Money was lent on the credit of the Fifth part of Excise he hindred it from coming in which was often complained of publickly at the Exchequer by the Lenders of the Money and diverted it to other uses Nor can the late Commissioners of the Excise deny this if they should the Lenders will prove it who daily solicited them to bring it in A second instance is in the Poll-Bill which was given for an actual War with France upon which many Eastland Merchants were promised payment for Hemp and Masts and other Furniture for Ships which were taken up of them but no care taken to reserve Money for them out of the Act but are now before the present Lords Commissioners who are contriving Securities or Payments for them so that it seems this Lord observed just Rules where he could not violate them and broke them where he had power or opportunity In the same Paragraph this Lords Industry is set forth in the Improving the Kings Revenue but this was no peculiar Industry in this Lord that was unpresidented for the Customs were once let for 300000 l. per Annum and improved to 600000 l. just before his time and the Excise was likewise improved but this is more the Industry of private men than of a Treasurer for by their desire of gain they bid upon one another which a Treasurer must receive or put out the Candle they bid by as they say was done in the Case of Mr. George Pitt and Mr. Brett c. Nor was the Art new which he there bragg'd of to break a Bargain and resume the Farm of the Excise for the Kings advantage for the Lord Clifford made him a President for the like trick by re-suming the Farm of the Customs which he had let to Sir William Bucknall and others for 600000 l. per Annum so that I can neither say the Art is new or good Lastly if this Lord so improved the Revenue he has also improved the Argument against himself if he has not used it with that Success and Prudence which is so boasted of in the beginning For the Revenue of Ireland I can say little to it onely the Charge that my Lord Ranelagh lyes under and the protection always shew'd in keeping that business from a strict Examination does not seem to make out any advantage that the King has found by the disposition of that Farm The next Honour that is attributed to this Lord is that he paid rarely more than Eight per Cent. for Money borrowed notwithstanding the shakes lately given to Credit c. I hope this knowing Man in the Exchequer would not for proof appeal to the weekly Certificates for this if he does he will sind nothing there of the payment of any such Interest at all for this Lord practic'd most upon Tallies of Anticipation the way that has been the great destroyer of the Revenue which is done by a fictitious Bill thrown down by a Teller for Money when really he has it not and he discharged by a Tally instead of an Issue which Issue is removed from being vouch'd by Record in the Exchequer so that when 't is paid or when the Interest is paid or what Interest is paid never appears there so that all the vouching lyes among those that deal in Money and if they can but agree well there is no sence against their Combinations This I set down as briefly as I can onely to shew that this Lord could not know what Interest he paid though he might know what he agreed for for if a Tally is to be paid a year after the Interest may commence with the date of the Tally if they be but pleased to agree and when the Farmers or Contracters of the Excise have advanced great Sums the Commissioners have by their Acquittances given Vouchers instead of Records for the Commencement of the Interest and I have heard nor is it improbable that they were all very well acquainted The next Paragraph is of greater moment answering the scandal that the Revenue has been squandred under the name of Secret Service and upon this shews from the Certificates of the Pells that there has been accounted from Easter 73 to March 79 Eight Millions sixty two hundred seventy six thousand seven hundred sixty seven pounds besides the Interest of the Goldsmiths and divers other particulars which are not included in that Account and then desires it may be computed what could possibly remain to have been laid out extravagantly and 't would appear a very inconsiderable Sum. First 't is to be observed That 't is confest there are divers particulars which are not included in that Account of the Exchequer but the Argument that is here offered is drawn from the Comparison of what that Account is and what the Revenue may amount to in that time which infers that onely the Revenue is brought to that Account but since he desires a Computation I will furnish him with one more particular than perhaps he desires and then the vail being pull'd off this fallacie among others will be discovered First The Revenue in that time may indeed amount to about that Sum but in the Account of the great Sum he sets down there are these Particulars contained viz. The Eighteen Months Tax amounting to 1238750 l. The Tax for Building the Thirty Ships 584978 l. On the Fifth part of the Excise 200000 l. The Poll-Act 252900 l. The first Act for Disbanding the Army and other Uses c. 619388 l. This had appeared an Argument of some moment if it had been stated upon the Account wholly of the Revenue and that it had been left uncharged by this Lord but without searching into the fallacies of it the condition of the Revenue as it was left by this Lord will best determine his Prudence and Success The next thing insisted on is Secret Service which he says those that are versed in the Exchequer know that many Sums are included in that way of Payment that are either for Publick Service upon Expedition for sudden occasions or to save greater Fees where His Majesty is pleased to let it be so as in the Case of the Lord Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequers Salaries c. This is a compound of Mistakes for there are none in the Exchequer that can know what any Secret Service Money is applyed to for the Orders are in a us'd name and no Service mentioned but the words betray themselves for if it be for saving of great Fees 't is of consequence that the Exchequer knows not what 't is for or else they would have their Fees accordingly but for this very cause because those that were versed in the Exchequer did not nor could not know what such Monies were for the passing of such Orders was stopt by the Officers till the certain Fees were agreed for otherwise they took it as free gift and rather than it should be known what it was for a proportion of Fees were consented to But
Truth any that doubts it may be resolved by Sir Stephen Fox or Mr. Richard Kent And to shew also that the Condition of the Customs was truely presented and the Lord Clifford in his Paper guess'd right that the return of the last Fleet would clear it I have obtained a Copy of a Letter written from Mr. Mounteney who was then Cashier of the Customes to Sir Robert Howard the then Secretary to the Treasury COPY SIR I Have a List signed by the Lord Treasurer Clifford and Confirmed by the present Lord Treasurer the said List being wholly paid onely Eight thousand four hundred pounds payable to the Treasurer o the Navy I do hear there are several Talleys struck on the Customes but I know not of what value nor to whom payable I understand the persons have made their applications to my Lord Treasurer and that my Lord intends to make a new list which is all I can say to this Affair Custom-house London the 10th of Nov. 1673. Sir Your very humble Servant Rich. Mounteney It now remains to shew on the other side the effect of the great Prudence and Success so boasted of by as faithfully presenting the State of the Revenue at Lady-day 1679. when this Lord left it and to be as clear in this as I was in the other I have obtained likewise a Copy of it as it was presented to these present Lords Commissioners of the Treasury The Charge upon the Three great Branches of the Kings Revenue Computed to remain Lady-day 1672. Remains unpaid of Tallies Charged on the Customs 435106 01 00 Of Tallies Charg'd on the Excise 550464 15 04 To repay the Advance 250000 00 00 The Charge on the Hearth-Duty by Tallies and the Advance-Money 250000 00 00 Total 1485570 16 04 And now the equal Reader is left able to judge though the Impartial Author says he is not whether this Lord or the People of England be most unhappy in his Misfortunes but to those that will not take the pains to examine this and are not convinced there never was a better Officer in this station he proposes a new sort of Evidence from Coffee-houses themselves who have complained of the good Husbandry this Lord used for his Master for fear it should keep off the use of Parliaments I will not wonder at such a proof for the Writer uses always great liberty but I will onely do the same and desire those persons also that will not take pains to examine this to receive the Evidences now in the Coffee-houses for his Lordships Character I am almost perswaded that if Ballads had been sung in his favour they would have been urged as Evidences of his Innocency but I dare not take the liberty to urge those that are sung on the contrary for Testimonies of his guilt but after such Evidences as Coffee-houses introduced the next may probably be Ballads I have now finisht my Observations on that part of this Lords Ministry which belonged to the Treasury and shall now proceed to State-Affairs in which other Sphere for 't was not enough to shine in one the Impartial Author presents him as great a Minister as he has done a Treasurer concluding as he begun That what he had said concerning this Lords Administration in his Office as Lord High Treasurer he spoke upon certain knowledge and what he shall say in relation to his Transactions in the Affairs of State are partly so and the rest upon such assurances that he is no less confident of the Truth of them Thus he tells us that he builds upon some assurances by him received as firmly as on his own certain knowledge This I suppose he might do without any Compliment to those from whom he received them for by the Examinations of all compared 't will I suppose appear their Credits ought to have no preheminence He first introduces his Discourse with a Complaint he heard this Lord make that it was an infinite Misfortune to him that His Majesty did take him so much from the business of the Treasury whereby he could not make those improvements in his Revenue and give those dispatches that were necessary and exprest his regret that he was employed in any other business than the Treasury As to the improving of the Revenue it has been discours'd already but for Dispatches I suppose he did not believe much time was necessary if it be true as I have heard That he endeavoured to gain a belief in His Majesty that no man could be a good Treasurer that was easie of access As for that regret this Lord had for the increase of business and consequently power in the Kings Affairs I shall onely make some Observations upon this Lords Temper and Proceedings which will shew he rather desired to engross all Affairs than share any The assurance of a modest and consin'd nature would have best appeared by the easie and friendly carrying on the Kings business with such Ministers and Officers as were of good repute but instead of that this Lord shewed a Temper of a contrary nature by attempting the removal of every one that was not prostrate enough to him he began with Sir John Duncomb and Sir Stephen Fox men of most unquestioned worth in their Employments then brought a Charge in the Council against Sir Robert Howard Auditor of the Receipt the success of which is publickly known and might questionless have been very well guessed by this Lord but there were two great causes that blinded his Reason his Son the Lord Dunblain had the Reversion of the Auditors place and the removal of him with the others had reduced the Exchequer into his uncontradicted power The Ministers in State-Affairs that did not submit implicitely found him not less ambitious my Lord Arlington and Mr. Secretary Coventry seemed to have Writs of Ease in Forreign Affairs and very often were reports and expectations of their leaving their places and those that were upon better terms with him were obeyers of his power and not sharers in any and I am confident whoever throughly examines this Lords Temper and Carriage amongst Men and business he will hardly conclude it probable that any regret could spring from his encrease of power rather the Character of a very great Man may be applicable to him as to our part of the World Aestuat infelix angusto limite Regni Juv. Sat. 10. The reasons why this Lord entered unwillingly into Forreign Transactions was because he always shew'd himself averse to the Counsels wherein he found His Majesty engaged and reckons up The breach of the Triple League a War with the Dutch a League with France and an Army of English then in France These Particulars will not concern my Observations if any did amiss let it be examined when there is such an Impartial Account as this pretended to be given but upon this depends the following Paragraph which ought not to be let pass without some Reflections He complains there that the Nation was too hasty and did
say the King is a Papist or shall any ways by Word or Writing publish or utter any thing to incite people to the hatred or dislike of the Kings Person I would desire any to consider whether any of these Crimes would be answered by Pleading that what was said was spoken by the Kings knowledge and allowance it would appear the King that can do no wrong cannot avow the wrong done to him and his people If this should appear rigorous to any let them but equally compare the inconveniencies on both sides and it will appear by this way some particular men of shaken Consciences and Principles may suffer by their own folly but by the other way the Publick may suffer under the protected guilt of a few Corrupted or Ambitious persons And since in all Ages it appears how soft men are to the Impressions of Wealth and Power how just will it seem there should be no excuse for ill Councils and those that will undertake the care of great things ought to bear the weight and hazard of the Employment This would increase the care of doing well and opposing ill and great men would find it better and safer to depend upon their own Vertues than on their Flatteries and Truth will then appear the best Policy when Falshood becomes the greatest danger And I will venture to adde this farther Remark That this Lord has been bolder in this way than ever any Subject was and it looks like an ill return to his Gracious and Bountiful Master that he never entitles him to any thing for his Honour but as I observed before in the business of the Goldsmiths he wholly attributes the good Action to himself and would make the Kings Treasure purchase his honour and esteem I have heard of such generous Friends that have charg'd themselves with their Friends Misfortunes to make themselves capable to suffer for them but this Lord has not acted so for his King but on the contrary would fix ill things on him for if what was charg'd upon him had been avowable there was no need to make any other Plea than what might proceed from the nature of the thing This brings me to consider the Expression about the Parliament which he might justly indeed suppose had been a principal cause of giving offence Having now with just duty separated the King from the concern of this matter I dare proceed to consider it with the reason of the Paragraph I agree with the Author That the Clause that gave the Parliament Offence he might have added and every English-man that read it besides was this In case the Conditions of the Peace shall be accepted the King expects to have Six Millions of Livres yearly for three years from the time that this agreement shall be signed betwixt His Majesty and the King of France because it will be two or three years before he can hope to find his Parliament in an humour to give him Supplies after the having made any Peace with France The reason given for this Clause is remarkable That it was inserted onely for a Motive to perswade the King of France to give a greater Sum than six Millions of Livres because otherwise in the ill posture things stood in the French King might suspect whether the King of England would agree to any Peace at all I cannot imagine the force of this Argument unless it be to shew That there was no Motive to the French King to give Money largely nor to make him believe the King of England was firm to him but the Conditions of keeping off Parliaments How clearly does it now appear That this way onely the French believed their Interest was to be supported and as if the old Arts of Adjournments and Prorogations had not been sufficient it is projected now to let a Lease of Parliaments to the French for three years and 't is reasonably guest they would have been out of humour to grant Supplies when Supplies were gotten from others to destroy them but how after three years the Parliament should be brought in humour is not to be supposed 't is more probable that the Lease would have been renewed The next Objection to this Letter he says has been That it was Writ the 25th of March 78. which was five days after the Parliament had past an act to raise Money for an actual War with France This is confest to be true but Answered First That an Act to raise Money for a War is no Declaration of the War But that Act was grounded upon a Message from the King to the Parliament for an Actual War and 't was so declared to be by one of the Secretaries in the House of Commons but now 't will be hard for this impartial Friend to advise his Lord which to stand to whether the King was Author of the Message sent by the Secretary or of the Clause in his Letter for sure though he has been very bold with the King yet he would not make him own Contradictions at the same time The second is That till such Declaration all Treaties are lawful and even then too if the King pleases in whom the sole power of making Peace and War is made by Law There is no question but in the time of War declared the King may treat of Peace but whether this Lord may treat for it in such a way as by the clause of the Letter is the more proper Question Thirdly he says That the Kings Embassadours were then at Nimegen treating of Peace and were indeed never recall'd nor forbidden to treat the Peace and can it be thought a fault for a Minister to obey the Kings Orders at home on the same Subject upon which other Ministers were acting at the same time abroad This is the usual manner of Arguing but it it affords some new matter of Answer which arises from observing that the Ministers abroad treated upon the same Subject as this Lord did at home which implies they all treated for so much Money to be the price of Parliaments or else this Minister may be in fault though the others were not But I suppose the Ministers were not so bold upon this point abroad as this Minister was at home and if not the Argument is at an end The fourth Argument is composed of no new matter till at the latter end 't is said That had it been a Crime his Majesties Embassadour at Paris must be in as much if not more fault to have obeyed the Kings Orders at second hand as this Lord was to obey his Majesties immediate Commands from his own mouth and signed by his hand I have before taken notice how little it adds or diminishes to any Offence to compare it with what others have committed it being onely just and proper that every thing should bear its own weight But if it were not so I should not trouble my self to dispute whether the same fault was greatest in the first or second concoction but possibly the