any Age has produc'd and gave us a signal Instance how far it is possible for the same Person to be the Favourite of two Successive Monarchs He possess'd King Iames's Favour without a Rival and without any other Interruption but that Cloud which the Intrigues of Spain rais'd against him in the King's mind which has been already hinted at wherein the Son shar'd equally with the Favourite and which Bishop Williams's dexterity soon dissipated King Charles out-did his Father in his Kindness to Buckingham and had no Favourite after him He had all the Qualities that are requisite for a Court and fit to acquire and preserve his Master's Affection Notwithstanding he was in his Temper highly Generous and Beneficent and that there were few Great Families in England but he had some way or other oblig'd either in themselves or their Relations yet he fell under the Misfortune that attends Favourites but it must be own'd he was rather envied than hated He had the ill luck to be charg'd with a great many things of which he was innocent and particularly in relation to the Spanish Match By all that I have seen he deserv'd the Thanks of the Nation upon that account rather than an Impeachment in Parliament For it was he chiefly that broke off that Match when he saw how much King Iames suffer'd in his Honour through the manner he was treated in it which he found out sooner than the King did himself It 's none of the least Proofs of the Duke of Buckingham's Innocency in these matters that Spanhemius in his History of the Electrice Palatine writ long after Buckingham's Death speaks always honourably of him in the Business of the Palatinate whereas at the same time he exposes King Iames's Conduct It 's a vulgar mistake That he came to be the First Minister merely through the Caprice of King Iames for the Court unanimously promoted his Interest and recommended him to the highest Favour in opposition to Somerset whose Arrogancy Covetousness and Pride had disoblig'd every body and made both the King and the Court weary of him No Servant did his Master more Honour in the Magnificence of his Train and the splendid Manner of his living especially in his Embassy to France whâ—re in the Gracefulness of his Person and Nobleness of his Behaviour and Equipage he out-did any thing that ever was seen of that kind before He was more form'd for a Court than a Camp and though very Brave in his Person he was Unsuccessful in the only Military Expedition he was engag'd in which was that of Rochell And when he was upon the embarking a second time to repair that Disgrace he was basely murder'd amidst a Croud of his Friends and in the height of his Glory To return to King Charles's Character If he had any Personal Faults they were much over-weigh'd by his Virtues But an Immoderate Desire of Power beyond what the Constitution did allow of was the Rock he split upon He might have been happy if he had trusted more to his own Judgment than that of those about him for as in his nature he was an Enemy to all violent Measures so was he apt to submit his own Reason to that of others when any such things came under consideration There was another Error that run through the whole Management of his Affairs both Domestick and Publick and which occasion'd a great part of his Misfortunes He appear'd many times stiff and positive in denying at first what he granted afterwards out of time and too late to give satisfaction which encourag'd ambitious and interested Persons to ask more than they thought of at first and lost him the fruits of his former Concessions So that in the whole Conduct of his Life he verified this Maxim That Errors in Government have ruin'd more Princes than their Personal Vices I shall have done with this Melancholy Subject after the Reader has been acquainted with one remarkable Accident not hitherto mention'd with that Exactness it deserves by any Author I know of which considering its Consequences is an extraordinary Instance upon what small Hinges the greatest Revolutions may turn That the principal Rise of all King Charles's latter Troubles The true Cause of the Scots coming first into England was from the Second War with the Scots has been already show'd But what the Motives were that embolden'd the Scots to alter their Measures from those they had observ'd in the first War continues in great part a Mystery to this day In the first War they stood upon the Defensive only and came no further than their own Borders but in the second they acted so much in the offensive that they march'd into England as far as Durham and were coming on further if the Treaty that was set afoot at Rippon had not stopt them All the Accounts we have of this proceeding of the Scots do seem to be grounded upon the Informations they had of the Backwardness of England to assist the King in this War and that they were well assur'd of Friends all over the Kingdom and some of nearest access to the King's Person who they knew would interpose in their behalf rather than Matters should come to Extremities But these general Encouragements can hardly be thought to have had such weight with the Scots as to make them venture upon so bold an Attempt and therefore it 's but reasonable to believe they went upon surer Grounds when they made this Invasion This matter will be set in a clearer Light when the Reader is acquainted That a Forg'd Letter pretended to be sent from some of the most Leading Men of the Nobility of England came to have the same effects as if it had been a True One and really sign'd by the same Persons whose Names were affix'd to it Which fell out in this manner After the Pacification at Duns which put an end to the first War the King at his Return to London was prevail'd with upon the account of several things the Scots were said to have done contrary to the Articles of the Treaty and the Duty of Subjects to order the Pacification to be burnt by the hands of the Common Hangman To reduce them to obedience he was meditating a New War and in order thereto was levying another Army and was pleas'd to call a Parliament to assist him in it The Scots had their Commissioners at London at that time who wanted not Friends in both Houses to inform them of every thing that happen'd in Parliament and Council which they fail'd not to write home to their Countrey advising them to be on their Guard and to put themselves in a posture not to be surpriz'd The Scots knowing how matters went in England and that a new Storm was like to break out upon them were resolv'd to put themselves into a Posture of Defence and to the Forces they had not yet disbanded they added considerable new Levies both of Horse and Foot Their Preparations went faster on
them to their Duty by force of Arms. Both Houses show'd a Willingness to relieve the King's Wants and offer'd him a considerable Supply but with this Condition That their Grievances may be first redress'd which had swell'd up to a considerable Bulk since the last Dissolution Not only so but the Scots had Friends enough in the Parliament to hinder any great matter to be done against them and the greater part both of Lords and Commons were but little inclin'd to a War of Archbishop Laud's kindling The King being thus disappointed dissolv'd this Parliament as he had done the rest when they had scarce sat a Month and made what shifts he could to raise a new Army against the Scots They upon the other hand being resolv'd not to be behind in their Preparations enter'd into England with a numerous Army compos'd for the most part of Veteran Officers and Troops that had serv'd in Germany under Gustavus Adolphus and taking Berwick and Newcastle push'd their way as far as Durham King Charles came in Person to York and there found himself inviron'd with perplexing Difficulties on all hands The Nobility and Gentry that attended him express'd on all occasions their dislike of the Cause and the War they were engag'd in The Scots stood firm to their ground being flesh'd with Success And the King was follow'd from the South with Petitions from the City of London from several Counties and from a considerable Number of Lords desiring him to call a Parliament as the only effectual Means to quiet the Minds of the People and compose the present War without Bloodshed To extricate himself out of this Labyrinth King Charles summon'd the Great Council of Peers to meet at York to consult what was fit to be done in this Juncture who advis'd him unanimously to enter into a Treaty with the Scots at Rippon and to summon a Parliament to meet at Westminster with both which Advices the King comply'd and immediately issu'd out Writs for a Parliament to sit down in November 1640. and adjourn'd the Treaty with the Scots to London No Age ever produc'd Greater Men than those that sat in this Parliament They had sufficient Abilities and Inclinations to have render'd the â—â—ing and their Countrey happy if England had not been through a Chain of concurring Accidents ripen'd for destruction At their sitting down The Parliament 1641. a Scene of Grievances under which the Nation had long groan'd was laid open and all Topicks made use of to paint them out in liveliest Colours The many Cruelties and Illegal Practices of the Star-Chamber and High-Comission-Court that had alienated Peoples Minds from the Hierarchy were now insisted on to throw down those two Arbitrary Tribunals and with them in some time after the Bishops out of the House of Peers and at length Episcopacy it self out of the Church It was not a few of either House but indeed all the Great Patriots that concurr'd at first to make Enquiry into the Grievances of this Reign Sir Edward Hyde afterwards Earl of Clarendon and Lord Chancellor of England the Lord Digby the Lord Falkland the Lord Capell Mr. Grimstone who was chosen afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons that brought in King Charles the Second and was Master of the Rolls Mr. Hollis since Lord Hollis all which suffer'd afterwards on the King's side and in general most of those that took the King's part in the succeeding War were the Men that appear'd with the greatest Zeal for the Redress of Grievances and made the sharpest Speeches upon those Subjects The Intentions of those Gentlemen were certainly Noble and Just and tended to the equal advantage of King and People But the Fate of England urg'd on its own Ruin step by step till an open Rupture between the King and Parliament made the Gap too wide ever to be made up again Sir Thomas Wentworth Earl of Strafford and Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury had too great a share in the Ministry to escape being Censur'd and they were the first that felt the effects of a Popular Hatred These two Gentlemen and Iames Duke of Hamilton first advis'd King Charles to call this Parliament and all Three fell by it though not at the same time The Earl of Strafford was a Gentleman of extraordinary Parts The Fall and Character of the Earl of Strafford a great Orator and yet a greater Statesman He made a considerable Figure in the first Three Parliaments of King Charles and no man appear'd with greater Zeal against Ship-money Tunnage and Poundage and other Taxes illegally impos'd upon the Subject The Court bought him off and preferr'd him to great Honours and Places which lost him his former Friends and made the Breach irreconcilable There had been a long and intimate Friendship betwixt Mr. Pym and him and they had gone hand in hand in every thing in the House of Commons But when Sir Thomas Wentworth was upon making his Peace with the Court he sent to Pym to meet him alone at Greenwich where he began in a set Speech to sound Mr. Pym about the Dangers they were like to run by the Courses they were in and what Advantages they might have if they would but listen to some Offers would probably be made them from the Court Pym understanding his drift stopt him short with this expression You need not use all this Art to tell me that you have a mind to leave us But remember what I tell you You are going to be undone But remember That though you leave us now I will never leave you while your Head is upon your Shoulders He was as good as his word for it was Pym that first accus'd him of High Treason in the House of Commons he carried up his Impeachment to the House of Lords and was the chief Manager of his Tryal and Bill of Attainder There never was a more solemn Trial than that of the Earl of Strafford whether we consider the Accusers or the Person accus'd the Accusation or the Defence As in every thing else so in this more particularly he express'd a wonderful Presence of Mind and a vast Compass of Thought with such nervous and moving Flights of Eloquence as came nothing short of the most celebrated Pieces of Antiquity This did manifestly appear from his summing up the long Answer he made ex tempore to every one of the Articles against him with this Pathetick Conclusion My Lords said he I have troubled you longer than I should have done were it not for the Interest of these dear Pledges a Saint in Heaven hath left me At this word he stopt pointing to his Children that stood by him and dropt some Tears then went on What I forfeit for my self in nothing but that my Indiscretion should extend to my Posterity woundeth me to the very Soul You will pardon my Infirmity something I should have added but am not able therefore let it pass And now my Lords for my self I have been by the Blessing
thee That even now I have received certain Intelligence of a great Defeat given by Montross to Argyle who upon surprize totally routed those Rebels and kill'd Fifteen hundred upon the place And it 's remarkable That in the same Letter to the Queen immediately after the mentioning Montross's Victory the King adds That as for trusting the Rebels either by going to London or disbanding my Army before a Peace do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or foâ—lishly for I esteem the Interest thou hast in me at a far dearer rate and pretend to have a little more Wit at least by the Sympathy that 's betwixt us than to put my self into the Reverence of Persidious Rebels Which Words being compar'd with Montross's Letter it will be found the one is a Commentary upon the other I have plac'd Montross ' s Letter it self in the Appendix Appendix Numb 10. and cannot leave it without making this Observation That considering the time it was writ the Critical Minute it was deliver'd with the sad Consequences that attended it it makes this Axiom true That oftentimes the Fate of Princes and States is chiefly owing to very minute and unforeseen Accidents The Treaty of Vxbridge being thus broke off the War was renew'd with greater Fury than ever till at last the Parliament's Army having beaten the King out of the Field came to kick their Masters out of the House and having modell'd the Parliament and Army to their own minds did set up for themselves and at one Blow compleated the Ruin of their Countrey in the Murther of King Charles I. and the Extirpation of Monarchy In short a continued Series of Misfortunes attended the Royal Cause and several favourable Accidents that seem'd from time to time to promise better Events did concur in the end to the King 's undoing Till at last that Unhappy Prince in being brought before a Tribunal of his own Subjects and submitting his Neck to the Stroke of a Common Executioner taught the World an astonishing Example of the Instability of Human Greatness and in that and the rest of his Sufferings a lasting Patern of Christian Magnanimity and Patience The Character of King Charles I. The Character of King Charles I. may be taken in a great part from what has been already said and I shall only add a few things more He was a Prince of a Comely Presence of a Sweet Grave but Melancholy Aspect His Face was Regular Handsome and well-complexion'd his Body Strong Healthy and well-made and though of a low Stature was capable to endure the greatest Fatigues His Face contrary to that of his Son 's Charles II. was easily taken either in Painting or Sculpture and scarce any one though never so indifferently skill'd in their Art fail'd do hit it He had something in the Lines and Features which Physiognomists account unfortunate And it 's commonly reported that his Picture being sent to Rome to have a Busto done by it a famous Statuary not knowing whose it was told the Gentleman that brought it He was sorry if it was the Face of any Relation of his for it was one of the most Vnfortunate he ever saw and according to all the Rules of Art the Person whose it was must dye a violent Death In his Temper he was Brave Magnificent Liberal and Constant but more affable to Strangers than his own Subjects It was his Noble and Generous Behaviour that took so much with the King of Spain when he went thither to court the Infanta that he rejected the repeated Solicitations of his Council to seize him and paid him more Respect than could have been well expected if he had been King of England at that time Of his Composure of Mind in time of greatest danger he gave a Noble Instance in his Behaviour in that great Storm in the Road of St. Andrees which was worthy the Ancient Philosophers Nor did he fall short of the Bravest in Personal Courage having expos'd his Person in every Battel he was in and oftentimes charging at the Head of his Squadrons He had a good Taste of Learning and a more than ordinary Skill in the Liberal Arts especially Painting Sculpture Architecture and Medals and being a Generous Benefactor to the most Celebrated Masters in those Arts he acquir'd the Noblest Collection of any Prince in his time and more than all the Kings of England had done before him It 's said notwithstanding his Natural Generosity That he bestow'd Favours with a worse Grace than his Son King Charles the Second denied them and many times obliterated the sense of the Obligation by the manner of it But indeed he had seldom much to give being kept short of Money a great part of his Reign The Essentials of Divinity he was as much Master of as ever his Father had been but without the Allay of Pedantry Of this among other things the Papers that past betwixt him and Mr. Henderson at Newcastle will be a lasting Monument He was a great Patron of the Clergy but his employing them in the highest Offices of Trust in State Matters created Envy against them and lessen'd the Love of the Nobility towards him Yet such was the Honesty and Integrity of one of them in the greatest and most obnoxious Post in the Kingdom that when some Years after he had resign'd the Treasurer's Staff and when the Parliament wanted not Will to crush him they could not find upon the narrowest Scrutiny any one thing to object either against his Accounts or his Behaviour in that Place King Charles was a passionate Lover of his Queen who was a Beautiful Lady and in all things very well accomplish'd insomuch that his Friends regretted the Ascendant she had over him on some occasions while others tax'd him with the Character of an Uxorious Husband He was fond of his Children and kind to his Servants though these last felt sometimes the hasty Sallies of his Passion He was not mistaken of himself when he said before the High-Court of Justice That he understood as much Law as any private Gentleman in England And pity it was that any of his Ministers should have advis'd him to make Breaches in what he so well understood He spoke several Languages very well and with a singular good Grace though now and then when he was warm in Discourse he was inclinable to stammer He writ a tolerable Hand for a King but his Sense was strong and his Stile Laconick and yet he seldom wrote in any Language but English Some of his Manifestoes Declarations and other Publick Papers he drew himself and most of them he Corrected In comparing those of the King 's with the Parliament's one will be easily inclin'd to prefer for the most part the King 's for the Strength of Reasoning and the Force of Expression I have seen several Pieces of his own Hand and therefore may the better affirm That both for Matter and Form they surpass those of his Ablest Ministers and come
done into English Twelves Lex Parliamentaria or a Treatise of the Law and Custom of the Parliaments of England By G. P. Esq Octavo Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holles Baron of Ifield in Sussex from the Year 1641 to 1648. Octavo The Compleat Horseman discovering the surest Marks of the Beauty Goodness Faults and Imperfections of Horses The Signs and Causes of their Diseases the true Method both of their Preservation and Cure with Reflections on the regular and preposterous use of Bleeding and Purging Also the Art of Shooing with the several kinds of Shooes adapted to the various Defects of bad Feet and the Preservation of good Together with the best Method of breeding Colts backing them and making their Mouths c. By the Sieur de Solleysell Querry to the present French King for his Great Horses and one of the Royal Academy of Paris To which is added A most excellent Supplement of Riding collected from the best Authors With an Alphabetical Catalogue of all the Physical Simples in English French and Latin by Sir William Hope Deputy-Lieutenant of the Castle of Edinburgh Folio The Gentleman's Jockey and approv'd Farrier instructing in the Natures Causes and Cures of all Diseases incident to Horses With an exact and easy Method of breeding buying dieting and otherwise ordering all sorts of Horses as well for common and ordinary use as the Heats and Course With divers other Curiosities Collected by the long Practice Experience and Pains of I. H. Esq Matthew Hodson Mr. Holled Mr. Willis Mr. Robinson Mr. Holden Thomas Empson Mr. Roper Mr. Medcalfe and Nath. Shaw The Eighth Edition with Additions Octavo The Roman History from the building of the City to the perfect Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar containing the Space of 727 Years design'd as well for the understanding of the Roman Authors as the Roman Affairs The Fourth Edition carefully revis'd and much improv'd By Lawrence Echard A. M. of Christ-College in Cambridge Vol. I. Octavo The Roman History from the Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar to the Removal of the Imperial Seat by Constantine the Great containing the Space of 355 Years Vol. II. For the Use of his Highness the Duke of Glocester The Second Edition By Lawrence Echard A. M. Octavo Politica Sacra Civilis Or a Model of Civil and Ecclesiastical Government wherein besides the Positive Doctrine concerning State and Church in general are debated the principal Controversies of the Times concerning the Constitution of the State and Church of England tending to Righteousness Truth and Peace By George Lawson Rector of More in the County of Salop. The Second Edition Octavo An Account of Denmark as it was in the Year 1692. The Third Edition Octavo An Account of Sueden Together with an Extract History of that Kingdom Octavo Of Wisdom Three Books Written Originally in French by the Sieur de Charron With an Account of the Author Made English by George Stanhope D. D. late Fellow of King's-College in Cambridge From the best Edition Corrected and Enlarged by the Author a little before his Death In Two Volumes Octavo A New Voyage to Italy With curious Observations on several other Countries as Germany Switzerland Savoy Geneva Flanders and Holland Together with useful Instructions for those who shall travel thither Done out of French The Second Edition enlarged above one Third and enriched with several New Figures By Maximilian Misson Gent. In Two Volumes Octavo A Compleat Body of Chirurgical Operations containing the whole Practice of Surgery With Observations and Remarks on each Case Amongst which are inserted the several ways of delivering Women in Natural and Unnatural Labours The whole Illustrated with Copper Plates explaining the several Bandages Sutures and divers useful Instruments By M. de lâ— Vanguion M. D. and Intendant of the Royal Hospitals about Paris Faithfully done into English Octavo A Relation of a Voyage made in the Years 1695 1696 1697 on the Coasts of Africa Streights of Magellan Brazil Cayenna and the Antilles by a Squadron of French Men of War under the Command of M. de Gennes By the Sieur Froger Volunteer-Engineer on Board the English Falcon. Illustrated with divers strange Figures drawn to the Life Octavo Travels into divers parts of Europe and Asia undertaken by the French King's Order to discover a new way by Land into China Containing many curious Remarks in Natural Philosophy Geography Hydrography and History Together with a Description of Great Tartary and of the different People who inhabit there By Father Avril of the Order of the Jesuits Done out of French To which is added a Supplement extracted from Hakluit and Purchas giving an Account of several Journeys over Land from Russia Persia and the Mogul's Country to China Together with the Roads and Distances of the Places Twelves A Compendium of Universal History from the Beginning of the World to the Reign of the Emperor Charles the Great Written Originally in Latin by Monsieur Le Clerc Done into English Octavo A Political Essay or Summary Review of the Kings and Government of England since the Norman Conquest By W. P y Esq. Octavo The Art of preserving and restoring Health explaining the Nature and Causes of the Distempers that afflict Mankind Also shewing that every man is or may be his own best Physician To which is added a Treatise of the most Simple and Effectual Remedies for the Diseases of Men and Women Written in French by M. Flamand M. D. and faithfully translated into English Twelves A Defence of the Thirty Nine Articles of the Church of England Written in Latin by I. Ellis S. T. D. Now done into English To which are added Lambeth Articles Together with the Judgment of Bishop Andrews Dr. Overall and other Eminent and Learned Men upon them Twelves The Present State of Christendom consider'd in Nine Dialogues between 1. The present Pope Alexander VIII and Lewis XIV 2. The Great Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Savoy 3. King Iames II. and the Mareschal de la Feâ—illade 4. The Duke of Lorrain and the Duke of Schonberg 5. The Duke of Lorrain and the Elector Palatine 6. Lewis XIV and the Marquis of Louvois 7. The Advoyer of Berne and the Chief Syndic of Geneva 8. Cardinal Ottoboni and the Duke de Chaulnes 9. The Young Prince Abafti and Count Teckley Done out of French Octavo Bellamira or the Mistress A Comedy As it is Acted by Their Majesties Servants Written by the Honourable Sir Charles Sedley Baronet
to Confusion was nothing strange Nor was Serjeant Wild's Introduction at the opening of his Charge any thing but what might have been expected at such a time when he told the Lorâ—s That it might be said of the Great Cause of the Archbishop of Canterbury as it was in a like Case Repertum est hodierno die facinus quod nec Poeta fingere nec Histrio sonare nec Mimus imitari potuer it But it was indeed strange and none of the least of this Great Man's Misfortunes That Three Years before he should be declar'd by the House of Commons a Traytor Nemine contradicente at a time when there was not the least Misunderstanding betwixt the King and Parliament being within the first Month after they sat down And which was yet stranger That no body was more severe upon him than some of those that afterwards took the King's Part against the Parliament and were at last the chief Instruments of his Son's Restoration Whoever reads Sir Harbottle Grimstone's Speech upon voting his Impeachment or Pym's upon carrying it up to the Lords will be apt to think That scarce any Age has produc'd a Man whose Actions and Conduct have been more obnoxious to Obloquy or given greater occasion for it There was one Thread that run through his whole Accusation and upon which most of the Articles of his Impeachment turn'd and that was his Inclination to Popery and his design to introduce the Romish Religion Of which his Immortal Book against Fisher and his Declaration at his Death do sufficiently acquit him And yet not Protestants only but even Roman-Catholicks themselves were led into this Mistake otherwise they would not have dar'd to offer one in his Post a Cardinal's Cap as he confesses in his Diary they did twice The Introduction of a great many Pompous Ceremonies into the Church the Licensing some Books that spoke favourably of the Church of Rome and the refusing to License others that were writ against it were the principal Causes of his being thus misrepresented And indeed his Behaviour in some of these matters as likewise in the Star-Chamber and High-Commission-Court can hardly be accounted for and particularly his Theatrical manner of Consecrating a New Church in London Appendix Numb 7. related at length in the Appendix He was certainly in spite of Malice a Man of an elevated Capacity and vast Designs a great Encourager of Learning and Learned Men and spar'd no Pains nor Cost to enrich England with such a Noble Collection of Books and Manuscripts in most Languages as look'd rather like the Bounty of a King than of a Subject As he left behind him many lasting Monuments of his Beneficence to the Learned World so was he in a way to have carry'd it much further if his Misfortunes had not interven'd and depriv'd Learning of so powerful a Benefactor But after all as there is seldom found a Mind so Great but has some Allay so it seems Archbishop Laud notwithstanding his excellent Endowments was not Proof against either the Impression of Dreams or Revenge of Personal Affronts though never so trivial in themselves nor the Person never so mean Of the one witness his taking so particular notice in his Diary of several of his Dreams and of the other his carrying his Resentments so far against Archie the King's Fool for a mere Iest that he had him turn'd out of Court by an Order of Council Which being so unaccountable a piece of Weakness in so great a Man and done at a full Board the King and the Archbishop present the Order is plac'd in the Appendix Appendix Numb 8. for a remarkable Instance how far the Greatest of Men may at some times be left without a Guard against Passion To return to King Charles he did every thing that was possible to give satisfaction to the Parliament or could be reasonably expected from a Gracious and Beneficent Prince He pass'd the Bill for Attainting the Earl of Strafford though with reluctancy as believing he deserv'd not such hard measure He took away Monopolies that had been a great Discouragement to Trade He express'd himself to their Contentment in the matters of Loan Ship-money Tunnage and Poundage and other unwarrantable Methods that had been us'd in raising Money and show'd a settled Resolution to comply with them in every thing that might tend to the Ease and Security of the Subject As in the preceding Parliament he had past the Petition of Right so in the beginning of this he had agreed to the Acts for Triennial Parliaments and for abolishing the Star-Chamber and High Commission Courts which had been great Grievances and with Chearfulness pass'd that Act which seem'd inconsistent with his own just Prerogative That that Parliament should not be dissolv'd but by Act of Parliament nor prorogu'd or adjourn'd but by their own Consent The King having upon these Concessions receiv'd the Publick Thanks of Both Houses and the loud Applauses of his People took a Journey for Scotland in August 1641. to settle matters there that requir'd his Presence leaving the Parliament sitting which they continued to do for some time and then adjournâ—d themselves to October following At the King 's going away Affairs had been already settled betwixt the two Kingdoms by an Act of Pacification and both Armies order'd to be disbanded the Scots returning home for that purpose While the King was in Scotland The Irish Rebellion the Irish Rebellion broke out which became a new Bone of Contention between the King and the Parliaments of both Nations He took what Measures were possible in Scotland about suppressing that Rebellion and made what haste he could back to England to concert with the Parliament there what was further to be done towards it leaving the Scots as he said himself a contented People and every thing settled to their mind both in Church and State He return'd to London the latter end of November and was receiv'd with all demonstrations of Affection The Lord-Mayor and Aldermen the Nobility Gentry and Train'd-Bands met him without the City and conducted him in great State with the Acclamations of the People the City-Companies in their Formalities lining the Streets on each side to Guildhall where he was Royally Feasted and after Dinner conducted with the same Pomp to Whitehall What man that had seen a Prince thus receiv'd into his Capital City could have imagin'd that within less than Seven Weeks he should be oblig'd to leave it upon the account of Tumults never to see it again but as a Prisoner brought thither to dye upon a Scaffold Yet this was King Charles's hard Fortune And it 's here I would willingly draw a Veil over the remaining part of his Reign that ended in one of the most dismal Tragedies that ever was acted upon the English Stage His Virtues and Morals deserv'd a better Fate and he suffer'd for the Faults of others rather than Errors of his own The House of Commons had begun some
few days before his Return to fall into new Heats about Innovations in Religion the Rebellion in Ireland Plots said to be laid in Scotland the disabling the Clergy to exercise Temporal Iurisdiction and excluding the Bishops from Votes in Parliament All which matters together with Reports that were buzz'd about of some Designs against the Parliament led the House into that Remarkable Petition and Remonstrance of the State of the Nation The Petition and Remonstrance of the II of Commons to King Charlâ—s in which they ript up again all the Mismanagements in the Government since the King 's coming to the Crown and attributed all to Evil Counsels and Counsellors and a Malignant Party about the King This Remonstrance was roughly penn'd both for Matter and Expression and met with great Opposition in the House the Debate lasting from Three a Clock in the Afternoon till Ten a Clock next Morning and was presented to his Majesty the Eighth Day after his Return from Scotland It was no wonder King Charles was surpriz'd at this Petition and Remonstrance considering how much he had done to comply with his Parliament in all they desired And since from these two Papers and from the King's Answer to it at its delivery and the Declaration he publish'd more at large afterwards to the same purpose the Reader will be better enabled to make a Judgment of the Cause and Arguments on both Sides for the Civil War that ensued I have plac'd all the Four in the Appendix Appendix Numb 9. The Length of them may be more easily pardon'd since upon the Matters contain'd in them the whole almost of all the Differences that came to be decided by the Sword happen'd to turn Things were now going fast on towards lessening the Confidence betwixt the King and Parliament K. Charles's coming to the II. of Commons to demand the Five Members And yet there were not wanting Endeavours on both Sides to accommodate Matters by soft and healing Methods when the King 's coming to the House of Commons in Person to demand Five of their Members whom he had order'd the day before to be impeach'd of High-Treason did put all into a Combustion and gave occasion to the House to assert their Privileges with a greater Warmth than ever This was the most unlucky Step King Charles could have made at that Juncture And the Indiscretion of some that attended the King to the Lobby of the House was insisted upon as an Argument that the King was resolv'd to use Violence upon the Parliament which it 's to be presum'd was a thing far from his thoughts The Five Members had hardly time to make their Escape just when the King was entring and upon his going away the House adjourn'd in a Flame for some days ordering a Committee to sit in Guildhall in the mean time as if they were not safe at Westminster Whoever they were that advis'd the King to this rash Attempt are justly chargeable with all the Blood that was afterwards spilt for this sudden Action was the first and visible Ground of all our following Miseries It was believ'd That if the King had found the Five Members in the House and had call'd in his Guards to seize them the House would have endeavour'd their defence and oppos'd Force to Force which might have endanger'd the King's Person But the Consequences were bad enough without this for immediately upon it there was nothing but Confusion and Tumults Fears and Iealousies every where which spread themselves to Whitehall in the rudest manner so that his Majesty thinking himself not safe there he retir'd with his Family to Hampton Court The King leaving the Parliament in this manner there were scarce any hopes of a thorough Reconciliation But when after a great many Removes from place to place The Beginning of the Civil Wars his Majesty came to set up his Standard at Nottingham there ensued a Fatal and Bloody War which it's reasonable to believe was never design'd at first by either Side Each Party blam'd the other for beginning this War and it 's not easy to determine which of them began it Though the King made the first Steps that seem'd to tend that way such as raising a Troop for a Guard to his Person summoning the Gentlemen and Freeholders of several Counties to attend him in his Progress to the North and ordering Arms and Ammunition to be bought in Holland for his use Yet the Parliament did as much at the same time for they likewise rais'd Guards of their own and took care that the Magazine of Hull should not fall into the King's hands So that the King and Parliament prepar'd themselves insensibly for War without considering that these Preparations must gradually and inevitably come to Blows in the end The King 's setting up his Standard at Nottingham was not the first publick Notice of this War as has been commonly reported by Historians that should have known better for that was not done till August 22. 1642. and yet the House of Commons past these Two Votes the 12 th of Iuly before 1. That an Army should be forthwith rais'd for the Safety of the King's Person Defence of both Houses of Parliament and of those who have obey'd their Orders and Commands and preserving of the true Religion Laws Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom And 2. That the Earl of Essex should be General and the Earl of Bedford General of the Horse To which Votes the House of Lords agreed Whoever begun the War it was carried on in the beginning with equal Success and it was hard to determine which Side had the better Till in the Sequel the Loss of Essex's Army in the West and other disadvantages brought the Parliaments Affairs to a low Ebb and seem'd to promise the King an entire Mastery To retrieve their sinking Fortune the Parliament was oblig'd to call in the Scots to their Assistance which so far turn'd the Scale that the King lost ground every day after And the Defeat of his Army at the Battels of Marston-Moor and Naseby put him out of capacity to keep the Field and broke entirely all his Measures During the whole Course of this Vnnatural War it was hard to divine what would be the Fate of England whether an Absolute Vnlimited Monarchy a new huddled-up Commonwealth or a downright Anarchy If the king should prevâ—il the first was to â—e fearâ—d considering that the many Indignities put upon him might imbitter him against the Parlâ—ament If the Parliament should prevail the second was to be apprehended And if the Army should set up for themselves as afterwards they did the last was inevitably to follow All which some of the best men about the King wisely foresaw and trembled at the Event of every Battel that was fought whoever happen'd to be Victors It was the dread of these Misfortunes that hinder'd the Lords and Commons whom the King call'd to Oxford to assume to themselves the Name of The Parliament
so great moment and consequence to the whole Nation that they could not in Prudence Honour or Conscience so far make themselves Parties to it as the distribution of it all over the Kingdom and the solemn Publication of it even in Gods House and in the Time of his Divine Service must amount to in common and reasonable Construction Therefore did humbly and earnestly beseech his Majesty That he would be graciously pleas'd not to insist upon their Distributing and Reading the said Declaration This Petition tho the humblest that could be and deliver'd by Six of them to the King alone in his Closet was so highly resented that the Six Bishops that presented it and the Archbishop of Canterbury that writ it but was not present at its delivery were committed Prisoners to the Tower They were a few days after brought to the King-Bench Bar and Indicted of a High Misdemeanor for having falsly unlawfuly maliciously seditiously and scandalously fram'd compos'd and writ a false malicious pernicious and seditious Libel concerning the King and his Royal Declaration for Liberty of Conscience under the pretence of a Petition And that they had publish'd the same in presence of the King There was a great Appearance at this Trial and it was a Leading Case for upon it depended in a great measure the Fate of the rest of the Clergy of the Church of England It lasted long and in the end the Seven Bishops were Acquitted with the Acclamations of all but the Court-Party There were two things very remarkable in this Trial The Dispensing Power was learnedly and boldly argued against by the Counsel for the Bishops and demonstrated by invincible Arguments to be an open Violation of the Laws and Constitution of the Kingdom So that in one of the greatest Auditories that was ever seen in Westminster-Hall and upon hearing one of the most Solemn Causes that was ever Tried at the Kings-Bench-Bar King Iames had the Mortification to see his new-assum'd Prerogative baffled and its Illegality expos'd to the World The other thing observable upon this Trial was That the Tables were so far turn'd that some that had largely contributed to the Enslaving their Countrey with false Notions of Law were now of another Opinion While at the same time others that had stood up for the Liberty of their Countrey in two successive Parliaments and had suffer'd upon that account did now as much endeavour to stretch the Prerogative beyond its just Limits as they had oppos'd it before So hard it is for Mankind to be in all times and upon all turns constant to themselves The News of the Bishops being acquitted was receiv'd with the highest Expressions of Joy throughout the whole Kingdom Nor could the King 's own Presence prevent his Army that was then encamp'd at Hounslow-Heath from mixing their loud Acclamations with the rest This last Mortification might have prevented his Fate if his Ears had been open to any but a Hot Party that were positively resolv'd to push for all cost what it would And it was easily seen by the Soldiers Behaviour upon this occasion How impossible it is to debauch an English Army from their Love to their Countrey and their Religion While the Bishops were in the Tower the Roman-Catholicks had their Hope 's â—rown'd with the Birth of a pretended Prince of Wales The Birth of a pretended Prince of Wales The fears of a Protestant Successor had been the only Allay that render'd their Prosperity less perfect Now the happiness of having an Heir to the Crown to be bred up in their own Religion quash'd all those Fears and atonâ—d for the Uncertainty of the King's Life It was so much their Interest to have one and there were so many Circumstances that seem'd to render his Birth suspicious that the Nation in general were inclinable to believe that this was the last Effort of the Party to accomplish our Ruin All things seem'd now to conspire towards it A new Parliament design'd and to what End There was only a Parliament wanting to ratify and approve all the Illegal Steps that had been made which was to be done effectually by taking off the Penal Laws and Test the two chief Barriers of our Religion To obtain such a Parliament no Stone was left unturn'd nor no Threaâ—s nor Promises neglected Regulators were sent-down to every Corporation to model them to this end though a great part of their Work had been done to their hand for in most of the New Charters there had been such Regulations made and such sort of Men put in as was thought would make all sure But to be yet surer Closetting in fashion and to try the Inclinations of People Closetting came into fashion and King Iames was at pains to sound every man's mind how far he might depend upon him for his concurrence with those Designs If they did not readily promise to serve the King in his own way which was the distinguishing word at that time there was some Brand put upon them and they were turn'd out of Place if they had any Nor did King Iames think it below his Dignity after the Priests had fail'd to bring in New Converts to try himself how far his own Arguments might prevail and he Closetted men for that purpose too Some few of no Principles and a great many others of desperate Fortunes complimented him with their Religion and were generally thereupon put into Employments And so fond was the King of making Proselites at any rate that there were of the Scum of the People that pretended to turn Papists merely for the sake of a Weekly small Allowance which was regularly paid them It 's a question after all whether the Parliament which K. Iames was thus labouring to model would have answer'd his Expectation had they come to sit for mens eyes were open'd more and more every day and the Noble Principles of English Liberty began to kindle afresh in the Nation notwithstanding all the endeavours had been usâ—d of a long time to extinguish them Though the Dissenters who might be chosen into Parliament upon this new Model would probably have made Terms for themselves to prevent their falling under any future Persecution yet being as a verse to Popery as any others whatsoever it is not to be imagin'd that they would upon that Consideration have unhindg'd the Constitution of England to enable the Roman Catholicks to break in upon the Establish'd National Church which in the end must have inevitably ruin'd both it and themselves But there fell out a little before this time an Accident that help'd mightily to buoy up the sinking Spirits of the Nation and which was occasion'd by the forward Zeal of some about the King contrary to their Intentions While the Project was going on to take off the Penal Laws and Test and the Protestants were in a maze what to expect the good Genius of England and King Iamâ—s's ill Fate set him on to make a Trial of the
to give you my Iudgâ—ment of your Proceedings in your Convocation as you call it and both as Rex in solio and unus Gregis in Ecclesia I am doubly concerned My Title to the Crown no body calls in question but they that neither love you nor me and you guess whom I mean All that you and your Brethren have said of a King in Possession for that Word I tell you is no worse than that you make use of in your Canon concerns not me at all I am the next Heir and the Crown is mine by all Rights you can name but that of Conquest and Mr Solicitor has sufficiently express'd my own Thoughts concerning the Nature of Kingship in general and concerning the nature of it ut in mea persona And I believe you were all of his Opinion at least none of you said ought contrary to it at the time he spake to you from me But you know all of you as I think that my Reason of calling you together was to give your Iudgments how far a Christian and a Protestant King may concur to assist his Neighbours to shake of their Obedience to their once Sovereign upon the Account of Oppression Tyranny or what else you like to name it In the late Queen's time this Kingdom was very free in assisting the Hollanders both with Arms and Advice And none of your Coat ever told me that any scrupled about it in her Reign Vpon my coming to England you may know that it came from some of your selves to raise Scruples about this Matter And albeit I have often told my Mind concerning Jus Regium in Subditos as in May last in the Star-Chamber upon the occasion of Hales his Pamphlet yet I never took any notice of these Scruples till the Affairs of Spain and Holland forc'd me to it All my Neighbours call on me to concur in the Treaty between Holland and Spain and the Honour of the Nation will will not suffer the Hollanders to be abandoned especially after so much Money and Men spent in their Quarrel Therefore I was of the Mind to call my Clergy together to satisfy not so much me as the World about us of the Iustness of my owning the Hollanders at this time This I needed not have done and you have forced me to say I wish I had not You have dipp'd too deep in what all Kings reserve among the Arcana Imperii And what ever Aversion you may profess against God's being the Author of Sin you have stumbled upon the Threshold of that Opinion in saying upon the Matter that even Tyranny is God's Authority and should be reverenc'd as such If the King of Spain should return to claim his old Pontifical Right to my Kingdom you leave me to seek for others to fight for it For you tell us upon the matter beforehand his Authority is God's Authority if he prevail Thus far the Secretary's Hand as I take it follows the rest in the King 's own Hand thus Mr. Doctor I have no time to express my Mind farther in this thorny business I shall give you my Orders about it by Mr. Solicitor and until then meddle no more in it for they are Edge-Tools or rather like that Weapon that 's said to cut with the one edge and cure with the other I commit you to God's Protection good Doctor Abbot and rest Your good Friend Iames R. APPENDIX Containing a Collection of Instruments and Original Papers referr'd to in the former Memoirs NUMB. I. The Character of the Members of the House of Commons in Queen Elizabeth's Time Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia p. 13 14. and how differing from those in the Reign of King James WE must ascribe some part of the Commendation to the Wisdom of the Times and the Choice of Parliament-men For I find not that they were at any time given to any violent or pertinacious dispute Elections being made of grave and discreet Persons not factious and ambitious of Fame such as came not to the House with a malevolent Spirit of Contention but with a preparation to consult on the publick good rather to comply than contest with her Majesty Neither do I find that the House was at any time weaken'd and pester'd with the admission of too many Young Heads as it hath been of later times Which remembers me of Recorder Martin's Speech about the Tenth of our late Sovereign Lord King Iames when there were accounts taken of Forty Gentlemen not above Twenty and some not exceeding Sixteen which moved him to say That it was the ancient Custom for Old Men to make Laws for Young ones but that then he saw the Case alter'd and that there were Children elected unto the great Council of the Kingdom which came to invade and invert Nature and to enact Laws to govern their Fathers Sure we are the House always took the Common Cause into their Consideration and they saw the Queen had just occasion and need enough to use their assistance Neither do I remember that the House did ever capitulate or prefer their private to the publick the Queen's Necessities c. but waited their times and in the first place gave their Supply and according to the Exigency of her Affairs yet failed not at last to obtain what they desired so that the Queen and her Parliaments had ever the good fortune to depart in Love and on reciprocal Terms which are Considerations which have not been so exactly observed in our last Assemblies as they might and I would to God they had been For considering the great Debt left on the King and in what Incumbrances the House it self had then drawn him his Majesty was not well used though I lay not the blame on the whole Suffrage of the House where he had many good Friends for I dare avouch had the House been freed of half a dozen of popular and discontented Persons such as with the Fellow that burnt the Temple at Ephesus would be talked of tho but for doing of mischief I am confident the King had obtained that which in reason and at his first Accession he ought to have received freely and without any condition NUMB. II. The Character of Cecil Naunton Ibid. p. 80 81 82 83. Earl of Salisbury with his Letter to the Lord Mountjoy about the Spaniards Invading Ireland AND so again to this great Master of State and the Staff of the Queen's declining Age who though his little crooked Person could not promise any great supportation yet it carried thereon a Head and a Head-piece of a vast content and therein it seems Nature was so diligent to compleat one and the best part about him as that to the perfection of his Memory and Intellectuals she took care also of his Senses and to put him in Linceos Oculos or to pleasure him the more borrowed of Argos so to give unto him a Prospective Sight And for the rest of his Sensitive Virtues his Predecessor Walsingham had left him a Receit
desire the comfort of your gracious presence and likewise the Unity and Justice of your Royal Authority to give more life and power to the dutiful and loyal Counsels and Endeavours of your Parliament for the prevention of that eminent ruin and destruction wherein your Kingdoms of England and Scotland are threatned The duty which we owe to your Majesty and our Countrey cannot but make us very sensible and apprehensive that the multiplicity sharpness and malignity of those evils under which we have now many years suffered are fomented and cherished by a corrupt and ill-affected party who amongst other their mischievous devices for the alteration of Religion and Government have thought by many false scandals and imputations cunningly insinuated and dispersed amongst the people to blemish and disgrace our proceedings in this Parliament and to get themselves a party and faction amongst your Subjects for the better strengthning of themselves in their wicked courses and hindring those Provisions and Remedies which might by the wisdom of your Majesty and Counsel of your Parliament be opposed against them For preventing whereof and the better information of your Majesty your Peers and all other your loyal Subjects we have been necessitated to make a Declaration of the state of the Kingdom both before and since the Assembly of this Parliament unto this time which we do humbly present to your Majesty without the least intention to lay any blemish upon your Royal Person but only to represent how your Royal Authority and Trust have been abused to the great prejudice and danger of your Majesty and of all your good Subjects And because we have reason to believe that those malignant parties whose proceedings evidently appear to be mainly for the advantage and encrease of Popery is composed set up and acted by the subtil practice of the Jesuits and other Engineers and Factors for Rome and to the great danger of this Kingdom and most grievous affliction of your loyal Subjects have so far prevailed as to corrupt divers of your Bishops and others in prime places of the Church and also to bring divers of these Instruments to be of your Privy Council and other employments of trust and nearness about your Majesty the Prince and the rest of your Royal Children And by this means hath had such an operation in your Council and the most important affairs and proceedings of your Government that a most dangerous division and chargeable preparation for War betwixt your Kingdoms of England and Scotland the increase of Jealousies betwixt your Majesty and your most obedient Subjects the violent distraction and interruption of this Parliament the insurrection of the Papists in your Kingdom of Ireland and bloody Massacre of your people have been not only endeavoured and attempted but in a great measure compassed and effected For preventing the final accomplishment whereof your poor Subjects are enforced to engage their persons and estates to the maintaining of a very expenceful and dangerous War notwithstanding they have already since the beginning of this Parliament undergone the charge of 150000 pounds sterling or thereabouts for the necessary support and supply of your Majesty in these present and perillous Designs And because all our most faithful endeavours and engagements will be ineffectual for the peace safety and preservation of your Majesty and your people if some present real and effectual course be not taken for suppressing this wicked and malignant party We your most humble and obedient Subjects do with all faithfulness and humility beseech your Majesty 1. That you will be graciously pleased to concur with the humble desires of your people in a Parliamentary way for the preserving the peace and safety of the Kingdom from the malicious Designs of the Popish party For depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament and abridging their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy and other your good Subjects which they have most perniciously abused to the hazard of Religion and great prejudice and oppression of the Laws of the Kingdom and just liberty of your people For the taking away such oppressions in Religion Church government and Discipline as have been brought in and fomented by them For uniting all such your loyal Subjects together as joyn in the same fundamental truths against the Papist by removing some oppressions and unnecessary Ceremonies by which divers weak consciences have been scrupled and seem to be divided from the rest For the due execution of those good Laws which have been made for securing the liberty of your Subjects 2. That your Majesty will likewise be pleased to remove from your Council all such as persist to favour and promote any of those pressures and corruptions wherewith your people have been grieved and that for the future your Majesty will vouchsafe to imploy such persons in your great and publick Affairs and to take such to be near you in places of trust as your Parliament may have cause to confide in that in your Princely goodness to your people you will reject and refuse all mediation and solicitation to the contrary how powerful and near soever 3. That you would be pleased to forbear to alienate any of the forfeited and escheated Lands in Ireland which shall accrue to your Crown by reason of this Rebellion that out of them the Crown may be the better supported and some satisfaction made to your Subjects of this Kingdom for the great expences they are like to undergo this War Which humble desires of ours being graciously fulfilled by your Majesty we will by the blessing and favour of God most chearfully undergo the hazard and expences of this War and apply our selves to such other courses and counsels as may support your Royal Estate with honour and plenty at home with power and reputation abroad and by our loyal affections obedience and service lay a sure and lasting foundation of the greatness and prosperity of your Majesty and your Royal Posterity in future times A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom Die Mercurii 15 Decemb. 1642. THE Commons in this present Parliament assembled having with much earnestness and faithfulness of affection and zeal to the publick good of this Kingdom and his Majesties honour and service for the space of twelve months wrestled with the great dangers and fears the pressing miseries and calamities the various distempers and disorders which had not only assaulted but even overwhelmed and extinguisht the liberty peace and prosperity of this Kingdom the comfort and hopes of all his Majesties good Subjects and exceedingly weakned and undermined the foundation and strength of his own Royal Throne Do yet find an abounding Malignity and Opposition in those parties and factions who have been the cause of those evils and do still labour to cast aspersions upon that which hath been done and to raise many difficulties for the hinderance of that which remains yet undone and to foment Jealousies betwixt the King and the Parliament that so they may deprive him his
people of the fruit of his own gracious Intentions and their humble desires of procuring the publick peace safety and happiness of this Realm For the preventing of those miserable effects which such malicious endeavours may produce We have thought good to declare 1. The root and the growth of these mischievous Designs 2. The Maturity and Ripeness to which they have attained before the beginning of the Parliament 3. The effectual means which hath been used for the extirpations of those dangerous evils and the Progress which hath therein been made by his Majesties goodness and the Wisdom of the Parliament 4. The ways of obstruction and opposition by which that Progress hath been interrupted 5. The courses to be taken for the removing those Obstacles and for the accomplishing of our most dutiful and faithful intentions and endeavours of restoring and establishing the Ancient Honour Greatness and Security of this Crown and Nation The Root of all this mischeif We find to be a malignant and pernicious design of subverting the Fundamental Laws and Principles of Government upon which the Religion and Iustice of this Kingdom are firmly establisht The Actors and Promoters hereof have been 1. The Iesuited Papists who hate the Laws as the Obstacles of that Change and Subversion of Religion which they so much long for 2. The Bishops and the corrupt part of the Clergy who cherish formality and superstition as the natural effects and more probable supports of their own Ecclesiastical Tyranny and Vsurpation 3. Such Counsellors and Courtiers as for private ends have engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign Princes or States to the prejudice of his Majesty and the State at home The common Principles by which they moulded and governed all their particular Counsels and Actions were these First To maintain continual differences and discontents betwixt the King and the People upon Questions of Prerogative and Liberty that so they might have the advantage of siding with him and under the notions of men addicted to his service gain to themselves and their parties the places of greatest trust and power in the Kingdom A second To suppress the purity and power of Religion and such as were best affected to it as being contrary to their own ends and the greatest impediment to that Change which they thought to introduce A third To conjoyn those parties of the Kingdom which were most propitious to their own ends and to divide those who were most opposite which consisted in many particular Observations to chrish the Arminian part in those points wherein they agree with the Papists to multiply and enlarge the difference between the common Protestants and those whom they call Puritans to introduce and countenance such Opinions and Ceremonies as are fittest for accomodation with Popery to increase and maintain ignorance looseness and prophaneness in the people That of those three parties Papists Arminians and Libertines they might compose a body fit to act such counsels and resolutions as were most conducible to their own ends A fourth To disaffect the King to Parliaments by slanders and false imputations and by putting him upon other ways of supply which in shew and appearance were fuller of advantage than the ordinary course of Subsidies though in truth they brought more loss than gain both to the King and People and have caused the distractions under which we both suffer As in all compounded bodies the Operations are qualified according to the predominant Element So in this mixt party the Jesuited Counsels being most active and prevailing may easily be discovered to have had the greatest sway in all their determinations and if they be not prevented are like to devour the rest or to turn them into their own nature In the beginning of his Majesties Reign the party begun to revive and flourish again having been somewhat dampt by the breach with Spain in the last year of King Iames and by his Majesties Marriage with France the interests and Councils of that State being not so contrary to the good of Religion and the prosperity of his Kingdom as those of Spain and the Papists of England havving been ever more addicted to Spain than France yet they still retained a purpose and resolution to weaken the Protestant parties in all parts and even in France whereby to make way for the change of Religion which they intended at home The first effect and evidence of their recovery and strength was the dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford after there had been given two Subsidies to his Majesty and before they received relief in any one Grievance many other more miserable effects followed The loss of the Rochel Fleet by the help of our Shipping set forth and delivered over to the French in opposition to the advice of Parliament which left that Town without defence by Sea and made way not only to the loss of that important place but likewise to the loss of all the strength and security of the Protestant Religion in France The diverting of his Majesties course of Wars from the West-Indies which was the most facile and hopeful way for this Kingdom to prevail against the Spaniard to an expenceful and successless attempt upon Cales which was so ordered as if it had rather been intended to make us weary of War than to prosper in it The precipitate breach with France by taking their Ships to a great value without making recompence to the English whose Goods were thereupon imbarr'd and confiscate in that Kingdom The Peace with Spain without consent of Parliament contrary to the promise of K. Iames to both Houses whereby the Palatine Cause was deserted and left to chargeable and hopeless Treaties which for the most part were managed by those who might justly be suspected to be no Friends to that Cause The charging of the Kingdom with Billeted Soldiers in all parts of it and that concomitant design of German Horse that the Land might either submit with fear or be enforced with rigour to such Arbitrary Contributions as should be required of them The dissolving of the Parliament in the second year of his Majesties Reign after a Declaration of their intent to grant five Subsidies The exacting of the like proportion of five Subsidies after the Parliament dissolved by Commission of Loan and divers Gentlemen and others imprisoned for not yielding to pay that Loan whereby many of them contracted such sicknesses as cost them their Lives Great sums of Money required and raised by Privy Seals An unjust and pernicious attempt to extort great payments from the Subject by way of Excise and a Commission issued under Seal to that purpose The Petition of Right which was granted in full Parliament blasted with an illegal Declaration to make it destructive to it self to the power of Parliament to the Liberty of the Subject and to that purpose printed with it and the Petition made of no use but to shew the bold and presumptuous injustice of such Ministers as durst
their own security and subsistance so much depends And we will be so careful that no particular shall be presented unto us for the compleating and establishing that security to which we will not with the same readiness contribute our best assistance If these resolutions be the effects of our present Councils and we take God to-witness that they are such and that all our loving Subjects may confidently expect the benefit of them from us certainly no ill design upon the Publick can accompany such Resolutions neither will there be greater cause of suspicion of any Persons preferred by us to degrees of Honour and Places of trust and employment since this Parliament And we must confess that among our misfortunes we reckon it not the least that having not retained in our Service nor protected any one person against whom our Parliament hath excepted during the whole sitting of it and having in all that time scarce vouchsafed to any man an instance of our Grace and Favour but to such who were under such eminent characters of Estimation amongst our People there should so soon be any mis-understanding or jealousy of their fidelity and uprightness especially in a time when we take all occasions to delare That we conceive our Self only capable of being served by honest Men and in honest ways However if in truth we have been mistaken in such our election the particular shall be no sooner discovered to us either by our own observation or other certain information than we will leave them to publick Justice under the marks of our displeasure If notwithstanding this any malignant party shall take heart and be willing to sacrifice the Peace and Happiness of their Countrey to their own sinister ends and ambitions under what pretence of Religion and Conscience soever If they shall endeavour to lessen our Reputation and Interest and to weaken our lawfull Power and Authority with our good Subjects if they shall go about by discountenancing the present Laws to loosen the Bonds of Government that all disorder and confusion may break in upon us we doubt not but God in his good time will discover them unto us and the Wisdom and Courage of our High-Court of Parliament join with us in their suppression and punishment Having now said all that we can to express the clearness and uprightness of our Intentions to our People and done all we can to manifest those Intentions we cannot but confidently believe all our good Subjects will acknowledge our part to be fully performed both in deeds past and present Resolutions to do whatsoever with Justice may be required of us and that their quiet and prosperity depends now wholly upon themselves and is in their own power by yielding all obedience and due-reverence to the Law which is the inheritance of every Subject and the only security he can have for his Life Liberty or Estate and the which being neglected or dis-esteemed under what specious shews soever a very great measure of infelicity if not an irreparable confusion must without doubt fall upon them And we doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to his Subjects That for our part we are resolved not only duly to observe the Laws our Self but to maintain them against what opposition soever though with the hazard of our Being And our hope is that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all our loving Subjects will concur with us in the constant preserving a good understanding between us and our people but at this time their own and our interest and compassion of the lamentable condition of our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland will invite them to a fair intelligence and unity amongst themselves that so we may with one heart intend the relieving and recovering that unhappy Kingdom where those barbarous Rebels practice such inhumane and unheard-of Outrages upon our miserable people that no Christan Ear can hear without horrour nor story parallel And as we look upon this as the greatest affliction it hath pleased God to lay upon us so our unhappiness is encreased in that by the distempers at home so early remedies have not been applied to those growing evils as the expectation and necessity there requires though for our part as we did upon the first notice acquaint our Parliament of Scotland where we then were with that Rebellion requiring their aid and assistance and gave like speedy intimation and recommendation to our Parliament here so since our return hither we have been forward to all things which have been proposed to us towards that work and have lately our Self offered by a Message to our House of Peers and communicated to our House of Commons to take upon us the care to raise speedily 10000 English Voluntiers for that service if the House of Commons shall declare that they will pay them which particulars we are in a manner necessitated to publish since we are informed that the malice of some persons hath whispered it abroad That the no speedier advancing of this business hath proceeded from some want of alacrity in us to this great work whereas we acknowledge it a high crime against Almighty God and inexcusable to our good Subjects of our three Kingdoms if we did not to the utmost employ all our powers and faculties to the speediest and most effectual assistance and protection of that distressed people And we shall now conjure all our good Subjects of what degree soever by all the Bonds of Love Duty or Obedience that are precious to good men to join with us for the Recovery of the peace of that Kingdom and the preservation of the peace of this to remove all their Doubts and Fears which may interrupt their affection to us and all their jealousies and apprehensions which may lessen their charity to each other and then if the sins of this Nation have not prepared an inevitable Judgment for us all God will yet make us a great and glorious King over a free and happy people NUMB. X. A Fatal Letter of the Marquis of Montross to King Charles I. deliver'd during the Treaty of Vxbridge An ORIGINAL May it please your Sacred Majesty THE last Dispatch I sent your Majesty was by my worthy Friend and your Majesty's brave Servant Sir William Rollock from Kintore near Aberdeen dated the 14 th of September last wherein I acquainted your Majesty with the good Success of your Arms in this Kingdom and of the Battels the Iustice of your Cause has won over your obdur'd Rebel Subjects Since Sir William Rollock went I have travers'd all the North of Scotland up to Argyle's Countrey who durst not stay my coming or I should have given your Majesty a good account of him e'râ— now But at last I have met with him yesterday to his Cost Of which your gracious Majesty be pleas'd to receive the following Particulars After I had laid waste the whole Countrey of Argyle and brought off Provisions for my Army of what
could be found I receiv'd information That Argyle was got together with a considerable Army made up chiefly of his own Clan Family and Vassals and Tenants with others of the Rebels that join'd him and that he was at Innerlochy where he expected the Earl of Seaforth and the Sept the Family of the Fraziers to come up to him with all the Forces they could get together Vpon this Intelligence I departed out of Argyleshire and march'd through Lorn Glencow and Aber till I came to Lochness my design being to fall upon Argyle before Seaforth and the Fraziers could join him My March was through inaccessible Mountains where I could have no Guides but Cowherds and they scarce acquainted with a place but Six Miles from their own habitations If I had been attack'd but with a hundred men in some of these Passes I must have certainly return'd back for it would have been impossible to force my way most of the Passes being so streight that Three Men could not march a-breast I was willing to let the World see that Argyle was not the Man his Highland Men believ'd him to be and that it was possible to beat him in his own Highlands The difficultest March of all was over the Lochaber Mountains which we at last surmounted and came upon the back of the Enemy when they least expected us having cut off some Scouts we met about four Miles from Innerlochy Our Van came within view of them about five a Clock in the Afternoon and we made a Halt till our Rear was got up which could not be done till Eight at Night The Rebels took the Alarm and stood to their Arms as well as we all Night which was Moon-light and very clear There were some few Skirmishes between the Rebels and Vs all the Night and with no loss on our side but one Man By break of day I order'd my Men to be ready to fall on upon the first Signal and I understand since by the Prisoners the Rebels did the same A little after the Sun was up both Armies met and the Rebels fought for some time with great Bravery the Prime of the Campbells giving the first Onset as Men that deserv'd to fight in a better Cause Our Men having a Nobler Cause did wonders and came immediately to push of Pike and dint of Sword after their first firing The Rebels could not stand it but after some Resistance at first began to run whom we pursued for Nine Miles together making a great slaughter which I would have hindred if possible that I might save your Majesty 's mis-led Subjects for well I know your Majesty does not delight in their Blood but in their returning to their Duty There were at least Fifteen hundred kill'd in the Battel and the Pursuit among whom there are a great many of the most considerable Gentlemen of the Name of Campbell and some of them nearly related to the Earl I have sav'd and taken Prisoners several of them that have acknowledg'd to me their fault and lay all the blame on their Chief Some Gentlemen of the Low-lands that had behav'd themselves bravely in the Battel when they saw all lost fled into the Old Castle and upon their Surrender I have treated them honourably and taken theirâ— Parole never to bear Arms against your Majesty Here are Six or Seven Lines that for the Honour of some Families are better left out than mention'd We have of your Majesty's Army about Two hundred wounded but I hope few of them dangerously I can hear but of four kill'd and one whom I cannot name to your Majesty but with grief of Mind Sir Thomas Ogilvy a Son of the Earl of Arly's of whom I writ to your Majesty in my last He is not yet dead but they say he cannot possibly live and we give him over for dead Your Majesty had never a truer Servant nor there never was a braver honester Gentleman For the rest of the Particulars of this Action I refer my self to the Bearer Mr. Hay whom your Majesty knows already and therefore I need not recommend him Now Sacred Sir let me humbly intreat your Majesty's Pardon if I presume to write you my poor Thoughts and Opinion about what I heard by a Letter I receivâ—d from my Friends in the South last Week as if your Majesty was entring into a Treaty with your Rebel Parliament in England The Success of your Arms in Scotland does not more rejoice my heart as that News from England is like to break it And whatever come of me I will speak my mind freely to your Majesty for it 's not mine but your Majesty's Interest I seek When I had the Honour of waiting upon your Majesty last I told you at full length what I fully understood of the Designs of your Rebel Subjects in both Kingdoms which I had occasion to know as much as any one whatsoever being at that time as they thought entirely in their Interest Your Majesty may remember how much you said you were convinc'd I was in the right in my opinion of them I am sure there is nothing fallen out since to make your Majesty change your Iudgment in all those things I laid before your Majesty at that time The more your Majesty grants the more will be ask'd and I have too much reason to know that they will not rest satisfied with less than making your Majesty a King of Straw I hope the News I have receiv'd about a Treaty may be a Mistake and the rather that the Letter wherewith the Queen was pleas'd to honour me dated the 30 th of December mentions no such thing Yet I know not what to make of the Intelligence I receiv'd since it comes from Sir Robert Spotswood who writes it with a great Regret and it 's no wonder considering no man living is a more true Subject to your Majesty than he Forgive me Sacred Sovereign to tell your Majesty That in my poor Opinion it is unworthy of a King to treat with Rebel Subjects while they have the Sword in their hands And though God forbid I should stint your Majesty's Mercy yet I must declare the Horror I am in when I think of a Treaty while your Majesty and they are in the Field with Two Armies unless they disband and submit themselves entirely to your Majesty's Goodness and Pardon As to the State of Affairs in this Kingdom the Bearer will fully inform your Majesty in every particular And give me leave with all humility to assure your Majesty That through God's Blessing I am in the fairest hopes of reducing this Kingdom to your Majesty's Obedience And if the Measures I have concerted with your other Loyal Subjects fail me not which they hardly can I doubt not but before the End of this Summer I shall be able to come to your Majesty's Assistance with a brave Army which back'd with the Iustice of your Majesty's Cause will make the Rebels in England as well as in Scotland feel
the just Rewards of Rebellion Only give me leave after I have reduc'd this Countrey to your Majesty's Obedience and conquer'd from Dan to Beersheba to say to your Majesty then as David's General did to his Master Come thou thy self lest this Countrey be callâ—d by my Name For in all my Actions I aim only at your Majesty's Honour and Interest as becomes one that is to his last Breath May it please your Sacred Majesty Innerlochy in Lochaber Feb. 3. 1645. Your Majesty's most Humble most Faithful and most Obedient Subject and Servant MONTROSS NUMB. XI The Address of General Monk and his Officers from Scotland to the Parliament of England against Monarchy upon Richard Cromwell's Abdication Right Honourable THAT a Nation may be born in a day Whitlock's Memoirs p. 679 680. is a truth which this days experience witnesseth unto us against all the dictates of humane Reason and that a glorious Cause whose Interest was laid low even in the dust should be in one day restored to its life and lustre when almost all the Asserters of it had so manifestly declined it by a defection of many years cannot be imputed to less than the greatest and most powerful manifestation of the Arm of God that ever this or former Generations saw or heard of In the sense of this the greatest of our Temporal Mercies we now come to address to your Honours as those whose presence we have so long wanted that had you staid but a little longer it might have been left to be enquired what England was we mean what was become of that People by whom God for so many years filled the World with so much admiration and terror But though this great Work be as most justly it ought to be wonderful in our eyes yet when we consider its Author who calls things that are not as if they were bringeth down to the Pit and raiseth up again we see that nothing is difficult to Faith and the Promises of God are sure and stable even then when in the eye of man no less than impossible We cannot but acknowledge to our exceeding great sorrow and shame that our selves though we hope most of us through weakness and frailty not out of design have very much contributed to those Provocations which have caused God to depart from our Israel and we could heartily wish that even amongst those that help to make up your own number there had not been an helping hand to this sad and deplorable work But we see when God's hour is come and the time of his people's deliverance even the set time is at hand he cometh skipping over all the Mountains of Sin and Unworthiness that we daily cast in the way We are not willing to detain your Honours too long upon this Subject and therefore beseeching the God of all our Mercies to heal the backslidings of his people and not to charge unto their account in this his day of their deliverance their miscarriages whilst they were wandering in dark and slippery places after the imaginations of their own hearts we with all humility and affection in the first place congratulate you in this your happy Restoration to the Government of these Nations which God was pleased once so to own in your hands as to make you both the praise and wonder of the Earth the glory and rejoicing of his People and the terror of your Adversaries and we acknowledge it a singular condescension in you in this day of so great difficulties to take upon you so heavy a burthen And seeing his late Highness hath been pleased to manifest so much self-denial and love to his Country Richard Cromwell in appearing for the Interest thereof against his own we humbly intreat that some speedy care may be taken for him and his family together with her Highness Dowager that there may be such an honourable Provision settled upon them and such other Dignities as are suitable to the former great Services of that Family to these Nations And in the next place we cannot but humbly beseech you now you have an opportunity than which a fitter your hearts did never pray for to finish the work of Reformation that hath been so long upon the wheel and met with so great Obstructions that you would not heal the wound of the daughter of God's people slightly but make so sure and lasting provision for both their Christian and Civil Rights as that both this and future Generations may have cause to rise up and call you Blessed and the blackest of Designs may never be able to cast dirt in your faces any more And as helpful to these two great Concernments Religion and Liberty we humbly propose unto your mature consideration these two Desires First that you would be pleased to countenance Godliness and all the sincere professors thereof encourage an able and laborious Ministry and suffer no other Yoak to be imposed upon the Consciences of God's people than what may be agreeable to the Word of God and that you would be a terror to all impious prophane and licentious People whatsoever Secondly that you would so vindicate and assert the Native Rights and Liberties of these Nations in and by the Government of a Free-State that there may not be the voice of an oppressed one in our Land but that all may enjoy the blessed fruits of your righteous and peaceable Government And for the prevention of all possibility for ambitious Spirits ever to work their ends against you we humbly desire you to be very careful as well what persons you entrust with the management of the Armies and Navies of this Commonwealth as of the measure of that Power and Authority you depart with to them or substitute in them Touching the qualifications of the Persons we desire they may be truly godly and conscientious Touching the measure of their Authority that it may be adequate to the nature and being of a Commonwealth And whilst you are thus pleading and asserting the Interest of God and his People you may rest assured with greatest confidence that we shall appear in your defence and the vindication of your Authority against the opposition of all Arbitrary Powers whatsoever And to that blessed and All-powerful God who is able to spirit you for this great work you are and shall daily be recommended in the prayers of Your most loyal and most Obedient Servants George Monk Thomas Read Ralph Cobbet Tim. Wilks Robert Read Iohn Cloberry Abra. Holmes Henr. Dorney Dan. Davison Rich. Heath Mi. Richardson I. Hubbelthorn Tho. Iohnson P. Crisp. He. Brightman Phil. Watson Tho. Dean Ierem. Smith Will. Davis Iames Wright Ios. Wallinton Will. Helling Ethelb Morgan Rob. Winter Iohn Paddon Anthony Nowers The Form of the Declaration and Engagement taken by General Monk and his Officers against Monarchy and the Family of the Stuarts at his coming up from Scotland I A. B. Whitlock's Memoirs p. 684. do hereby declare That I do renounce the pretended Title of