both by force and fraud by Mines and countermines by trenches bulwarkeâ— flaukers and rampiers by friends enemies alsies servants creatures and dependents or any other that may serve his turne is very rare and singular His disposition to cruelty murder treason and tyranny and by all these to supream Soveraignty over other is most evident and cleare And then judge you whether her Majesty that now raigneth whose life and prosperity the Lord in mercy long preserve have not just cause to feare in respect of these things onely if there were no other particulars to prove his aspiring intent besides No doubt quoth the Lawyer but these are great matters in the question of such a cause as is a Crown And we have seen by example that the least of these four which you have here named or rather some little branch contained in any of them hath bin sufficient to found just suspition distrust or jealousie in the heads of most wise Princes towards the proceedings of more assured subjects then my Lord of Leycester in reason may be presumed to be For that the safety of a state and Prince standeth not onely in the readinesse and hability of resisting open attempts when they shall fall out but also and that much more as Statists write in a certaine provident watchfulnesse of preventing all possibilities and likelihoods of danger of suppression for that no Prince commonly will put himselfe to the curtâ—sie of another man be he never so obliged whether he shâ—ll retaine his Crowne or no seeing the cause of a Kingdome acknowledgeth neither kindred duty faith friendship nor society I know not whether I doe expound or declare my self well or no but my meaning is that wheras every Prince hath two points of â—ssurance from his subject the one in that he is faithfull and lacketh will to annoy his Soveraigne the other for that he is weake and wanteth ability to do the same the first is alwayes of more importance then the second and consequently more to be eyed and observed in policy for that our will may be changed at our pleasure but not our ability Considering then upon that which hath beene said and specified before how that my Lord of Leicester hath possessed himself of all the strength powers and sinewes of the Realme hath drawne all to his own direction and hath made his party so strong as it seemeth not resistable you have great reason to say that her Majesty may justly conceive some doubt for that if his will were according to his power most assured it is that her Majesty were not in safety Say not so good sir quoth I for in such a case truly I would repose little upon his will which is so many wayes apparant to be most insatiable of ambition Rather would I thinke that as yet his ability serveth not eiâ—her for time place force or some other circumstance then that any part of good will should want in him seeing that not onely his desire of soveraignty but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same is sufficiently declared in my conceit by the very particulars of his power and plots already set downe Which if you please to have the patience to heare a Scholars argument I will prove by a principle of our Philosophy For if it be true which Aristotle saith there is no agent so simple in the world which worketh not for some finall end as the bird buildeth not her nest but to dwell and hatch her yong ones therein and not onely this but also that the same agent doth alwayes frame his worke according to the proportion of his intended end as when the Fox or Badger maketh a wide earth or den it is a signe that he meaneth to draw thither great store of prey then must we also in reason thinke that so wise and politick an agent as is my Lord of Leicester for himselfe wanteth not his end in these plottings and preparations of his I meane an end proportionable in greatnesse to his preparations Which end can be no lesse nor meaner then supreame Soveraignty seeing his provision and furniture doe tend that way and are in every point fully correspondent to the same What meaneth his so diligent besieging of the Princes person his taking up the wâ—yes and passages about her his insolency in Court his singularity in the Councell his violent preparation of strength abroad his enriching of his complices the banding of his faction with the abundance of friends every where what doe these things signifie I say and so many other as you have well noted and mentioned before but onely his intent and purpose of Supremacy What did the same things portend in times past in his Father but even that which now they portend in the Sonne Or how should we thinke that the Son hath another meaning in the very same actions then had his Father before him whose steps he followeth I remember I have heard oftentimes of divers aâ—cient and grave men in Cambridge how that in King Edwards dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans Father was generally suspected of all men to mean indeed as afterward he shâ—wed especially when he had once joyned with the house of Suffolk and made himselfe a principall of that faction by marriage But yet for that he was potent and protested every where and by all occasions his great love duty and speciall care above all others that he bare towarâ—s his Prince Country no mâ—n durst accuse him openly untill it was too lâ—te to withstand his power as commonly it falleâ—h out in such affaires and the like is evident in my Lord of Leycesters actions now albeit to her Mâ—jesty I doubt not but that he will pretend and protest as his Father did to her Brother especially now after his open association with the faction of Huâ—tington which no lesse impugneth under this mans protection the whole line of Henry the seventh for right of the Crowne then the house of Suffâ—lke did under his Father the pâ—rticulâ—r progeny of King Henry the eight Nay rather much more quoth the Gentleman for that I doe not read in King Edwards raigne when the matter was in plotting noâ—withstanding that the house of Suffolkâ— durst ever make open claime to the next succâ—ssion But now the house of Hastâ—ngs is bâ—come so confident upon the strength favor of their fautors as they dare both plot practice pretend all at once and fâ—ar not to set out their title in every place where they come And do they not fear the statute said the Lawyer so rigorous in this point as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles No thâ—y need not quoth the Gentlemaâ— seeing their party is so strong and terrible as no man dare accuse them seeing also they well know that the procurement of that Statute was oâ—ely to endanger or stop the mouthes of the true Successors
subjection to the Frenâ—h And as for Portâ—gâ—ll â— hâ—ve heard some of â—he chiefest Catholiques among them say in this late contention about their Kingdome that rather then they would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them they would be content to admit whatsoever aids of a contrary religion to themselves and to adventure whatsoever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might befâ—ll them â—y that means rather then endanger their subjâ—ction to their ambitious neighbour The like is reported in divers histories of the Grecians at this day who doe hate so much â—he name and dominion of the Latines as thâ—y had rather to endure all the miseries which daâ—ly they suffer under the Turke for their relâ—gion and otheâ—wise then by calling for aid from the West to hazard the subjection to the said Lâ—tines So that by these examples you see that feare and horrour of externall subjection may sâ—ay men in states and consequently also both Papâ—sts and Puritans in the state of England from pâ—ssiâ—g to the second kind or degree of treason albeit they were never so deepe in the first and had both ability time will and oportunity for the other Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech and said that this seemed to mee most cleare and that now I understooâ— what the Lawyer meant before when he affirmed that albeit the most part of Papists in generall might be said to deale against the state of England at this day in that they deal so earnestly for the maintenance and increase of their religion and so to incurre some kind of treason yet perhapâ— not so far-forth nor in so deepe a degree of proper treason â—s in this booke is presumed or inforced though for my part said I I do not see that the book presumeth or inforceth all Papists in generall to be properly traytors but onely such as in particular are therein named or that are by law attainted condemned or executed and what will you say quoth I to those in particular Surely quoth he I must say of these much after the manner whiâ—h I spâ—ke before that some here named in this book are openly knowne to have beene in the secoâ—d degree or kind of treason as Weslmeâ—land Norâ—on Sanders and the like But divers others namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have sufâ—ered by so much as I could see delivered and pleaded at their arraignements or heard protested by them at their deaths or gathered by reason and discourse of my sâ—lfe for that no forraine Prince or wise councellor would ever commit so great matters of state to such instruments I cannot I sâ—y but thiâ—ke that to the wise of our state that had the doing of this busines the first degree of treason wherein no doubt they were was sufficient to dâ—spatch and make them away especially in such suspitious times as these are to the end that being hanged for the first thâ—y should never bee in daâ—ger to fall into the second nor yet to draw other men to the same which peâ—haps was most of all misdoubted After the Lawyer had spâ—ken this I held my peace to heare what the Gentle man would answer who walked up and down two whole turnes in the Gallery without yeelding aâ—y word again and then staying upon the sudden cast his eyes sadly upon us both and said My masters howsoever this be which indeed appertaines not to us to judge or discus but rather to perswade our selves that thâ— state hath reason to do as it doth and that it must oftentimes as well prevent inconveniences â—s remedy the same when they are happened yet for my owne part I must confesse unto you that upon some consideratâ—ons which use to come unto my mind I take no sâ—all griefe of these differences among us which you terme of divers and different religions for which we are driven of necessity to use discipline toward divers who possibly otherwise would be no great malefactors I know the cause of this diffâ—rence is grounded upon a principle not easie to cure which is the judgement and conscience of a man whereunto obeyeth at length his will and affâ—ction whatsoever for a time he may otherwise â—issemble outwardly I remembâ—r your speech bâ—fâ—re of the doubtfull and dangerous inclination of suâ—h as live discontented in a State of a different religion especially when either in deed or in their owne conceipt they are hardly dealt withall and where every mans particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the whole I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity and the opinion of calamity moveth affection of mercy and compassion even towards the wicked the better fortune alway is subject to envie and he that suffereth is thought to have the better cause my experience of the divers reignes and proceedings of King Edward Queene Mary and of this our most gracious Soveraigne hath caught me not a little touching the sâ—quell of these affairs And finally my good friendâ— I must tell you plaine quoth he and this he spake with great asseveration that I could wish with all my heart that either these differences were not among us at all or else that they were so temperatly on al parts pursued as the common state of our country the blessed reigne of her Majesty and the common cause of true religion were not endangered thereby But now and there he brake off and turnâ—â— aâ—â—e The Lâ—wyer seeing him hold his peace and depart he stepped after him and taking him by the gowne said merrily Sir all men are not of your complexion some â—re of quicker and more stâ—rriâ—g Spirits and doe lâ—ve to fish in water that is troubled for that thâ—y â—oe partâ—cipate the Black-moores humour thâ—t dwâ—ll in Guinea whereof I suppose you hâ—ve heard and seene also some in this Land whose exâ—rcise at home is as some write the one to hunt catch and sell thâ— other and alwayâ—s â—he stronger to make money of the weakâ—r for the time But now if in Eâ—gland we should live in peace and unity of the state as thâ—y doe in Germâ—ny notwithstaâ—ding thâ—ir differences of Religion and thâ—t the onâ— shâ—ulâ— not prey upon the other theâ— shâ—ulâ— the great â—aulcons fâ—r the Fâ—eld I meane the favourites of the time faile whereon to fâ—ed which wâ—re an inconveniencâ— as you knâ—w Truly Siâ— said the Gâ—ntleman I thâ—nke you rove neerer the maâ—ke then you weeâ—e for if I be not deceived the vâ—â—y ground of muâ—h of thâ—se broiles whâ—reâ—f we talke is but a very pâ—â—y nâ—t in the minds of the Prâ—ncâ— or State whâ—se inâ—entions no doubt be most jâ—st and holy bâ—t in the greedy imagiâ—â—tion and suâ—tâ—le conâ—â—t of him who at this prâ—sâ—nt in râ—spâ—ct of oâ—r sinnâ—s is pâ—rmitted by God to tyranâ—ize both Prince aâ—d State and beâ—ng himsâ—lfe of no religion feedeth notwithstandiâ—g upâ—n our differencâ—s in â—â—ligion to the fatting of â—imsâ—lfe and
Physitians reported to an Earle of this Land that his Lordship had a bottle for his bed-head of ten pounds the Pint to the same effect But my Masters whether are we fallen unadvisedly I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthinesse Not without good cause quoth I but that we are here alone and no man heareth us Wherefore I pray you let us returne whereas we left and when you named my Lord of Leicesters Daughter borne of the Lady Shâ—ffield in Dudley Castle there came into my head a prety story concerning that affaire which now I will recount though somewhat out of order thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavory puddle and foule dunghill whereunto we are slâ—pped by following my Lord somewhat too far in his paths and actions Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out I grâ—w acquainted three months past with a certain Minister that now is dead and was the same man that was used in Dudley Castle for complement of some sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicesters daughter in that place and the matter was so ordained by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed that for the better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffield the good wife of the Castle also whereby Leicesters appointed gossips might without other suspition have accesse to the place should faine her selfe to be with childe and after long and sore travell God wot to be delivered of a cushion as she was indeed and a little after a faire coffin was buried with a bundell of clouts in shew of a childe and the Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof for which thing afterward before his death he had great griefe and remorse of conscience with no small detestation of the most irreligious device of my Lord of Leicester in such a case Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at the device and at the Minister and said now truly if my Lords contracts hold no better but hath so many infirmities with subtilties and by-places besides I would be loth that he were married to my daughter as mean as she is But yet quoth the Gentleman I had rather of the two be his wife for the time then his guest especially if the Italian Chyrurgian or Physitian be at hand True it is said the Lawyer for he doth noâ— poison his wives whereof I somewhat mervaile especially his first wife I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence then by some Italian confortive Hereof said the Gentleman may be diverâ— reasons alleaged First that he was not at thâ—t time so skilfull in those Italian wares nor had about him so fit Physitians and Chyrurgions for the purpose nor yet in truth doe I thinke that his minde was so setled then in mischiefe as it hath beene sithence For you know that men are not desperate the first day but doe enter into wickednesse by degrees and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away for that she letted him in his designements but yet not so stony-hâ—rted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death but rather to leave that to the discretion of the murderer Secondly it is not also unlike that he prescribed unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither that he should first attempt to kill her by poyson and if that tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her howsoever This I prove by the report of old Doctor Bayly who then lived in Oxford another manner of man then he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name and was Professour of the Physicke Lecture in the same University This learned grave man reported for most certaine that there was a practice in Cumner among the conspiratours to have poysoned the pooâ—e Lady a little before she was killed which was attempted in this oder They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy as one that wel knew by her other handling that her death was not far off began to perswde her that her disease was abundance of melancholly and other humors and therefore would needs counsaile her to take some potion which she absolutely refusing to do as suspecting still the worst they sent one day unwares to her for Doctor Bayly and desired him to perswade her to take some little potion at his hands and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon his prescription meaning to have added also somewhat of their owne for her comfort as the Doctor upon just causes suspected seeing their great importunity and â—he small need which the good Lady had of Physick and therefore he flatly denied their request misdoubting as he after reported lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion he might after have beene hanged for a colour of their sinne Marry the said Doctor remained wâ—ll assured that this way tâ—king no place she should not long escape violence as after ensued And â—he thing was so beaten into the heads of the principall men of the University of Oxford by these and other meanes as for that she was found murdered as all men said by the Crowners inquest and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner which was condemned above as not advisedly done my good Lord to make plain to the world the great loue he bare to her in her life and what a griefe the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to his tender heart would needs have her taken up againe and reburied in the University Church at Oxford with great pomp and solemnity that Doctor Babington my Lords Chaplain making the publike funerall Sermon at her second buriall tript once or twice in his speech by recommending to their memories that vertuous Lady so pitifully murdered instead of so pitifully slaine A third cause of this manner of the Ladies death may be the disposition of my Lords nature which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance as all cowardly natures are by kinde and where any difficulty or danger appeareth there more ready to attempt all by art subtilty treason and treachery And so for that he doubâ—ed no great resistance in the poore Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck he durst the bolder attempt the same openly But in the men whom he poisoned for that they were such valiant Knights the most part of them as he durst as soon have eaten his scabard as draw his sword in publike against them he was inforced as all wretched irefull and dastardly creaâ—ures are to supplant them by fraud and by other mens hands As also at other times he hath sought to doe unto divers other noble and valiant personages when he was
kitching and had layd out much money of his owne as he said for my Lords provision being also otherwise in so great favour and grace with my Lord as no man living was thought to bee more privy of his secrets then this man whereupon also it is to be thought that hee presumed the rather to commit this robbery for to such things doth my Lords good favour most extend and being apprehended and in danger for the same he made his recourse to his Honour for protection as the fashion is and that hee might hee borne out as divers of lesse merit had beene by his Lordship in more haynous causes before him The good Earle answered his servant and deare Privado courteously and assured him for his life howsoever for outer shew and complement the forme of Law might passe against him But Gates seeing himselfe condemned and nothing now betweene his head and the halter but the word of the Magistrate which might come in an instant when it would bee too late to send to his Lord remembring also the small assurance of his said Lords word by his former dealings towards other men whereof this man was too much privy he thought good to sollicite his case also by some other of his friends though not so puissant as his Lord and Mâ—ster who dealing indeed both diligently and effectually in his affaire found the matter more difficult a great deale then either he or they had imagined for that my Lord of Leycester was not onely not his favourer but a great hastener of his death under hand and that with such care diligence vehemency and irresistable meanes having the Law also on his side that there was no hope at all of escaping which thing when Gates heard of he easily beleeved for the experience he had of his masters good nature and said that he alwayes mistrusted the same considering how much his Lordship was in debt to him and hee made privy to his Lordships foule secrets which secrets hee would there presently have uttered in the face of all the world but that he feared torments or speedy death with some extraordinary cruelty if hee should so have done and therefore hee disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of worship whom hee trusted specially whose name I may not utter for some causes but it beginneth with H. and I am in hope ere it be long by meanes of a friend of mine to have a fight of that discourse and report of Gates which hitherto I have not seene nor ever spake I with the Gentleman that keepeth it though I be well assured that the whole matter passed in substance as I have here recounted it Whereunto I answered that in good faith it were pitty that this relation should be lost for that it is very like that many rare things bee declared therein seeing it is done by a man so privie to â—he affaires themselves wherein also hee had beene used an instrument I will have it quoth the Gentleman or else my friends shall faile me howbeit nor so soone as I would for that he is in the West Countrey that should procure it for me and will not returne for certaine months but after I shall see him againe I will not leave him untill he procure it for me as hee hath promised well quoth I but what is become of that evidence found in Ireland under my Lords hand which no man dare pursue avouch or behold Truly said the Gentleman I am informed that it lyeth safely reserved in good custody to be brought forth and avouched whensoever it shall please God so to dispose of her Majesties heart as to lend an indifferent eare as well to his accusers as to himselfe in judgement Neither must you thinke that this is strange nor that the things are few which are in such sort reserved in decke for the time to come even among great personages and of high calling for seeing the present state of his power to bee such and the tempest of his tyranny to be so strong and boysterous as no man may stand in the rage thereof without perill for that even from her Majesty her selfe in the lenity of her Princely nature hee extorteth what hee designeth either by fraud flattery false information request pretence or violent importunity to the over-bearing of all whom hee meaneth to oppresse No marvaile then though many even of the best and faithfullest Subjects of the Land doe yeeld to the present time and doe keepe silence in some matters that otherwise they would take it for dutie to utter And in this kind it is not long sithence a worshipfull and wise friend of mine told mee a testimony in secret from â—he mouth of as noble and grave a Councellour as England hath enjoyed these many hundred yeares I meane the late Lord Chamberlaine with whom my said friend being alone at his house in London not twenty dayes before his death coâ—fâ—rred somewhat familiarly about these and like matters as with a true father of his Countrey and Common-wealth and after many complaints in the behalf of divers who had opened their griefs unto Councellours and saw that no notice would be taken thereof the said Nobleman turning himselfe somewhat about from the water for hee sate neare his pond side where hâ—e beheld the taking of a Pike or Carpe said to my friend It is no marvell sir for who dareth intermeddle himselfe in my Lords affaires I will tell you quoth he in confidence betweene you and me â—here is aâ— wise a man and as grave and as faithfull a Councellour as England breedeth meaning thereby the Lord Treasurer who hath as much of hâ—s keeping of Leycesters owne hand-writing as is sufficient to hang him if eithâ—r he durst present â—â—e same to her Majesty or her Majesty doe juâ—â—ice when it should be presented But indeed quoth he the time permitteth neither of them both and therefore it is in vaine for any man to struggle with him These were that Noblemans words whereby you may consider whether my Lord of Lâ—ycester be strong this day in Councell or no and whether his fortification be sufficient in that place But now if out of the Councell we will turne but our eye in the Countrey abroad we shall finde as good fortification also there as we have perused already in Court and Councell and shall well perceive that this mans plot is no fond or indiscreet plot but excellent well grounded and such as in all proportions hath his due correspondence Consider then the chiefe and principall parts of this land for martiall affaires for use and commodity of armour for strength for opportunity for liberty of the people as dwelling farthest off from the presence and aspect of their Prince such parts I say as are fittest for sudden enterprises without danger of interception as are the North the West the Countries of Wales the Islands round about the land and sundry other places within the same are
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
thought so quoth the Duke and not without great cause for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable and is well provendred is proud and fierce and ready to leape on every other horses back still neying and prauncing and troubling all that stand about him but when he is once out of his hot stable and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure so is it quoth he with my Lord of Arundell Whereat many marvelled that were present to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of judgement against a Peere of the Realme cast into calamity But you would more have marvelled quoth the Gentleman if you had seene that which I did afterward which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earle of Arundel at Cambridge and upon the way towards London when this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up as prisoner If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees how he wept how he besought the said Earle to be a good Lord unto him whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached you would have said that himselfe might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune as they are easily led to contemne any man albeit themselves bee most contemptible of all others whensoever their fortune beginneth to change and so will my L. of Leicester be also no doubt at that day though now in his wealth he triumph over all and careth not whom or how many he offend and injure Sir therein I beleeve you quoth I for wee have had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in adversity His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage well declared what hee would doe in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them whom he hated most his servile speeches his feigned and dissembled teares are all very well knowne Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the hâ—nourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester for that he would by any meanes reâ—gne the same unto him whether he would or no and made him provide not without his charge to receive the same though his Lordship never meant it as after wel appeared For that the present pange being past it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe of such as in dangers make vowes to Saints Scampato il pericolo gabbato il santo the danger escaped the Saint is deceived Then and in that necessity no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended served by him as the noble Chamberlaine deceased and the good Lord Treasurer yet living to whom at a certaine time he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty and yet so as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen to the end her Highnesse might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it as she did For Mistris Francis Hâ—ward to whom the stratagem was committed playing her part dexterously offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer neare the doâ—re of the withdrawing Chamber he then comming from her Majesty And to draw the eye and attention of her Highnesse the more unto iâ— shee let fall the paper before it touched the treasurers hand and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same Which after she had read and considered the stile together with the metall and constitution of him that wrote it and to whom it was lent her Highnesse could not but breake forth in laughter with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation sayâ—ng unto my Lord Treasurer there presâ—nt my Lord believe him not for if he had you in like case he would play the Beare with you though at this present hee fawne upon you never so fast But now Sir I pray you goe forward in your speech of Scotland for there I remember you left off when by occasion we fell into these digressions Well then quoth the Gentleman to returâ—e againe to Scotland as you move from whence wee have digressed most certaine and evident it is to all the world that all the broyles troubles and dangers procured to the Prince in that countrey as also the vexations of them who any way are thought to favour that title in our owne Realme doe proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators Which besides the great dangers mentionâ—d before both domesticall and forraine temporall and of religion must needs inferre great jeopardy also to her Maiesties person and present reign that now governeth through the hope and heat of the aspirâ—rs ambition inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearenesse of their desired prey For as souldiers entred into the hope of a rich and well furnished Citie are more fierce and furious when they have gotten and beaten downe the Bullwaâ—ks round about and as the greedy Burglâ—rer that hath pierced and broken downe man waâ—ls to come to a treasure is lesse patient of stay stop and delay when he commeth in sight of â—hat which he desireth or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bags so theâ—e men whâ—n they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished together with all friends and favourâ—rs thereof which now are to her Majesty as Bullwarks and wals and great obstacles to the aspirors and when they shall see onely her Maiâ—sties life and person to stand betwixt them and their fierie desires for they make little account of all other Competitors by King Hâ—nries line no doubt but it will bee to them a great prick and spurre to dispatch Her Majestie also the nature of both Earles being well considered whereof the one killed his own wife as hath been shewed before onely upon a little vaine hope of marriage with a Queene and the other being so farre blinded and borne away with the same furious fume most impotent itching humor of ambition as his owne mother when she was alive seemed greatly to feare his fingers if once the matter should come so neare as her life had onely stood in his way For which cause the good old Countesse was wont to pray God as I have heard divers say that she might dye before her Majesty which happily was granted unto her to the enâ— that by standing in her sonnes way who she saw to her grief furiously bent to weare a Crown there might not some dangerous extremiâ—y grow to her by that nearenesse And if his owne mother feared this mischance whâ—t may her Majesty doubt
other difference between us to judge or disceâ—ne with indifferency Nay truly sâ—id the Gentleman for my pâ—rt I thinke not so for that reason is reason in what religion soever And for my selfe I may protest that I beare the honest Papist if there be any no malice for his deceived conscience wheâ—of among others yâ—ur selfe can be a witnes maty hâ—s Practices against the state I cannot in any wise digest and much lâ—sse may the Common-wealth beare the same wherof we all depend being a sinne of all other the most hainous and least pardonable And therfore seeing in this you grant the Papist both in generall â—broad and at home and in particular such as are condemned execuâ—ed and named in this booke to be guilty how can you insinuate as you doe that there is more presumed or enforâ—ed upon them by this booke then there is just cause so to doe Good Sir said the otheâ— I stand not here to examine the doings of my superiours or to dâ—fend the guilty but wish hartily rather their puâ—ishment that have deserved the â—ame Only this I say for â—xplication of my former speech that men of a diffâ—rent religâ—on fâ—om â—he state wherin they live may be said to deale against the same state in two sorts the one by dealing for the increase of â—heir said different religion which is alwâ—ies either directly or indirectly against the state Dâ—ectly when the said religion containeth aâ—y point or article directly impugning the said â—aâ—e as perhaps you will say that the Roman Râ—ligion doth against the present state of England in the poâ—nt of Supremâ—cy and Indirectly for that every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth from the state in that there is no man who in his heart would not wish to have the chief Governour and state â—o be of his religâ—on if he could and conseqâ—ently misliketh the other in respâ—ct of that and in this kind not only those whom you call busie Papists in England but also those whom we call hot Puritans among you whose difference from the state especially in matters of governement is very well known may be called all traytors in mine opinion for that every one of these indeed do labour indirectly if not more against the state in how much soever each one endâ—avoureth to increase his part or faction that â—â—siâ—eth a Governour of his own religion And in this case also are the Protestants in France and Flanders under Catholike Princes the Calvinists as they are called under the Dâ—ke of Saxony who is a Lutheran the Lutherans under Casimere that favoureth Câ—lvinists the Grecians and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople under the Sophy under the great Chame of Tarraâ—y and under other Princes that agrâ—e not with them in religion All which Subjâ—cts doe wish no doubt in their hearts that thâ—y had a Prince and state of their owne religion instead of that which now governeth them and consâ—quently in this first sense they may be called all trâ—yâ—ors and every act they doe for advaâ—â—ement of their said diffeâ—ent â—eligion dividing between the state and them tendeth to treason which their Princes supposing do sometimes make divers of their acts treasonable or punâ—shable for treason Buâ— yet so long as thâ—y bâ—eake â—ot forth unto the second kind of treason which containeth some actuall attempâ— or treaty against the life of the Prince or state by rebellion or oâ—heâ—wise Wee doe not properly condemne them for traytors though they doe some acts of their religion made treason by the Prince his lawes who is of a different faith And so to apply this to my purposâ— I thinke Sir in good sooth that in the first kind of treason as well the zealous Pâ—pist as also the Puritans in England may well be called and proved traytors but in the second sort whereof wee speake properly at this time it cannot be so precisely answered for that there may be both guilty and guilties in each religion And as I cannot excuse all Pâ—ritans in this point so you cannot condemne all Papists as long as you take me and some other to be as we are I grant your distinction of treasons to be true said the Gentleman as also your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans as you call them not to want reason if there be any of them that mislike the present state as perhaps there be alâ—eit for my part I thiâ—ke these two kinds of treasons which you have put down be rather divers degrees then divers kinds wherin I will refer mee to the judgement of our Cambridge friend here present whose skill is more in logicall distinctions But yet my reason is this that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other not differing in nature but rather in time ability or oportunity For if as in your former examples you have shewed the Grecians under the Turke and other Christians under other Princes of a different religion and as also the Papists and Puritans as you â—earme them in England for now this word shall passe betweene us for distinction sake have such alienation of mind from their present regiment and doe covet so much a governour and state of their owne religion then no doubt but they are also resolved to imply their forces for accomplishing and bringing to passe their desires if they had oportunity and so being now in the first degree or kind of treason doe want but occasion or ability to breake into the second True Sir said the Lawyer if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them And what cause or circumstance may stay them I pray you said the Gentleman when they shall have ability and oportunity to doe a thing which thâ—y so much desire Divers causes quoth the Lawyer but especially and above all other if it be at home in their owne Country the fear of servitude under forraine nations may restraine them from such attempts as we see in Germany that both Catholiques and Protestants would joyne together against any stranger that should offer danger to their liberty And so thâ—y did against Charles the fifth And in France not long agoe albeit the Protestants were up in armes agâ—inst their King and could have been content by the help of us in England to have put him down and placed another of their own religion yet when they saw us once seazed of New haven and so like to proceed to the recovery of some part of our states on that side the Sea thâ—y quickly joyned with their owâ—e Catholiques againe to â—xpell us In Flanders lâ—kewise though Monsieur were called thither by the Protestants especially for defence of thâ—ir religion against the Spaniard yet we see how dainty divers chief proâ—â—stants of Antwerp Gaunt and Bruges were in admitting him and how quick in expelling so soon as he put them in the least feare of
subtile fiâ—e and sox I â—e the â—ever he was â— like wâ—ll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentlemaâ— to his frâ—end at the same time and doe assure my self â—â—t would be most pleasant to the Realme â—nd profitâ—ble to her Majâ—sty to wit that this mans actions might be called publiquâ—ly to triall and liberty given to good subjects to say what they knâ—w against the same as it was permitted in the fiâ—st yeer of Kinâ— Henry the eight agâ—inst his Grandfather and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father and then I would not doubt but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred whose treacheries doe farre sâ—â—passe them both After thâ— Gentleman hâ—d saâ—d this â—he Lawyâ—r stood still somewhat smiling to himsâ—lfe looking round about him as though he had bin hâ—lfe afraid and then sâ—id My masters doe you read over or study the Statutes that come forth have you not heard of the proviâ—o madâ— in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speake so broad of such mâ—n as my Lâ—rd of Leicâ—stâ—r is Yes said the Gentleman I hâ—ve heâ—rd how that my Lord of Leicâ—ster was very carefull and dilâ—gent at thâ—t time to have suâ—h a Law to passe against talkâ—rs hoping bâ—likâ— that his L. undeâ— tâ—at generall restrâ—iâ—t mighâ—â—ye the more quiâ—â—ly in harbor from thâ— tempest of menâ— toâ—â—â—s which â—aâ—â—ed busily at that time of diâ—â—rs hâ—s Lorâ—shâ—pâ— actions and asianâ— whiâ—h perhaps himsâ—lf would have wished to pâ—ssâ— wiâ—h â—ore sâ—cresie As of his discontâ—ntment and pâ—â—pâ—râ—tion to rebâ—llion upon Monsâ—eurs fiâ—st coâ—iâ—g inâ—o the Land of his disgrâ—ce and châ—â—kâ— râ—câ—â—veâ— iâ— Câ—uâ—â— of th◠〈◊〉 dâ—â—th of the nobâ—e Pâ—â—le of Essâ—x of thâ—s mâ—ns hâ—stly 〈…〉 widow whoâ— he seâ—t up â—nd downe thâ— Coâ—ntâ—â—y â—om hâ—â—se tâ—â—ouse by privâ—ew 〈…〉 to avâ—id the sight knowledge of thâ— Qâ—eeâ—es Mâ—jesty Aâ—d albeâ—t he hâ—d notâ—on by usâ—d her at hiâ— good king bâ—fâ—re for saâ—isfyiâ—â— of hâ—s owne last but â—lso mâ—rried and remarried her for contentation of her friends yet denied he the sâ—me by solemne oath to her Majesty and received the holy Communion thereupon so good a conscience he hath and conseqâ—entlâ— threatned most shâ—rp revenge towards all subjects which should dâ—re to speake thereof and so for the conâ—â—aling both of this and other his doings which he desired not to have publâ—kâ— no maâ—vaâ—le though his Lorâ—shâ—p were so diligent a proâ—uâ—er of that law fâ—r silence Indeed said I it is very probable that his Lordshâ—p wâ—s in great distresse about that time when Monsiâ—uâ—s matteâ—s were in hâ—nd and that he did many things and purposed more whâ—reof he desired lâ—ssâ— spâ—ech â—mong the people â—specially afterwards whâ—n hâ—s said desigâ—ements tooke nâ—t place I was my sâ—lfe that yâ—er not fâ—r from Warwiâ—k when he câ—me thither from the Court a full Mâ—â—e content and when it was thâ—ught most certainly throughoâ—t the Realm that he would hâ—ve takâ—n armes sooâ— after if the marriage of her Majesty wiâ—h Monsâ—euâ— hâ—d gone fâ—rward The thiâ—g in Cambridge anâ— in all the Couâ—tâ—ey â—s I roâ—e was in â—vâ—ry maâ—s 〈◊〉 and it was a wonder to see not oâ—ely â—he counâ—enâ—ncâ—s but alsâ— the bâ—hâ—viour and to 〈◊〉 the bold spâ—â—ches of all such as were of his fâ—ction My Lâ—rd himselfe had given oâ—t a little before at 〈◊〉 worâ—h that thâ— matteâ— woulâ— cosâ— maâ—y brâ—kâ—n hâ—â—ds before 〈…〉 next and my Lord of Waâ—wiâ—k hâ—d sâ—id opâ—nly at his table in Greâ—nwiâ—h Sir 〈…〉 bâ—ing by if I be not decâ—ived thâ—◠〈…〉 not â—o â—e suffâ—râ—d I meane the marrâ—â—gâ— whiâ—h woâ—dâ— of his oâ—â—e câ—ming abroad 〈…〉 by his own Lady then also preâ—eâ—t 〈…〉 common compâ—nio◠〈…〉 Lordships part against the Queenes Mâ—jesty Such running there was such seâ—ding and posting about the Realme such amplification of the poweâ—s and forces of Casimâ—re and other Princes ready as was affirmed to present themselves unto his aid for dâ—fence of the Realme and Râ—ligion against strangers for that was holden to be his cause such numbring of parties and complices within the Realme whereof himsâ—lfe shewed the Catalogue to some of his friâ—nâ—s for their comfort such debasing of them thâ—t fâ—voureâ— the marriâ—ge especially two or three Counâ—ellâ—urs by name who were said to be the câ—use of all and for that were appointed out to be shaâ—ply punâ—shed to the â—errour â—f all others such letters were written and intercâ—pâ—ed of purpose impâ—rting great powers to be ready and so mâ—ny other things done and designed tending all to mâ—nifest and open warre as I began hartâ—ly â—o be afrâ—id and wished my selfe baâ—ke at Cambridge againâ— hoping that bâ—ing therâ—â—y Scholâ—rs gâ—wne should excuse â—e from necâ—ssiâ—y of â—ighting or if not I wâ—s resolved by my Lords good leâ—ve to follow Aâ—istotle who prefâ—â—râ—th â—lway the Lyon beâ—ore the Beare assuring my selfe withall thâ—t hiâ— Lordship should hâ—ve no bâ—tter succâ—sse in this if it came to â—riâ—ll then his Faâ—her hâ—d in as bad a cause and so much the more for that I wâ—s privie to the mindes of some of his friends who mâ—nt to hâ—ve deceived him â—f â—he matteâ— hâ—d broken out And amongst othâ—r there was a certaâ—n Vice-prâ—sident in the Wâ—â—ld who being left in theâ—r come and absence of another to pâ—ocure friâ—nds said in a place secreâ—ly not fâ—r from Ludlâ—w that if the mattâ—r came to blâ—wes he would follow his Mistresse and leave his Mastâ—r in the briars Marry sir qd the Geâ—tlâ—man and I trow many more would have followed that example For albeit I know â—hat the Pâ—pâ—sts were most named and misdâ—ubâ—ed of his part in that cause for their open indiâ—ation towards Mâ—nsieur consequently for greater discredit of the thing it selfe iâ— was given out every where by this Champâ—on of religion that her Majesties cause was the Papists cause even as his Father hâ—d done in the like enterprise before him though all upon dissimulation as appeared at his death where he professed himself an earnest Papist yet was there no man so simple in â—he Râ—alm which descried not this vizâ—rd at the fiâ—st neither yet any good subject as I suppose who sâ—eing her Mâ—jâ—sty on the one part would not have taken against the other part what so ever he had beene And much more the thâ—ng it selfe in controversie I meane the marriage of her royall Mâ—jesty with the brother and heire apparant of France being taken and judged by the best wisâ—st and faithfâ—llest Protâ—stants of the Realme to be â—oth honourable convenâ—ent profitable and needfull Whereby onely as by a most soveraigne and present remedy all our maladies both abroad and at home had at once been cured all foâ—raign enemies and domestical conspirators all differences all dangers all feares had ceased together France had bâ—ene ours most assured Spaiâ—e
would not a little have trembled Scotland hâ—d bâ—en quiet our compâ—tâ—tors in England would have quâ—kâ—d and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes Oâ—r â—iffâ—rences in religion at home hâ—d been â—ither lâ—ssâ— â—r no gâ—eater thâ—n now thâ—y are for that Moâ—sieur beâ—ng but a moderate Pâ—pist and notâ—ing vâ—hement in hâ—s opâ—niâ—ns was content with veâ—y reasonable conditioâ—s for hâ—msâ—lfe and hâ—s strâ—ngers onâ—ly in use of thâ—ir conscience not unlikely truly but that in time he might by Gods grace and by the great wisdome and vertue of her Mâ—jesty have been brought also to embrace the Gospell as King Ethelbâ—rt an heathen was by noble Qâ—een Bertha his wife the first Christian of our English Princes Unto all which fel city if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royall bodies as was not impossible when fiâ—st this noble match was movâ—d we then doubtlâ—ssâ— had been the most forâ—unate people under heaven and might hâ—ve beâ—n perhaps the meane to hâ—ve restored thâ— Gospell thâ—oughout all Europe besides as our Brethren of France well coâ—sidered and hoped Of all whâ—ch singular benefits boâ—h present and to come boâ—h in Re and Spâ— his tyrant for his own private lucre fâ—aring lâ—st heâ—eâ—y his ambition might be râ—strained and his treacheâ—y râ—veâ—led hâ—th bereaved the Realme and done what in him lyeth besides to alienate for â—ver and make our mortall enemy this great Prince whâ— souâ—ht the love of hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sty with so muâ—h hâ—nour confidâ—ncâ— as never Prince the like putting twâ—câ— his ownâ— pâ—rson in jâ—opardy of the sâ—â— and to the pâ—rill of his maâ—â—â—â—ons envioâ—s heâ—e in England for her Mâ—jâ—sties sake When yâ—u spâ—ak â—f 〈…〉 Lawyâ—r I cannot but â—â—eaâ—ly b◠〈…〉 thâ—se considâ—rations wâ—ll 〈…〉 â—lso fâ—r some oâ—hâ—r espâ—cially 〈…〉 you will thiâ—ke me 〈…〉 for thâ—t I spâ—â—ke it oâ—â—ly in 〈…〉 and good of my Countrey aâ—d thâ—t is 〈◊〉 Mâ—â—siâ—urs 〈◊〉 wâ—th our noble Princâ—ssâ— â—â—â—ides thâ— hope of issâ—e whâ—ch was the principâ—ll thâ—re wâ—nted not also probabâ—lity that sâ—me 〈◊〉 or lâ—â—tle tâ—lâ—ration in religion between you and us might have been procured in this state as we see that in some other Countries is admitted to their great good Which thing no doubt would have cut off quite all dangers and dealings from forraine Princes would hâ—ve stopped mane devises and plots within the Realme wheras now by this breach with France we stand alone as me seemeth without any great uniâ—ion or friendship abroad and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then evâ—r before Upon which two heads as also upon infinit other causes purposâ—s â—râ—fâ—s and pretences there doe ensue daily more deepe dangerous and desperate practises evâ—ry man using either the commodâ—ty or necessity of the time and state for his owne purpose â—specially now when all men presume that her Mâ—jâ—sty by the continuall thwaâ—tinâ—s which have beâ—n â—sed against all her marriage is not like to leave unto the Realme that precious jewell so much and long desired of all Englâ—sh hâ—arts I meane the Royâ—ll heires of hâ—r â—wne body Thwartiâ—gs call you the defeating of all her Mâ—jâ—stiâ—s â—â—st honourâ—ble offâ—r of marriage said the othâ—â— truly in my opinion you should have used anâ—ther word to â—xpâ—essâ— the nature of so wâ—cked a fact wherâ—y â—lone if there were no other this uâ—fortunate man hath dâ—â—e more hurt to thiâ— Câ—mmon weâ—lth â—hâ—n if hâ— hâ—d murdered mâ—ny thoâ—saâ—ds oâ— her sâ—bjects â—r bâ—trâ—yd whole aâ—â—ieâ— to the profâ—ssâ—d 〈…〉 remember well my sâ—lfe foure 〈…〉 pâ—â—pose undâ—â—mined by his meâ—nes the fiâ—st wâ—th the Swethâ—n King the sâ—cond with 〈…〉 of Austrâ—â— tâ—e third wâ—th 〈…〉 France that now reignâ—th and the fourth wâ—â—h thâ— in other and hâ—ire of the said Kingâ—â—mâ— For 〈…〉 maâ—y other secret motions maâ—e by great Potentates to her Majesty for the same purpose but these foure are openly known and therefore I name them Which foure are as well knowne to have been â—ll disturbed by this Daweâ— as they were earnestly pursued by the other And for the first thâ—ee Suters he drove them away by protesting and sweâ—ring that himsâ—lfe wâ—s contracted unto her Majesty wherof hâ—r highnesse was sufficiently advertised by Cardinâ—ll Châ—tâ—lian in the first treâ—ty for France and the Cardinall soone after puâ—ished as is thought by this man with pâ—yâ—on But yet this speech he gâ—ve out then every where among his friends both strangers and others â—hat he forsooth was assuâ—ed to her Majesty and consequently thâ—t all othâ—r Princes must give over their suits for him Whereunto notwithstanding when the Swâ—den would hardly give care this man conferred wiâ—h his Privado to make a most unseemly and â—isloâ—al proof therof for the otheâ—s satisfaction whiâ—h thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence for honour to the parties who are touched therein as also I am to concealâ— his said filâ—hy Pâ—ivado â—hough worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displâ—yed to the world but my Lord himsâ—lfe I am sure doth well remember bâ—th the man and the matter And albeit there was no wise man at thâ—t time who knowing â—y Lord suspected not the fâ—lsâ—hood and hâ—s arrogant â—ffirmation touching â—his contract with her Mâ—jesty yâ—t some both abâ—oad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps but now of late by hâ—s knowne mâ—rriage with his Minion Dâ—me Lâ—ttice of Essex he hath declâ—red manifestâ—y his owne most impudent and disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report For that report quoth the Lawyer I know that it was common and maintained by many for divers yeeres yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof seeing it came onely from himsâ—lf and in his own bâ—hâ—lfe Neither was it credible that her Majesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as Europe hâ—th not the like would make choice of so meane a peere as Robin Dudley is noble onely in two descentâ— and both of thâ—m stained with the block from which also himselfe was pardoned but the other day being codemned therunto by law for his deserts as appeareth yâ—t in publiâ—k records And for thâ— widow of Essâ—x I marvaile sir quâ—th he how you call her his wife sâ—eing the Canon-law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage wâ—thin the Realme Oh said the Gentlâ—man laughing you meane for that he procured the poisoning of her husband in his journâ—y from Ireland You must think that Dâ—ctor Dale will dispence in that mattâ—r as he did at his Lordships appointment wâ—th his Italâ—an physiâ—ian Doctor Iulio to have two wives at once at the leâ—stwise the matter was permitted and born out by them both publiquely as all the world knoweth and that against no lâ—sse persons then the Archbishop of Canterbury himsâ—lfe whose overthrew wâ—s principally wrought by thâ—s tyrant for contraâ—ying his will in so beastly a demand But for this controversie whether the marriâ—ge be good
preparation First in the privy Chamber next unto her Majesties person the most part are his own creatures as he calleth them that is such as acknowledge their being in that place from him and the rest he so over-ruleth either by flattery or feare as none may dare but to serve his turne As his reign is so absolute in this place as also in all other parts of the Court as nothing can passe but by his admission nothing can be said done or signified whereof hee is not particularly advertised no bill no supplication no complaint no sute no speech can pâ—sse from any man to the Princess except it be from one of the Councell but by his good liking or if there doe he being admonished thereof as presently he shall the party delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof Whereby he holdeth as it were a locke upon the eares of his Prince and the tongues of all her Majestâ—es servants so surely chained to his girdle as no man dareth to speak any one thing that may offend him though it be never so true or behovefull for her Majesty to know As well appeared in the late marriage with Dame Essex which albeit it was celebrated twise first at Killingworth and secondly at Waenstead in the presence of the Earle of Warwick Lord Noâ—th Sir Francis Knooles and others and this exactly known to the whole Court with the very day the place the witnesses and the Minister that married them together yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy therunto untill Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same and therby incurred his high displeasure nor yet in many dayes after for feare of Lycester Which is a subjection most dishonorable and dangerous to any Prince living to stand at the devotion of his subject what to heare or not to heare of things that passe within his own Realme And herof it followeth that no sute can prevaile in Court be it never so meane except he first be made acquainted there with and receive not only the thankes but also be admitted unto a great part of the gaine and commodity therof Which as it is a great injury to the suter so is it a far more greater to the bounty honour and security of the Prince by whose liberality this man feedeth only and fortifieth himselfe depriving his soveraigne of all grace thanks and good will for the same For which cause also he giveth out ordinarily to every suter that her Majesty is nigh and persimoniouâ— of her selfe and very difficile to grant any sute were it not only upon his incessant solicitation Whereby he filleth his own purse the more and emptieth the hearts of such as receive benefit from due thankes to their Princes for the sute obtained Hereof also ensueth that no man may be preferred in Court be he otherwise never so well a deserving servant to her Majesty except he be one of Leycesters faction or followers none can be advanced except he be liked and preferred by him none receive grace except he stand in his good favour no one may live in counâ—enance or quiet of life excepâ— he take it use it acknowledge it from him so as all the favours graces dignities riches and rewards which her Mâ—jesty bestoweth or the Realme can yeeld must servâ— to purchase this man private friends and favourers onely to advance his party and to fortifie his faction Which faction if by these meanes it be great so as indeed it is you may not marvile seeing the riches and wealth of so worthy a Common weale doe serve him but for a price to buy the same Which thing himselfe well knowing frameth his spirit of proceeding accordingly And first upon confidence thereof is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire that no man may beare the same how justly or injâ—stly soever it bee conceived for albeit he begin to hâ—te a man upon bare surmises onely as commonly it falleth out ambition being alwayâ—s the mother of suspition yet he presecuteth the same with such implacable cruelty as there is no long abiding for the party in â—hâ—t place As miâ—ht bee shewed by the examples of many whom hee hath chased from the Court upon his only displeasure without other cause being known to be otherwise zealous Protestant As Sir Ierome Bâ—wes Mr. Geoâ—ge Scot and others that we could name To â—hâ—s insolency is also joyned as by nature it followeth mâ—st absolute and peremptory deâ—ling in all things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose without respect either of reason order due right subordination custome conveniency or the like whereof notwithstanding Princes themselves are wont to have regard in disposition of their matters as for example among the servants of the Queenes Mâ—jestiâ—s houshold it is an ancient and most commendable order and custome that when a place of higher roome falleth voyd he that by succession is next and hath made proof of his worthinesse in an inferiour place should rise and possesse the same except it be for some extraordinary cause to the end that no man unexperienced or untâ—yed should be placed in the higher roomes the first day to the prejudice of others and disservice of the Prince Which most reasonable custome this man contemning and breaking at his pleasure thrusteth into higher roomes any person whatsoever so he like his inclination or feele his reward albeit he neither be fit for the purpose nor have beene so much as Clarke in any inâ—â—â—iour office before The like hee useth out of thâ— Court in all other places where matters should passe by order election or degree as in the Vniversities in electioâ— of Schâ—lars and Heads of houses in Ecclesiasticall persons for dignities in Church in Officers Magistrates Stewâ—rds of lands Sheriffes and knights of Shires in Burgesses of the Parliament in Commissiâ—ners Judges Justices of the peace whereof many in every shire must weare his livery and all other the like where this mans will must stand for reason and his letters for absolute lawes neither is there any man magistrate or communer in the Realme who dareth not sooner deny their petition of her Majesties letters upon just causes for that her highnesse is content after to be satisfied with reason then to resist the commandement of this mans letters who will admit no excuse or satisfaction but onely the execution of his said commandement be it right or wrong To this answered the Lawyer Now verily sir you paint unto me a strange patterne of a perfect Potentate in the Court belike that stranger who calleth our State in his printed booke Leycestren sem Rempublicam a Leycestrian Commonwealth or the Commonwealth of my Lord of Leycester knoweth much of these matters But to hold siâ— still within the Court I assure you that by considerations which you have laid downe I doe begin now to perceive that his party must needs be very great and strong within the said
yâ—eld money he thaâ— makâ—th title to what land or other thing he please and driveth the parties to compound for thâ— same same he that â—akeâ—h in whole Forests Commons Woods and Pastures to himsâ—lfe compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent and what he cesseth he that vexeth and oppâ—â—sseth whomsoever hee lâ—st taketh fâ—om any whâ—t hee lâ—â—t and maketh his owne claime suiâ— and end as he list he thâ—t selleth his favour with the Prince both abroad in forraine countries and at home and setteâ—th the price thereof what himselfe will demand he that hath and doth all this and besides this hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great vâ—lue both in Jewels Plâ—te aâ—l kinde of Furniture and reâ—dy Come this man I sâ—y may easily beare his owâ—e expences and yet lay up sâ—fficiently also to weary hâ—â— Prince when need shall require You hâ—ve said much sir qâ—oth â—hâ— Lawyer and such matter as toucheth nearly bâ—th her Majesty and the Commonwealth and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at â—he barre for my Lord I could not tell which of all these members to deny But for that which you mention in the last part of hâ—s gaining by her Mâ—jesties favour both at home and abâ—oad Touching his home-gaine it is evident seeing all that he hath is gotten onely by the opinion of her Majesties favour towards him and many men doe repaire unto him with fat presents rather for that â—hey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt if he feele not their reward then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affaires You remember I doubt not the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent to have but this favour onely that hee might come every day in open audience and say in his eare God save your Majesty assuring himselfe that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him he should easily get up his rent againe double told Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this and himselfe being no evill Merchant to make his owne bargaine for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine exceedingly at home by his favour And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause I leave to other men to conceive what it may bâ— sithence the beginning of her Majesties reigne the times whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene suâ—h as all the Princes and Potentaâ—es round about us have beene constrained at one time or other to sue to hâ—r Highnesse for aid grace or favour in all which sutes men use not to forget as you know the parties most able by their câ—edâ—t to further or let the same In particular onely this I can say that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen that at such time as the treaty wâ—s betweene France and England for the re-delivery of Callis unto us againe in the first yeare of her Majesties reigne that now is when the Frenchmen were in great distresse and misâ—ry and King Phiâ—ip refused absolutely to make peace with them except Callis were restored to England whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages the Frenchmen doe report I say that my Lord of Leycester stood them in gâ—eâ—t stead at â—hat necessity for his reward which you may well imagine was not small for a thing of such importance and became a suiter that peace might be conâ—luded with the release of Callis to the Frenchâ— which was one of the most impiâ—us facts to say the truth that ever could be devised against his Common-wealth A small mâ—tter in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Jâ—wes â—hat they filled up the measure of their Faâ—hers sinnes And so if you reade the story of Kiâ—g Edwards time you shall finde it most evident that this mans fâ—ther before him sold Bulloâ—gâ—e â—o the French by like treachery For it wâ—s dâ—livered up upon compositâ—on wâ—thout necessiâ—y or reason thâ— five and twentieâ—h of April in â—he fourth year of King Edward the sixt when he I meaâ—â— Duke Dudley had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector and thrust out of the Couâ—cell whom he listed as namâ—ly thâ— Earlâ—s of Aâ—undel and Southâ—mpton and so invaded the whole government himseâ—fe to sell spoile or dispose at his pleasure Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord of Leycester by discent to make merchâ—ndise of the Sâ—aâ—e for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kinde of Copesman An evill race of Merchants for the Common-wealth quoth the Lâ—wyer but yâ—t Sir I pray you said he expound unto me somewhâ—t more at large the nature of these licences which you named as also the changing of lands with her Mâ—jesty if you can set it downe any plainer for they seeme to be things of excâ—ssive gaine especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty or by her Highnesse offâ—â—ce towards him for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reasoâ— Not so quoth the Gentleman for yoâ— know that every falling out must have an attonement agâ—ine whereof hee being suâ—e by the many â—nd puissant meanes of his frâ—ends in Court as I have shewed before who shall not gâ—ive her Majesty rest untill it be done then for this aâ—â—onement and in perfâ—ct reconciliation on hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sties part she must gâ—ant my Lord some suâ—â— or other which he will have alwayeâ— ready pâ—ovided for that purpose and this sute shall hee well â—ble to reward his friends that laboured for his â—ecoâ—cilement and leave also a good remainder for himselfe And this is now so ordinary a practice with him as all thâ— Realâ—e obsâ—rvâ—th the same and disdaineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily abâ—sed For if her Hâ—ghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desireâ—h to gaine this way then he picketh some quarrell or other to shew himselfe discontented with her so that one way or other this gainfull reconciliation must be made and that often for his commodâ—ty The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets and to his hoâ—ses where if shee come she must grant him in sutes tenne times so muâ—h as the charges of all amount unto so that Robiâ— playeth the Broker in all hiâ— affâ—ires and maketh the uttermost pâ—nny of her Mâ—jesty every way Now for his change of lands I thinke I have beene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfaction you shall understand his further dealing therein to be in this sort Besides the good lands and of ancient possession to the Crowne procured at her Majesties hand and used as bâ—fore was declared hee useth the same tricke for his worst lands that he possesseth any way whether â—hey come to him by extort meanes and plaiâ—e oppression or
is no one Colledge or other thing of commodiâ—y wâ—thin that place where hence hâ— hath â—o pâ—â—led whatsoever was possibly to be gâ—thered eâ—â—her by art or violâ—nce Touâ—hing Oxford saiâ— I for that I am an Uâ—iversâ—ty man my selfe and have both experience of Câ—mbridgâ— â—nd good acquaintance with divers students of â—â—e other university I can tell you enoâ—gh bu◠〈◊〉 fine all tendeth to â—his conclusion thâ—t bâ— hâ—â— Chancellorship is cancelled almost all hâ—pe of good in thâ—â— Universiâ—y and by his pâ—â—tâ—ctâ—on it is vâ—ry likâ— soone to come to dâ—strâ—ctâ—oâ— And suâ—â—ly if there were no oâ—her thiâ—g to declarâ— the odâ—es and diffâ—râ—nce betwixt him and our Châ—â—ceâ—lâ—ur â—hom he cannot beare for â—â—at evâ—â—y way hâ— sâ—eth â—im to pâ—sse him in â—ll honour anâ— vertue it were sufficient to behold the prâ—sent state of the two Universities whâ—reof thâ—y are heads and governours For our own I will not sâ—y much lest I might peâ—haps seeme partiâ—ll but let thâ— thing speak for it selfe Consider the fruit of the Garden and therby you may judge of thâ— Gâ—rdiners diligence Looke upon the Bishopricks Pastoâ—ships and Pulpits of England and see whence principally they have recâ—ived their furniture for advancement of the Gospell And oâ— the contrary side looke upon the Semâ—naries of Papistry aâ— Rome and Rhems upon the Colledges of Jesuists and other companies of Papists beyond the seas and see where-hence thâ—y are eâ—pecially fraught The Priests and Jesuists here executed within the land and other that remaine either in prâ—son or abroad in corners are they not all in a manner of that Universiâ—y I speak not to the disgrace of any good that remaine there or that have issued out thâ—nce into the Lords Vineyâ—rd but for the most part there of â—hiâ—â—ur time have they not either gone beyond â—he seas or left their places for discontentment in Religion or else become Servingâ—en or followed the bare name of Law or Physick without greatly profiting therein or furâ—hering â—he service of Gods Church or their Commonwealth And wherehence I pray you ensueth all this but by reason that the chiefe Governour thereof is an Atheist himselfe and useth the place onely for gaine and spoile for herehence â—t commeâ—h that all good order and discipline is dissolved in that place the fervour of study extinguished the publique Lectures abandoned I meane of the more part the Tavernes and Ordinary tables frequented the apparell of Students growne monstruous and the statutes and good ordinance both of the University and of every Colledge and Hall in private brâ—ken and infriâ—ged â—t my Lords good pleasâ—re without respect eâ—thâ—r of oath custome or reason to the contrary The heads and Officers are put in and out at his onely discretion and the Scholars places either told or dâ—spâ—sed by his letters or by these of his servants and followers nothing can be had thâ—re now without present monâ—y it is as common buying and selling of places in that University as of horses in Smithfield whereby the good and vertuous are kept out and companions thrust in fit to serve his Lord afterward in all affaires that shall occurre And as for leases of Farmes Woods Pastures Personages Benefices or the like which belong any way to any part of the University to let or bestow these his Lord and his Servants have so fleeced shorne and scraped already that there remaineth little to feed upon hereafter albeit hee want not still his 〈◊〉 and intelligences in the place to advertâ—se him from time to â—iâ—e when aâ—y new little morsell is offâ—red Anâ— the principall instruments which for this purpose hâ— hath hâ—d there before â—his hâ—vâ— been two Physitians Bayâ—y and Culpiper both knâ—wne Papists a little while agoe but now jâ—st of Gâ—lens religion and so much the fitter for my Lords humour for his Lordship doth alwaies covet to be furnished with certaine chosen men about 〈◊〉 for â—ivers affairs as thâ—se two Galenâ—sts in the Universiâ—y Deâ— and Aâ—â—en two Aâ—heists for figuring and conjuring Iuâ—io the Italian and Lopaâ— the Jew for poâ—soning and for the art of destroying children in womens bellies Verneis for muâ—dering Digbies for Bauds and the like in occupations which his Lordship exerciseth Wherefore to returne to the speech where we began most â—leare it is that my Lord of Lâ—ycesteâ— hath meanes to gâ—ine and gâ—ther also by the University as wâ—l aâ— by the country abroad Wherin as I am told he beareth hâ—mselfe so absolute a Lord as if he were their King and not their Chancâ—llour Nay far more then if he wâ—re the generall and pâ—rticular founder of all the Colledges and othâ—r houses of the University no man daring to contrary oâ— interrupt the leasâ— word or signification of his will but with hâ—s extreame danger which iâ— a proceeding more fit for Phalâ—ris the tyrant or some Governour in Tâ—râ—ary then for a Chancellour of a learned Universiâ—y To this answâ—red the Lawyer for my Lords wrath towards such as will noâ— stand to his judgment and opinion I can mâ— selfe be a sufficient witnesse who having had oftâ—n occasion to deale for composition of mâ—tters betwixt his Lordship and others hâ—ve seene by experience that alwayes they have sped beâ—â— wâ—o stood least in contenâ—ion with him whatsoever their cause were For as a great and violent river the more it is stopped or contraried â—he more it riseth and swelleth bigge and in the end dejâ—cteth with more force the â—hing thâ—t made râ—sistance so his Lâ—rdship being the great and mighâ—y Potentate oâ— this Realme and accustomed now to have his will in all things cannot beare to bee crossâ—d or resisted by any man though it were in his owne necessaâ—y defence Hereof I havâ— seene exâ—mples in the causes of Snowden forest in Wales of Denbighe of Killingworth of Drayton â—nd others where the paâ—â—ies that had â—nterest or thought themselves wronged had beene happy if they â—ad yeelded at the fiâ—st to hâ—s Lordships plâ—asure wiâ—hout further question for â—hen had they escaped much trouble châ—rges displeasure and vexation when by â—esistance they incurred to their great ruine and losse of life to some and in the end were faine to submit themselves unâ—o his will wiâ—h far worse conditions then in the beginning were offered unto them which thing waâ— pittifull indeed to bâ—hold but yet sâ—â—h is my Lordâ— disposition A noble disposition quoth the Gentleman thâ—t I must give hâ—m my â—oat if hee demâ—nd the â—ame and that quickly â—lso for feare lest iâ— I stagger or mâ—ke doubt therâ—of hee coâ—pell me to yeeld both coat and doublet in penance of my stay I have read of some such Tyrants abroad in the world marry their end was alwayes according to their life as it is very like that it will be also in this man for that there is smal hope of his amendment and God passeth not over commonly such matters unpunished in this life as
with it selfâ— first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâ—yned with a conscience loden wâ—th the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâ—hority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for â—hat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâ—hen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe â—or himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yâ—rke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hâ—nry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ— old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâ—ght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
at his his companions hanâ—s when she onâ—ly shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient deâ—res Cleare it is quoth the Lawyer that the nearenesse of aspirors to the â—â—owne endangereth greatly the present possessors as you have well proved by reason and I could shew by divers examples if it were need For when Henrie Bullingbrooke Duke of Lancaster saw not onely Richard the second to be without issue but also Roger Mortimer Earle of March that should have succeded in the Crowne to bee slaine in Ireland though before as is thought he meant not to usurpe yet seeing the possibility and neare cut that he had was inuited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes blond and dignity as he did The like is thought of Richard Duke of Glocester that he nâ—ver meant the murther of his nephewes untill he saw their father dead and themselves in his owne hands his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched and his onely sonne and heire â—arle of Warwick within his owne power Wherefore seeing that it hath not pleased Almighty God for causes to himselfe best known to leave unto this noble Realm any issue by her most excellent Maiestie it hath been a poynt of great wisedome in mine opinion and of great safety to her Highnes person state dignity to preserve hitherto the line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland I meane both the mother and the sonne whose deaths hath been so diligently sought by the other Competitors and had beene long ere this atchieved if her Majesties owne wisedome and royall clemency as is thought had not placed speciall eye upon the conservation thereof from time to time Which Princely providence so long as it shalâ— endure must needs be a great safety and fortresâ— to her Majesty not onely against the claimes aides or annoyance of forraine Princes whâ— wil not be so forward to advance strange titles while so manifest heires remain at home nor yeâ— so willing in respect of policy to â—elpe thaâ— line to possession of the whole Island but also against practices of domesticall aspirers as yoâ— have shewed in whose affairs no doubt but these two branches of Scâ—tland are great bâ—ocks as also speciall bulwarks to her Majesties life and person seeing as you say these copartners make so little account of the other of that line who should ensue by order of succession Marry yet of the two I thinke the youth of Scotland be of much more importance for their purpose to bee made away both for that hee may have issue and is like in time to be of more ability for defence of his owne inheritance as also for that he being once dispatched his mother should soone ensue by one slight or other which they would devise unwitting to her Majesty albeit I must needes confesse that her Highnesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof in placing her restraint with so noble strong and worthy a Peere of our Realme as the Earle of Shrewsburie is whose fidelity and constancy being nothing plyable to the others faction giveth them little contentation And for that cause the world seeth how many sundry and divers devices they have used and do use dayly to slander and disgrace him and thereby to pull from him his charge committed To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all but stood stâ—ll musing with himselfe as though hee had conceived some deep matter in his head â— and after a little pause he began to say as followeth I cannot truly but much marvaile when I do compare some things of this time and government with the doings of formâ—r Princes Progenitors to her Majesty Namely of Henrie the 7. and Henrie the 8. who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall line of King Edward the 4. by his brother of Clarence as they thought it necessary not only to prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way but even the possibilities of all perill as may well appear by the execution of Ed. Earl of Warwick before named Son and heire to the said Duke of Clarence and of Maâ—gaâ—et his sister Countesse of Salisbury with the Lord Henry Montague her sonne by whose Dauâ—hter the Earle of Huntington now claimeth All which were executed for avoyding of inconveniencies and that at such times when no imminent danger could be much doubted by that Line especially by the latter And yet now when one of the same house and Line of more ability and ambition than ever any of his Ancestors were maketh open title and claime to the Crowne with plots packs and preparations to most manifest usurpation against all order all law and all rightful succession and against a special statute provided in that behalfe yet is he permitted boâ—ne out favoured and friended therein and no man so hardy as in defeâ—câ—â—f her Majestie and the Realme to contrâ—â—le hiâ— for the same It may be that her Majestie is brought into the same oâ—inion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity as Iulius Caesar was of Marcus Brutus his dearest obliged friend of whose ambitious practises and aspiring when Caesar was advertised by his carefull friends he anâ—wered that hee well knew Brutus to be ambitious but I am sure quoth he that my Brutuâ— will never attempt any thing for the Empire while Caesar liveth â—nd after my death let him shift for the same among others aâ— he can But what ensued Surely I am loath to tell the event for ominations sake but yet all the world knoweth that ere many moneths passed this most noble and â—lement Emperour was pittifully murthered â—y the same Brutus and his partners in the publique Senate when least of all he expected such treason So dangerous a thing it is to be secure in a matter of so great sequell or to trust them with a mans life who may pretend preferment or interest by his death Wherefore would God her Majestie in this case might be induced to have such due care and regard of her own estate and royall person as the weighty moment of the matter requireth which containeth the blisse and calamity of so noble and worthy a kingdome as this I know right well that most excellent natures are alwayes furthest off from diffidence in such people as proves love and are most bounden by dutie and so it is evident in her Maiestie But yet surely this confidence so commendable in other men is scarce allowable oftentimes in the person of a Prince for that it goeth accompanyed with so great perill as is inevitable to him that will not suspect principally when dangers are foretold or presaged as commonly by Gods appoyntment they are fâ—r the speciall hand he holdeth over Princes affaires or when there is probable conjecture or just surmise of the same We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar had not onely the warning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation but even the very day when
fate next her Madame your Lâ—diship hath said nothing in this behalfe that is not dayly debated amongst us in our common speech in Court as you know Your desire also heâ—ein is a publick desire if it might be brought to pâ—ssâ— for there is no man so simple that seeth not how perilous these contentions and divisions among us may bee in the end And I have heard divers Gentlemen that be leaâ—â—â—d discourse at large upon this argument alleaging old examples of the Athenians Lacedemonians Carthigenians and Romans who received notable dammages and destruction also in the end by their divisions and factions among themselves and spâ—cially from them of their own Cities and Countries who upon factions lived abroad with Forrainers and thereby were always as fire-brands to carry home the flame of Warre upon their Countrey The like they also shewed by thâ— long experience of all the great Cities and States of Italy which by their factions and forucites were in continuall gar-boyle bloud-shed and miserie Whereof our owne countrey hath also tasted her part by the odious contention between the houses of Lancaster and Yorke wherein it is marvailous to consider what trouble a few men oftentimes departing out of the Realme were able to worke by the part of their fâ—ction râ—maining at home which commonly encreaseth towaâ—d them that are absent by the readines of forâ—ain Princes to receive â—lwâ—yes and comfort such as are discontenâ—â—â— in another state to the end that by their meanes thâ—y might hold an Ore in their neighbours boat Which Princeâ— that aâ—e nâ—gh borderers doe alwayes above all other things most covet and dâ—sire This was that Courtiers speech and reason whereby I perceived that aswell among thâ—m in Couâ—t as among us in the Râ—alme and Counâ—ry abroad the present iâ— convâ—nience and dangerous sequell of this our home disâ—ention is espyed and consequently most English hearts inclined to wish the râ—medy or pâ—evention thereof by some reasonable modâ—ration or re-union among our selves For that the prosecution of these dâ—fferâ—nces to extrâ—aâ—itie cannot but after many wounds and exulcerations bring matters finally to rage fury and most deadly desperation Whereas on the other side if any sweet qualification or small tolleration among us were admitted there is no doubt but that affaires would passe in our Realme with more quietnesse safety and publike weale of the same then it is like it will doe long and men would easily be brought that have English bowells to joyne in the preservation of their Countrey from ruine bloudshed and forraine oppression which desparation of factions is wont to procure I am of your opinion quoth the Gentleman in that for I have seene the experience thereof and all the world beholdeth the same at this day in all the Countries of Germanie Polonia Boeâ—land and Hungarie where a little bearing of the one with the other hath wrought them much ease and continued them a peace whereof all Europe besides hath admiration and envie The first 12 years also of her Majesties reign whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed of before can well bee a witnesse of the same wherein the commiseration and lenity that was used towards those of the weaker sort with a certaine sweet diligence for their gaining by good means was the cause of much peace contentation and other benefit to the whole body Wee see in France that by over much pressing of one part onely a fiâ—e was inkindled not many yeaâ—es since like to have consumed and destroyed the whole had not a necessâ—ry mollification been thought upon by the wisest of that Kings Councell full contrary to the will and inclination of somâ— great personages who meant perhaps to have gained more by the other and since that time we see what peace wealth and re-union hath ensued in that Country that was so broken dissevered and wasted before And all this by yeelding a littâ—e in that thing which no force can master but exulcerate rather and make worse I meane the conscience and judgement of men in matters of Religion The like also I could name you in Flanders where after all these broyles and miseries of so many yeares warres caused principally by too much streyning in such affaires at the beginning albeit the King bee never so strict-laced in yeelding to publike liberty and free exercise on both parts yet is he descended to this at length and that upon force of reason to abstaine from the pursuit and search of mens consciences not only in the townes which upon composition hee receiveth but also where he hath recovered by force as in Torney and other places where I am informed that no man is searched demanded or molested for his opinion or conscience nor any act of Papistry or contrary religion required at their hands but are permitted to live quietly to God and themselves at home in their owne houses so they performe otherwise their outward obedience and duties to their Prince and Countrey Which only qualification tollerance and moderation in our Realme if I bee not deceived with many more â—hat be of my opinion woulâ— content all divisâ—ons factions and parties among us for their continuance in peace bee they Papists Puritans Familians or of whatsoever nice difference or section besides and would be sufficient to retaine all parties within a temperate obedience to the Magistrate and government for conservation of their Countrey which were of no small importance to the contentation of her Majesty and the weale publick of the whole kingdome But what should I talke of this thing which is so contrary to the desires and designements of our puissant Conspirators What should Cicero the Senator use perswasions to Captaine Cateline and his crew that quietnesse and order were better than hurliburlies Is it possible that our aspirors will ever permit any such thing cause or matter to be treated in our state as may tend to the stability of her Majesties present government No surely it standeth nothing with their wisedome or policy especially at this instant when they have such opportunity of following their owne actions in Her Majesties name under the vizard and pretext of her defence and safety having sowed in every mans head so many imaginations of the dangers present both abroad and at home from Scotland Flanders Spaine and Ireland so man conspiracies so many intended murthers and others so many contrived or conceived mischiefes as my Lord of Leicester assureth himselfe that the troubled water cannot be cleared againe in short space nor his baits and lines laid therein easily espyed but rather that hereby ere long he will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily after and in the meane time for the pursuit of these crimes and other â—hat he dayly will finde out himselfe must remaine perpetuall Dictator But what meaneth this so much inculcating of troubles treasons murthers and invasions I like not surely these ominous speeches And as I am out
of doubt that Leicester the caster of these shadowes doth look to play his part first in these troublesome affaires so doe I heartily feare that unlesse the tyranny of this Leicestrian fury bee speedily stopped that such miserie to Prince and people which the Lord for his mercies sake turne from us as never greater fell before to our miserable Countrey is far nearer hand than is expected or suspectâ—d And therefore for the prevention of these calamities to tell you plainly mine opinion good Sirs and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference for it waxeth late I would thinke it the most necessarie poynt of all for her Majesty to call his Lordship to account among other and to see what other men could say against him at length after so mâ—ny yeares of his sole accusing and pursuing of others I know and am very well assured that no one act which her Majestie hath done since her comming to the Crowne as shee hath done right many most highly to be commended nor any that lightly her Majesty may doe hereafter can be of more utility to Her selfe and to the Realme or more gratefull to her faithfull and zealous subjects than this noble act of Iustice would be for tryall of this mans deserts towards his Countrey I say it would be profitable to her Majesty and to the Realme noâ— onely in respect of the many dangers befoâ—e mentioned hereby to be avoyded which are like to ensue most certainly if his courses bee still permitted but also for that her Majesty shall by this dâ—liver Her selfe from that generall grudge and griefe of mind with great dislike which many subiects otherwise most faithfull have conceived against the excessive favour shewed to this man so many yeares without desert or reason Which favour he having used to the hurt annoyance and oppression both of infinite severall persons and the whole common-wealâ—h as hath bin said the griefe and resentment thereof doth redound commonly in such cases not only upon the person delinquent alone but also upon the Soveraigne by whose favour authority he offers such iniuries though never so much against the others inteÌ„t dâ—sire or meaning And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes in all ages and Countries whose exorbitant favour to some wicked subiect that abused the same hath bin the cause of great dâ—nger and ruine the sins of the favourite being returned and revenged upon the favourer As in the Historie of the Grecians is declared by occasion of the pittifull murther of that wise and victorious P. Philip of Macedony who albeit that he were well assured to have given no offence of himself to any of his subiects consequently feared nothing but conversed openly and confidently among them yet for that hee had favoured too much one â—uke Attalus a proud â—nd insolent Courtier and had born him out in certain of his wickednes or at least not punished the same after it was detected and coâ—plained upon the parties grieved accounting the crime more proper and heinous on the part of him who by office should do iustice protect other than of â—he perpetrator who followeth his own passion and sensuality let pass Attalus made their â—evenge upon the bloud life of the K himself by one Pausanias suborned for that purpose in â—he marriage day of the Kings owne daughter Great store of like examples may be repeated â—ut of the stories of other countries nothing beâ—ng more usuall or frequent among all nations â—han the afâ—lictions of realms and kingdoms and the overthrow of Princes and great Potentates themselves by their too much affection towards some unworthy particular persons a thing in deed so common and ordinary as it may welâ— seem to be the speciall Rock of all other whereat Kings Princes doe make their shipwracks For if we look into the states and Monarchie all Christendoâ—e and consider the ruines thaâ— have bin of any Princes or Ruler within the same we shall find this poynt to have bin a great and principall part of the cause thereof and in our owne state and countrey the matteâ— is too evident For whereas since the Conqueâ—â— we number principally three just and lawfuâ—â— Kings to have come to confusion by alienatioâ— of their subjects that is Edward the seconâ— Râ—ch the second and Henrie the sixt this onlâ— point of too much favour towards wicked persons was the chiefest cause of destruction in a threâ— As in the first the excessive favour tâ—wards Peter Gaveston and two of the Spencer In the second the like extraordinarie and indicreet affecâ—ion towards Robert Vere Eurle oâ— Oxford and Marquesse of Dublin and Thomâ—â— Mowbray two most turbulent and wicked meâ— tâ—at set the K. against his own Vncles the nobility In the third being a simple and hoâ—â— man albeit no great exorbitant affection wâ—â— seene towards any yet his wife Queen Margâ—rets too much favour and credit by him nâ— controled towards the Marquesse of Suffolkâ— that after was made Duke by whose instinâ—â— and wicked Counsell she made away first tâ—â— noble Duke of Gloucester and afterward coâ—mitted other things in great prejudice of tâ—â— Realme and suffered the said most impious aâ—â— sinfull Duke to range and make havock of all sort of subjects at his pleasure much after the fashion of the Earle of Leicester now though yet not in so high anâ— extreame a degree this I say was the principall and originall cause both before Goâ— and man as Polidore well noteth of all the calamity and extreme desolation which after ensued both to the King Queene and their onely child with the utter extirpation of their family And so likewise now to speak in our particular case if there be any grudge or griefe at this day any mislike repining complaint or murmure against her Majesties government in the hearts of her true and faithfull subjects who wish amendment of that which is amisse and not the overthrow of that which is well as I trow it were no wisedome to imagine there were none at all I dare avouch upon Conscience that either all or the greatest part thereof proceedeth from this man who by the favor of her Majesty so afflicteth her peoâ—le as never did before him either Gaveston Spencer Fere or Mowbray or any other mischievous â—irant that abused most his Princes â—avour within our Realme of England Whereby it is evident how profitable a thing it should bee to the whole Realme how honourable to her Majeâ—â—y and how gratefull to all her subjects if this man at length might be called to his account Siâ— quoth the Lawyer you alleage great reason and verily I am of opinion that if her Majesty knew but the tenth part of this which you have here spoâ—en as also her good subjects desires and complaint in this behalfe she would well shew that her Highnesse feareth not to permit iustice to passe upon Leicester or any other within her Realme
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâ—ians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâ—ng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couâ—t A demonstration of Leycesteâ—s tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâ—eâ—nes danger againe Anno Regni 3â— Leyâ—esters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediâ—â—on of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ— violence with the Prince her sâ—lfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ— power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâ—den Wales Sir Henâ—y Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey †Her Maiesty â—s he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ— possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâ—wyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ— Vniveâ—sity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ— Leycesters home gaine by heâ— Maâ—esties faâ—our A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâ—gne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pâ—t out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâ—ge of lands wiâ—h her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâ—lkes and Velvetâ— The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâ—dleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâ—man Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasâ—rer Caâ—bridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâ—s * At Diâ—â—ies house in Warwick shiâ—e dame Lettice 〈◊〉 and some othâ—â— such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ— The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâ—e hanged for hâ— pleasure by Leycesters auâ—hority Gentleâ—â—n Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and â—eicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ— demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâ—d Lee. Ludowick Grâ—vel George Witney â—ord Barkley Archbâ—shop of Caâ—terbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ— of Leycestâ—r declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of â—he Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâ—ceâ—ely for Huntâ—ngton or for himselfe The words of thâ— Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâ—ent the Nature of ambâ—tion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ— of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâ—ture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâ—s Wife A new Triumvirâ—â—â—â—tween â—â—tween Leycester Talbot and â—hâ— Coâ—ntesse of Shrâ—veâ—bury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâ—cester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aâ—t 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ— meane in her Majesties dayes â—oure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâ—stor 5. The Peâ—cies The two Neviles Leycesteâ—s hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâ—ycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâ—es life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her