Selected quad for the lemma: cause_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	great_a	life_n	see_v	3,300	5	3.3210	3	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A88579	A cleare and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, since my tryall before, and condemnation by, the High Court of Iustice. Whereby it is manifested, that a close prison, a long sword, a High Court, and a bloody scaffold, have not in the least altered my judgment. Whereas also the cruelty of the sentence, the insufficiency of the proofs, and my own innocency, are demonstrated. As also my grounds and reasons of giving in a narrative, and the lawfulness of the matter and titles of my petitions (though to usurpers) manifested and maintained. Together with a declaration of my judgement concerning Cromwells unlawfull invasion of the kingdom of Scotland. Written by me Christopher Love, Master of Arts, minister of Lawrence Iury, London; penned by me the eighth of August, fourteen days before my death.	Love, Christopher, 1618-1651.	1651 (1651)	Wing L3148; Thomason E790_5; ESTC R202748	58,288	49

say so he said William Drake undertook to draw up the Instructions but he could not say they were drawn up or sent He said that those that were named Commissioners they were to advise but not to treat in the behalf of the Presbyterian party After the fight at Dunbar a Letter from Massey to assist both with money and arms was read but he said he came in late and did not hear it read he could not say positively such a Letter was read but that I told him so and that I told him we could not do it He said that I told him we had agreed to raise a summe of money for Massey and Titus either 250 livre. or 300 livre. He said that I asked him what he would do so he brought five pound and laid it upon my Table when severall persons were in the room and being askt whether I was in the room he said yes my Lord but he could not say any els was so he contradicted himself before he said severall persons were present now he said he could not tell that any els but my self was in the room yea he could not say that I received it or see him lay it downe or bid him lay it downe and further he saith he doth but conceive that the money was for Massey or Titus He could not say that I was privy to the Negotiation with Titus nor that I was present at the reading of the Copy of the Kings Letter which Alford brought from Callis nor that I was present whil'st that the Narrative was read He being askt whether I did send Alford to Callis or agree to the sending of him he answered that he thinks I did not He being askt whether I gave my consent to the sending away of the Commission he answered that he could not say that I was there when it was sent away And being askt whether I did not protest against it he answered that it was agreed by all that the Commission should not be sent He being askt whether he thought that I received the five pound he laid on my table he answered no but he thought another did receive it and named who Thus you have an extract of all the eight Witnesses have deposed without extension or omission of any materiall passage in any mans Testimony I wish from my heart that all the Depositions together with my Defence made in Court were truly published by an impartiall hand then I should be confident the Reader would justifie me though the High Court have condemned me Being now upon the Testimony of the Witnesses I crave leave to insist a little larger upon it than I at first intended that I may manifest the more clearly the insufficiency falsnesse and contradictorinesse thereof what the Evangelist observes touching the accusers of Christ I may without vanity say of mine that they did not agree among themselves one Witnesse sware one thing and another sware the quite contrary yea they did not only contradict ●ne another but sometimes contradict themselves as I have made appear more fully in my defence before the high Court I did never see Witnesses more confounded than they were so that though their Testimony did condemne my person yet I nay themselves have condemned their owne Testimony So that may I say without vanity that promise is made good Isa. 54. 17. Every tongue that shall rise up in judgement against thee thou shalt condemn this is the heritage of the servants of the Lord To evidence this to the world I shall give you a brief and true relation of sundry remarkable passages concerning the Witnesses either before or in or after the Tryall which will If not nullifie yet invalidate and disparage their Testimony in the thoughts of judicious and impartiall men I shall begin with the first Witnesse which was Captaine Potter I beseech you take notice concerning him of these particulars First If ever his testimony be published he doth rather justifie than accuse me he fastens nothing capitall upon me yea secondly he swears he met at my house sometimes on a friendly sometimes on a Christian account or to hear news that was the worst he did swear about the meeting at my house Thirdly He swore in Court that till Master Prideaux remembered him of some things out of the examinations of other men he could not remember them or speak to them yet things done so long agoe and forgotten by a man are counted to be sufficient proof against me Fourthly he was threatned with death if he would not and promised his life by Mr. Prideaux and Mr. Scot if he would confesse what he knew and Witnesse against me And because he did not swear to every addition and agravation against me put into his examination by Capt. Bishop Clerke of the Committee which he discovered in Court and said all was not his therefore he is condemned to dye and in great danger to lose his life The second Witnesse was Major Alford he was in much trouble before he came in against me he told his Sister and other Friends they would put him to death if he did not testifie against me but now he sees me condemned he is filled with shame that he cannot walk the streets and with sorrow that he can neither sleep nor eat his bread with comfort Yea Mr. Cranford coming once to visit him did finde him lying on his bed in a dark room in much disquiet of minde he told Mr. Cranford that nothing did trouble him so much in all his life as his witnessing against me and were it to do again he would never doe it if he had ten lives to lose Mr. Cranford told me this that he heard it from Alfords own mouth I hear that he is not well but I believe I may say agrotat animo magis quam corpore and that he hath great cause to be The third Witnesse was Major Huntington a man whose face I never saw but once at my house nor since but at my Tryall He is not only a dissembling fellow but a most perjured wretch he did hardly swear one true word as relating to things done at my house yea as to me he sware most falsly that I said of the Commission Come come let it goe which is a most notorious lye yea Captain Far another of the Witnesses who was then present sware the quite contrary that all the Company was against the sending the Commission and did allege the reason that I gave against it That private men had not power to Commissionate c. The fourth Witnesse was Lieutenant Colonell Baines that Arch-Apostate from his first Principles he told the Court a long story but did not could not say one word concerning me so he went as wise as he came The fifth Witnesse was Major Adams who is a Monster among men and will be I am perswaded a monument of Misery to all that know him I have many things to say concerning him First He was

also that no addresses to them will be received by them unlesse the titles they assume to themselves be given them by those who make applications to them Having thus spoken to justifie the lawfulnesse of the titles of my Petitions I come now to justifie the matter of my Petitions Before I speak to the matter of my Petitions positively I shall in a word declare negatively what was not the matter of my Petitions as 1. I did not promise to act any thing for the promoting and maintaining this present Government that had been equivalent to taking the engagement 2. I did not promise to joyne with the present power to oppose the Scotish Army though I was often sollicited to it 3. I did not declare that for which I was condemned was a sin against God I am of the sam● mind I was when at the High Court after I had my sentence I said Though they Condemned me yet God and my owne Conscience did not Condemne me they Condemned me for Treason yet my Conscience did not tell me that it was a sinne against God which they counted Treason I confessed it was a transgression of their Lawes but no transgression of any command of God In my first Petition I have these words That I lay my mouth in the dust that there may be hope that the Lord will pardon his manifold iniquities and that your Honours will passe by his offences contrary to your Lawes In my second Petition I have these words through unadvisednesse and weaknesse he is fallen under your sad and heavy displeasure and hath offended against the Lawes of this Common-wealth In my third there is no mention of sinne at all In my fourth Petition there is this passage The consideration whereof melteth the heart of your Petitioner and makes him after a more narrow search of his heart and wayes more deeply sensible than ever of his sinne against God and more sorrowfull for his crimes and offences against the Parliament in his late and great miscarriages In all which passages I have not renounced the righteousnesse of the cause for which I suffer nor acknowledged the thing it selfe to be sinfull which I still maintaine as justifiable and can say with the Apostle Happy is he that condemneth not himselfe in the thing which he alloweth 4. I did not in my Petition justifie the acts upon which I was condemned to be righteous nor the Court to be legall I do publickly protest against the former to be most unrighteous unmercifull and severe Lawes as Draco's written in blood and have before the High Court protested against the latter that they were not a leagall Court of judicature to judge me for my life therefore I did earnestly plead it was my birthright to have a jury my duty to demand it though their pleasure to deny it 5. I did not absolutely justifie the sentence of the High Court I had rather patiently undergoe the sentence than absolutely to justifie it I must confesse through advice of Lawyers and earnest solicitatious of friends I did in my last Petition after a sort and in some sence say the Sentence was just in what sence I shall by and by shew My words are these He humbly acknowledgeth he hath so highly violated the Lawes of the Commonwealth as that thereby he hath rendred himselfe guilty of the sentence of death justly past upon him by the high Court of Iustice In which words first I do not justifie their Lawes nor secondly the Legality of the Court thirdly nor the sufficiency of the testimony of the Witnesses There did not any two Witnesses evidence any one fact against me that was treason by their new Acts and that some Members of the High Court have confest unto me Having spoken Negatively what was not the matter of my Petitions I now come to speake positively what was the matter of my Petitions wherein I have said or done nothing contrary to Conscience or my former principles The matter of my Petitions containes three parts first the Narratory part secondly the Promissory part thirdly the Petitionary part At the last none can be offended unlesse such as thirsted after my blood in that I did but begge a grant of my life that I might bee rescued from going downe into the Grave None can justly blame mee for begging my life from any who have my life in the power of their hands I neede not speak to that But the two former parts of my Petitions viz. the narratory and promissory parts require more to be spoken concerning them As touching the Narratory part I shall begin with the first Petition the narratory part runs thus Most humbly sheweth Your Petitioner having received the sentence of Death by the High Court of Justice is preparing himself in all humility and serious submission to drink that bitter cup the terrour whereof though much abated through the pardoning mercies of God in the blood of sprinkling yet your Petitioner being brought down to the dust of Death desires to see the righteous Lord in this Sentence acknowledging it to be just with the the most High to cut him off both in the midst of his dayes and the midst of his Ministry but desires to be deeply humbled under the mighty hand of God lying low before the Lord and you putting his mouth in the dust that there may be hope that the Lord will pardon his manifold Iniquities and that your Honours would passe by his offences done contrary to your Laws which as he formerly did so still doth confesse renders him faulty for which he is unfeignedly sorry your Petitioner goeth not about to plead excuse but with an humble submission prostrates himself at your feet acknowledging he hath offended against the acts of this Commonwealth and thereby is fallen under your sore displeasure of which he is very deeply sensible and sorrowfull also This is all the narratory part which I hope offends no sober minde nor Christian ear it offends some I have said no more it offends none I hope that I have said so much I desire to give you a few things to observe out of these words in my first Petition 1. I said I desire to see the righteous Lord in this Sentence I doe acknowledge God to be righteous what ever men are in all that is brought upon me he is righteous should a worse Sentence than Death passe upon me 2. I do acknowledge it to be just with the most High to cut me off both in the midst of my dayes and in the midst of my Ministery I doe not say it is just with men they shall answer for what they have done but it is just with God he is just in mens injustice and righteous in mens unrighteousnesse 3. I say in my Petition That I desire to be deeply humbled under the mighty hand of God lying low before the Lord and you putting his mouth in the dust if there may be hope that God will pardon his manifold Iniquities and

to it in my last Petition The reasons why I formerly refused to mention a word in my three first Petitions about the justice of the Sentence are these 1. Lest I should harden the hearts of my unjust Judges they themselves confest mine was as intricate and dubitable a Case as ever came before them to finde by what Act and by what Clause in that Act I was found guilty therefore they spent more time about my tryall than about any Mans since their High-Court was established I refused therefore to say that was Justice which God will say is Murder in the great day of their account and which themselves could hardly say was just untill by the subtill insinuations and rigid inferences and Collections of the Lawyers of that Court they hook't me within the compasse of those generall words To abett countenance or encourage 2. Lest I should injure my Godly Brethren who should be afterwards tryed The most they proved against me by two Witnesses was prefence at the hearing of Letters read Now I thought with my selfe should I confesse the Sentence just I should pre-judge my Brethren and in effect say the Sentence would be just against them as well as against me upon this ground I refused to say the Sentence was just but this reason is of no force now for all my Brethren in the Tower who were engaged in the same businesse they have either confest or intend to confesse against themselves 3. I could not be informed upon discourse with divers of the Members of the High-Court what personall fact of mine proved against me made me guilty of Treason by any publique Act of theirs nor could I understand by any of them if they did proceed Secundum allegata probata how they found me guilty of Treason all the refuge they had to run to was this That I was an abetter countenancer or encourager of the Scotish Nation and forces adhering to them and upon that Clause they sentenced me Now when I saw some of my Judges could give me no more satisfactory reasons of their Sentence it made me the more to doubt of the justice of the Sentence even according to their own Lawes upon these grounds I forbore to speak of the justice of the Sentence in mentioning the justice of the Sentence I did not use lightnesse or shew ficklenesse but what I did it was upon solemn and serious advice and consideration The reasons why I did say the Sentence of Death was justly past upon me are these 1. Because I knew I had done those things which their cruell Lawes punish with Death as I did write a Letter to Massey and gave a small sum of money to him both which are punished with death yet they proved neither of these so that I place the justice of the Sentence not upon the sufficiency of the proof but upon my violation of their bloody Lawes 2. I had not so much hopes that saying in any sence the Sentence was just would formerly so much advantage me as now I have therefore would not give so likely an offence for so unlikely and uncertain an advantage 3. I considered with my self that the Sentence of the Court whether just or unjust as to my acknowledgment was but a nice controversie in Law not a clear Case of Conscience in Divinity I did not refuse to say the Sentence was in any sence just as if I thought it were a sin in its own Nature to say that by their Laws the Sentence was just I never loaded my Conscience with that but I forbore it out of Christian prudence I would not harden my Judges nor insnare my Brethren 4. The last reason why I did say the Sentence was just is this because my Judges did upon the evidence bring me under these generall and comprehensive words To abett countenance and encourage the Scotish Nation These words are of such a latitude that they might bring me under them by forced inferences strained consequences and rigid interpretations so that in this sence this rigid sence the Sentence may be said to be just Yet for all this that hath been said my Judges have great cause to be troubled as 1. For sitting in so arbitrary illegall and tyrannicall a Court 2. That they judged me upon such incompetent insufficient and uncertain evidence 3. That they judged me to dye by such an Act they indeed are to be judged as Traytors who made the Act not I who broke it 4. For being such vassalls to those who Commissionate them most of them having offices or places of profit from the State are in fee with the State and for that very reason are not competent persons to be judges of matters of Fact against any mans life indeed the Iudges of the Land are onely Judges of matters of Law and may be in fee with the State may receive a yearly revenue but the Jury who judge of matters of Fact ought not to be in fee with the State therefore by Law the Prisoner at the Bar may lawfully except against 35 if he see just cause either in that or any other regard 5. They have great cause to be troubled that when they could not prove one Treasonable fact against me by their new Laws either that I ever writ Letter or received or sent Letter or gave one penny of money when I say they could prove neither of these against me that they judge me to dye upon such a quirk in the Act and by such harsh interpretations force my actings to come under those generall words abetting countenancing and encouraging I am bold to say that Treason was never made by such generall words as abetting countenancing and encouraging in any State or Kingdom in the world but in ours by our Commonwealth-men and some of my Iudges have confest there was never such generall words found in any Law to make a man guilty of Treason Ignorant men talk of the Norman slavery but there is no such slavery in the world as this is for a man to dye upon such words as these for ought I know speaking well of a Scotch man may be judged abetting and looking lovingly on a Scotch man may be judged conntenancing and speaking comfortably to a Scotch man may be judged encouraging so that if a man speak well of or look lovingly on or speak comfortably to any of the Scotish Nation he may for ought I know be brought under this unmercifull and cruell Act as well as I Though I am not the first sentenced to death by the flew Acts yet I am the first Man in England sentenced to dye by those generall words of abetting countenancing and encouraging which are not found in any ancient Laws or Statutes and which no Iury in England would have Condemned me upon as Lawyers have informed me What will after-ages say of these proceedings but that this kind of justice is extremity of rigor and that there is a talent of unrighteousnesse to one dram of justice found in

Scotland for they are of the English not of the Scotish Nation Yea though I did give money to relieve poor Scotch men prisoners and others here in London yet this contradicts not my Protestation for therein I said I did not give money to send into Scotland or any other fo●eign parts to any persons of the Scotish Nation but I did not say I did not give here in London to any person of the Scotish Nation I did relieve many of the poor Scotch prisoners who were taken at Dunbar fight and brought to Black-wall Yet this doth not falsifie my Protestation though I did give money to poor Scotch men in London yet I sent none into Scotland to any Scotch person since the Wars began to this day When I first put pen to paper I did not intend to look fo far back as the Tryall but because the Tryall is so mis-represented and mis-reported in some Bookes in Print especially in that lying Book called The Plea for the Common-wealth and because many black and hideous things are laid to my Charge of which I am not guilty Wherefore I shall doe two things 1. Lay down what none of the 8. Witnesses did prove against me 2. Give a brief Extract of what they did prove against me that so the World may be satisfied upon what I was Condemned to dye None of the 8. Witnesses did prove in Court 1. That I writ Letter to the King of Scots or Queen or Jermin or Piercy or to any other persons in foreign parts either in or of the Scotish Nation since the Wars began to this day 2. Or that ever Letter was writ in my House or in any place else where I was present 3. Or that ever I directed ordered or perswaded any others to write 4. Or that I did know of any person that did write Letters into Scotland or any foreign parts 5. Or that ever I sent or gave my consent to the sending away of any Letters into Scotland or any forein parts 6. Or that ever I received any Letter from Scotland or any foreign parts 7. Or that I ordered any other person to receive Letters for me 8. Or that ever I did so much as read any Letter in my House or anywhere else that did come from Scotland or from foreign parts 9. Or that ever I collected gave or lent any money either for the King of Sc●ts the Queen his Mother the Church and State of Scotland in the generall or for any particular persons either in or of the Scotish Nation since the beginning of the Wars to this day 10. Or that ever I invited any foreign Forces to invade either England or Ireland 11. Or that I was in the least privy to or accquainted with any preparations or endeavours tending to the raising of intestine insurrections at home or joyning with any foreign Invasions from abroad None of these particulars were proved against me yet I was condemned to dye which doth manifest to the world that I I am put to death rather upon an interest of State than Principles of Conscience rather to put a terror upon others than for the merits of the Facts I have don my self yet my Oppressors slay me and hold themselves not guilty The most that was proved against me was this That I was present at meetings in severall Fasts to begge a blessing on the Treaty between the King and the Scots that there might be an Agreement between them upon the interest of Religion and termes of the Covenant That I was severall times present at my House when Letters were read that either were sent to or received from Scotland That I moved for money for Massey and Titus yet one of the Witnesses swore that it was not upon a Military account to maintain the War in Scotland but meerly to relieve the personall necessities of Massey and Titus That two of the Witnesses brought Fifteen pound for Massey and Titus to my House viz. Potter brought Ten pound and Far brought Five pound but neither charged me that I received it Here I desire the Reader to take notice that though 8. Witnesses came in against me yet no two of them did concurre in their Testimony to prove any one thing against me unlesse that I was present at the bearing of Letters read which other men brought to my House As for all other things though two Witnesses might sometimes speake ad idem yet not to the same thing eodem tempore 'T is true two swore that I moved for money yet one swore I did it in a meeting the other swore I did it to him alone at another time But lest it should be thought I am too favourable in my own Cause I have here made an Extract out of the Depositions of the Witnesses that so you may see the worst that is proved against me A brief Extract or Collection out of the Depositions of the Witnesses against Master LOVE The first Witnesse was Captain Potter POtter sware he brought ten pounds to my house which he intended for Masey and Titus he laid it downe in my Parlour 5. or 6. being present but proved not that I saw him or bid him lay the money down or that I received it I can truly say I did neither Potter sware he did receive Letters one from Bamfield another from four Lords in Scotland viz. Argile Loudon Lothian and Bellcarris and another from Mr. Bayly on the superscription was a great L. but said it was not to me but he said he shewed them me and some others at my house and when he came in he said Mr. Love I have nues to shew you in one of the Letters there was a motion for ten thousand pound but said he we all disliked that motion dissented from it and resolved to send a Nagative Answer yea he might have said that I was the man that disswaded them from doing any thing in that businesse Potter said An Answer to those Letters was brought and left at his shop he said he thought it came from me and Dr. Drake but God is my Witnesse I neither sent carried nor left Letter at his shop in all my life Alford said William Drake held a Correspondence with Scotland but he knew no Ministers that knew this He said That after he came from Callis he brought to William Drake a Narrative from Captaine Titus of all his proceedings at Iersey and how the Cavaleers abused him and also brought a Copy of a Letter from the King he said this was read at my house He said There was a Commission and instructions read at my house a little before the Treaty at Bredah to Authorise the Lord Willoughby Bunce Massey Titus Graves to use their interest in the King and in the Scots Commissioners to agree in their Treaty upon the terms of the Covenant I desire you to take notice that this was the only meeting I was at about an agree agreement between the King and the Scots and at this meeting

whith a Whore now because he was one of my name some Malignants did charge it upon me but that grosse lye was soon quelled but is now revived and suggested to some in present power on purpose to exasperate them against me But why should I be troubled at these slanders my betters have been falsly accused as well as I two Harlots accused Athanasius that he was uncleane with them when he was the Chastest man of that age Beza was accused of drunkennesse and uncleannesse also who was free from both the Jesuits accused Calvin that he had the foule disease that he was eaten up of V●●min yea the Lord Jesus was accused to have a Devill though the fulnesse of the God-head dwelt in him 4. Object It is reported that I was unnaturall to my Parents that I would not relieve them in their necessities Sol. I am loth to commend my selfe yet when another mans mouth doth accuse me it is lawfull for my owne to praise me My duty and Naturall affections to my parents hath abounded as I had great cause for their tendernesse and care in my education they have been dead above seven years since it is true they had a competent livelyhood in the World but fell to decay and when they were necessitated I speak it truly when I was not worth 20 li. in all the world my parents had ten of it 5 Object It is reported that I neglected Mr. Erbury who was the means of my conversion and education that when he was plundred in WALES and came to ENGLAND in a necessitous condition that I would not relieve him Sol. As for Master Erbury though he is fallen into dangerous opinions yet he being my spirituall Father I do naturally care for him as Timothy did for Paul my heart cleaves to him in love more than to any one man in the World I speake to the praise of God he was the instrument to my conversion near twenty years agoe and the means of my education also in the Vniversity for which kindnesse the half I have in the World I could readily part with for his reliefe It is true about eight or nine years since he was plundered in Wales and did come to see me at Windsor Castle but a Sonne could not make more of a Father than I made of him according to my ability when I had not twelve pounds in all the World I let Master Erbury have six of it indeed he afterward gave me a horse for which I received not much above forty shillings yea I procured him a place in the Army to be Chaplaine to Major Generall Skippons Regiment where he had eight shillings a day 6 Object Others say that what I denyed in Court was afterward proved against me and then I did confesse it Sol. This is a manifest untruth those Protestations I made the first day of my Tryall I made them also the last day rejoycing that they were not falsified nor contradicted by any of the 8 Witnesses but I have spoken to this more largely before If other slanders shall be cast upon me I hope you will have so much charity not to believe reports raised upon me when I shall be silent in the Grave not able to speake in my owne vindication This I say without vanity of falshood I have been kept for these twenty years from the time I first knew God from falling into any scandalous evill but only into those infirmities of unavoydable and dayly incursion unto which all the Godly are subject in the course of their pilgrimage I love not to speak in my own praise yet I judge it lawfull when other mens mouthes falsly accuse me my owne mouth may modestly commend me As an Appendix to what I have already written I have but a few things to desire the Reader to take notice of 1. I am informed that there is something blotted out of my last Petition after it went from me without my knowledge or consent To assure all the World that I was no Malignant I did put this clause in my fourth Petition That in my place and calling I should oppose all Malignant designs whether in this or the Neighbour Nation that may tend to the ruin● of this Common-wealth Somebody blotted out the word Malignant and would thereby hold the world in hand as if I should engage to oppose the King and Scots which are now entred England which was far from my Heart I judge it no Malignant designe for the Scots to defend their Nation and the Title of their King upon the interest of Religion and terms of the Covenant this is an honest and justifiable designe Indeed Mr. Owen and Mr. Bond were with me in the Tower and desired me to put it out but I told them I could not doe it because I said though I would be lookt upon as one that would oppose Malignant designes yet I would not be lookt upon as one that would oppose the honest Scots or as if I thought their actings were Malignant designes I sent the Petition to Sheriffe Titchburn if he observed it he will justifie me that the word Malignant was in the Petition Whether they have blotted out any thing more or put any thing in God knows I am not ashamed to own the Petitions I have given you the Substance of them in my vindication I desire you to take notice also that by Common-wealth I do not understand the present Government I wish that were ruined but by Common-wealth I understand the Body or Community of the People of this Nation I shall in my place and calling oppose any Malignant designes that may tend to their ruine 2. I desire you to take notice that it is very likely they will not publish the Depositions of the Witnesses in Court but the private Examinations taken from them in private and patcht together by Mr. Scet and Captain Bishop they were not ashamed to produce them and read them in open Court and some of the Witnesses had so much honesty left as to dissavow them in open Court Believe nothing beloved but what was sworn in open Court nor all that neither for some of the Witnesses swore falsly as I made appear in my Defence 3 I desire the Reader to take notice that there is a lying Pamphlet put forth entituled A short Plea for the Common-wealth In which there are many grosse lies especially in things which relate to me It is not fit for me to enter the Lists with him It becomes not a dying man to write of Controversies which will beget dispute therefore I shall not answer the Book though I could easily do it but only sum up the many Lies he relates concerning me As In Page 3 second Edition He insinuates he is loath to say it out for shame or to name me yet he would deceive the Reader by saying The meetings of these Traytors here produced the first Treaty at the Hague And elsewhere he saith That I am chief of these Traytors so