Statutes were made but to no very great purpose for means were found out to evade them At last came forth the Stat. of 27 H. 8. cap. 10. and this undertook and plainly so intended to pluck up this unwholsome Weed by the Roots Which good Law first reciting the excellent quiet and repose that Men's Estates had by the wholsome Rules of the Common Law but cunning Men had sought out new Inventions by fraudulent Feofments and Conveyances craftily made to secret Uses and Trusts to the utter subversion of the ancient Common Laws of this Realm as the Preamble speaks for the utter EXTIRPATING and EXTINGUISHMENT of all such subtil practis'd Feofments Abuses and Errors It is Enacted That the Possession of the Land shall be in him that hath the Use and that he shall have the like Estate in the Land as he had in the Use. How strangely hath all this good Intention Pains and Care been made of little or no effect and the mischiefs still continued by a distinction invested between Trusts and Uses directly against the often repeated Clauses and manifest plain meaning and express words of this good Act For thô the Judges of the Common Law were now by this Act to judge of Uses which before was the work of the Chancery they being now converted by this Act into Estates at Law Yet some Men perfectly to elude this good Act have confidently maintain'd asserted and allow'd a distinction between an Use and a Trust. And thô they are content because they cannot help it that the Judges of the Common Law may determine of Uses the Courts of Equity shall hold a Jurisdiction in matters of Trust. And most of the great Estates in England have by colour of this fallen under their determination and controulment and now have a dependence upon a Jurisdiction of Equity Whereas Were there the least colour left by that Act of 27. H. 8. for any distinction between an Use and a Trust as most certainly and plainly there is none yet as certainly and clearly that Act of Parliament meant to extirpate those Trusts as well as Uses as any ordinary Capacity well perusing that Statute to this purpose may easily perceive I humbly and heartily beg that favour of every Lord to read over deliberately this Stat. of 27 H. 8. cap. 10. for this very purpose for it will plainly discover this gross abuse As to the length of time wherein such a Power and Jurisdiction of Equity hath been exercised in the Chancery yet it plainly appears not to be grounded upon Prescription the Original being known and not so very ancient neither and modest too and moderate at first as most such are in the beginning and having from the first starting of it been hunted and pursued with full Cry and upon a fresh Scent and in view and having hardly any Colour of an Act of Parliament That length of time were it much longer would be no Plea for it See Dr. Barrow in his Treatise of the Pope's Supremacy pag. 154. He that has no right says he to the thing that he possesses cannot plead any length of time to make his possession lawful King Henry VIII by Acts of Parliament restored the Regal Ecclesiastical Sovereignty after it had been usurp'd upon by the Popes and their Prelates near 400 years that is from the time of William the Conquerour For then began their Encroachment And the Act of Parliament of 1 E. 6. C. 2. Sect. 3. calls it a power that had been Usurp'd by the Bishop of Rome contrary to the Form and Order of the Common Law used in this Realm in high derogation to the King 's Royal Prerogative from whence we may observe That Usurping upon the Common Law and Usurping upon the King's Prerogative go together The Bishops Courts here in England took their Original from a Charter of William the Conquerour so that this Jurisdiction was a great Limb lopp'd off from the Primitive Common Law of England For before that Charter of King William Ecclesiastical Causes were determin'd in the Hundred Court and not by Witnesses only and not by the Canon Law but by the Law of the Countrey But this Charter was made by advice of the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Princes and Temporal Lords See Fox his Acts and Monuments Vol. 〈◊〉 Lib. 4. pag. 2â—… says Mr. Pâ—…inn in his first Tome of his Vindication of the Supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of our English Kings The Charter it self says he recites that it was done Communi Concilio for which he cites Seldeni ad Eadmerum Notae pag. 167 168. So that still the old Common Law of England hath been upon the losing hand The Civilians hold that Possessor malae fidei ullo tempore non praescribit yet I heartily concur with that Reverend Chief Justice Sir Edw. Coke a most true and hearty lover of his Countrey and an high honour to and honourer of the Profession of the Common Law in his 4 Instit. 246. at the end of that folio in Respect says that Good and Great Man that this Court of Equity hath had some continuance and many Decrees made by it it were worthy of the Wisdom of a Parliament for some Establishment to be had therein and to this intent have I chiefly used this freedom for I never loved Quiet a movere but in order to a better Security And for that end I chuse to make this Humble Address to the House of Lords It is the House of Lords who are theSupreme Court of Justice that can set the true and legal Bounds and Limits to the Jurisdiction of Inferiour Courts and can say to the biggest of them Hitherto shalt thou come and no further and here shall thy proud waves be stayed And such their Judicial Declarations are not to be controul'd by any but the Legislative Power Almighty God gave a strict charge to his own chosen People of Israel to observe those Ordinances and Laws which he gave them by Moses which were very particular and wherein nothing was left to the Discretion of the Magistrate nor had the Magistrate any Latitude whereby he could depart from the plain and common sence and Judge Secundum Aequum Bonum Arbitrarily But they were commanded Deut. 4. 2. Yee shall put nothing to the word which I command you says God by Moses neither shall ye take ought therefrom and the 12 Deut. the last verse in Cases of Difficulty that might arise upon the Construction of those Ordinances and Laws a Provision is made by Almighty God that in such Cases resort should be had to the Priest and to the Judge who should declare the Sentence of Judgment This seems to refer to some special Revelation of the mind of God in such difficult Cases which God made known to the Priest that stood before the Lord to minister 17 Deut. 8 â—…2 verses but here was nothing entrusted with the Priest or Judge of relieving against the pretended rigour or extremity of the Law in
Francis Bacon's Resuscitatio before cited That Turketul before mentioned for a Chancellor was Abbot of Croyland as the succeeding Chancellors till the time of King Henry the 8th were generally Clergymen and their principal Employment was in serving at the Altar in Spiritual Things And in a Subscription by Rembaldus Chancellor to William the First as a witness to Royal Charters among others he did not subscribe in the first place but after divers Bishops Abbots and others which shews something of his Degree and Character at that time And Mauritius Chancellor to William the Conqueror subscribed as a witness to that King's Charter after the Bishops and before the Abbots Rolle's Abridgment par 1. fol. 384. and long before the Conquest in the time of Ethelbert the first Christian King of the Saxons Augemandus the Chan-cellor as Sir Francis Bacon supposes subscribes a Charter by the Title of Referendarius a Referee or Reporter as Minshew upon that word which seems by that to be the higher Title and the Office of both as he observes signifies an Officer that received Petitions directed to the King as Masters of Requests have done of late and made out Writs and Mandates suited to the different Cases of the Petitioners Whence 't is probable the place of the Office afterwards acquired the Name of Officina Brevium It appears by Sir Spelman's Gloss. pag. 106. Connectuntur Munus Cancellarii Capellani Regis in the time of King Ethelbert nec deinceps nisi rarò disjunguntur The Chancellor was usually the King's Chaplain In the Conqueror's time the Chancellor was styled the Master of the Colledge of Scribes or Clerks which Colledge probably was what we now call the Chancery Office whose Duty was Diplomata Scribere whence what was daily written by them have been called Writs Sir Henry Spelman ib. pag. 106. under the Title or Head De Cancellario recentiori de Cancellariâ says Olim nec praetoriâ fungebatur Jurisdictione nec Curiae alicujus praerogativâ which seems to deny him any Jurisdiction and makes the Chancery rather an Office than a Court even in the Latin Proceedings of it And mentioning Gervasius Tilburiensis supposed to be the Author of the Black Book in the Exchequer in Henry II. time and Bracton who was a Judge in Henry III. time treating of the Chancery Non de Curiâ says Sir Henry Spelman intelligendi sunt sed de Officinâ Brevium Chartarum Regiarum 8 H. 4. 13. b. by Gascoign chief Justice it is said The Chancery is not a Judicial Court See the true Nature and Duty of the Office of the Lord Chancellor set out by our ancient Author Fleta lib. 2. cap. 12. to direct Suitors to Writs proper for their respective Cases Sir Edward Coke 2 Instit. 552. and 554. says The Court of Chancery and the King's Bench are but one place that is The Chancery was an Office in or belonging to the King 's Bench. And the Author of Novarum Narrationum written in the beginning of Edward III. 4th Instit. 81. calls it a Court yet he corrects and qualifies it again and says the use of it was Pro Brevibus Originalibus emanandis sed non pro placitis Communibus tenendis It had no Judicature And Sir Henry Spelman further observes That Briton supposed to be the then Bishop of Hereford who wrote in the time of Edward I giving an exact account of all the Civil Courts in his time De hac tamen meaning the Chancery ne verbum ille nec quod sciam alins quisquam ante aevum Edvardi Tertii vel eum circitèr Then it began it seems with a Jurisdiction at Common Law whereby we may conjecture that about the time of King Edward III. or Richard II. time rather that Office set up for a Court as what here follows seems to concur with and then began their Latin and Common Law Pleas as distinct and separate from the Court of the King's Bench And upon the Judgments given in their Common Law and Latine Proceedings which Sir Henry Spelman conceives not to be very ancient neither Fitz. Abr. Error 70. Dier 315. plac 100. Error lies in the King's Bench which proves the King's Bench to be the Superiour Court whereof formerly it was but a part and member Nor can the Chancery to this day try the Issues there joyn'd in matters of fact but by the help of the King's Bench sure therefore it was very weak and deficient if it were a Court not to have power to try its own Issues Nor are those Issues tryed before the Chancellor he is not so much as present at the Tryal of them having no Authority in it but they are tryed before the Judges of the King's Bench Dyer 288. plac 51. Latch 3. 5. Rep. 92. 9. Rep. 98. and then returned again to the Office whence they came Rolles 2d Rep. 291. Stury and Stury's Case 21. Jac. says they are but one Court. Rolâ—…s 2d Rep. 349. by Judge Doderidge towards the end viz. That as to the Law-Proceedings the King's Bench and Chancery are but one Court Mich. 10. E. 3 fo 59. by Shard that the King's Bench and the Chancery are but one place And does that look like a distinct Court where Issues are join'd but the same Court if it be a Court cannot try those Issues How defective is that Court then in its Power Where shall we find the like in the World It plainly proves that this High Court of Chancâ—…y in its Original was but an Office belonging to the higher Court of the King 's Bench. In its Equity-Proceedings 't is not a Court of Record this is acknowledged of all hands but ab incertis initiis excrevit ad Insignem Magnitudinem says that Learned Antiquary Sir H. Sp. He makes a conjecture of the Original of it's Jurisdiction in Equity wherein by the way he ascribes to the King a greater trust and power than our Common Law doth own as shall be further noted hereafter for Rex id potest quod jure potest viz. Sir H. Sp. gives the King a power of deciding Causes in his own person and of mitigating the rigour of the Law by himself alone Unless in this last he be understood only in his Prerogative of Pardoning which belongeth to the King But he moderates what he had said before of the Latitude of the Prince's power in Justitiâ exhibendâ by subjoyning that the Prince still did it by the Administration of his Court of Peers and Barons which according to the Dialect now in use must refer to the Lords House or House of Peers And by his Margent he understands the Residence of the Court of Peers which he speaks of to be Aula Regis sometimes so called in the Saxon Laws and here indeed was the true and ancient Right of the Jurisdiction in Equity and Curia sua consisted of the Peers Barones olim de causis cognoscebant ad aulam Regiam delatis 1b Sir Spelman's Glos. pag.
Rigour of the Law by Equity in their own Persons alone and afterwards did delegate the same Power of Equity to a single Person the Chancellor who as they phrase it hath the dispensing of the King's Conscience as well as the Custody of it And that to the King alone in such Cases an Appeal doth lie which by what hath been already said is manifestly untrue as shall yet be further made out Sir John Fortescue who was a Lord Chancellor in his Book De laudibus Legum Angliae pag. 64. says to Prince Edward Son to King Henry VI proprio ore Nullus Regum Angliae Judicium proferre visus est tamen sua sunt omnia Judicia regni licet per Alios ipsa reddantur Just as all our Laws are said to be the King's Laws not that he hath the sole Legislature as Sir Robert Filmer doth weakly or rather wilfully tho groundlesly infer but Denominatio sumitur à Majore as is most frequent in common Use it is but an Embrio till he quicken it by passing the Bill In the next place Let us enquire at what time and by what occasion this Jurisdiction of the Chancery in Equity began by which it may appear whether it be Entitled to it either by Prescription or by Act of Parliament for Non datur Tertium The same Proofs and Authorities will serve to manifest these â—…7 H. 7. Keilway 42. b. by Vavasor The Sub-Paenâ began in the time of Edw. III. and that says he was against the Feoffee upon Confidence that is to Uses Mr. Lambert who was a Master of the Chancery Sir Edward Coke 2 Instit. 552 in his Archeion pag. 72 74 75. says that the Kings used to refer matters in Equity to the Chancellor from whence the Chancellor was anciently Styled Referendarius as was noted before or to him and some other of the Council And tho' this doth not as he observes plainly erect any Court of Equity yet as he supposeth it is the laying the first Stone of the Chancery Court and pag. 73. That in the time of Edward III. it was a Newly Erected Court which may be understood of its Latin Pleas. The Book called The Diversity of Courts written in the Reign of King Edward III. Treats of the Jurisdiction of the Chancery according to its ordinary Power which are the Latin Proceedings or by the Rules of the Common Law but says nothing of that which the Chancellor holdeth in Equity Et quod non invenis usquam esse putes nusquam It was enabled to deal in some special and particular Cases by Parliament which were but Temporary neither which proves that in such or in the like Cases the Chancellor could not meddle without the help of Acts of Parliament Nor were those Cases referred to his Equitable or Arbitrary Power neither as some misapprehend For Sir Edw. Coke 4 Instit. fol. 82. says That Acts of Parliament giving Power to the Chancellor to hear and determine Causes in Chancery are ever intended of the Court of Record there proceeding in Latin Secundum Legem consuetudinem Angliae which Power is not contested And Mr. Lambert pag. 74. ut supra says he does not remember that in our Reports of the Common Law in which Reports under the Titles of Conscience or Sub-Paena in Fazh or Brook's Abridgment many Cases of Equity in the Chancery may be found there is any mention of Causes before the Chancellor for help in Equity but only from the time of King Henry IV. in whose days by reason of those intestine Troubles between the Two Houses of York and Lancaster Feoffments to Use did either first begin or first grew common for Remedy in which Cases chiefly the Chancery Court was then fled unto No Book-case says that great Champion for the Common Law Sir Edward Coke 2 Instit. 552. nor Reports of the Law make any mention of any Court of Equity in the Chancery used before or in the Reign of King Henry V. but they speak of the Chancellor's ordinary Jurisdiction which is at the Common Law and by Latine Proceedings which proves they were very rare at that time The few Causes heard by the Chancellor in the Reigns of King Henry VIth and Edward IVth in Equity by English Bill are most of them concerning Uses of Land And how great an Invasion that new Invention of Uses was upon the Laws of England both the Common Law and the Statute Law and how pernicious they have been to Men's Estates and what occasion they have been of Contention and multiplying Suits shall appear by what follows See Doctor and Student pag. 71. to that purpose Sir Coke's 2 Instit. 553. affirms That no Act of Parliament printed or unprinted gave the Chancellor any power to hold any Court of Equity The Stat. of 36 Edw. III. Cap. 9. without question says that Grave and Reverend Judge and true lover of his Nation refers to the ordinary power of the Chancellor but gives him no shadow of any Absolute Power meaning a Power of Equity See the 2 Instit. fol. 553. See that remarkable Case of Sir Richard le Scrope in Sir Cotton's Abridgment of the Records of the Tower pag. 351. Numb 10. exceeding pertinent and useful in many respects to our present Enquiry and gives great light to us in many things It is mentioned also in Coke 2 Instit. 553. it happened Anno 17 of King Richard II. John de Windsor complain'd by Petition to the King against Sir Richard le Scrope and Sir John Lisley for detaining divers Mannors in Cambridgshire from him to which as he alledged he had a Right and Title Both Parties submitted the matter to the King's Arbitration The King committed it to the Council not to the Chancellor alone the Council decreed it for Windsor then Plaintiff under the Privy Seal they sent to the Chancellor to confirm that Decree or Award under the Great Seal which was done and a Special Injunction to Sir John Lisley and a Writ to the Sheriff to Execute it A strong Case in all its Circumstances Sir John Lisley one of the Defendants not satisfied with the Decree or Award Petitions the King in Parliament that is Appeals from it and prays the Matter may be determined at the Common Law notwithstanding the Decree or Award so confirm'd The King by Privy Seal Orders the Chancellor to Supersede the Injunction and the Writ and Decree The Decree was revers'd and both Parties order'd to stand to the Common Law and Windsor's Petition was dismissed Sir Edward Coke says that this Decree so made by the Council was the first Decree in Chancery that he could find and that upon a deliberate hearing of the whole matter by the Lords in Parliament it was adjudg'd that Sir John de Windsor should take nothing by his Suit but stand to the Common Law that is according to our now usual Language His Petition or Bill in Equity was dismiss'd and the Parties sent to the Common
taken in the largest sence but rather contra-distinct and indeed opposite to it and destructive of it Sir Henry Spelman at last takes leave of this great Officer and of his Court by shewing what a mighty encrease came flowing in from that ill Weed the Invention of Uses or Trusts which are still the same But to this point there are plenty of far greater Authorities and Authors for whose Testimony herein I shall reserve it Another thing to be premised is that as the King had no such Power himself singly and in his own Person only to decide Causes of Equity and therefore could not Delegate it to any one Man as 't is pretended he might so and upon the same ground and reason the King by our Law could not by his Commission Erect any Court of Equity It can be grouned and warranted only upon a Prescription or an Act of Parliament neither of which can be pretended to in the matter in hand it was so adjudged 26 Eliz. in the King's-Bench Sir Edw. Coke 4 Instit. fol. 87 97. That a Court of Equity cannot be Erected but only by Act of Parliament or Prescription And the like in the Lord Hob. Rep. 63. Resolv'd also in Langdale's Ca. 12. Rep. 52. That the King cannot raise a Court of Equity the reason is because a Court of Equity proceeds by the Rules of the Civil Law and not by the Common Law 6 Rep. 11. b. and 2 Instit 71. The King may appoint a new Court and new Judges but cannot change the Law Hill 8. H. 4. fol. 79. by Gascoign That the King by his Charter cannot out the People of their Inheritance which they have in the Common Law So note the Common Law is the People's Inheritance In the next place Let us proceed to examine about what time and upon what occasion this Court of Equity exerted its Power which hath in part fallen in among our former Enquiries For the time and occasion too Mr. Lambert in his Archeion pag. 75. refers it to the time of King Henry IV. and the occasion was taken from Feoffments to Uses For remedy in which Cases the Chancery was fled unto With this agrees Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary pag. 107. at the lower end Doctor and Student fol. 98. Sir John Davy's Rep. in his Preface Mr. Hunt's Argument for the Bishop's Right c. pag. 144. And to prevent mistakes herein it must be observ'd That the word Equity hath been very anciently used long before this Jurisdiction began in Chancery but not in a Contradiction or in Opposition to the Common Law of the Land as now it is but either in a mild and merciful Expounding of the Law by the known and sworn Judges of the Law or as synonimous and signifying the same thing as Law Justice and Right For the Laws of England were not looked upon then as being like the Laws of Draco Sanguinary and Cruel and Rigorous but merciful and equitable in themselves and so expounded and administred by the Judges of the Common Law Mulcaster the Translator of the Chancellour Fortescue being a Student of the Common Laws of England in the Reign of King H. VIII could readily observe to his Reader from his Study of those Laws and from the Arguments used by his Author the Excellent Sir John Fortescue Easdem nostras Leges non solum Romanorum Caesarum sed omnium aliarum Nationum Constitutiones multis parasangis prudentiâ Justitia equitate praecellere facilè perspicias See his Preface Non quod principi placet Legis vigorem habet non quicquid de voluntate Regis tho his Will be not Arbitrary neither but guided by Discretion and tho he define secundum aequum bonum sed quod Magnatum suorum Concilio Regiâ authoritate praestante habita super hoc deliberatione tractatu rectè fuerit definitum So writes Bracton Lib. 3. Cap. 9. fol. 107. and so Britton Sir Gilbert Thorneton Ch. Justice in the time of King E. I. and Sir John Fortescue Chief Justice and afterwards Chancellor These invincibly prove the Nature of our Laws The Kings of England were from the first Foundation of the Government Sworn to observe the old known Laws of the Realm which were called Usus Consuetudines Regni and that they would not suffer any Innovasion which was often attempted by the Pope and his Clergy who endeavoured to introduce into this Realm the Civil and Canon Laws King Henry I. writing to the Pope upon such an occasion tells the Pope stoutly Notum habe at Sanctitas vestra quod me vivente Usus Regni Angliae non imminuentur Et si ego in tanta medejectione ponerem Optimates mei totus Angliae populus id nullo modo paterentur And all the Nobles of England by Consent of the Commons wrote to Pope Boniface upon the same occasion Non permittemus tam insolita tam indebita Dominum nostrum Regem etiamsi vellet facere seu quo-modo-libet attemptare The Lord Chancellor and Lord Keeper is also Sworn to do Right to all after the Laws and Usages of this Realm not secundum aequum bonum nor other Rules of Equity 2 E. 3. fol. 20. It is said in that Book by the Chancellor sitting in the Chancery and speaking of that Court This says he is a place of Equity where we grant a Writ to every one that Sues for his Inheritance So that to issue out Writs as Officina Brevium is by the Chancellor's own acknowledgment a proper work of Equity It seems to be the only use of the word Equity at that time 2 Instit. 53. The Civilian Vinius in his Comment upon Justinian's Institutes pag. 20. Nomen Aequitatis says he duplicitèr accipitur vel in genere pro aequo quod cum omni jure conjunctum est vel in specie pro eo quod est à Jure Civili diversum Omnibus Legibus aequitas inesse creditur Nomenque juris non meretur quod ab omni Aequitate destitutum est He mentions no Equity contrary to Law or to Controul the Law nor any other than what was to be exercised by the very Judges of the Law themselves in all Cases that came before them Plowd Comment 466 467. In the Case of Eyston and Studde it is said No Makers of Law can forsee all things that may happen and therefore it is convenient that the fault be reform'd by Equity This the Chancery-men will catch at as making much for their practise of relieving in such unforeseen Cases where the Law looks severe and rigorous But the Case cited proceeds further and makes not at all for the Chancery if it be heard out And the Sages of our Law have deserved great Commendation says that Case in using Equity in Cases of Rigour in the words of a Law for by that they have mollified severe Texts and have made the Law tolerable Who are meant generally in our Law-Books and Arguments by the
Law I desire that both these Authorities last cited may be compared together viz. Sir Cotton's Abr. and Sir Coke's 2 Instit. 553. the one gives light to the other Juncta juvant This Instructs us in the method of Proceedings in Equity used in the time of King R. II. and most likely in the times preceding Not to the Chancellor alone but to the King himself to be referr'd to the Councel And the Case of Sir Richard le Scrope was in a matter where there was remedy at Law so that they were out of their way in Petitioning to the King in it and therefore the Decree was revers'd by the Lords in Parliament before whom the Appeal did properly lye nor would the Lords themselves determine it upon the Merits of the Cause viz. who had the right but referred the Parties to the Common Law to the right course and yet it was a Decree made by the Submission of all Parties to the Arbitration So ready were the Lords at that time to do right to the Common Law Sir Edward Coke says this was the first Decree made by the Chancellor in the Chancery who did as it seems in limine titubare stumble at the very Threshold which some say is ominous The Proceedings in this Case of Sir Richard le Scrope was as I find when Thomas Arundel Bishop of Ely and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury was Chancellor who no doubt did much influence the King and Council in making the Decree They have been Churchmen and divers of them of the highest rank Cardinals who are upon good ground supposed to be the first Setters up and promoters of this absolute Power in Chancery the Chancellors generally in those elder times being of the Order of the Clergy And they began as is usual in beginnings with great modesty and to exercise their Power in some few Cases which failed of ordinary help and when Parliaments were not so frequent as formerly to whom recourse should have been and who would have censured such assuming of new Jurisdictions as they afterwards very frequently did And the Setters up of this new Jurisdiction would not at first adventure to do it by One single Person alone tho never so high but with the Concurrence of the Judges and they too not sent for into the Chancery to attend and assist the Chancellor but those new Cases of Equity were sent into the Exchequer Chamber where the Chancellor himself resorted to the Judges with their Causes in Equity and these are many of them reported in our Year-Books of those times And those Causes were constantly determin'd by the opinion of the Judges and this method took off the Judges whose Superiour the Chancellor was in Dignity and Grandeur from opposing that new Jurisdiction by granting Prohibitions to stop the Proceedings of the Chancery in such Cases as it was their Duty to have done See Mr. Selden's Notes upon Fleta How the Clergy who anciently had their Sole dependence upon the Bishop of Rome and held themselves not Subject to the Temporal Power still promoted and endeavoured to introduce the Civil Law into this Realm but yet were still withstood by the Lords and Commons who were always hearty Friends to the Common Law Sir Coke's 2 Instit. fol. 626. at the end of that folio it is said in the Indictment against Cardinal Wolsey and charged upon him that he intended Antiquissimas Angliae Leges penitùs subvertere enervare Universumque hoc Regnum Angliae ejusdem regni populum Legibus Imperialibus vulgò dictis Legibus Civilibus earundem Legum canonibus imperpetuum Subjugare subducere c. Cardinal Wolsey's being in the height of Favour and Authority with King Henry VIII hated both Parliaments and the Common Laws and he was the means that but one Parliament was holden in Fourteen Years The Common Law was the true Natural and Original Law of England used ever since the departure of the Romans and brought in by the English Saxons again Qui suis tantummodò quas secum è Germanià whether they had transplanted them attulerant Moribus usi sunt only their ancient Customs and no other Caesarei Juris says learned Selden usus plane reperitur Nullus per Annos amplius Septingentos more than 700 years There was no Chancery-Law to determine matters of fact much less titles of Freehold by Depositions of Witnesses only or by an Absolute or Arbitrary Power in all that time of 700 years No Man was suffer'd to have a Civil Law Book in his keeping King Stephen by his Edict did forbid it The Saxons Danes and Normans owned no other Law than that Law which Anglorum Commune vocitamus says the famous Selden in his Dissertatio ad Fletam pag. 502 503 505 506 508. And Johannes Balaeus tells us that Theobaldus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus quasdam Leges in Angliam attulerat sed eas ut Reipublicae nocivas Rex Stephanus perpetuo Parliamenti Decreto damnavit delevit incendi fecit The Common Law was in King Stephen's time and before says Selden the Study of Men that were otherwise Learned too Sed Moribus Majorum tantum patrioque utebantur illi Jure qùod ante ad nostra usque tempora Angliae Commune vocitatur and their Studies were furnished with the Presidents of Judgments and Copies of Reports of Law-Proceedings like those of our Year-Books and no other were cited in their Courts And the Students and Residents at the Inns of Courts who afterwards were the Countors or Pleaders were not Clerks or Sollicitors as many now adays are to the declining of that Noble Profession But the Sons of Noble Men and of the best of the Gentry as we read in Sir John Fortesâ—…ue in his Treatise De Laudibus Legum Angliae Juris Anglicani says Excellent Selden ut Supra 537. quod Commune vocitamus quae Gentis hujus Genio ab intimâ Antiquitate adaptatum fuit Singularis aestimatio atque inde non immeritò in eodem adhaesio constans sane pertinax In that great question says Selden in his Dissertation ib. 539. concerning the right of Succession to the Crown of Scotland referred by all Parties and Pretenders to the Decision of our King Edward I. Anno Regni 19. Anno Dom. 1292. about which they met at Norham in the Bishoprick of Durham It was Debated as a Praeliminary whether it should be judged and decided by the Law of England or of Scotland or the Caesarean or Civil Law as being the Jus Gentium see Riley's Placita Parliamentaria 143. in the middle of that Page our King Edward I being the Soveraign or Superiour Lord of Scotland It was concluded before Roger de Brabazon a Judge of the King's-Bench Sir Edw. Coke says Ch. Justice 2 Instit. 554. the King 's Delegate or Substitute for that Great and Noble Occasion That the Caesarean or Civil Law should by no means be allowed of Nè inde Majestatis Anglicanae Juri
any Case and resorting to another Court without consulting with Almighty God And in Cases of Difficulty of expounding of our Law or supplying any defect in the one Case we must have recourse to the Supream Court and in the other to the Legislative Power The Judaical Law stoops so low and is so precise and singular as to tell them what might not be taken as a Pledge what Number of Stripes might not be exceeded upon punishing an Offender That Law as Moses says of it 30 Deut. v. 11. 14. was not hid from them but very evident as the Marginal Note says so that none could pretend ignorance It was near unto them Lex erat Domina rectrix populi Israelis says Melancthon in his Chronicle The Lord Chief Justice Hale in his Preface to the Abridgment of Rolls speaking in Commendation of the Common Laws of England says These are not the product of the Wisdom of some one Man but of the Wisdom Council Experience and Observation of many Ages of Wise and Observing Men They are the productions of much Wisdom Time and Experience Again says he The Common Laws of England are more particular than any other Laws and this prevents Arbitrariness in the Judge General Laws leave a great Latitude to Partiality Interest and variety of Apprehensions to misapply them And after all this Wisdom Certainty Particularity and mighty Caution to prevent Arbitrariness shall they be all made Subject to the Sudden and Arbitrary Opinion of any one Man to Controul these Laws under a pretence of Equity against the Severity and Rigour as they term it of these Laws Justitia est aequalitas non quae nobis videtur sed quam Lex ordinat says Zenophon speaking of a Decision of a Controversie made by Cyrus amongst the Youths when Cyrus himself being a Youth was chosen a Judge amongst them But Cyrus not observing the Rule of Law received Correction for it Quod docet says Zenophon leges ante-ferendas esse propriis opinionibus That the Common Law and the Laws of the Land are contra-distinct from Equity Proceedings and that the Proceedings in Equity are not comprehended under the general words of the Laws of the Land or the Common Law appears by many Authorities and by the several Petitions of the Commons against the undue Proceedings of the Chancery as 2 H. 4. Numb 69. There the rightful Laws of the Land anciently used are distinguish'd from the Proceedings by Writs or Letters under the Privy Seal in Chancery so 4 H. 41 Nu. 78. 3 H. 5. Nu. 46. It was said with great Meekness Moderation and Prudence by that good natur'd Gentleman and very learned Person when in his height which he deserv'd the Lord Keeper Bridgman in the Case of Fry and Porter in Chancery being assisted by the two Ch. Justices and Ch. Baron If I were said he of another Opinion yet I would be bound by the Opinion of my Lords the Judges and doubtless he was in the Right it being in a matter of Law wherein not himself but they were the sworn and proper Judges See the Modern Reports Printed in 1682. fol. 313. 22 Car. 2. but a late Lord Chancellor followed not this Example Now to satisfie the highest Judicature the House of Lords that upon several Grounds and for several Reasons a Prohibition by Law might be granted by the Court of King's-Bench and to induce the Lords so to declare to whom that properly belongs which will be of great use for the future after so long a disusing of it I shall with the favour of the Lords cite these following Authorities and when such Prohibitions are granted an Appeal or Error lies before the Lords upon it so that the Lords do not part with any of their Jurisdiction by it Fitzh Natura Brevium fol. 138. Letters B. C. Crok Jac. 335. Heath versus Ridley Rolle's 1 Rep. 252. If a Man sue in any Court a Plaint of Detinue for any Charters that touch and concern Freehold if it be not in the Court of Common Pleas by Writ of the King where what concerns Freehold ought to be Sued the Party may Sue a Prohibition to forbid it The words any Court must undoubtedly comprehend the Chancery Court of Equity But yet more plainly in that point see the form of that Prohibition viz. Cum placita de detentione Chartarum sive Scriptorum Liberum Tenementum tangentium in aliquibus Curiis quae Recordum non habent secundum Legem Consuetudinem Regni nostri sine Brevi nostro Placitari non debent c. 4 Instit. of Sir E. C. fol. 71. It belongs properly to the Court of King's Bench by granting Prohibitions to Courts Temporal to keep them within their proper Jurisdiction And in the 2 Instit. fol. 601 602 615. in answer to the 21th Article the Temporal Courts must always have an Eye that the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction usurp not upon the Temporal and fol. 618. at the upper part of that folio the Judges are bound by their Oaths to grant Prohibitions and in the same 2 Instit. fo 607. at the end of the Answer to the 10th Object that Prohibitions are not of Favour but of Justice to be granted this is affirmed by all the Judges Hooker in his Ecclesiastical Polity pag. 26. stoutly affirms That for the manifestation of the right of Governing the assent of them that are to be governed seemeth necessary and pag. 27. he further asserts That all publick Regiment of what kind soever seemeth evidently to have arisen from deliberate Advice Consultation and Composition between Men. If so then it ought not to be assumed meerly by a Man 's own Will and Pleasure or without any lawful ground and against the known Rules of Law Thus much for the Title and Right of Administring Justice then as to the manner of the Exercise of it when it is so assumed it is most commonly suited to the Usurped Right and Title And therefore Learned Hooker proceeds further to speak also to that point ibid. To live says he by One Man's Will is the Cause of All Men's Misery This says he constrain'd Men to come to Laws that all Men might see their Duties before-hand and know the penalties of Transgressing But if under the specious pretence of the Laws being in some Cases rigorous and of relieving against that Rigour by the wide Rule of Secundum aequum Bonum it shall be in the breast of One Man of great Power and in great favour to dispense with those Laws or to Judge according to his Discretion by an Absolute and Arbitrary and Dictatorian Power What becomes of my best Birth-right my Freehold and Inheritance which I have in the known Laws of England And what becomes of my property which that known Law gave me By which known Law I squared my Actions and Affairs and thought my self secure by it and my Self my Family and Posterity well provided for And after all because I could not divine
serve but as a mean to bring the Case to a Judgment but it refers the matter also to the Clerks now called the Masters of the Chancery to frame Writs for such new Cases And those Clerks now Masters were as Fleta describes them Men of profound Science What! in the Civil Law no but in the Laws and Customs of England Qui in Legibus Consuetudinibus Anglicanis notitiam habeant pleniorem And these Masters have Caution given them by that Statute that if any Doubt or Difficulty did arise about framing those Writs Atterminent querentes ad proximum Parliamentum Scribantur Casus in quibus concordare non possunt Et de consensu Juris peritorum fiat breve Why was it not referred in such Case to the Lord Chancellor at least where the Masters could not settle and agree the Form it being a Form No not to any one Man and it was a Work proper for a Parliament and in those days Parliaments met often for these very purposes and it was settled by an Act of Parliament in King Alfred's time and it is a Law still in force That for ever twice a year or oftner if need were in time of Peace a Parliament should be holden at London and as Bracton a Judge tells us this was so ordain'd to determine of Cases that were new and had no Remedy at Law or a doubtful Remedy but good Equity where was the Chancery-Equity then Si aliqua Nova inconsueta Emerserent quoe nunquà m prius evenerunt Ponantur in respectu usque ad Magnam Curiam ut ibi per Concilium Curioe terminentur And there are infinite Precedents says the Learned Coke in the Rolls of Parliament of such references to the Parliament and to that end were Parliaments so often to be held and it took up most of their time See Ryley's Placita Parliamentaria in the Appendix fol. 525. And the infrequency of Parliaments hath given occasion to other Courts to Transact in those matters that are indeed proper for the Parliament The Exorbitances of great and high Officers have been many times a means to hinder and prevent the frequent Meetings of Parliament as in the Case before mentioned of Cardinal Wolsey least their Exorbitancies should be questioned All these Mischiefs might be Remedied either by some good Act of Parliament to be Pass'd as has been often endeavour'd or by Referring the Determination and Judging of Bills of Review of their Decrees into good and indifferent hands or by the Supreme Court 's declaring that the Courts of the Common Law in Westminster-hall ought ex Debito Justitiae to grant Prohibitions to any Court whatsoever that either Usurp a Jurisdiction where they have none of Right or exceed their Jurisdiction where they have one This Legal Remedy having been long disused and laid asleep wants a Revival In order to obtain these peaceable and most necessary Helps this small Treatise is Humbly recommended to the grave Consideration of the HOUSE OF PEERS FINIS ERRATA Page â—…1 line 31. politically r. politiquely P. 32. l. 6. r. his Exercise P. 40. l. 43. it heir r. their The Names of Chancellor and Chancery The first Chancellor in England The Nature of the Chancery and Office of Chancellor So Minshew upon the word Cambden's Britannia p. 143. A Ministerial not Judicial Office at first The Chancery an Office When the Chancery from an Office set up for a Court. a 5. E. 3. c. 14. The Chancery as toits Equity no Court of Record The King with the Peers administred Justice not the K. alone The Administration of Justice not entrusted in oâ—… single hand by the Common Law Judges joined with the Chancellor * See Sir Coke's 2 Instit. iâ—… the Chas of Arti culi Cle ri fol. 601 602. No Reports of Causes in Equity in the Chancery before the time of K. H IV. The Time The Occasion Uses of Land No Act of Parliament gives the Chancellor the power of Equity Sir Richard le Scrope or John de Windâ—… for 's Case The first Decree in Chancery was reversed and the matter left by the House of Lords to the Common Law The Church-men were the first Setters up of a Jurisdiction in Chancery in matters of Equity The Judges were at first wont to be consulted with by the Chancello * Sâ—…e Fi 〈…〉 Abr. 〈◊〉 Sub-Paena and Brook's Abr. tit Conscience and Pasc. 22. E. 4. 6. Pla. 18. The Common Law the only Law in England anciently aa Dr. and Student pag. 15. by Jury and not otherwise The Books of the civil Law introduced into England by the Clergy are commanded to be 〈◊〉 The Nobility were anciently the Students of the Common Law The H. of Commons constant opposers of the Equitable Jurisdiction of the Chancery And of the Process by Sub-Paena There can be no Jurisdiction in Equity but either by Prescription or Act of Parliament not by any Charter or Commission from the King What Equity meant anciently What is meant by Equity in the true sence of it * By the Stat. of Articuli super chartas cap. 5. in anno 28. E. 1 The Judges are called the Sages of the Law The Judges of the Common Law are to review and reverse Decrees in Chancery John de Waltham Bishop of Salish the Inventer of the Writ of Sub-Paena in the wicked time of King Richard II. The Writ of Sub-Paena called a Novelty by a Petition of the House of Commons in the Reign of King Henry V. That a Prohibition lies to stop a Suit in chancery See Mich. 13. E. 3. Fuzh. A bridgment Tit. Prohibition plac 11. The Mischiefs from the Invention of Feofments to Uses and in Trust. Lamb. Archeion pag. 75. Dr. and Student 98. Sir Henry Spelman Gloss. 107. Fitzh Ab. Tit. Sub-Paena thro' that whole title still about Uses 2 H. 4. Cot. â—…br Nu. 69. * Uses and Trusts the same things Sed Mala perlong as invaluérâ—… morat Regula Juris 9 E. 4. fol. 14. There the Chancellor affirms that he has an Pbsolute Aower * See the Preface to Cok. 5th Rep. fol. 4. Hill 8 H. 4. fo 19. by Gascoign * 2 Just it fol. 611. See the Opinion of all the 12 Judges in their Answ. to the 16th Object How much the Trial of a Fact by 12 Men Sworn vivâ voce as to be preferr'd before the Conscience of One particular Man guided by Paper-Proofs * Hill 8. H. 4. fol. 19. by Gascoin that the Common Law is the Peoples Inheritance Sir Hen. Sp. Gloss. 108. Pag. 445. Aphor. 37. * See in Tacitus's Annaeis Lib. 11. cap. 2. What excessive Fees were taken by Advocates for Pleading Causes whereas by the Law Cincia it was provided of old that for Pleading of Causes no Man should take either Money or Gifts at length their Fees were moderated by a Decree of the Prince and Senate Cowley in his Davideis pag. 128. 22 E. 4. See that year Book fol. 6. and that it shall be tried by Witnesses and the Judges are utterly against the Sub-Paena and the then Chancellor agreed to it See Sir Coke's 13 Rep. fol. 44. in the upper part concerning the infinite Exceptions to Witnesses in the Civil Law Courts * 44 E. 3. fol. 25. Bro. Tit. Feofments to Uses plac 9. plac 20. Feeffees to Uses are called Feoffees in Trust. * Fol. 41. 67 57 fully ☜ * Fitz. Abr. tit Trial. plac 6. By the word Royal is meant Real See that Case in the Year-Book and Sir Rob. Cott. Abr. 424. Nu. 110. ☜ See also the Book entituled The Modern Reports fol. 61. in the case of King against Standish ☜ * Cok. 12 Rep. fol. 38. at the lower end Statutes that Prohibit Proceedings in Ecclesiastical Courts extend to Courts afterwards Erected See Sir E. C. 12 Rep. before cited fo 65. at the upper end the Opinion of K. James I. See 2 Inst. fo 601. the 1st Objection 2 Instit. fol. 408. Ryley ibidem fol. 411 386 374 373 371 361 362.