acquaint him the Lord Lieutenant that if hee shall finde it proper for the advancement of the peace there that your selfe or your selfe with any others now in Ireland should in our name and authorised by vs repaire to the assembly Generall now held at Kilkennie or the supreme Counsel of the Irish or to any other body or persons with the overtures of a treaty or any particular in order to concerning or conducing to the same our desire is and wee hierby authorise him the said Lord Lieutenant accordingly that hee should fill vp one or more of the said blancks signed by vs in the nature of a commission letter or instructions with such authority from vs and in such manner as hee shall think fitt and that hee would accordingly insert the name of such person or persons as hee shall think fitt to be Ioyned with you in this Imployment from vs. These particulares you are to communicate to none but the Lord Digby and Lord Clanrikard vnless the Lord Luetenant shall think fitt to give you other orders concerning the same Then followeth the Princes approbation of all the instructions of both sortes with his commaund to put them in execution in these words Charles Prince VVEe have perused and doe fully approve of your instructions bearing date herwith and Signed by our Royal Mother and doe appoint and authorize you soe far as you shall finde vs named therin to put the same in execution Charles Prince VVEe have perused and doe fully approve of your private instructions bearing date herewith signed by our Royall Mother and hierby appoint and authorise you soe farre as you shall finde vs named therin to put the same in execution With these instructions and many letters not only to my Lord Lieutenant Lord Clanrikard and Lord Digby but alsoe from the Queen to the Nuncio and Cleargie to O Nelle and Preston with all the considerable persons then a mongst the Irish I parted from Paris a bout the 16. of march 1647. in Companic of my Lord Crafford c. From Nantes I landed at Waterford the 6'th or 7'th of Aprill and yet soe vnluckely as the assembly at Kilkennie had brooke vp that night at ten of the Clock which they would not have done had they first heard of my landing for soe Mr. Barron whoe hath been an Agent hier in France for the confederat Irish and to whome I sent a post soe soon as I was in waterford writt back to mee indeed I was very unfortunat for the Assembly had both power and meanes to doe or undoe what they had don in ordre to a treaty which the supreme Counsell limited within bounds by the Assembly afterwards had not Being comâ—to Kilkennie I was by Mr. Barron brought to the Counsell to whome after they had caused mee to sitt in a Chaire not farre from my Lord of Antrim theire President nor would they heare mee till I had don soe I delivered the cause of my coming thither which was the Queen and Prince his desire of peace in that Kingdom and for the Queen shee was not only moved unto it for the Kings intrest but alsoe by a zeal to the Catholick Religion and good of the People The day I came to Dublin I was that night brought to my Lord of Ormond to whome I delivered such letters as were for him and then said that hee was sure those letters expressed civilitys from the Queen and Prince much better then I could and that therfore I had nothing more now to say untill I had such instructions disiphered as I had which were many and would take vp som good tyme and by which his Lordship would finde the confidence her Majesty and the Prince had in him which was soe great as noe reports could shake though wee had weekly newes of his treaty with the Parlament for delivery of those places under his commaund to which his Lordship replyed that confidence shall never deceive them and that hee who had ventured himselfe his wife and all his Children in the Kings service would make noe sample of venturing or casting away one scruple when there shall be cause this hee spook because one of his sons was then hostage with the Parlament yet if there be necessity hee should give up those places under his commaund hee would rather give them to the English Rebells then to the Irish Rebells of which opinion hee thought every good Englishman was to this I replyed nothing Ormond having seen and perused these premises and now spooken of instructions I demaund in this place what his grace can aleage for himselfe that can excuse his backwardness in satisfying the resonable and Iust demaunds of the confederat Catholicks Hee cannot say hee wanted power and authority for concluding a peace with them seeing hee might insert in the papers of 14. blancks what conditions what Articles hee pleased for himselfe the Queen and Prince being resolued To owne and Iustify the same as theire Royall act and deed Further hee had from his Majâ—sty a great latitude of power to compass such a peace as the Queen and Prince then desired notwitstanding the rejection of the peace of 46. as is to be seen by the Kings Letter to Ormond Februarij 27'th 1647. in these words page 258. of Reliquiae Carolinae ORMOND THe Impossibility of preserving my Protestant subjects in Irland by a continuation of warr having moved mee to give you the powers and directions which I have formerly done for the concluding of a peace there and the same growing dayly much more Evident that alone were reason Enough for mee to enlarge your powes and to make my commands in the point more positive but besides these
Lynch knight whom I doe instance for a thousandmore not for any acquaintance with him what right I say had he to this knight's estate vpon what accompt did he invade the islands of Aaron this gentleman's inheritance and had his son Richard created earle of that place and estate it is manifestly known that Domimum perfectum plenum of said estate was in Sr. Robert Lynch and his heires and yet my lord tooke those lands from him quo titulo quo iure is the question deffend F. VVailsh if you can in this place your great patron ipsa synderesis tould Ormond that he was doeing wrong and robbery the lands appertaning to Sr Robert that judicium naturale quo as S. Basil speakes ab iniquis bona facile discernere postumus clearly convinced Ormond that he was doeing a robbery that law of nature quod tibi non vis fieri alteri ne feceris that light of which holy David speakes signatum est super nos lumen vultus tui domine all those sacred lawes cryed out the depriving of Sr. Robert Lynch of his estate was factum contra legem dei aternam all those lights of God and nature condemnes this fact soe that finis operis finis operantis objecctum circumstantiae omma qua agebat Ormonius erant contralegem Dei what then can he say or plead for himselfe or you for him he cannot alleage that he acquired that Dominium by any pact stipulation donation permutation or prescription what then will men say in this case noe other then that Ormonds invading that gentlemans lands was apertum latrâ—cinâ—um Likely you may tell me the King made a grant to Ormond of the said knights estate you know well that in lege naturae noe human power can diâ—pense and it is certaine that the law of nature doth bind all kind of men and that none can pretend exemption from the force of that law the impression therof being a light made in every mans haert soe that this law binds as well the prince as the lowest man legi naturae saith lactantius net praerogari fas est nec derogare ex hoc aliquid licet neque tota abrogari potest nec vero aut per senatum aut per populum hac lege liberari possumus shall I say more probable it is that God himself cannot dispense in the law of nature take S. Thomas his authority for it quia id sapientiae divinae omnino repugnat proendeque fieri non potest 1. 2. quaest 100. ar 8. ratio est saith the saint quia lex naturalis nihil aliud est vt docet S. Aug quam ipsius aternae legis incommut abilis rattonis ipsius divinae sapientiae in mentibus hominum facta transcriptio Now it is evidently cleare a man's life liberty fame lands estates and fortunes are his owne by the law of nature and that by force of the same law quisuis potest se defendendo sua vine vi repelsere and soe could Sr. Robert against Ormond invading his estate had he beene able to doe soe But you will say the landsand estates of subjects forfeited to the king for treason rebellion and other like crimes by way of attaindeur may be disposed of by the king I grant that but this authority for taking away from such men their lands and estates the prince hath from the law of nature which doth not protect any privat man to doe against the publick good wherefore the commonwealth can take away the life of a man and his estate though both are his by the law of nature when he transgresses against the prince or publick good to whom by pact or law of nature he should oboy this the prince can doe for justice sake but not for convenience or at his will and pleasure for the bonds prescribed to the jurisdiction of a prince are justice law and reason and not to doe his owne pleasure Now I would know from you what crime hath Sr. Robert committed was he convinced of any crime against the king before any bench of justice what hath he don who charged him the law of England a good law sayes noe man can be condemned but by course of law that is the subjects birth-right and to that effect are lawes made that justice may be don to all men princes are obliged in conscience to administer justice ackording the law I demand againe what hath Sr. Robert Lynch don you will say he was ingaged in the â—rish rebellion for soe you still call that just war which you could never as yet prove nor never shall but grant it hath been a rebellion Sr. Robert Lynch as all the confederat catholicks had an act of oblivion from the king in the peace of 48. ergo your rebellion was pardonned ergo Sr. Robert Lynch cannot loose his estate for that nor hath he since that time entred into a new rebellion or committed any act of â—reason Ormond cannot say he broake the Articles of peace of 48. for he still observed them and adhered to the gouverment and to Ormond and had nothinh to doe with the congregation of Iamestowne whose acts were by Ormond esteemed or reputed treasonable â— tell me then what right had Ormond to that noble gentlemans estate you see the King's grant if any he gave being against the law of nature and the law of the land is voyd and cannot excuse Ormond's conscâ—ience and if the king by a wrong information had granted one mans estate to an other that other cannot prescribe quia numquam erat in bona fide and consequently in conscience he is bound to restore the said estate because he houlds it malafide and the prince himselfe rightly informed is obliged in conscience to have the estate restored to the right owner But now let uâ— returne to the other part of the F letter wherin he vseth a christian freedom of minding the king and Ormond how dangerous a thing is the violation of publick faith and how such transgressors have beene severly punished in all ages but above all he brings downe a formidable example of publick faith broken with the Gabionites and how King David fir appeasing the great famin and the anger of God come vpon the people delivered to said Gabionits seaven children and nephews of Saul who crucifyed them alive vpon a montaine to expiat this publick horrid sin even in the face of sun Lib. 2. Reg. c. 21. he ends his letter to Ormond thus My lord conclude here but with my harty wilâ—es that in the house and at the Counsells of our great king your Excellency may both appeere and prove your selfe hereafter what you are in part already an other Ioseph that by the best advises you may preserve the best of Princes and all his people of soe many different nâ—tions of the british monarchy may it be soe my lord and may the catholicks of Irland in particular owne you a great deliverance as I can not but confidently