would be a hindrance to the Mart if preuention were not vsed 7 That the pouerty and smalnesse of Southampton would be a great impediment 8 That the Riuer Rhene was more commodious for Antwerp then any riuer was for England 1 Herevnto answere was made that at the time when the Mart should beginne at Southampton the French King and the Almans would stop entercourse to Antwerp by land so as nothing should passe that way but in great danger Againe as South ampton wanteth the commodity of accesse of merchandise by land so it hath the commodity that there can be no accesse of enimies by land and if warres should be raised then the Nauie of England is sufficient to defend them And further that trafique that cometh to Antwerp by land is almost only from the Venetians who may with greater ease and lesse danger transport their merchandises into England by sea That the ill making of cloathes was fit to be redressed by the Parliament then sitting and the matter was then reduced to some ripenesse the vpper house hauing one bill and the neither house another in good forwardnesse Neither were they so ill made but that the Flemmings did easily desire them offering rather to Pay the imposition of the Emperor then to be without them That it were necessarie that the passage of ships should be staied vntill the Mart should aduance to some ripenesse and that cloathes should be bought with the Kinges money and conueied to Southampton to be there vttered at the Mart which should helpe the inconuenience very well That merchants neuer binde themselues to any mansion which either to atchieue gaine or to auoide danger they will not readily forsake for so they remoued from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English commodities And therefore seeing they shall haue a good commodity by coming to Southampton and be rid of great feare of danger both in their liues and goods in forsaking Antwerp there is little feare that they will be curious in making the change That the Emperor was then so neerely driuen that neither was he willing to attend the impeachment of the Mart neither could he at that time doe it for the Flemmings and the Spaniards vnder him could more hardly be without the English then the English without them and therefore would hardly be brought to forbeare that trafique and besides they liued then in feare of loosing all That it were good that for the present the Stilliard meâ—… were generally answered and triall made whether by any gentle offer of some part of their liberties they might be brought to ship and their wares vnto the mart The French also might easily be drawen ouer hauing one trafique at that time but with England That these two might suffice to beginne a Mart. That the merchants would make good shift for their lodging and it is not the ability of the place that maketh a mart but the resort of Merchants as Spaniards Almans Italians Flemmings Uenetians Danes in exchanging their commodities one with another With whom also would concurre the Merchants of London Bristowe and other places of England and some of the cloaths which should be carried thither at the first might be taken vp with the Kings money and there be vttered That Bruges where the Mart was before standeth not vpon the Rheene neither doth Antwerp where the Mart was then Frankeford doth and may well serue for a faire for high Almaine but Southampton serueth better for all countries vpon the sea for few of these resort to Frankeford Herewith diuerse reasons were alleaged for the Mart and namely that the vent of English cloathes would hereby be open in all times of watre that the English merchants goods would be out of danger of strangers and without feare of danger of arresting vpon euery light cause That it would much enrich the Realme because as a Market enricheth a towne so doth a Mart enrich a Kingdome That vpon occasion great summes of money might be borrowed of them who frequent the Mart. That the King might command a great number of strangers ships to serue in his warres That warre being made all goods should be in the Kings danger that the English should buy all things at the first hand of strangers Wheras then the strangers sold their wares to the Flemings the Flemings to the English That the townes towards the sea would hereby be made more populous rich beautifull and strong That the merchants insteed of Tapistrie points glasses and other laces would then bring in bullion and other substantiall merchandizes to haue the English cloath and tinne That by this means the English should abate the power of their enimies and not be enforced to borrow of Merchants but when they list and that in no great quantity or summe The time was then esteemed most conuenient because the warres betwixt the French and the Emperor caused the Italians Genowaies Portugals and Spaniards to forbeare their trade to Antwerp The Prussians also and other East countries hauing 14 ships against the Emperor would not be very forward to aduenture thither Againe the French inuading Lorraine and menacing Flanders and the Almaines lying on the riuer of Rheene did stop the course of merchants out of Italie as well to Frankeford as to Antwerp And further the putting of souldiers into Antwerp moued the Merchants to forbeare their trafique and to looke to their safety Also the breach which a late tempest had made was like to make the channell vncertaine and the hauen naught Lastly the stop of the exchange to Lyons would make many Flemmings bankrupts And because these nations cannot liue without a vent These things decaying the Mart of Antwerp Frankeford they would most willingly vpon erecting a 〈◊〉 Mart resort to England And here the towne of Southampton was esteemed most sit because the Spaniards Brittaines Gascoins Lombards Genowaies Normans Italians the Merchants of the Eastland the Prussians Danes Swedens Norwegians might indifferently resort thither more easie than to Antwerpe And wheras the Flemmings hauing few commodities haue allured Merchants by their priuiledges to settle a Mart among them much more easily should the English doe it hauing both opportunity meanes as cloath tinne seacoale lead bellmettall and such other commodities as few christian countries haue the like Lastly the meanes to establish this mart were contriued to be these First that the English merchants should forbeare their resort for a mart or two beyond the seas vnder pretence of the impositions there charged vpon them Then that proclamation should be made in diuerse parts of this Realme where Merchants chiefly resort that there shal be a free Mart kept at Southampton to beginne presently after whitsontide and to continue fiue weekes so as it should be noe hindrance to St Iames faire at Bristow nor to Bartholomew faire in London The priuiledges of which Mart should be expressed to be these That all men should haue free libertie for resort and returne without arresting except
furnished he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well touching any variation in all these â—…atters as for other occurrences in France Spaine Italie Almaine and thereof advertise the king But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace or truce betweene the Emperour and the French the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France but secretly and a farre off and to bee governed as occasions should vâ—…ry and in regâ—…rd hâ—…reof agreement was made that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged And albeit the English had great aduâ—…ntage in value of reprisalls as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made Hostility being thus suspended with France preparation was made for warres against Scotland the occasion whereof did thus arise MARY STYWARD sole daughter heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542 being then not aboue 7 daies olde so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was shâ—…e a Queene but she was desired of Henry then King of England to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only sonne being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh where after much debatement of the coÌ„modities or discommodities like to ensue they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent embassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamenâ—… authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne S. George ' Douglasse S. William Hamilton S. Iames Leirmouth knights and to one of the secretaries of state to conclude this marryage These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie the same yeere all covenants were concluded instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworne and a peace established for ten yeares which time expyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent The French King all this tiâ—…e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these proceedings but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he bâ—…nt his best endeuour to dissolue them both First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who afterwardes was King of France To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony forces and friends and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house and Ancestors to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland and to reverse such pactions as he had made The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received as a man most engaged in domesticall factions He alwaies vsed curtesie and modestie disliked of none sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers in favour of him the Pope sâ—…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scotland who in the Popes nâ—…me did faithfully assure that both forces mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the English Heâ—… drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland which fell not within the times that I hauâ—… in hand In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof the Regencie was confirmed to him which otherwise he had bin vpon adventure to loose And as the Earle of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adioine to the French so the Earle of Levenoxe being forsaken by the French applyed his service wholy to the English which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland during the time of king Henries raigne King Henrie at the time of his death gâ—…ue a spâ—…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile that they should omit no â—…ndevours whereby the said marriâ—…ge might be procured to take effect Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same stâ—…te the king left it But before they attempted any thing by Armes the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter Herein he remâ—…mbred them of the promises seaâ—…es and oathes which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their soules could not by any politike act of state be dissolved vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and princely qualities to bee ioyned in marriâ—…ge and thâ—…reby to knit both Realmes into one That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done of firme continuance so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes That both the easinesse and firmnâ—…s might be coniectured for that both people are of the same language of like habit and fashion of like qualitie and condition of life of one climate not only annexed entirely together but sevâ—…red froÌ„ all the world 〈◊〉 For as these are sure arguments that both desâ—…ended from one originall and had bin vnder one governement so by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betweâ—…ne the two nations by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad haue bin impeachâ—…d invasions and seditions occasioned thâ—… confines of both Realmes laid wâ—…st or else made a nurserie of rapines robberies and murthers the inner parts often deepely pierced and made a wretched spectacl to all eies of humanity and pittie That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the countries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life as also of the people
effusion of Christian blood and for that the English had not done any vnmanlike outrage or spoile he was content they might returne and should haue his safe conduct for their peaceable passage Then the Trumpeter that the Lord Huntly his master sent message by him that aswell for breefe expedition as to spare expence of christian blood he would fight vpon the whole quarrell either with 20 against 20 or with 10 against 10 or more particularly by single combate betweene the Lord Generall and himselfe which in regard the Scots had advantage both for number and freshnesse of men in regard also that for supply both for provision and succors they were at home he esteemed an honourable and charitable offer To the Herald the Lord Generall answered that as his comming was not with purpose or desire to endammage their Realme as he was there he would neither intreat nor accept of him leaue to depart but would measure his marches in advancing or retiring as his owne iudgment guided by advice of his counsaile should deeme expedient To the Trumpeter he returned answere that the L. Huntley his master was a young gentleman full of free courage but more desirous of glory then iudicious as it seemed how to win it That for number of Combatants it was not in his power to conclude a bargaine but was to employ all the forces put vnder his charge to the best advantage that he could that in case this were a particular quarrell betweene the Governour and him he would not refuse a particular combat but being a difference betweene the 2 kingdomes it was neither fit nor in his power either to vndertake the adventure vpon his owne fortune or bearing a publike charge to hazard himselfe against a man of private condition Then the Earle of Warwicke said I marvaile Trumpeter that thy master would make his challenge so fond as he might well knowe it could not be accepted For tell mee Trumpeter can he thinke it fit that he to whose charge is committed the command of all this Army abroad and at home the Kings person and protection of all his Realmes should vndertake a combate with a particular man But he might haue found others his equals amongst vs by whom he might haue beene assured that he should be answered And therewith turning his speech to the L. Generall vnder your Graces favour I accept the challenge And bring me word Trumpeter that thy master will performe with mee as thou hast said and thou shalt haue 100 crownes for thy travaile Nay answered the L. Generall you haue a great charge in the Army which vpon a private mans challenge you must not abandon But Herault tell the L. Governor and the L. Huntley That we haue entred your country with a sober company for so the Scots terme a thing that is meane your army is both great and fresh but let them appeare vpon indifferent ground and assuredly they shall haue fighting enough And bring me word Herault that they will so doe and I will reward thee with 1000 crownes This Earle of Huntley was a man young bold adventerous of very good resolution and skill in Armes But this challenge was so farre beyond the point both of discretion and honor that the English that knew his noble spirit did beleeue that his name was therein abused which hee manifested to be true by disavowing it openly afterwards For it is not fit that a man should abandon his publike charge to vndertake both the office and danger of a private Souldier And therefore the like challenge of Tullus was refused by the commander of the Albanes For that the contention was not betweene their persons but between the Citties of Alba and Rome So Sertorius was refused by Metellus Antonius by Augustus and Iohn Emperor of Constantinople by a king of Scythia So Antonius Caracalla by reason of his often challenges was esteemed not to be so valiant as vaine And herevpon the histories of our times forbeare not to blame Charles the fift Emperour Henry the eight king of England and Francis the first king of France for that they often adventured rather as Souldiers then as Commanders But doubtlesse the L. Governour made a most honourable offer and the rather for that it was conceiued by the English that he held himselfe no lesse assured of victory then he was of his owne resolution to fight whereto it seemed that he wanted not good reason cheifly vpon confidence of his owne forces and partly vpon expectation of 12 Gallies and 50 ships well appointed out of France to assayle the English at their backs All the chiefe Captaines yeelded to the same advice of giving battaile as out of their owne iudgements because they saw it agreeable to that which the L Governour had determined To these the residue attributed so much that albeit diverse were of a different opinion yet they chose rather to condemne their owne vnderstanding then to question theirs During this enterparlance the Scots discharged 4 great shots against the English campe without harme as it happened but not without breach of the Laws of the field whereby not only publike messengers are priviledged to passe without either danger or scorne but vntill they haue discharged their message all hostility should surcease Howsoeuer this happened the Generall of the English army vnwilling to bee behind in any equall or honourable offer sent letters to the L. Governour of Scotland Wherein he desired him and theresidue of the Scottish nobility to consider That both armies consisted of Christians to whom nothing should be more deere then peace nothing more detestable then effusion of humane blood That the cause of this warre did not proceed from ambition avarice or hate but from desire of perpetuall peace betweene their people and nations which could no way so firmely be knit as by knitting their Princes together in marriage That many other respects set aside their King for his birth his yeares his royall estate his princely personage education and qualities was such a marriage for their Queene that a more convenient could not be found that in case all the Nobility of Scotland were not of one minde The English would bee content that their Queene should bee brought vp amongst them vntill she should be of age to make her owne choice Provided that in the meane time she should not bee transported to any forraigne country or any agreement made for any other marriage That vpon this condition there should be an abstinence of hostility for all that time and they would in quiet manner withdraw their army and repaire all dammages which indifferent Commissioners should adiudge No answere was hereto returned but rumors ran freshly among the Scottish souldiers that the intention of the English was to take away their Queene by force and vnder pretence of marriage to reduce the kingdome vnder their dominion and verily it may seeme almost incredible that all these faire ouertures made by men well esteemed for honest dealing
Somerset for hereafter he must be no otherwise called was committed into their power and committed to custody in Beâ—…uchampe tower within the castle The next day he was brought to London as if he had bin a captaine caried in triumph He rode through Holborne betweene the Earles of Southhampton and of Huntington and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the number of 300 mounted on horsebacke At Holborne bridge certaine Aldermen attended on horsebacke and the cittisâ—…ns housholders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets through which he passed At Sopherlane he was receiued by the Maior Shâ—…riffes Recorder and diuers Knights of especiall note who with a great traine of officers and attendants bearing halbeards carryed him forthwith to the Tower all this was to beare in shew both that the Duke was a dangerous man and that the common both aide and applause concurred in his restraint Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton courte where all things being borne as done well because nothing was ill taken seauen of the Lords of the counsaile and 4 Knights were appointed by turnes to attend the Kings person The Lords were the Marquis of Northhampton the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell the Lordes Russell S t Iohn and Wentworth the knights were these S r Andrew Dudley S r Edward Rogers S r Thomas Darcy and S r Thomas Worth As for affaires of state the gouernment of them was referred to the whole body of the counsaile Soone after the King rode to his house in Southwarke then called Suffolke place there dined all-After dinner he rode in great estate through the citty to Westminster as if the people should be giuen to vnderstand that nothing was dâ—…minished either from the safety or glory of the King by imprisonment of the Duke And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower certaine Lords of the counsaile were sent vnto him who after a shorte preface in such termes as hate and dissimulation could temper together remembring how great the amity had beene betweene them and of what continuance Then acknowledging what offices seruices he had done for the commonwealth yet enterlacing some errors defects wherewith they seemed to reproach him Lastly they presented him certaine articles as from the residue of the priuy counsaile desiring his present answere whether hee would acknowledge them to be true or else stand vpon his iustification The articles obiected against him were these 1 That he tooke vpon him the office of Protector vpon expresse condition that he should doe nothing in the Kings affaires but by assent of the late Kings executors or the greatest part of them 2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder iustice subuert Lawes of his owne Authority aswell by letters as by other commande 3 That he caused diuers persons arrested and imprisoned for treason murther manslaughter and felloâ—…y to be discharged against the lawes and statutes of the realme 4 That he appointed Lâ—…euetenants for Armies and other officers for the weighty affaires of the king vnder his own writing and seale 5 That he communed with Embassadors of other realmes alone of the weighty matters of the realme 6 That he would taunt and reproue diuers of the kings most honourable counsailors for declaring their aduice in the Kings weighty affaires against his opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsaile and sometimes that he needed not to open weighty matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion he would discharge them 7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diuers to answere there for their freeholde goods and did determine of the same 8 That being no officer without the aduice of the counsaile or most part of them he did dispose offices of the Kings guift for money grant leases and wards and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gaue Bishoprickes and made sales of the Kings lands 9 That he commanded Alchimie and multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the Kings coine 10 That diuers times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth Whereupon the people rose to reforme matters of themselues 11 That against the minde of the whole counsaile he caused proclamation to be made concerning enclosures wherevpon the people made diuers insurrections and destroied many of the Kings subiects 12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annexed concerning enclosures commons highwaâ—…es cottages and such like matters giuing the commishioners authority to heare 〈◊〉 determine those causes whereby the lawes and statutes of the realme were subuerted and much rebellion raised 13 That he suffered rebells to assemble and lie armed in campe against the nobility and gentry of the realme without speedie repressing of them 14 That he did comfort and encourage diuers rebells by giuing them money and by promising them fees rewards and seruices 15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law and in fauour of the rebells that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion 16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebells and that the auarice of gentlemen gaue occasion for the people to rise and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want 17 That he said the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reforme enclosures and other things therefore the people had a good cause to reforme them themselues 18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them he would neuer amend the same 19 That he would not suffer the Kings pieces of Newhauen and Blacknesse to be furnished with men and prouision albeit he was 〈◊〉 of the defaults and aduised thereto by the Kings 〈◊〉 whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt vpon them 20 That he would neither giue authority nor suffer noble men and gentlemen to suppresse rebells in time conuenient but wrote to them to speake the rebells â—…aire and vse them gently 21 That vpon the fifth of October the present vâ—…ere 〈◊〉 Hampton courte for defence of his owne priuate causes hee procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands and secretly to be dispersed into diuerse parts of the realme beginning thus Good people intending thereby to raise the Kings subiects to rebellion and open warre 22 That the Kings priuy counsaile did consult at London to come to him and moue him to reforme his gouernment but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diuers places that they were high traitors to the King 23 That he declared vntruly aswell to the King as to other yong Lords attending his person that the Lords at London intended to destroy the King desired the King neuer to forget but to reuenge it and required the yong Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof
in cases of treason murther or selony That for the time of the Mart all men should pay but halfe the custome due in other places of the Realme That during the time noe shipping should be made from any place betweene Southwales Essex but only to South-hampton That in Hampshire Wiltshire Sussex Surry Kent Dorseâ—…shire and no bargaine should be made for wares during that time but only at that Mart. That a court should be erected to punish offendors with liberties of good condition That some one commodity as happily some one kind of cloath should be assigned as proper to the Mart. That some liberties must be giuen to the inhabitants of South-hampton and some monies lent to them if it might be spared to beginne their Trafique That ships should attend the safegard of Merchants so well as they could and that if this Mart tooke good effect another might be erected at Hull for the Northeast countries to beginne presently after Sturbridge faire so as they might returne before the great Ices stopped their seas Thus it was concluded but the execution was for a time delaied because the wooll fleete of 60 saile was lately before departed for Antwerp could not possibly be called backe But to make the first preparation because a Mart could not subsist without exchang liberty was granted to the English Merchants to exchang and rechange money for money As vpon this occasion this profitable purpose was first delaied so afterwards it was altogether dashed first by the Kinges sicknesse after by his death Now albeit the King was both deepely in debt and had many extraordinary occasions yet in regard of the troublesome times he did forbeare to charge his subiects with such loanes and impositions as vsually in peace breed discontent and in turbulent times disquiet but he chose rather to deale with the Foulker in the low Countries for moneys vpon loane at a very high rate And hereupon letters were directed from the Lords of the counsell to the Foulker at Antwerp that he had receiued from the King 63000 punds Flemmish in Februarie and 24000 in Aprill next before which amounted to 87000 pounds Flemmish A faire summe to be paid in one year especially in that busy world when it was necessarie for Princes not to be without money Hereupon and for that they vnderstood that at that time he was well able to forbeare money they aduised the King to pay to him only 5000 pounds of the 45000 l which then remained vnpaid and to continue the rest at the vsuall yearly interest of 14 l for euery hundred wherewith they desired him to retaine good patience Hereto the Foulker answered that as he had found faire dealings before so he would rest content to deferre paâ—…ment of 30000 l so as 20000 l thereof might be well assured to be paid within some conuenient time All this was presently agreed and no lesse faithfully performed afterwards And assuredly as God is the word and cannot but make good his word so a Prince so much looseth of his dignity as hee declineth from his word About this time a garrison pay of 10000 l was sent to the Frontires of Scotland and the like to Calais and in the same yeere 5000 l into Ireland hereto if we adde the Kings great charges in fortification vpon both the frontires of Scotland and France the particulars wherof I omit as matters now altogether of no vse it may easily be be discerned that the hostility with Scotland and France and the inciuility of Ireland were a great part of the cause which held this frugall King thus diued in debt And for another means of raising of mony commissions went forth for selling chantry lands and houses for paiment of the Kings debt giuen forth to be 251000 pounds sterling at the least Also to enquire of all Church goods either remaining in Cathedrall or parish Churches or embesâ—…ed away namely of Iewels of gold siluer or siluer crosses candiâ—…sticks censors challicies ready mony coapes and other vestiments and reseruing to euery Church one Challice and couering for the Communion â—…able the residue to be applied to the benefit of the King â—…y their sales and enquiries the Kings wants were 〈◊〉 what relieued And many persons uery meane both for birth and ability of minde and of no lâ—…sse place of emploiment found means to aduance themselues to so great estate as they left their posterity ranged among the nobility of this realme Of these church purchasers I haue seene many melt to nothing and the residue shall be obserued either by riot or by improuidence to consume At the same time for more assured strength of the Borders vpon Scotland order was setled that no man in those parts should beare two offices at once which not well obserued in later years hath much derogated both from the dignity and discharge of offices aswell in state as in some inferior places Another means for raising mony was practised no lesse pleasing to the people then profitable to the common-wealth And that was by enquiring after offences of officers in great place who as by vniust dealing they became most odious so by iustice in their punishments the Prince acquireth both loue and applause And so one Beamont M â— of the Rolles was conuinced that in his office of wardes he had purchased lands with the Kinges mony also that he had lent aboue 700 l of the Kinges mony and forborne 11000 of the Kinges debts for his owne profit Also that being M r of the Rolles he dealt corruptly in a case betweene the Duke of Suffolke and the Lady Powes For he bought the Ladies Tithe and caused an indenture to be forged from Charles Brandon the Duke a little before deceased purposing a grant of the lands in question from Duke Charles to the Lady Powes Also that he had concealed the felony of his seruant who hauing stolne from him 200 l he tooke the mony to himselfe againe Hereupon he surrendred to the King all his offices lands goods in satisfaction as well for the monies due by him to the King as of the fines which his offences had merited he was a man of a dull and heauy spirit and therefore the more senslesly deuoted in his sensuall auarice One Whalie receiuer of Yorkeshire acknowledged how he had lent the Kinges mony for gaine how he euer paid one yeares reuenue with the arrerages of the yeare before how he had bought the Kinges land with the Kinges mony how he had made diuerse false accompts how vpon fall of mony he borrowed diuerse summes whereby he gained 500 l at one crying downe For these misdemeanors he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to pay such fines as the King or his counsell should charge vpon him The Lord Paget Chancellor of the ' Duchie was conuinced that he had sould the Kings landes and timber woods without commission that he had taken great fines for the Kings lands and applied them to his proper vse and
the sands towards Lieth but the most towards Dakeâ—…th which way by reason of the marish the English horse were least able to pursue The chase was given from one of the clocke in the afternoone till almost six It reached fiue miles in length and foure in breadth all which waies the Scots scattered in their flight Iackes Swords Bucklers Daggers or whatsoeuer was either cumbersome or of weight to impeach their hast yea some cast off their shooes and dublets and fled in their shirts Divers other devises were practised to avoid or deferre the present danger Some intreated and offered large ransomes some being pursued only by one sodainly turned head and made resistance by whom many horses were disabled and some of their horses either slaine or hurt The Earle of Angus a man of assured both hardinesse and vnderstanding couched in a furrow and was passed ouer for dead vntill a horse was brought for his escape 2000 others lying all the day as dead departed in the night Divers others plunged into the river Eske and couered themselues vnder roots branches of trees many so streined themsesues in their race that they fell downe breathlesse and dead whereby they seemed in running from their deaths to runne vnto it The English discerned in their retreit that the execution had beene too cruell and farre exceeding the bounds of ordinary hostility which happely was a cause in the secret iudgment of God that they had no better fruit of their victory The dead bodies lâ—…y all the way scattered so thicke as a man may see sheepe grazing in a well stored pasture most slaine in the head or necke for that the horsemen could not well touch lower with their swords and scarse credible it is how soone they were stripped and laid naked vpon the ground But then againe the eyes of all men were fastned vpon them with pitty and admiration to behold so many naked bodies as for talnesse of stature whitnesse of skinne largenesse and due proportion of limbes could hardly be equalled in any one country The ground where their severall battailons first brake lay strewed with pikes so thicke as a sloore is vsually strewed with rushes whereby the plâ—…ces could hardly be passed ouer either by horse or by foot the riuer Eske ran red with blood so as they who perished therein might almost bee said to bee drowned in their fellowes blood On the otherside when they came to the place where the English men at Armes had beene defeated many of their horses were found grieuously gashed or goared to death The English who there perished were so deeply wounded especially on the head that not one could be discerned by his face Braue Edward Shellie who was the first man that charged was knowne only by his beard Little Preston for that both his hands were cut off being known to haue worne bracelets of gold about his wrests others were brought to knowledge by some such particular marks Hereby appeareth as I said before what blessing is growne to both nations by their late happy vnion when before they were like two rude encountring Rammes whereof he that escapes best is sure of a blowe Divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland were here slaine and many Gentlemen both of worth and noble birth of the inferior sort about 10000 as some say 14000 lost their liues Of the English were slaine 51 horsemen one footman but a farre greater number hurt The Scottish prisoners accounted by the Marshals booke were about 1500. The chiefe whereof were the Earle of Huntley the Lords Yester Hoblie and Hamilton the M r of Sampoole and the L. of Wimmes A Herault was also taken but discharged forthwith The execution was much maintained by the Scots owne swords scattered in every place For no sooner had an English horseman brake his sword but forthwith he might take vp another Insomuch that many of them brake three or foure before their returne So apparant is the hand of God against violation of faith that it is often chastised by the meanes appointed to defend it Of all other the English men were least favourable to the Priests and Monkes by the Scots called Kirkmen who had beene equally troublesome in peace and vnprofitable in warre To whom many as well English as Scots imputed the calamity of that day these made a band of 3 or 4000 as it was said but they w'ere not altogether so many howbeit many Bishops and Abbots were amongst them from these divers Scots feared more harme by victory then they found among their enimies by their ouerthrow After the field a banner was found of white sarcâ—…net whereon a woman was painted her haire about her shoulders kneeling before a crucifix on her right hand a church and along the banner in faire letters written Afflictae ecclesiae ne obliuiscaris This was supposed to haue beene the Kirkemens banner But could this crucifix haue spoken as one is said to haue spoken to S t Francis and another to S t Thomas it might happely haue told them that neither religious persons are fit men for armes nor armes fit meanes either to establish or advance Religion I must not forget the fidelity of a Scottish souldier towards the Earle of Huntly He finding the Earle assaulted by the English and without his helmet tooke of his owne headpeece and put it on the Earles head The Earle was therewith taken prisoner but the souldier for want thereof was presently stroke downe This Earle was of great courage for this cause much loued of his souldiers to whom he was no lesse louing againe This he manifested by his great care for such Scottish prisoners as were either wounded or poore providing at his proper charge cure for the one and releife for the other This Earle being asked whilst he was prisoner how he stood affected to the marriage answered that he was well affected to fauour the marriage but he nothing liked that kinde of wooing Certaine of those who escaped by slight excused their dishonor not without a sharpe iest against some of their leaders affirming that as they had followed them into the field so it was good reason they should follow them out Those bitter tests the more truth they carry the more biting memory they leaue behinde The day of this fight being the 10 th of September seemeth to be a most disastious day to the Scotâ—… not only in regard of this ouerthrow but for that vpon the same day 34 yeares before they were in like sort defeated by the English at Flodden field The victory raised exceeding ioy among the English partly because it came so cheape partly by reason of the great danger and greater terror that had bin cast vpon them by reason of the repulse and disarray of their men at Armes Now as seâ—…ldome one accident either prosperous or adverse cometh vnaccompanied with the like so this calamity hapned not to the Scots alone For whilst the English army had thus drawne both the preparations
and intentions of the Scots wholly vpon them The Lord Wharton and the Earle of Leuenoxe entred Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men and hauing marched two miles they wonne the church of Anan a strong place and alwaies much annoying the English there they tooke 62 prisoners fired most part of the spoyle and ouerthrew the fort with powder passing 16 miles further they tooke the castle of Milke which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein and after much spoile and wast of the country returned safely into England These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earle Bothwell and diuerse cheife gentlemen of 〈◊〉 and Meers supposing to finde more easy conditions by yeelding then by striuing submitted themselues to the King of England and were receiued by the Lord Generall into protection But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improuements of these fortunate euents and that especially by two miserable errors â—…unctation in prosecuting and haste in departure But doubtlesse the vnion of these two realmes was a worke most proper to Gods omnipotent arme which afterwards effected the same as by milder meanes so in a more durable manner then they could haue bin vnited by Armes This high appointment of God we must reuerence and admire but not omit to obserue the errors committed First therefore after the retreit the English lodged the same night in the place where the battaile had bin fought Where and in the villages not farre distant they soiourned fiue daies without doing any thing in the meane time the English searched the riuers and hauens whether the Scottish ships were retyred in such sort as they left few ships of war vnspoiled or vntaken the army also gathered the spoile of the field whereof 30000 iacks and swords 30 peices of great artillery were shipped for England The English hauing thus long breathed and thereby giuen breathing to their enimies fired Lieth tooke S t Colmes Broughticragge Rockesborough Humes castle Aymouth Fial castle Dunglasse Kilnecombe and diuers other small pieces whereof parte they ruined parte they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able souldiers accustomed with often and prosperous successe Herewith as if they had beene weary of their faire fortunes they suddainly brake off the enterprise and returned another way into England hauing staid not aboue 25 daies in Scotland and lost vnder 60 men The pretence of their departure was worse then the departure it selfe namely for that the yeare and their prouisions were far spent and the country afforded little forrage Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in hast so violent and storm-like fortunes how terrible so euer are seldome durable Now the Lord Gouernor of Scotland being of great courage and sober iudgement as a man might well read in his face as he had amply performed his duty both before the battaile and in the field so especially after the fight he declared himselfe to be of a stout and vnbroken spirir For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army albeit not in sufficient manner to giue a fresh battaile by reason that much of their armor was lost yet able to keepe the English from ranging at largâ—… Then hee presented the English with diuers offers of â—…reaty touching matters in difference vntill the country was dischargâ—…d of them lastâ—…y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by euents and that in matters of armes albeit the praise of prosperous successe is shared amongst many yet the blame of misadventures is charged vpon one And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his owne people and contempt of others hauing first assured the young Queene in place of good defence he assembled the Scottis nobility and vsed words to this effect I assure my selfe that many of you my Lords and more of the vulger are much displeased with me for that I haue advised this warre whereof so sad euents haue followed for this cause I haue assembled you together to reduce you to a better opinion or to blame you deepely either if you remaine offended or if you cast downe your courage throw feare the betrayer of all succors which reason can afforde for tell me if you are discontented with me for aduising this warre doe you not condemne your selues for following the aduice It is certaine that at the first you were all of my opinion and that I did nothing without your approuement If now vpon one misadventure you change your iudgements and charge the fault only vpon me you doe me wrong and discouer your owne weaknesse in being vnable to endure those things which you knew were casuall and which you were resolued to endure But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertaine this warre will induce you also to prosecute the same howsoeuer sodaine and vnexpected euents dismay your iudgments for the present Touching my selfe I was alwaies of opinion and shall never change that it is better the kingdome should be in good estate with particular losse to many of the people then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdome altogether lost or dishonourably impaired euen as it is better that a ship should be preserued with some discommodity to the sailers then that the sailers being in health the ship should perish or as it is lesse dangerous when diuerse parts of a tower are decaied and the foundation firme then when the foundation is ruinous albeit the parts remaine entire For the common estate is but weakned by calamities of particular persons but the ruine of the state inâ—…olueth all in a generall destruction And therefore they are to be blamed alike both who moue and who decline warre vpon particular respects the comeither honour or necessity must bee the true measure of both But the cause of this warre is no other then that wee will not incontinently submit our selues to doe what our neighbours require That is because at the first word wee are not forward to thrust our necks vnder the girdles of our enimies yea our old enimies yea our only enimies of any accompt for many years who in their gluttenous hope haue devoured our kingdome who by the bloody execution of their late victories haue shewen what curtesie wee may expect at their hands In doeing whereof wee shall abandon our ancient and approved friends who as they neuer failed vs in our extremities so are they now prepared with large aides to relieue vs who will not feare or pause at the least before he leap vpon this sodaine changeâ—… who will forsake long tryed friends to rely vpon those who alwaies haue beene ready by Armes to infest vs. Not at all times vpon desire either of revenge or spoile but to bring vs vnder their ambitious dominion which of vs had not rather dye this day then see our enimies in our strongest castles and yoakes of garrisons cast vpon our necks Who
obiected against the Lord Protector before he assembled forces in the field which in those tempestuous times as it could not be done without great danger so without great cause it should not To the Lords they answered that they were ready to ioyne with them in any dutifull petition to the King but to ioyne with them in armes they could not vpon the sodaine resolue The next day the Lordes at London dispatched a letter to the Lords at Windesore wherein they charged the protector with many disorders both in his priuate actions and in his manner of gouernment requiring that hee would disperse the sorces which he had raised and withdraw himselfe from the King and be content to be ordered by iustice and reason That this done they would gladly commune with the rest of the counsaile for the surety of the Kings person and for ordering of his estate otherwise they would make no other accompt of them then they might trust to finde cause and would assuredly charge them according to their demerits The King all this time was so farre from gouerning his Lords that he was scarce at his owne liberty and considering that the late rebellions had but newly weared themselues into quiet and fearing new rages among the vnstabie people daily threatned and vpon such occasion not vnlike to take slame conceiuing also that the confederacy trenched no deeper or that the only remedy was to seeme so to conceiue dissolued his companies except only his guarde but charged them vpon warning to be ready so it is most certaine that the troublesome times were a great aduantage to the Lords Had the people beene well setled in subiection or the Protector a man of spirit or witt they hâ—…d beene in danger to haue beene vndone but the protector instead of vsing his authority sent secretary Peter who vnder pretence of gravity couered much vntrustinesse of heart to the Lords at London with some secret instructions sent especially to perswade them that for a publique benefit all either priuate guardes or vnkindnesses might be laid aside But neither did hee returne to Windesore neither was any answere returned from the Lordes After this he wrote two letters one in his owne name to the Earle of Warwicke the other in the name of the Lords at Windesore to the Lords at London in both which he so weakly complained expostulated intreated yeelded vnder their hande as it was sufficient to haue breathed courage into any enimy once declared against him And indeed herevpon the Lords forthwith published a proclamation vnder the hands of 17 persons either for nobility or authority of office well regarded werein the causes of such calamities and losses as had lately before happened not only by inward diuisions which had cost the liues of many thousands of the Kings subiects and threatned more but also by the losse of diuers pieces beyond the seas which had beene wonn by great adventure of the late Kings person and consumption of his treasure they perceiued that the only roote from whence those mischiefes sâ—…rung was the evill gouernment of the Lord Protâ—…ctor whose pride couetousnes and ambition couered only his priuate ends and therefore he was deepely busied in his spatious and specious buildings in the hottest times of warre against France and Scotland whilest the poore souldiers and seruitors of the King were vnpaide and laboured to make himselfe strong in all countries whilest within the realme lawes iustice and good order preuerted prouisions for the forts beyond the seas neglected and the Kings subiects by most dangerous diuisions by his means either raised or occasioned much disquiet That hereupon the Lords of the counsaile for preuenting aswell present dangers to the Kings person as the vtter subuersion of the state of the realme concluded to haue talked to him quietly without disturbance to the King or to the people for reducing him to liue within reasonable limits and for putting order for safety of the kings person and preseruation of the commonwealth of the realme and so to haue passed ouer his most vnnaturall and traitâ—…rous deseruings without further extremities But he knowing that he was vnable to answere for any part of his demeanour began forthwith to spread false rumors that certaine Lords had conspired against the Kings person vnder pretence whereof hee leuied forces in a disordered vproare albeit the treason rested in him and some other his complices wherefore seeing he troubled the whole realme for accomplishing his traiterous ends and vsed the King in his tender age for an instrument against himselfe causing him to put his hand to many of his owne deuises and to speake things tending to the destruction of himselfe they desired and in the Kings name charged all subiects not to obey any precepts licenses or proclamations whereunto the Protectors hand should be set albeit he should abuse the Kings hand and seale vnto them but to quit themselues vpon such proclamation as should proceede from the body of the counsaile protesting therewith their faithfull hearts to the King and their loialty towards the people Instantly after the publishing of this proclamation the Lords directed their letters to Windesore ond addressed to the King another to the Protector the third to the houshold which was openly read The letter to the Protector was guilded ouer with many smooth words intimating faire promises and full of hope but the other two did fully and fowly set forth his obstinacie his auarice his ambition his rash engagements into warres in the Kings vnsetled both age and estate his negligences his deceits and all other insufficiences mentioned before Herewith S r Robert Wingfield captaine of the guarde was sent from the Lords to Windesore who so well persuaded the King both of the loyall affection of the Lordes towards him and of their moderate desires against the protector who then was in presence that partly thereby but chiefly in regard of the turbulent times the Protector was remoued from the Kings person a guard set vpon him vntill the next day when the Lords at London were appointed to be there So the next day diuers of the counsell rode from London to Windsore but the Earle of Warwick rode not with them for he was a perfect Master of his craft he had well learned to put others before him in dangerous actions and in matters of mischiefe to be seene to doe least when in very deed all moued from him He had well learned of the ape to take nuts out of the fire with the pawe of the cat These Lords comming before the King did againe runne ouer their complaints against the Protector and also vnder colour of loue and duty aduiseth the King to beware of such as were both powerfull ambitious mischieuous and rich Affirming that it would be better surety vnto him if this great authority should be committed to many who cannot so readily knit in will or in action as when the whole mannage resideth in one In the end the Duke of
on foote 4000 l accounting the gulden at 3 s 4 d but accounting it more as without a higher valuation little seruice happily some mischiefe might be expected the monethly pay to strangers amounted higher Hereby a great error was discouered in that the strangers for defence of Boulaine were of greater strength then were the English Now the English commissioners hauing first procured some releife both for victualls pay prepared a tent without the towne for meeting with the French But they erected a house on the further side of the water within their owne territory in a manner halfe way betweene their forte and the towne The English perswaded the French to surcease their building pretending but for their fantasies it was not necessarie because neither their treaty was like to continue long neither was it by solemne meeting that the businesse in hand must be effected But in truth they feared least if peace should not follow the French might in short time either with filling or massing the house or else by fortifying make such a piece as might annoy the hauen or the towne Notwithstanding the French not only proceeded but refused any other place of enteruiew At their first meeting much time was spent in ceremony of salutation Then the commissions were read then M r de Mortier in a sharpe speech declared that the French King their M t had vpon iust grounds entred the warre for recouery of his right and defence of his allies yet was he well minded for an honourable peace so as the things for which the warre began might be brought to some reasonable appointment and hearing of the like disposition of the King of England he had sent them to treat of those affaires nothing doubting but that the English would accord to the restitution of Bouline and other pieces of their late conquest which so long as they should keepe so long they may be assured the warre would continue He further added that Bouline was but a bare ruinous Towne without territory or any other commodity to ballance the charge of defending it against the power of France Lastly he said there should want no good will in them to bring matters to good appointment hopeing to finde the like affection in the English After that the English commissioners had conferred a while the Lord Paget answered that the causes of the warre both with them and their Allies whom he tooke to be the Scots being iust and honourable The towne of Bouline other pieces subdued aswell by their late great master against them as by the K. their then M r against their Allies were acquired by iust title of victory and therefore in keeping of them no iniury was offered either to the French King or to the Scots But the further declaration hee left off vntill their next meeting because both the time was spent and the tide summoned them to departe Touching the good inclination of the King their M r hee had declared it well by sending them thither in whom they should finâ—…e such good conformity that if good successe ensued not the fault should be which they expected not in the French Nothing else was done sauing a surcease of hostility concluded for 15 daies which was proclaimed in both the frontires At the next meeting the Lord Paget spent much speech in setting forth the King of Englands title to Bulloine and to his debts and pension from the French king with all arrerages together with the iustice of his warre against the Scots The French were as earnest in maintaining the contrary wanting no words whatsoeuer their reasons were For betweene great Princes the greatest strength carrieth the greatest reason At the last M r de Mortier roundly said that to cut off all contentions of words he would propose two means for peace All that for old matters of pensions debts and arrerages the English should make white books and neuer mention them more but for Bulloine to set the higher value or else said he let old quarrells remaine so as your right may be reserued to clime and ours to defende And let vs speake frankly of some recompence for Boulloine As for the Scottish Queene For this had beene also mentioned before our King is resolued to keepe her for his sonne and therefore we desire you to speake thereof no more but of what other points you please so as we may draw shortly to an end The Lord Paget answered for the other commissioners that they had greatest reason to desire a speedy end but the matters whereupon they stood were of greater importance then to be determined vpon the sodaine For said he you may make doubts as you please But if the debt to our King be not iust being confessed iudged sworne and by many treaties confirmed wee know not what may be deemed iust neither is it a summe to be slenderly regarded being 2000000 crownes cleere debt besides 12000 crowns resting in dispute The iustice of the warres against Scotland he maintained aswell in regarde of breach of treatise with themselues as for that contrarie to their comprehension in the last treaty of France they had inuaded England in these entercourses the whole afternoone being spent it was agreed that both parties should advise vpon such matters as had beene propounded vntill the next meeting But the French either hauing or supposing that they had aduantage ouer the English partly by reason of their firme intelligence in the English court and partly because they found the English commissioners much yeelding to their desires as first in cumming into France then to Bouline lastly to a house of their owne erecting began to be stiffe and almost intractable sharpely pressing both for speedie resolution and short times for meetings But Guidolti continually trauailed to draw both parties to conformity the French being willing to be entreated by their friend to their most dissembled desires Guidolty in steed of the Queene of Scots propounded that the French kings daughter should bee ioyned in marriage to the King of England affirming that if it were a drie peace it would hardly be durable but hereto the English gaue no inclinable care Then he deliuered 17 reasons in writing for which he said it was necessarie for the English to conclude a peace The English demanded how many reasons he had for the French he answered that he had also his reasons for them which he intended likewise to deliuer in writing At the next meeting the French shewed themselues as before peremptory and precise standing stifly vpon their owne ouertures which they had they said no commission to exceede and therefore they refused to treat either of the pension or debt demanded by the English and declared themselues rather desirous then willing to breake off the treaty The English answered that before their comming Guidolti had declared from the French King that so as Bulloine might be rendred all that was owing from him to the King of England should be paid which Guidolti
the woll fleete they aduised the King to send an Embassador legier for the Emperor as well to satisfie him for other matters by him required as to winne time thereby both to prepare a mart in England and to withdraw their goods out of Flanders So M r Wotton was dispatched with particuler instructions to desire the Emperor to be lesse violent in his requests And to aduertise him that the Lady Mary as she was his cozen so was she the Kings sister and which is more his subiect that seeing the K. was a soueraigne Prince without dependancy vpon any but God it was not reason that the Emperor should entermeddle either with ordering his subiects or with directing the affaires of his realme Thus much hee offered that what fauour the Kings subiects had in the Emperors dominions for their religion the same should the Emperors subiects receiue in England The Emperor pereeiuing that his threats were little regarded regarded little to threaten any more About the time that the Lady Mary should haue beene transported vnto Antwerp a rebellion was attempted in Essex where she then lay For furtherance whereof speeches were cast forth that strangers were arriued in England either to rule or to spoile the naturall inhabitants vpon this surmise many appointed to assemble at Chelinsforde and from thence to make pillage as their wants or wanton appetites should leade but the Principall being put to death and the residue pardoned all remained quiet Many Londoners also hunting after riot and ease contriued to tumult vpon May day pretending grieuances and fears from strangers but because where many are of counsaile counsell is hardly kept the enterprise was discouered and defeated before it was ripe herewith Lyon Gorran Ireland persons of meane condition but desperate and discontent endeauoured to raise a rebellion in Kent They often met and had conferences both priuate and long They seemed highly busied in minde and their heads trauailing with troubled thoughts which they often dissembled with impertinent speeches this was first discouered by one of their seruants doubtfull whether before knowing the mischiefe and vntill then secret or ignorant before and then first apprehending suspitions So they were apprehended and after conuiction the danger determined by their deaths Herewith rumors were raised of great discord and practises among the nobility for this cause the Lords assembled at London and feasted diuers daies together giuing order to apprehend the reporters of these surmises albeit happely not altogether vntrue For this cause gentlemen were newly commanded to remaine in the countrey to gouerne the people easy to be dealt with whilest they stand in feare The King being thus vncertaine of the faith both of his subiects and of his confederats intended by aliance to strengthen himselfe To this purpose one Bortwicke was sent to the King of Denmarke with priuate instructions to treat of a marriage betweene the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister and the King of Denmarks eldest sonne But this Lady albeit she was furnished with many excellent endowments both of nature and education yet could shee neuer be induced to entertaine Marriage with any After this the Lord Marquis of Northampton was directed with a solemne embassage to the French King aswell to present him with the order of the garter as to treat with him of other secret affaires with him were ioyned in commission the Bishop of Elie S r Phillip Hobbie S t William Pickering S r Iohn Mason knights and M r Smith secretary of state The Earles of Worcester Rutland and Ormond were appointed to accompany them and likewise the Lordes Lisle Fitswater Bray Abergauennie and Yuers with other knights and gentlemen of note to the number of 26 and for auoiding immoderate and burthensome traine order was giuen that euery Earle should haue foure attendants euery Lord three euery Knight and Gentleman two The commissioners were not limitted to any number They arriued at Nants and were there receiued by Mounsier Chastilion and by him conducted to Chasteau Bryan where the French King then lodged they were twice banquetted by the way and the neerer they approached to the castle the more encreased the resort of the French nobility to doe them honour being come to the court they were forthwith brought to the King abiding then in his bedchamber Here the Marquis presented vnto him the order of the garter wherewith he was presently inuested and thereupon gaue for the garter a chaine worth 200 l and his gowne addressed with aglets esteemed worth 25 l. Then the Bishop of Ely in a short speech declared how desirous the King of England was not only to continue but to encrease amity with the French King That to this purpose he had sent the order of the garter to be both a testimony and tye of loue betweene them to which purpose chiefly those societies of honour were first deuised He further declared that they had commission to make ouerture of some other matters which was like to make the concord betweene the Kinges their realmes not only more durable but in all expectation perpetuall desiring the King to appoint some persons enabled with authority to treat with them To this speech the Cardinall of Lorraine answered that the French King was ready to apprehend and embrace all offers tending to encrease of amity and the rather for that long hostility had made their new friendship both more weake in it selfe more obnoxious to ielosies distrusts and therefore he promised on the Kings behalfe that commissioners should be appointed to treat with them about any matters which they had in charge praying to God that it might be a means not only to assure but to enlarge their late setled loue so a commission went forth to the Cardinall of Lorraine and Chastilion the Constable the Duke of Guise and certaine others at the first the English demanded that the young Queene of Scots might be sent into England for perfection of marriage betweene K. Edward and her but hereto the French answered that they had taken too much aduenture and spent too many liues vpon any conditions to let her goe and that conclusion had beene made long before for her marriage with the Dolphine of France Then the English proposed a marriage between their King and the Lady Elizabeth the French Kings eldest daughter to which the French did cheerefully encline So after agreement that neither partie should be bound either in conscience or in honour vntill the Ladie should accomplish 12 yeares of age they fell to treat of the portion which should be giuen with her in marriage The English first demanded 150000 crownes and offered that her dowrie should be so great as K. Henry the 8 th had giuen with any of his wiues The offer of dower was not disliked but for the portion some of the French wondred others smiled that so great a summe should be demanded The English descended to 1400000 crownes after by degrees fell so low as 800000 but the French
haue lost their heads and that the Earle of Arundell was made acquainted with the practise by S r Michaell Stanhope and that it had bin done but that the greatnesse of the enterprise caused delaies and sometimes diuersity of aduice and further said that the Duke of Somerset once faining himselfe to be sicke went to London to assay what friends he could procure This Crane was a man who hauing consumed his owne estate had armed himselfe to any mischiefe Hamonde confessed that the Duke of Somersets chamber had beene strongly watched at Greenwich by night All these were sworne before the counsaile and the greatest part of the nobility of the realme that their confessions were true and as fauourably set downe in behalfe of the Duke as with a safe conscience they could and forthwith vpon the information of Crane the Earle of Arundell and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower so were Stradley and S t Albones seruants to the Earle of Arundell the Lord Strange voluntarily enformed how the Duke desired him to moue the King to take to wise his third daughter the Ladie ◅ane and that he would be his especiall about the King to aduertise him when any of the counsaile spake priuatly with him and to acquaint him what they said Herevpon to giue some publique satisfaction to the people the Lord Chancellor who had words at will wit enough to apply them declared openly in the starre chamber all these accusations against the Duke of Somerset letters were allso published to all Emperors Kings Embassadors chiefe men in any state wherein these matters were comprised By other letters the muster of the Gendarmorie was deferred for certaine moneths other letters were directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take charge of the tower and to discharge Sir Arthur Markham For that without acquainting any of the Lords of the counsaile he suffered the Duke of Somerset to walke abroad and permit entercourses of letters betweene Dauid Seymor and M rs Poynes Whilest these matters were in trauerse messengers arriued from Duke Mauris◅ of Saxony the Duke of Mickleburge and Iohn Marques of Brandenburge Princes of the religion in Germanie to vnderstand the Kings minde whether he would agree to aide them with 400000 dollars in case any necessity should assaile them they consenting to doe the like to him in case he should be ouercharged with warre the King gaue them an vncertaine answere but gentle and full of faire hopes that because their message was only to know the Kings inclination and not to conclude he could giue them no other answere then this that he was well enclined to ioyne in amity with them whom he knew to agree with him in religion but first he was desirous to know whether they could procure such aide from other Princes as might enable them to maintaine their warres and to assist him if need should require and therefore he willed them to breake this matter to the Duke of Prussia and other Princes about them and to procure the good will of Hamborough Lubecke and Breme then he desired that the matter of religion should be plainly set downe least vnder pretence thereof warres should be made for other quarrells lastly he willed that they should furnish themselues with more ample instructions from their Lords to commune and conclude of all circumstances pertaining to that businesse The Kings answere was framed with these vncertainties and delaies least if the King had assured his consent at the first it might haue beene taken as breach of league with the Emperor afterwards they and other Princes of Germany made a league offensiue and defensiue with the French King against the Emperor into the which the French King desired the King of England to come but because the French K. was the chiefe of the league the King did plainly perceiue that the warre was not for the cause of religion wherefore he answered that he could not doe it with breach of his league with the Emperor against whom hauing no pretence of hostility he was not so desirous of warres as without iust cause of his owne to pull them vpon him About the same time the Lord admirall was sent into France as the Kings deputie to be Godfather at the baptisme of the French Kings sonne also a French man who had committed a murther at Diepe and fled into England was remitted into France and deliuered vpon the borders to receiue iustice by the same lawes against which he had offended And now the Duke of Northumberland being impatient of long working wickednesse the 4 th act of the Duke of Somersets tragedie must not be delaied least thereby feare abating as being false it could not be durable either the Kings gentle disposition or the loue which he had formerly borne to his vnkle might happily returne to their naturall working So the Duke of Somerset after a short aboad in the tower was brought to his triall at Westminster The Lord William Paulet Marques of Winchester and Lord treasurer sate as high Steward of England vnder a cloath of estate on a bench moūted three degrees the Peeres to the number of 27 sate on a bench one step lower These were the Duke of Suffolke and of Northumberland the Marques of Northampton the Earles of Darby Bedforde Huntington Rutland Bath Sussex Worcester Pembrooke and Here◅orde The Barons Abergauenny Aud◅ly Wharton Euers Latimer Borough Louch Stafford Wentworth Darcie Sturton Windesore Cromwell Cobham and Bray First the inditements were read in number 5 containing a charge of raising men in the north parts of the realme at his house of assembling men to kill the Duke of Northumberland of resisting his attachment of killing the Gendarmorie of raising London of assaulting the Lords and deuising their deaths when the prisoner had pleaded not guilty and put himselfe vpon triall of his Peeres the examinations before mentioned were read and by the Kings learned counsaile pressed against him Hereto albeit he was both vnskilfull and much appalled causes sufficient to driue him out of matters yet after a short entreaty that words either idly or angerly spoken might not be enforced to any high crew to the points obiected he answered That he neuer intended to raise the north parts of the realme but vpon some brutes he apprehended a scare which moued him to send to S r William Herbert to remaine his friend That he determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland or any other Lord but spake of it only and determined the contrary That it had beene a mad enterprise with his 100 men to assaile the Gendarmory consisting of 900 when in case he had preuailed it would nothing haue auailed the pretended purpose and therefore this being senselesse and absurd must needs dis◅redid other matters which otherwise might haue beene belieued That at London he neuer proiected any stirre but euer held it a good place for his surety That for hauing men in his chamber at Greenwich it was manifest he meant no harme
all the chambers which opened towards the seaffold were taken vp Here the Duke first aduowed to the people that his intentions had beene not only harmelesse in regard of particuler persons but driuing to the common benefit both of the King and of the Realme Then he exhorted them vnto obedience assuring them that no persons could iustly auouch their faith to God who were not faithfull to their King But herewith behold certaine persons of a hamlet neere who had beene warned by the Lieuetenant of the tower to attend that morning about seauen of the clocke coming after their hower through the posterne and percesuing the prisoner to be mounted vpon the seaffold began to runne and to call to their fellowes to come away The sodaine of their coming the hast that they made the weapons they carried but especially the word come away being often doubled moued many of the neerest to surmise that a power was come to receiue the Duke whereupon many cried with a high voice Away Away the cry of those and the coming on of the other cast amazement vpon the rest so much the more terrible because no man knew what he feared or wherefore euery man conceiuing that which his astonished fancie did cast in his minde some imagined that it thundred others that it was an earthquake others that the powder in the armorie had taken fire others that troopes of horsemen approached In which medly of conceits they bare downe one another and iostled many into the tower ditch and long it was before the vaine tumult could be appeased No sooner was the people setled in quiet and the Duke beginning to finish his speech but vpon another idle apprehension they fell to be no lesse riotous in ioy then they had beene in feare For S r Anthony Browne coming on horsebacke vpon the spurre gaue occasion whereby many entertained hope that he brought a pardon whereupon a great shout was raised A pardon A pardon God saue the King But the Duke expressed great constancy at both these times often desiring the people to remaine quiet that he might quietly end his life For said he I haue often looked death in the face vpon great aduentures in the field he is now no stranger to me and among all the vaine mockeries of this world I repent me of nothing more then in esteeming life more deare then I should I haue endured the hate of great persons so much the more dangerous because vniust I haue incurred displeasure from inferiors not alwaies for any great faults of mine owne albeit I was neuer free but for giuing way to the faults of others and now being constantly resolued I neither feare to dy nor desire to liue and hauing mastered all griefe in my selfe I desire no man to sorrow for me so hauing testified his faith to God and his faithfulnesse to the King he yeelded his body into the executioners hand who with one stroake of the axe cut off all his confused cogitations and cares the more pitied by the people for the knowne hate of Northumberland against him Assuredly he was a man harmelesse and faithfull and one who neuer hatched any hopes preiudiciall to the King but alwaies intended his safety and honour but hard it is for greatnesse to stand when it is not sustained by the proper strength The people whose property it is by excessiue fauour to bring great men to miserie and then to be excessiue in pitty departed away grieued and afraid and yet feared to seeme to be afraid and for this cause chiefly did neuer beare good minde to Northumberland afterwards although in shew they dissemble the contrary for nothing is more easie then to discerne when people obserue great men from the heart or when they doe it for fashion or for feare and as it often happeneth that men oppressed worke reuenge after their deaths So the remembrance of Somerset much moued the people to fall from Northumberland in his greatest attempt and to leaue him to his fatall fall whereat they openly reioyced and presented to him handkerchiefes dipped in the blood of Somerset for whom they thought he deserued rather late then vndeserued punishment So certaine it is that the debts both of cruelty and mercy goe neuer vnpaied I omit the meane scourges of conscience For assuredly a body cannot be so torne with stripes as a minde is with remembrance of wicked actions but of him more hereafter shall be said and how his greatnesse turned to be fortunes scorne But outwardly and for the present he gained a great hand ouer the nobility who soone obseruing that he was able to endanger the estate of the greatest that the more respect they did beare to him the more safely they liued the more easily aduanced to honour they all contended to creepe into his humor to watch his wordes his gestures his lookes to doe that as of themselues which they conceiued he had a desire they should doe But the King albeit at the first he gaue no token of any ill tempered passion as taking it not agreeable to maiesty openly to declare himselfe and albeit the Lordes did much helpe to dispell any dampie thoughts which the remembrance of his vnkle might raise by applying him with great variety of exercises and disportes yet vpon speech of him afterwards he would often sigh and let fall teares sometimes he was of opinion that he had done nothing that deserued death or if he had that it was very small and proceeded rather from his wife then from himselfe And where thâ—…n said he was the good nature of a nephew where was the clemency of a Prince Ah how vnfortunate haue I beene to those of my blood My mother I slew at my very birth and since haue made away two of her brothers and happily to make away for the purposes of others against my selfe Was it euer knowen before that a Kinges vnkle a Lord Protector one whose fortunes had much aduanced the honour of the realme did loose his head for felony for a felony neither cleere in law and in fact weakly proued A lasse how falsely haue I beene abused How weakly caried How little was I master ouer my owne iudgement That both his death and the enuy thereof must be charged vpon mee Not long after the death of Somerset because it was not thought fit that such a person should be executed alone who could hardly be thought to offend alone S r Ralph Uane and S r Miles Partridge were hanged on tower hill S r Michaell Stanhope and S â— Thomas Arundell were there also beheaded All these tooke it vpon their last charge that they neuer offended against the King nor against any of his counsaile God knowes whether obstinatly secret or whether innocent and in the opinion of all men Somerset was much cleered by the death of those who were executed to make him appeare faulty S r Ralph Uane was charged with conspiring with Somerset but his bold answeres termed rude and