first fruites of al their thinges Tēthes at this day ar no more ceremonies but rather rewards and stipendes But our men do in these dayes receiue tenthes But by what law Not vndoubtedly by the ceremoniall law but by the morall lawe Forasmuche as it is mete that the Mynister shoulde bee nooryshed of the people For the laborer is woorthye of hys rewarde and hee whyche serueth the Gospel it is meete that he liue of it Wherfore whither stipéds be payd vnto ministers out of lands or out of houses either in ready mony or in tenths it skilleth not so that they be not maintained filthily but honestly Indede these rewardes in some places doo retayn the olde name of tenthes But in many places they ar not called tenthes but stipendes or wages And assuredly they are in very deede rather rewards whiche are dew vnto the labours of the ministers then tenthes Stipendes are paid both to superiors and also to inferiors And as touching this foresayd argument we must vnderstand that such rewardes and stipendes are thinges indifferent bicause they are sometimes payd vnto inferiors and sometimes to superiors For tributes which are geuen vnto kinges and princes are theyr stipendes which we geue vnto them partly to norish and susteine them and partly to confesse that we are subiecte vnto them and lastly the they may haue wherwithal to defēd the publike welth and vs. And somtimes inferiors also do receaue stipendes For princes pay them vnto souldiers and yet cannot we therefore saye that the souldiours are greater then Kynges and Prynces And notwythstandynge I woulde not haue anye thynke that I speake these thinges to dimynyshe the dygnitye of the Ecclesiasticall ministerye but that men myghte vnderstande that theyr argumentes are very trifling The church which payeth the stipēd vnto the minister is greater then he Why in the church kinges are consecrated Power is geuē vnto princes of god and not of bishops Neither doubt I to affirme that the church it self whiche payeth the stipend vnto the minister is greater then the minister Wherfore if we speake of tenthes as they are at this day geuen vnto ministers they are no cause that they should be greater then those that pay them But in that kinges and Emperors are consecrated and annointed of byshops and in that they receiue the crowne and sword of them it nothinge helpeth their cause For if we speake of the ciuill power that is not geuen of the bishop but of God But this thing is ther done that after the king or Emperor is chosen of god in such manner as is agreable prayers should be made for him in the assembly of the church that god may confirm and strengthen his hart that he may encrease piety in him and instil in him a feare of his name prosper his counsels and so make fortunate his actions that they may proue profitable vnto the church and vnto the publike welth And the bishop whilest these thinges are in doing is the mouth of the church goeth before it in expressing the prayer And this function was deriued of an olde ceremony and custome of the Iewes And the the king receaueth not his power of the bishop but of God euen their owne decrees also do testifye In the dist 96. chap. Si Imperatur Gelasius saith that the Emperor hath the priueleges of his power at gods hand Why then doth Bonifacius arrogātly claim it vnto himself namely that which longeth to God onely For as Paule sayth All power is of god In the Code de Iure veteri enucleando in the lawe firste Iustiniane Iustinian declareth that his power was geuen him of the deuine maiesty And the Glose in Extrauag de maioritate obediencia in the chapter vnam sanctam toward the end saith that power is geuen vnto kings of God onely and that therfore they do indede receiue the crowne of the byshop and the sword from the aulter But let vs more narowly examine Bonifacius argumēt I sayth he do geue power vnto Emperors Therfore I am greater then Emperors Let this most blessed Thraso aunswere me who consecrated him when hee was chosen Pope Vndoubtedly the bishop Hostiensis Let vs conclude therfore that the bishop Hostiensis is greater then the Pope And if that follow not thē is the argument also of Bonifacius of no force bicause as I haue now shewed it cleaueth vnto a broken foundation For they are not bishops which geue power vnto kinges Farther All emperors were not consecrated of the Pope wer there not many Emperors whiche were neuer consecrated of bishops and yet were neuertheles for al that Emperors Neither were the old Grecian Emperors so annointed Wherfore that is a new inuētiō But what if I proue that the head bishop was somtimes consecrated of the ciuill magistrat Vndoubtedly Moses cōsecrated Aaron whē as yet as it is sayd Moses was a ciuil prince Wherfore Bonifacius laboreth in vayne about his consecration bicause he canne gather nothing thereby He boasted moreouer of the kayes Wherin the kayes of the church consyst We sayth he haue the power of binding and losing But the power of the kayes consisteth herein that ye should preach the word of god truly For he which beleueth the gospel is losed he which beleueth not is bound But when ye neither preach nor teach neither can ye binde nor lose And farther this subiection which we haue graunted is spiritual namely of fayth and of obedience and not ciuill and with dominion Afterward was Ieremy obiected vnto whom the Lord sayde I haue appointed thee ouer nacions and kingdoms c. First here I demaund what kings Ieremy deiected or whom he abrogated of theyr Empire and what new kinges he instituted They can shew of none What therefore signify these woordes I set thee ouer nacions and kingedomes Vndoubtedly nothing els then that by the sprite of prophecy word of god he should foretell what kingdomes god would ouerthrow for sinnes and what new ones he would institute Why doe not the Popes so excercise theyr power Let them sette before kinges and princes of the earth the threatninges of god Prophetes are not the efficiēt causes of the ouerthrow of kingdomes Ministers and prophetes are an occasion but not a iust cause of ruines and let them be in this manner ouer nacions and kingdomes Could Ieremy be called the cause of the ouerthrowe of kingdomes He was not properly the efficient cause but onely a certayn occasion For when he had admonished the king of Iudah and he beleued him not the prophet by his preachinge was some occasion that he shoulde be condemned and ouerthrowne So Paule sayth To some we are the sauor of life to life and to other the sauor of death to death When as yet the Apostle properlye killed no man but his preaching after a sorte broughte death vnto those whiche would not beleue It is god therefore that seperateth ouerthroweth scattereth planteth Neither disdaineth he
somewhat vnto kinsfolkes and friendes For these kind of men haue very many dreames when they slepe For pratlers and idle persons are wholy voyde of cogitations wherefore they at inwardly fylled with images and formes The melancholike also by reason of the power and nature of melancholy do dreame very many thinges Farther they ar very much geuen vnto cogitatioÌ„s The phrantike also bicause their mind is void both of the knowledge of the outward senses and also of the vse of reason therfore they ar vtterly geuen to imaginations Lastly frends do for that cause se many things of their frends in theyr dreames bicause they ar very much careful and pensiue for them Al these men now rehearsed are wont by dreames to foretell many thinges bycause in diuerse dreames and in a manner infinite it is not possible but that some true thinges happen sometymes They whyche the whole day excercise themselues in shootynge do much oftner bit the marke then they which do very seldom shoote And they which play al the day at dyse or tables do much oftener throw good castes then they which little or seldome vse that kinde of play Howbeit we must vnderstand that those signes which ar attributed to dreames as touching the fyrst kynde alredy declared are not necessary Of dreames which ar signs there is no necessity of the effectes to be gathered for asmuch as they may be letted And yet this hindreth not but that they may be signs For this is so also in the clouds which vndoubtedly ar signes of rain when as for al that sometymes they are discipated by the wind before it rayn And vrine hath tokens either of sicknes or helth when yet the effect may be letted by vehementer causes the same also happeneth of the pulses Yea and those counsels which we haue appoynted and which with great deliberation decree to do very oftentimes are not accomplished bycause some other thinges happen betwene wherby we can go no farther which self same thinge if it happen in dreames it is no maruayle forasmuche as they are signes of thinges not perfecte but rather of the beginninges of thinges and those weake and feable mouinges of humors maye yet be easely letted of many other causes Democritus thus expoundeth those dreames Democritus which resemble thinges coÌ„ming by chaunce and farre distante There are alwayes saythe he defluctions from things themselues which ar caried to the bodies of those that slepe and do affect them with the quality and symilitude which they bring with them And the same he affirmeth to be for two causes more felt sleping then waking First bicause the ayre by night is easlyer moued as we see done when the water is smitten with a little stone very many circles ar with that stroke multiplied and driueÌ„ a great way vnlesse some other contrary motion resiste it But in the nighte the ayre is more quiet then in the day time bycause it is not driuen into sundry parts by the course of creaturs which moue themselfes An other cause is bicause they which slepe do easlier receaue light mouings And lastly the same author also referreth not the causes of dreames to god Galene Galene also in his little booke whiche he wrote de presagiis in somniorum aboue other thinges maketh mencioÌ„ of this wheÌ„ in dreames we se those thinges which when we were waking we neither did nor thought they ought not to be referred neither to artes neyther to qualities or custome of those things which happened when we wer wakinge but vnto humors This rule seemeth to tende to thys end that we might vnderstand of what thinges dreames are to be counted signes And he graunteth that these things are better knowen in the night then in the day bycause then the soul withdraweth it self into the inward parts wher it easilier feleth those things which ar ther. An history of a certayn dream And he maketh mencion of one who thought in his dreame he had a thigh of stone which many thought to pertayn to his seruants but wtin a few dayes after that his legge fel into a palsey An other thought that he was vp to the throte in a cesterne full of bloude out of which he could by no meanes escape And that declared that much bloud abounded in hym and that he had very great neede to be let bloud He maketh mention also of an other which in his dreame thought that on his critical or iudiciall day he was washed in a bath wyth great aboundance of water who afterward fell into a great sweat Farther sayth he they which slepe do thinke sometimes that they are greuousely laden so that they ar not able to beare the wayght sometimes so light and nimble that they run in a manner fly Al these things saith he are â—okens of excesse or defecton of humors Hippocrates also of these thiÌ„gs in a maner writeth the same namely that the mind in the day time destributeth his powers into the senses other faculties Hippocrates And in the night it draweth theÌ„ to the inward parts therfore it doth the better know them Howbeit he maketh mencion that there are certayn dreames which come by god wherby calamities are foreshewed to come vnto cities people and other certayne greate men for the expounding of which dreames some do professe certayne artes Vnto which neuerthelesse he semeth to geue but very small credite When by dreames it is noted that the humors do offend he sayth that they which are in daunger must be holpen by diete exorcist and medicine And whither the dreames be good or euil he will haue prayers added When helth is by dreames signified we must pray sayth he vnto the Sunne vnto Iupiter celestiall Iupiter possessor to Minerua rich Mercury and to Apollo But if the dreames be vnlucky we must pray vnto the goddes sayth he which turne awaye ill namely vnto the goddes of the earthe and to the Heroicall men c. Wherfore eyther Hippocrates was supersticious or els he would seme so But to me as touching sincere godlines that I mislike not Yea it is very much commended that if at any time wee be vexed with troublesome and terrible dreames we muste praye vnto god that it would please him to turne away those euils if there be anye whiche hange ouer our heddes What is the outward cause of dreames There is an other kinde of dreames whiche procedeth of an outward cause namely from the power of heauen or as it is commonlye called the influence which altereth the ayre For this ayre touching our bodies affecteth them with a new quality Wherby sundrye images and dreames are stirred vp vnto those which are on sleepe Wherfore there are manye effectes wroughte of heauen of whych it bringeth forth some in the phantasy and power or faculty of imagination and other some in deede And that may easely be shewed by an example In dede in the ayre or cloudes there are raine and in the
Mizpa Then the children of Israell sayde Howe is this wickednes committed 4 And the man the Leuite the womans husband that was slayne aunswered and sayde I came vnto Gibea whiche is in Beniamin with my concubine to lodge 5 And the men of Gibea arose agaynst me and beset the house roūd aboute vpon me by nyght thynking to haue slayne mee And haue forced my concubine that she is dead 6 Then I tooke my concubine and cut her in pieces and sent her thorough out all the countrey of the inheritance of Israel For they haue committed abhomination and vilany in Israel 7 Beholde all ye children of Israell geue your aduise and Counsell herein The congregation of the Israelites was assembled together to iudge of the crime This Hebrew word Edah signifieth a Church or an assembly The end of assemblyes or meatynges together beyng deriued of this verbe Adah whiche is to testify bycause that it is the vse and ende of such assemblyes that the godly should faythfully testify before God of those thynges whiche are put forth to be consulted of From Dan euen vnto Beerseba Dan Beerseba In this kinde of Paraphrasis is comprehended the whole people of Israel For these ar the endes of that kyngdome Dan is the ende towarde the North wherby the Iewes are neyghbours vnto the Zidonians and Beerseba toward the South Euen vnto Gilead That land is beyond Iordane The borders of the region of the Hebrues where the two tribes Ruben and Gad together with halfe the tribe of Manasses dwelled Thys was the third end toward the East And ouer agaynst that toward the West lay the sea called mare Mediterraneum Within these termes and lymites was conteyned the region of the Hebrues whiche they possessed in the land of Chanaan They came into Mizpa vnto the LORDE Where Mizpa was Mizpa was a place moste apte to haue assemblyes in it was not farre frome Ierusalem in the Tribe of Iudah In the fyrste booke of the Machabites the thyrde Chapiter it is thus written When the people by reason of the tyranny of the Macedonians fled out of Ierusalem they assembled together in Mizpa vnto Iudas Machabeus And it is added that that place was a house of prayer of aūcient tyme laye situate ouer agaynst the City of Ierusalem And in this booke we haue before heard how that when Iiphtah should be ordeyned Iudge ouer the people the people assembled together in Mizpa In Samuels tyme also the people assembled together twise vnto that place once when they should leade an army agaynst the Philistines an other tyme when Saul should be created kyng Farther when all the Citye was ouerthrowen by Nebuchad-Nezar all the people fled to Godolia in Mizpa Moreouer besides the oportunity of the place was added a notable benefite of God bycause as we rede in the .10 chapter of Iosuah there assembled thether agaynst the people of Israel a very great nūber of kynges for there were not fiue or sixe but very many kinges which were neyghbours entending vtterly to destroye the name of the Iewes Yet God commaunded them to be of a good valiaunt courage bycause he would geue vnto his people the victory ouer them all And when that thyng happened contrary to all mans hope the Hebrues for a monument of so great a benefite built in that place an alter vnto God Wherfore it is probable as the Rabbines affirme that in Mizpa began to bee a house of prayer For the people went not to the tabernacle or to Ierusalem so often as they had occasion to pray Euery Citye had Synagoges but had in Cityes and Villages certayne Synagoges wherein they prayed together vnto GOD. But to doo Sacrifices it was not after that manner lawfull but onely at the tabernacle of Moses or at Ierusalem after Salomon had builte the Temple althoughe hyghe places were sometymes vsed Wherfore the people assembled thether as well for the opportunity of the place as also by reason of the auncient Religion neither thought they it lawefull to begyn any thyng without prayers Whiche institution for that the Papistes woulde somewhat resemble they firste prouide to haue a Masse of the holy Ghost songe before they make any leagues or rather conspiracyes agaynste Christe It is sayde that they assembled together vnto the Lorde to praye together vnto the Lorde D. Kimhi Although Dauid Kimhi thinketh that this was added bycause wheresoeuer is a multitude of the godly there is GOD also present And to confirme that sentence he bringeth a place put of the Psalme GOD stoode in the Synagoge of Goddes For Iudges whiche in thys place are called Goddes when they geue iudgement ought not to thinke that they haue theyr owne cause in hande but Goddes cause as Iosaphat the godly kynge shewed them I doo not dissallowe this sentence for it is both godly and also it maketh menne to vnderstande that when assemblyes are godly had then doo menne assemble vnto GOD whiche thyng if menne in these dayes woulde consider greate menne woulde handle publique causes with more feare of GOD. Howbeit thys is for certayne that the Israelites assembled not in Silo as some thinke And the corners of all the people assembled The Hebrewe woorde is Penoth whiche properly signifyeth corners but in this place it is taken for Capitaines heades ouer ten Cēturious Tribunes and gouernors of warlike affayres For they after a sort are corners strengthes and stayes of an army Wherfore the villages of the Holuetians in the Italian toungue are called Cantones Wherfore the Hebrues come and assemble in Mizpa not rashly but in their orders They had not in deede a kyng or myghty Magistrates or Senadrim as it is thought for they wer sore decayed and weakened by the Philistines Yet they retayned among themselues some order and discipline Fower hundreth thousande footemen When they went out of Epypte they were 666000. The nomber of the Israelites diminishe men It seemeth that the number was nowe diminished And no meruayle bycause they had ben afflicted with many greuous calamities Also the tribe of Beniamin was away which peraduenture had thirty thousande soldiours For that tribe was both ample and also mighty And the chyldren of Beniamin heard The Beniamites would not be present they onely heard what should be done Dauid Kimhi Kimhi admonisheth that these woordes are put in by a parenthesis for there is no cause shewed why they woulde not be among them And the children of Israel sayd Tel how this wycked act was committed Kimhi thinketh that these things are to be red in the vocatiue case as though it should haue bene sayd O ye children of Israel declare the whole matter in order as it was done in the meane time it seemeth that the Beniamites are noted bycause they would not come vnto the assembly neyther take awaye euill from among them The people assembled together to vnderstand the cause that for as much as ther was
light vnto other and cause them to lift vp the eyes of theyr mindes vnto God the chiefe fountayne head and beginning of al good things and to honour him with prayses and most vpright religion Wherfore I gather and that truly as I am most fully perswaded that I my self and the rest of the Ministers of the doctrine of the sonne of God ought aboue al other to liue most iustly But when I considered that the office of this vertue Iustice whiche shyneth among mortall men like the bright starre Lucifer consisteth wholy in this to render to euery man that which is his I desired verely to performe the same not maymed nor diminished nor shortened but consisting of all his partes so much as humane weakenes would suffer me And among other excellent parts or kindes therof a thankfull minde and mindfull of a benefite receaued is not to be numbred among the least whose property is not onely to acknowledge benefites receaued but also earnestlye to bee desirous to geue thankes for them This thing when I weigh with my selfe for I thinke on it oftentimes I wyll not say continually there cōmeth into my remembrāce very many great benefites which your publike welth churche schoole haue heretofore bestowed vpō me And assuredly when I recken them more depely weigh them they appere vnto me so many so great that I am excedingly afrayd least I should happen to depart out of this life vngrateful which thing vndoutedly should be more bitter vnto me thē death it self Ye when I came out of Italy for religiō sake with most incredible humanity receaued me ye gaue me the fredome of your most ample city ye placed me in that Schoole which ye not long before with great praise of wyse godly men had erected ther ye appoynted me a Professor of holy scriptures wheras I liued a fellow with most learned and excellent men more then fiue yeares All which time ye mayntained me with a very liberal stipend Ye when I was called into England decreed that I should go thither where certayne yeares I was teaching the Gospel in the Vniuersity of Oxford namelye vntil such time as Edward the sixt of that name that most woorthye King and which can neuer be praysed inough was taken away by vntimely death which brought vnto all the godly griefe mourning and sundrye and hard vexacions Ye exceding louingly receued me when I returned thence to Argentine placed me in the same roume wherin I was with you before Also when the most noble Senate of Tigure called me into the place of Pellicanus which was ther a Professor of Diuinity ye although both to your great griefe and also to mine did yet most louinglye let me go The cause of my departure I wyll not nowe speake of bicause it is to all men knowen wel inough Thus much onely wil I say that I do both vehemently desyre and also hope that this stop or let may be taken away out of the field of the Lord. These your benefits which are of them selues ample and noble I do nothing encrease nor amplify But this one thing I testify that they neuer slipped out of minde neither is it possible but that they being layd vp in the bottom of my hart shal there abide for euer Howbeit bicause the remembrance and thinking on the benefites which I haue receaued of you doth not satisfy me I haue alwayes desired to make open vnto al men my good will and gratefull hart towardes you which haue bene so wonderfull beneficial towardes me wherefore I haue very often times determined with my selfe one tyme at the length to declare by some signification or monument my singular affection and ardent loue towardes your publike wealth Church and Schoole But for as muche as touchynge ryches of thys worlde I haue nothing wherwithal to performe the same least I should dye frustrate of my so honest and vehement a desire being about now to set forth a Comentary vpon the holy history of the Iudges As I haue taught it in your Schoole I haue determined to dedicate it to your name where as otherwise I would haue offred vnto you thinges much greater and better if strength ability had answered vnto my minde Neither was I hereunto perswaded onely by the reason now alledged namely by some maner of meanes to shew my good wyl towards you and not to geue any man occasion of suspicion that in chaunging my place I should haue shaken of my endeuour and study towardes you which thing vndoubtedly is not so For I haue not laid aside these things but they most firmly sticke in my mind daily more more But this also did driue me to do this for that this boke was writtē in your city And therfore I thought it meete that in the possession therof no man should be preferred before you Farther this did not a lytle moue me for that the argumēt of this history most aptly agreeth with you For euen as God at sundry times stirred vp Iudges vnto the Hebrewes to deliuer them when they were oppressed with the tiranny of their enemies So wer you not amonge the last stirred vp by his goodnes and grace to bring to lyght the Gospell of the sonne of God when it was held captiue in darknes by the dominion and violence of hipocrites and when the mindes of Christiās as touchyng godlynes were euery where in a maner baren and vnfruitfull Here assuredlye I could make mencion of very many your actes both godly and honorable but I ouerpasse them for that you haue manye eloquent and notable publishers abroade of your doinges which most aboundantly and elegantly haue set foorth your valiantnes of minde your constancy in embracing and spreading abroade of the Gospel of Christ and your liberality in maintaining your notable moste learned and famous Schoole Neyther vndoubtedly can the praises which they haue geuen you bee reproued of anye lye for as muche as you haue with great seruentnes of fayth receaued the doctrine of the sonne of God and ye are made vnto other a notable example of renuing of piety And afterward when by reason of iniquity of times thinges which wer wel ordered semed somwhat to slide and fall to decaye ye hauing firme confidence of the ayde of God verye godlys and wisely tooke courage vnto you and euen now in this time ye stoutly and luckely did driue out the remnantes of the Amorrihites and Chananites out of the inheritance of the Lord which pertayned to your lot Which your act hath wyth al the godly gotten you great grace prayse glory and fauour Wherefore I as which vehemently desyre honor fame and dignity vnto the City of Argentine do excedingly reioyce for your most excellent and holy act And I do desyre god the father of mercy that ye being inflamed and kindled with his spirit may alwaies go forward to better thinges For so long as we wander here on earth as straungers from our country which is
vnto vs in the holy scriptures And it wer good to marke the difference which is found betwene the asking counsel of God in the old time and ours at this present Howe wee and the elders do diuersly aske coūsel of God They were very much carefull for the successe of thinges and they almost desyred alwayes to knowe when they tooke warres in hand or attempted anye other thyng whether they should speede wel or il in them And that was not hard for them to do for they had an oracle prepared of God for them for that purpose And God had promysed that he would answer them out of the mercy seate what soeuer they should demaunde or aske of him But we if we should aske counsel of the holye scriptures for the successe and end of our enterprises and purposes cōcerning earthly infelicities and misfortunes we should seeme and that not vnwoorthily to play the fooles For there is no place there at all which answereth anye thyng for our singular and priuate thinges But that onelye remayneth for vs to enquire for whether that which we begyn or go about be allowed to be iust holy and acceptable to God by the testimonies of the holy scriptures But why the Iewes had proper and certayne oracles geuen them for theyr matters and we haue nothing answered vs particularly Why we haue not oracles as the Iewes had I thynke there be no other cause but bycause vnto that people a certain assured publique wealth was due by the immutable coūsel of God which should endure to the time of Christ and therefore there were prepared for it certaine extraordinarye aydes aboue the power of nature whereby it should be kept and defended by God But vnto vs there is no such promise made of any certain seate or publique wealth seing that our church is dispersed throughout the whole world whereunto is no certaine seate or place promised and therefore it needed not that concernyng humaine thinges our publique wealthes should be particularly gouerned by certaine oracles answers for temporal thinges Besides this the volumes of the holy scriptures are more aboundaunt in our tyme than they were at that time with the Hebrewes when these thinges were done whych we nowe expounde They had but the law onelye we haue receaued nowe the bookes of the Prophetes and of wyse men vnto which are added also al the writinges of the new Testament And seing that those writinges are so manye so excellent it is no maruayle if we are not euery day enstructed of god by new oracles answers Neyther ought we to thinke bicause of that that God setteth lesse by vs than he dyd by the Hebrewes I wyl not speake howe hys spirite is geuen to vs thorow Christ more aboundantly and more openly than it was in the olde tyme to the Iewes Finally our publique weales dominions and kingdomes at endewed with many more artes which serue for peace and warre than the people of the Hebrewes were How we ought to behaue our selues in asking counsel of God Wherefore it is no maruel if we being heaped vp with so many other gyftes be destitute of singular oracles It shal be our part therefore aboue al thinges when we haue any affaires to take in hand diligently to consider the woord of God wherein is opened vnto vs hys commaundement or wyl afterward to embrace the same with a firme and stedfast fayth wherby we maye bee vehementlye kyndled to cal vpon our heauenlye father by the which we may be able to fulfyl that which he hath commaunded and to obtayn that which he hath promysed 3. And Iudah said vnto his brother Simeon Go vp with me into my lot that we may fight agaynst the Chananites and I wyl also go with thee into thy lot And Simeon went with hym The tribe of Iudah doth associate to it selfe the Simeonites to make warre against the Chananites which most euidentlye testifieth that the answer of God dyd not speake of any one singuler man but of the whole tribe of Iudah For neither Othoniel Why Simeon is taken into felowshyp wyth Iudah nor yet Caleb had any brother which was called Simeon and therefore there is no mencion made of them by Gods oracle but it comprehendeth the whole tribe of Iudah But the cause why Simeon is called of Iudah to be as a companion of hys warre and that they twoo ayded one an other is bycause the possession of the tribe of Simeon was mingled and scattered among the fieldes and countries belonging to the tribe of Iudah Neighbourhed therefore made them to defende and succour one the other And this coniunction of these two tribes is most manifestly gathered out of the .xv. chapter of the booke of Iosua It is not agaynst fayth to vse the ayde of men Let vs learne hereby that it is not agaynst the true fayth for vs to vse vsual aydes and mans strength when occasion serueth to obtayne the easelyer those thinges which God of his goodnes hath liberally promised vnto vs. God had promised vnto the tribe of Iudah that he would geue the land of Chanaan into their handes which althoughe they of Iudah faythfullye beleued yet were they not afeard to cal vnto them the Symeonites whych were their neighbours that they myght bee ayded of them in their fight For by that meanes they thought they should be the stronger to ouercome their enemies Christ hath no otherwyse confuted the deuyl which counselled hym to cast him selfe down hed long vnder the pretence of Gods promise wherin he sayd that he had now committed his health to the Angels whych sentence he put foorth out of the holye scriptures But the sonne of God answered that God must not be tempted but he must rather vse staires which were made for that purpose to serue to come downe by Moreouer al they are counted to tempt God which trusting to gods promises do neglect humane helpe which are already or maye be easelye prepared and gotten Dauid in the latter booke of Samuel setteth him selfe foorth vnto vs as an example who beyng wonderfullye adourned with the promises of God vsed for al that in the insurrection of Absalon not onely to flye away but also the diligence of Chusay the Arachite and of the Priestes Yea and Paul the Apostle as it is written in the Actes of the Apostels althoughe his onelye confidence was in Christ yet he appealed vnto Cesar made a discension betwene the Pharisies and Saduces and testified that he was a Citizen of Rome It is euident therfore by these manyfest examples that we must vse the helpe of nature and wysdome to obtayne those thinges which God hath promised to geue vs. Yong men are to be exhorted to good studies Wherefore the yong men of our tyme are diligently to be admonished to labour to attayne vnto languages good artes and sciences and that wyth great study Which they may when oportunity serueth vse in preaching and defending the
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
cause than to deliuer men out of the mouth of the deuyl and by the preaching of the Gospel to loose them from their chaines of errours Christ also for this selfe same cause would trauail and iourney among men that by his doctrine and death he might delyuer mankind frō eternal destruction Wherfore the Kenites may be numbred with these for they also adioyned them selues companions with the Israelites to helpe thē through the deserte For as it is said they hauing good knowledge of those places might stand the Iewes in great steede These counsels are plainlye iudged good and honest for whose causes peregrinations which are taken wythout cōpulsion are honest and prayse worthy There maye be other reasons also of peregrination which as they be not alwaies to be refused yet are they nothing to be compared wyth these eyther in praise or els in worthynes Wherfore let godly men take hede when they iourney into farre coūtries that they apply them selues as much as is possible vnto these causes reasons now mētioned And as God hath not defrauded these Kenites of the fruit which they looked for but made them partakers and that plentifully of those good thinges which he had prepared for his people so seyng also he is now the same God which he was then we must beleue that he wil not suffer him selfe to depart from his accustomed maner and perpetuall goodnes so that we obserue the good and iust causes and reasons of peregrination Seneca What is chiefly to bee obserued in peregrination But in that thing we haue nede of great warenesse and diligēce namely that chiefly as Seneca hath wel admonished in his .105 epistle to Lucillas we depart from our selues that is that we laye awaye our wicked affections bycause the chaunging of places do lytle profit if we cary about together with vs the same affectiōs which we had before Yea and the chiefly helpeth to the renuing of godlynes that we bee made other from our selues For what had the good lawes honest maners and chaste religion which the Iewes professed profited the Kenites if they would haue brought their own thinges with them and continued in the same wherin they wer conuersaunt before Wherfore they which do trauaile into other countries for studye and godlynes sake ought not to haue thys purpose before them to behold the Cities buildinges riuers fieldes vineyards woods playes and qualities of men For all these thynges although they somewhat delite the beholders as chyldren which with pleasure do maruayl at euery new and straunge thing yet they do nothing or very lytle helpe The chiefe cause ought to be that they onely study aboue al other thinges to be made better as touching godlines doctrine For if they shal despise this they shal be sayd to wander rather thā iustly to iourney Let them not therfore retaine with them any longer those euyls which are to be auoided yet let them aboue all thinges iourney from the ignoraunce of God from the vnskilfulnes of the holye Scriptures from corrupt affectiōs and from wicked and pernitious examples This is the iust cause of peregrinatiō which the Kenites by their dede do declare vnto vs. If the Lacedemonians had had a regard to thys they would not by theyr lawes haue prohibited peregrinations But I suppose that they regarded thys The Lacedemonians prohibeted peregrinations which they marked so to come to passe for the most part that the citizens in trauailing into straunge countries learned of the straungers whom they went to see not their vertues and wisdom but rather their vices and errours and afterward being infected with many euyls they returned into their country where they destroied their Citizens by a certayne pestiferous contagiousnes Whych thing surely no man doubteth but that it is a grieuous euyll and discommodity to a publique wealth Why peregrinations do profyt And yet we may not therfore decree that al peregrinatiōs are hurtful For there can be found no City no people nor no publique wealth in the world which hath not many things vnperfect in maners lawes which may be amended and corrected by the sight and knowledge of others Licurgu◠Lycurgus certainly which made that law profited much in trauailing into straunge coūtries Yea and the Decemuiri of the Romanes went them selues into Graecia Decemuiri of the Romanes to the end they would know the lawes of that people and by that meanes they wonderfully prouided for their publique wealth And thus muche for peregrination And now let vs finish this history iudging that the children of Kenite were of that stocke which wer begotten of Hobab in the wildernes among the chyldren of Israel And that Hobab was the sonne of Moyses father in lawe hys wiues brother germaine Neither ought this to moue vs bycause it is saide in the .x. Aben-Esra of Num. Chothen bycause as Aben-Esra there testifieth that woorde signifieth not onely a father in law but also the brother of the wife and some haue translated the same woorde there not for a father in lawe but a kynsman But these Kenites departed out of the fielde of Iericho that they might obtayne possession with the tribe of Iudah And therfore they ar sayd to haue dwelled with the people For first they followed them in iourneyeng with them nowe by the same right they are sayd to haue dwelled with them And they ascended The situation Iericho bycause Iericho was situate in a valley and betwene it an Ierusalem was a deserte longing to Iudah which as it is very lykely had in it wooddy places and mete for pasture And that it was so it is easelye gathered out of the Gospell of Luke where Christ put foorth a parable namely that a man descended from Ierusalem to Iericho and fel into the handes of theeues And certainly if he descended it is manifest that these ascended when they followed the tribe of Iudah going toward Ierusalem And bycause the place was ful of wooddes it was an easy matter especially in the time of Christ when the common wealth of the Hebrues was very much out of frame for it to be ful of theeues There certainly as farre as can be perceaued the Kenites receaued their lot And I think I haue spoken inough as touching this hystory 17. And Iudah went wyth Symeon his brother and smote the Chananites dwelling in Zephat and vtterly destroyed it and called the name of the City Horma 18. And Iudah tooke Hazza and the borders therof and Ascalon with the borders therof and Aekron with the borders thereof Now we are come to that place where the long parenthesis which I before admonished you of endeth And whatsoeuer followeth after these woordes The children of Iudah fighting against Ierusalem tooke it Here the aforesaid parenthesis endeth c. to thys place are declared by a parenthesis For al those thinges happened not after the death of Iosua but when he was yet lyuing And now the
the iudgement of God and not by the lust of men But as touching the loue or hatred of enemies wee must vnderstande that Augustine hath written toward the ende of the first booke vpon the sermon of the Lord on the mountaine that he doth ascende one steppe of righteousnes which loueth his neighbour although he yet hate his enemy But then shall he performe beneuolence and gentlenes at the commaundement of hym whyche came to fulfyl the law and not to breake it when he shall stretch it euen to the loue of the enemy For that degree though it be somwhat yet it is so smal that it may be commō also with Publicanes Neither that which is said in the law Thou shalt hate thine enemy It is not lawfull for the vnperfecte to hate their enemyes is to be taken as a commaundement vnto the iust man but as a permission to the weake Thus much he writeth with whom yf I should speake as I thinke I do not agree but am certainly perswaded that to hate our enemies is not permitted of God no not to the vnperfect For it is an euerlasting precept that we should loue our neighbour as our selues Who is oure neyghbour And he is our neighbour whom we helpe by anye occasion as Christ hath declared in the parable of the Iewes and of the Samaritan They were compared as enemyes one to an other wherefore the condition of enmitye when it happeneth can not let but that such as are enemies one to an other be yet neighbours Moreouer for as much as we se the Dauid other prophets did oftentimes curse their enemies by what meanes can we cal thē weake whō God gaue liberty to hate their enemies For they wer holy men and very perfect Augustine Neither doth that seeme to make much to the purpose which the same Augustine saith namely that the sayinges of these holy men were no vowes desires but rather forespeakinges prophecies of them who liuing vnder the old testament did oftentimes prophecye the chaunce of thinges to come For the Apostels ar also found in the new testamēt not only to haue spoken words of cursings as Paul when he saith I woulde to god they wer cut of which do trouble you but also to haue most grieuously punished some For as much as it is written in the actes of the Apostels the same Paul depriued Elimas the Magicien of his sight and Peter slewe Ananias and Saphira Wherfore we must rather say that these great mē did not such things of an hatred graunted to vnperfect men but that they wer driuen therunto by some other maner of meanes Marke the distinction And therfore me thinketh we must make this distinction that they somtimes had to do for their own causes sometimes for gods cause Whē they had to do for their matters al their doings wer ordered with al modestye and gentlenes As we se Dauid to haue done who many times spared Saul his deadly enemy Moyses also other holy men did constantly valiauntly very often grieuous thinges But when the matters of God wer in hand the same mē behaued them selues seuerely nobly And if they should haue done that in theyr own causes they might haue semed to wrest the swerd out of the hande of God and of the Magistrate which they do which reuenge their own iniuries This is also to be added that men which are appointed to take in hand to defend Gods cause What is chieflye to be taken heede of when Gods matters are in hand although they may then do thinges sharpely seuerlye yet they must precisely diligently take hede that vnder that pretence they cocker not their owne affections The Apostels when they desired Christ to sende fyre from heauen vpon the Samaritanes as they knew was done in the olde tyme at the prayers of Helias wer rebuked of the Lord bicause they knew not of whose spirite they wer which without doubt was a most apt answer For they whom God sendeth to execute these offices ought not nowe to be counted priuate or symple men Whether it bee lawfull to pray against tyrans to curse them Augustine but such as wer prepared and enstructed of him to be in hys steede vpon the earth But whether it be lawful for priuate men to praye against vngodly and cruell Tyrannes by whom the true worshipping of God is hindred and to curse them Augustine aunswereth that it is alwaies lawfull for godlye men to pray vnto God against the kingdome of synne And that maye be cleane taken away when the vngodly forsake their wickednes for whose vnfayned repentaunce we must alwayes pray vnto God But if they seeme past all hope it is lawful to praye that their synnes maye sometymes at the length come to an end namely that when they are taken awaye they myght cease both to hynder the woorshipping of God and also to trouble the Saintes For as much as it is not expedient that theyr synne shoulde escape vnpunished for when it is leaste without punishment it is mere vniustice But when the punishment of God is adioyned vnto it then ther is in him lesse deformitye Wherefore God is of the same Augustine called verye wel not a cruell tormentor Augustine but a iust correctour Moreouer bycause holy men are very familiar with God and therefore when by some heauenly reuelation Saintes sometimes reioyce also are sory for the destruction of the wycked they are acertained of his wil bicause they exceedingly loue him they cannot but allow his sentence yea they faithfullye praye that the same may be accomplished Although in that they be men they be both sory and also take it grieuously to haue their neighbours so vexed After whych sorte Samuel mourned for Saul the kyng whom be knew neuertheles to be reiected of god Ieremy also wept for the captiuity which was at hand and Christ wept for the City of Ierusalem which should be destroyed For they which be mē in dede God requireth not the not feeling of the Stoikes can not chose but be sory for their neighbours and their own flesh when it is afflicted Neither doth God require of vs that Stoike lacke of compassion But as touching this matter if the Reaver desire to know more let hym looke vpon my Cōmentaries to the Corrinthians But as touching this present purpose that is to say that the people of Israel in destroying cursing of these peoples followed not their own hatred but the instinction of God for they wer his Lieuetenauntes and might be called his woorkemen when as they destroyed those whom god himselfe had declared to be enemies and cōmaunded that they should be destroyed by them And Iudah tooke Hazzam and the borders therof These words do al so cōfirme that those things which ar now declared wer don after the death of Iosua when the publique wealth of the Israelites was gouerned by elders For when in the booke of
Iosua the .xiii. chap. those Cities were reckoned which were least vnconquered after Iosuas death these cities Haza Ascalon and Accaron are expressed by name But there is a doubt after what sorte these Cities were sayde to haue pertained to the Philistians in the tyme of Samuel when Saul dyd then raigne Yea and the same is written in the third chap. of this booke There are some whiche affirme that these Cities were not nowe altogether taken but so possessed that the Israelites obtained some part of the lande which belonged vnto them which semeth not very lykely vnto me seing that the historye sayth that not onely euery one of these Cities wer taken but that also the endes and borders of them came into the power of Iudah Wherfore I would rather iudge that their opinion is best which affirme that Iudah dyd now in deede possesse these Cities as it is written but afterwarde when the Israelites synned they wer agayne dryuen out of them by the Philistians who wonne them agayne to their own vse and so did wynne them that they counted them as most principal dominions for they dyd set ouer eche of them certaine noble gouernours Neyther ought that much to moue vs bycause the history doth onelye name Iudah now speaketh nothing of Symeon For that might be bicause the lot of both these tribes was ioyned together and they had made a couenant to fyght together therfore when we heare the name of the one we must therwith also vnder stand the name of the other And the name of Symeon is rather vnspoken of bicause God hymself in his oracle gaue Iudah the principality in this expedition 19 And the Lord was with Iudah he possessed the mountayne for he could not dryue out the inhabitauntes of the valley bycause they had yron Chariotes He possessed the mountayne The figure zeugma It is written in Hebrewe Veioresch Hahar which if it wer properly translated is he draue away the mountain which without doubt is a figuratiue phrase for the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added by whych figure one and the selfe woord serueth for two members bycause that woorde Ioschebe which is inhabitours ought to be repeated that euen as it is said that Iudah could not dryue out the inhabitours of the valley so also must be vnderstand that the inhabitours of the mountaine were expelled by him so that thys woord Hahar is the genitiue case as is this woord Haamak that is of the valley The conquering of both these was paynfull bycause Cityes founded vpon mountaines are by nature of the place wel fenced and they whych dwelled in the 〈◊〉 valleys wer very experte in a kynde of fence I meane yron chariotes But least peraduenture we should thinke that the inhabitors of the mountains wer driuen out of their place of Iudah by the strength of men ther is set before And the Lord was with Iudah As though it had ben said bicause they fought by the fauour of God therfore the hilly places wer conquered Wherefore if God had ayded them of Iudah with the like fauour in their battayl in the valley they should also haue ouercome those which inhabited the valley There semeth also a cause to be geuen bycause they had yron chariotes He that shal reade the Iliades of Homer shal easely perceaue that the men in the old time vsed chariotes in battails also the same may be gathered both out of the most auncient histories also out of the latter writers Quintus Curtius amongest other Quintus Curtius writing the life of Alexander doth playnlye make mencion of such chariots in the battail fought against Darius But I thinke no writer writeth more plainly of them than doth Liuie Titus Liuius For he in that battail wherin Antiochus was ouercome of the Romanes which is in the .4 decade seuenth boke thus describeth the chariotes whych he calleth hooked He sayth that they were fenced chiefely after thys maner The description of hooked chariotes The poyntes aboute the draught tree standing out from the yoke had as it were hornes wherwith whatsoeuer they met they mighte thruste it throughe and twoo hookes hoong oute at eche ende of the cart the one euen with the carte the other fastened downewarde to the earth the former serued to cut asunder what so euer came on the syde of it the other was made to crushe them which fel downe or went vnder There were also two sundry hookes fastened after the same sorte to the exetrees of both the wheles c. The vse therfore of these chariotes endured til the tyme that Antiochus was ouercome Howbeit wee neuer reade that the Romanes vsed them And that they wer horrible to behold and hard to be conquered may manifestly be gathered by the booke of Iosua For ther in the .vii. chap. when the tribe of Ioseph complained bicause it was so many in number and had obtained so narrow a lot Iosua commaunded them that if they had not roume inoughe they shoulde go and dwel or els conquere the places of their enemies adioyning vnto them They excused them selues that they coulde not doo that bicause their neighbours had yron chariotes But to repeate more auncienter thinges Pharao as it is written in the booke of Exodus when hee persecuted the Israelites which fled is said to haue had chariotes and with the same he tooke vpon hym to enter into the sea But they beyng ouerthrowen by the power of God hee was punished for breaking his fidelity Yron chariotes cānot resist god But this is diligently to be considered of vs whether either yron chariotes or hooked cartes can withstand the power and promise of God which if we shal deny as in very dede we must deny why ar they then put here as the cause that the victory was not obtained Marke the distinction Whereunto I aunswer that in this place is set foorth vnto vs the nighest cause namely that which was sene And certainly it was a cause if we should looke onely vpon mans strength For the Chananites being so armed and appointed could not be ouercome of the Israelites whych wer weaker than they Why god graūted not the hole victorye vnto Iudah and not so wel armed and fenced But if the power and might of God be considered the same could not be letted either by chariots and weapons or els by power of souldiours Why did not God therfore whych had geuen part of the victory graunt the whole also Kimhi aunswereth that God dyd it to proue the Israelites thereby For if they should haue bene constrayned as in deed they were to dwel for a while with these nations then experience should haue tryed how much they woulde set by theyr God namelye whether they woulde perseuer in the lawfull woorshypping of hym or whether they would enclyne to their owne madde customes and woorshipping of Idoles Thys in deede is a true cause and is set foorth also in the thyrd chapter of
of Ioseph cōprehendeth with it Ephraim Manasses First therfore is declared what those tribes ioyned together did afterward shal be shewed of eche of their doings perticularly This is chiefly set first that God was with them to make vs to vnderstand that this enterprise had good successe bycause God wrought with them The name of the citie but afterward was called Bethel that is the house of God bycause Iacob when he had there sene God and his aungels ascending and descending vpon a ladder as it is written in the 28. chap. of Gen so named it Luz is not Ierusalem But in the olde tyme it was called Luz whiche worde signifieth in Hebrewe a Walnutte or an Almond or els a Filberd Nut bycause peraduenture that place was set with Wallnut trees Filberd trees Almond trees and the like kynde of trees They are very muche deceaued whiche thought this citie to haue ben Ierusalem for Ierusalem was taken long before neither was it euer called Luz or Bethel And besides that this citie pertayned to the house of Ioseph A forged tale of the Iewes but Ierusalem longed to the lott of Beniamin and Iudah But that whiche the Hebrues trifle concernyng the gate of this citie is not worthy to be rehearsed For what is more childishe than to saye that the way of entraūce into the citie was thorough a caue at the mouth wherof was a nut tree a tree I say great and hollowe wherby they went down into the caue whiche would entre into the citie and for that cause it was called Luz They should haue spoken somewhat more likely if they had sayd there had ben a gate in some secrete part or side of the walles the commyng wherunto should haue ben by certaine turnings and circuites so that straungers should not easly haue found out the way vnto the same Dauid Kimhi D. Kimhi writeth that there were many gardynes there If I should speake my fantasie herin I thincke that the spyes of the Israelites did not aske him which came out of the citie for the dore or gate therof but whiche was the weaker part of the city or lesse fenced that therby they might the easier take it The third espiall mencioned in the scripture Now is rehearsed in the scripture the third espiall For the first is written in the 13. chap. of the booke of Num And other happened vnder Iosuah when those two searched the citie of Iericho whom Rahab the harlot kept with great fidelitie and this is the third whiche we haue now in hand Although I am not ignoraunt how Ioseph in the boke of Gen layd to his brethrens charge that they were espies What in the office of spyes But the office or worke of spyes is as Chrisostome sayeth expounding those wordes of Paul in the second chap of the Epistle to the Galathians that there were false brethren entred to espye out our libertie to know the doynges of the aduersaries that they theirs may haue the easier entraunce to conquere or repulse them The end of espiall Now we vnderstand that it is an action and we se to what end it is ordayned Moreouer it commeth from enemies and from the mynde of an aduersarye but it is done priuily and craftely As it is lawfull to fight with enemyes by violence and weapons when warre is iustly taken in hand so is it iust and lawfull to vse the arte and subtelty of especials Ierome Espyall is a thing īdifferēt Wherfore Ierome vpon the 27. chap. of Ezechiel sayeth that espiall is an indifferent thing namely whiche a man may vse both well and euill Moses and Iosua vsed it wel and also the house of Ioseph If so be that the warre be vniust the espiall also seruing thereunto must nedes be vniust Wherefore the brethren of Ioseph when he sayd vnto them by the health of Pharao ye be spyes did put that away from them as an iniury or a rebuke The punishement of spyes But the punishment of spyes is if they be taken all one with the punishment wherwith enemyes are punished when they fall into the handes of their enemyes For it skilleth not whether a man fight with weapons or by subtilty and craft Wherfore they must be of a valiaunt courage Spyes muste be valiaunt Iosephus which for the common profit aduenture their lyfe in playeng the spyes For it is not euery mās office to be a good spye Iosephus writeth that the spyes whiche were sent by Iosua were Geometricians bycause they ought well and clearly to knowe the situation of the lande of Chanaan And Homer made Vlisses and Dyomedes spyes Homerus whiche otherwise were noble men Paul the Apostle in the Epistle to the Galath The place before mentioned the secōd chap. excellently referred the worke of espiall to cententions of Religion where he writeth that there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is that there were certain incommers being false brethren whiche 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is came in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to espye out our liberty as though he should saye they subtilely sought searched out our opinion to resist it and made search with great diligence whether they that were with vs kept vncircumcisiō and that was to espye out the libertie of the Churche namely that by it they might ouerthrowe Christians And the spyes saw a man come out of the citie For what cause he wēt forth the history declareth not but there may be many causes ymagined either for that he went to seke somewhat to serue him for his houshold or els bycause he would flye out of the citie being besieged or finally that he also might spye out what was done by his aduersaries And they sayd vnto him shewe vs we pray thee the waye into the citie They speake fayre vnto the man they pray hym the matter is not done by violēce but they go aboute by frendly wordes to allure him to betray the Citie Whether the spyes of the Chananites coulde promise safely And we will shewe thee mercy Seing the spyes had not the chief gouernment in the publicque wealth how durst they promise safety vnto this man especially if they had no peculiar commaundement to do it Thou wilt say peraduenture they did trust that the Senate of the publicque wealth and Captaynes of the warre would ratifye that whiche they had promised But the superiour power can not confirme that whiche is done by the subiectes vnlesse it be also lawfull for the same power both to promysse and also to performe that whiche they did And God had prohibited by expresse wordes that the Chananites those proscripte people shuld haue their liues graunted thē Peraduēture they had before their eies that exāple of Rahab the harlot whose lyfe in the time of Iosua was not onely spared but also she was receaued with all that belonged vnto her and had in honor of the Hebrues And therby they iudged that it
a superiour power These seeme after thys manner to be deuided some to haue iurisdiction eyther proper or by heritage or els committed vnto them by Emperours Kynges and publique wealthes Or els they are wythout iurisdiction and are counted noble onely for nobilitye of bloude or for ryches heaped together And assuredly for so much as those latter sortes differ nothing almost from priuate menne in myne opinion wee muste so iudge of them as before I haue taught of priuate men But the first which are Rulers of Prouinces Cities and places eyther by inheritaunce or by office committed vnto them they ought not otherwyse to doo in the thyng whereof we now entreate than wee haue before prescribed for those which are mere and full Magistrates For by the commaundement of the superiour Princes it is not lawfull for them to compell the Subiectes whom they gouerne vnto vngodly religion neyther to permyt the same to those Infidels whych inhabite in their dominions But if thou wilt say we must obey the hygher power I graunt that but vsque ad aras that is An answeare of the Lacedemonians as farre as religion suffereth When they whych ouercame the Lacedemonians commaunded suche thynges as were against their lawes and institutions they sayde We woulde rather dye yea than ye shoulde commaunde vs thinges harder than death Wherefore suche kynde of Magistrates must in all other thynges be subiect to the superiour power but in those thynges whyche are agaynste the woorde of God they muste not in anye sorte followe theyr affection An example of the Machabites The Machabites when the Iewes then lyued vnder the Macedonians Antiochus Demetrius and Alexander who wythdrewe the Iewes from the true woorshypping of God would not be obedient vnto them And when that that house of priesthoode was chiefest next to the kynges house least the syncere and auncient religion should be destroyed it fell from these kynges The bookes of the Machabits conteyne not so do argumēts wherby the doctrin of the faithful cā be proued Neyther in alledging these thynges count I not the bookes of the Machabites to be suche from whence I woulde iudge any strong argumentes of doctrine maye be taken but that I counte that storye true as a storye whyche is not onelye contayned in theese bookes but also hathe beene wrytten of other authours An example of Ezechias I wyll adde also the acte of Ezechias the kyng who as it is wrytten in the seconde booke of Kynges the .xviii. Chapter was bounde to the kyng of the Assirians For as it is mencioned in the same booke the .xvi. chapter Achas had yelded hym selfe vnto the kyng of the Assirians to whom hee dydde not onelye paye tribute but to please him with all he chaunged the woorshyppyng of the true God For he goyng to Damascus to meete the kyng commaunded an aultar to bee made at Ierusalem accordyng to the example whiche hee had there seene and followed the religion and woorshyppynge of the Sirians But Ezechias his Sonne beyng verye godlye perceauing that those thinges which his Father had done were against the woord of God vtterly fel from the king of the Assirians who then ruled ouer him as a superiour power But first he assayed to pacifye him with giftes and money but when he saw that woulde take no place We must beware as muche as is possible of sedicions he defended both his people and him selfe against him with al his power We must take heede neuerthelesse that in those thinges wee beware of seditions as much as may be and we must most diligentlye prouide that suche Magistrates vnder pretence of religion seeke not their own These thinges if they obserue and resist their superiour Magistrates onely for godlynesse sake let them not suspect that they commit anye vniust thyng Moreouer the holy Scriptures commaunde that euery soule shoulde bee subiect to the higher powers But that must be vnderstande as muche as shall be lawfull by the woord of God For in the same scriptures it is written That a Magistrate is a feare not to good woorkers but to euyll Wherefore if the inferiours doo not set forward euell workes but good they do not then resiste theyr powers Wilt thou not feare the power sayth the apostle do good and for that thou shalt be praysed Wherfore if they defend godlynes they shall deserue rather prayse than blame But if thou do euyll feare the power for he beareth not the sweard in vayne for he is the minister of God and a reuenger to anger against him which doth euyll Al these sentences do confirme the courages of the inferiour powers that they should be nothing afearde of the superiour power when they in defending of religion obey it not But thou wilt say by what lawe doo inferiour Princes resist either the Emperour or Kynges or elles publique wealthes when as they defend the syncere religion and true faith I aunswer by the law of the Emperour or by the lawe of the King or by the law of the publique wealth For they are chosen of Emperours Kinges and publique wealthes as helpers to rule whereby Iustice may more and more florishe And therfore were they ordeyned according to the office committed vnto them rightly iustly and godly to gouerne the publyke wealthe Wherefore they doo according to their duty when in cause of religion they resist the higher power Neither can that superiour power iustly complain if in that case the inferiour power fal from it The Emperour testifieth in the Code Iustinian that his mynde is not that any of hys decrees shoulde take place in iudgementes agaynste right but that they ought to bee made voyde and of no force if that peraduenture they bee knowen to declyne from Iustice Wherefore Traian is not vnworthily commended A goodly sentēce of Traian whych when he delyuered the sweard and the gyrdle vnto the Lieuetenant of the Pretorshyppe sayd If I rule iustlye vse it on my syde but if I rule vniustlye vse it agaynst me Gregory a Byshoppe of Rome can not bee excused An errour of Gregory Bishop of Rome whyche knowing that the lawe made by Mauritius was vniust for he had decreed that no manne beyng occupyed wyth busynes of the publique wealthe or appoynted for warrefare should be made a Clarke or a Monke wrote in deede to the Emperour that when hee had seene hys lawe he was wonderfullye affrayde and therefore desyred hym eyther to remytte somewhat of the rigour thereof or els vtterlye to alter it Howe beit he added that he woulde nowe that hee hadde done hys dutye in admonishing hym bycause of that obedience and seruice whych he oughte vnto hym publyshe the lawe at Rome as he was commaunded Vndoubtedlye thys act of Gregory cannot but be reproued bycause he ought not to haue obeied the superiour power in that thing whych he iudged to be vniuste or wycked When we do after this sorte write of these thinges we do nothing at all
open a way vnto seditions but onely this is our care that those things which belōg to God may be geuen yea rather restored vnto God and those thinges whyche pertaine vnto Caesar may be rendred to Caesar If the hygher power woulde require either goodes or thinges of this worlde for the vse of the publike wealth my counsel is that they should be geuen but not when those thinges are required to bee subuerted and destroyed whiche belong to the woorshipping of God And vndoubtedly by this meanes we maye easelye excuse iust Naboth Naboth is excused whyche woulde not graunt vnto his King his vyneyarde For hee dyd not that of couetousnes or of pride but bycause he sawe thereby the lawe of God to be violated whereby it was ordayned that landes and possessions among the people of Israel should remaine distributed by iust diuision This law of god the king went about to violate and to the performaunce thereof hee sought the consent of that man which he with a good conscience could not performe Whether the inferior powers ought in those cases to forsake their offices Some thinke that when superiour powers go aboute to driue the inferiour powers to wicked thinges it were good and meete that they whiche exercise the inferiour office should resigne and departe from their office But I thynke not so for this were to fall from his vocation which ought not to be done especially when as we see that we must geue ouer to the vngodly which eyther resyst or oppresse the kingdome of God I iudge therfore that they ought to continew vntyl they be by force cast out by the superiour powers that they maye in keeping their office valiauntly defend the glory of God But alas we see verye manye Dukes Earles and Princes which if the Kyng or Emperour woulde take away frō thē their dominions they would not leaue a stone vnmoued to defend keepe their own There would they with al their force resist the higher powers for this cause and vnder this title bicause they would vniustly depriue them of their thinges But when the kingdome of god godlines and pure religion are assayled of them and these inferiour powers are required as Ministers to be at hand and to helpe to ouerthrowe them they dare not speake or resistany thing at all Wherfore wee can thinke nothing els but that they haue lytle regarde of the kingdome of Christ and of true godlynes Answears to the argumētes put in the beginning To the first Christ did well in being conuersant with the vngodly Now resteth to answer to those argumentes which were put foorth in the beginning by which seemed to be proued that conuersation together wyth Infidels is lawfull Christ was alledged who was conuersaunt with Phariseys Synners and Publicanes But he was not onely strong and wyse but also the chiefe of all wyse and strong men and he could so profit the euyll that the malice of others could nothing at al hurt him Wherefore they which are constant and learned may lawfully as we haue taught be conuersaunt with Infidels to the end therby to profyt them to saluation Secondly was brought foorth a place of Paule who prohibited that a faythfull husband or wyfe should not departe from an Infidell To the second How farre the vnfaythfull mā or wyfe oughte to bee borne with all so that he or she were content to dwell together We declared also that natural and ciuyl necessities especially suche as are instituted of god should be obserued And yet for all that that which is there sayde by the Apostle must not be vnderstand so symply as it is pretended bycause if an vnfaythfull housband should entise hys wyfe beyng a Christian vnto vngodlynes or woulde not cease to blaspheme Christ suche a matrimonye ought not to continue To the third Why Paul cōmaūded not the infidelles but euyll bretheren to be auoyded Thirdly there was declared a sentence of the same Apostle to the Corrinthians which is that all couetous persons euyll speakers drunkardes and whoremongers are not to be auoyded for otherwyse wee must go out of the worlde but he sayd that those onely were to be eschewed which were counted brethren As touching this purpose of Paule we must diligently marke fyrst that he sawe ryght well that the necessities of lyfe could not suffer that all those which beleued not at that time in Christ shoulde be auoyded for the greatest parte of men at the beginning were farre from Christ neyther coulde the infideles haue bene made better if our men had seperated themselues altogether from them But by the sentence of Paule the corrupte brethren were driuen both to griefe and shame whilest they sawe that for their sinnes they were eschewed of those to whom before they had bene familiar and deere and were ioyned vnto them as members of one body Furthermore when this discipline floryshed the Churche was not euill spoken of for the sinnes of the brethren which woulde otherwyse haue happened if they had wincked at wicked actes To the fourth Therefore these sentences are nothing agaynst those thinges which we before determined And much lesse that which was alledged of Abraham how he iourneyed as a straunger among Ethnikes and Idolatrers The peregrination of Abrahā among that Ethnikes is defended Fyrst bicause he did it by the calling of God Secondly bicause he was of so greate constancye and wisedome that he coulde be conuersaunte with the vngodly withoute any hurte to hymselfe and to theyr greate profite For whether so euer he went he caried aboute with him the name of God and the worshipping of him To the fyfth Of Loth. We may aunswere the same also of Loth If he went vnto the fyue cities with a good mynde namely to teache the Sodomites godlinesse and the right waye But if he wente thither being moued onely with the commoditie of the place he dyd not well And assuredly his going thyther had but ill successe For he was ledde awaye captyue and Abraham was fayne to redeeme hym And when afterwarde those places were by the power of God burnte he was compelled whether he would or no to remoue from thence I neede not to speake muche at thys presente of Naaman the Sirian for I haue before entreated inoughe of hym Moreouer I thinke it be manifeste inough what was the cause why some of them that were healed by Christe were sente backe to theyr owne namelye to Preache and faythfully to declare vnto them what had happened vnto themselues Now resteth somewhat to speake peculiarly of Iewes and Heretikes Of the Iewes For these kynde of men are suffred almost in all cities prouinces and kyngdomes to dwel together with Christians Why the Iewes should be suffred Augustine Augustine among other bringeth forth certayne reasons He in his .iiii. and .xviii. bookes de ciuitate Dei and also vppon the .lviii. Psalme and in other places writeth that they ought therefore to be suffred bicause they
condition ioyned with it as it may be in absolute and simple sentences when as the successe depēdeth of the kepyng or violatyng of the condition More ouer in these wordes of the history is expressed the cause why the Israelites sorowed and sighed namely bycause they were oppressed and afflicted and that with those kindes of calamityes whiche are before mencioned namely bycause they were spoyled sold and losyng their liberty and goods they were no longer able to stande before their enemyes 19 Yet for all that as soone as the Iudge was dead they turned and did worse than their fathers in following straunge gods and in seruing them and bowing them selues vnto them and ceased not from the Actes of them and from their hard waye When the Hebrues in the tyme of the Iudge that was raysed vp had a restyng tyme and came to a tollerable estate that iudge beyng dead they fell agayne worse than they did before and committed much more grieuous things than did their elders Whereby is founde true that whiche we before haue sayde namely that the infirmitye of our nature is so great that we can not longe abyde in pure religion and sincere worshipping of God And in that it is sayde that they whiche came after were a great deale worse than their fathers is declared that GOD not without reason and iuste cause was the more prouoked vnto anger so that wheras he had longe tyme spared their elders nowe at the last he would not forgeue those that came after And this is it whiche is often sayde Howe the iniquities of the fathers are visited in the children childrēs children that he doth visite the iniquities of the fathers vpon the children euen to the third and fourth generation whiche is not so to be vnderstand as thoughe he should punishe the posteritie more than they haue deserued But bycause God as he hath spared the fathers would so also haue forgeuen the children vnlesse they had so much followed the iniquities of their fathers that also they went farther in those mischieuous Actes then did their fathers God is patient and before the poureth out hys wrath and punishementes he vseth to tary for the thirde or fourth generation But howe these of whom we intreate were more corrupt than their fathers the history manifestly declareth for they committed more wicked Actes than did their fathers And of all those whiche their fathers perpetrated they forsooke none or left none vndone But of this kynde of speache wherein it is sayde It is not in mans power to auoyde sinne Neither ceased they from their endeuours we may not conclude that it lyeth in our strength power to auoyde synnes or to wrappe our selues out of them Wherfore they greatly erre which of the preceptes of the law of GOD do gather the strength and power of our free will For by the commaundementes the Scripture testifyeth what thynges they he whiche are required of men The power of free will is not to be gathered of the commaūdementes But the same Scripture manifestlye in an other place admonisheth that it lieth not in our power to fulfill them As Paul also writeth in hys latter Epistle to Timothe that there are in a great house not onely vesselles of golde and siluer but also vesselles of wood and vesselles of claye And he whiche shall purge hym selfe from them shal be a vessell sanctified to honour profitable to the Lorde and prepared to all good workes Neither for all that can we therby conclude that it is in our owne strength to purge our selues from synnes althoughe the same be required at our handes for as much as that is to be looked for onely of God Wherefore the same Apostle in the same Epistle when he had admonished the Minister of the Churche so be gentle ready to teache pacient to suffre euilles It is GOD whiche geueth repentaunce amendement but so for all that to confute them whiche resiste addeth If peraduenture God shall geue them repentaunce to the knowledge of hys truth By these wordes we are taughte that repentaunce from synnes whiche is commaunded commeth not of our selues but is louyngly and gently geuen of God The waye of synners is rightlye and worthily called harde The waye of sinners is hard and it is a metaphor elegantly taken of roughe and stonye places for stones and rockes for that they haue thicke and vnequall partes they hurte pricke and rente the tendre fleshe of theyr feete whiche trauayle vpon them So are the manners of the wicked they wounde theyr consciences and at the laste bryng them into extreme miseries which happeneth not without the great goodnesse of God for the god at the length by that meanes calleth vnto him very many sinners And the sawe hath Hoseas the Prophete very well described in hys ii chap when he sayeth And she sayde I will go after my louers whiche haue geuen me golde siluer wooll flaxe c. But I will hedge in thy wayes with thornes and will take awaye my gold my siluer my wooll and my flaxe And she shall say I will returne vnto my first husband for then was it better with me than it is now 20 Wherfore the wrath of the Lorde was kyndled agaynst Israel and he sayd Bycause thys people hath transgressed myne appoyntment whiche I commaunded their Fathers and haue not hearkened vnto my voyce 21 I also will hence forth not cast out before them one man of the nations whiche Iosua left when he dyed 22 That thoroughe them I maye proue Israell whether they wyll kepe the waye of the Lorde and walke therein as their Fathers dyd or not 23 And so the Lord left those nations and droue them not out immediatly neither deliuered them into the handes of Iosua The cause being before declared namely the contempte wherby the Israelites contempned GOD now is set forth the effect thereof whiche is the kindlyng of the wrath of GOD. For this worde Chara in the Hebrue tongue is to waxe hotte or to be kyndeled with anger Whereby the property and nature of angry is properly and elegantely expressed For if angry should be defyned accordyng to the matter thereof it is a certayne inflamation of bloud about the hearte What is the matter of āger Neither do I speake it as thoughe that can be applied vnto GOD who vtterly is without heate and bloud But all these thynges as I haue allready oftentymes sayde are by a certaine translation applied vnto hym ¶ Of a League BVt bycause God complayneth for that the league was broken whiche he had made with them I thincke it good somewhat to speake briefly of a league whiche is in Latine called Faedus And that worde is deriued of the verbe Ferio whiche is to staye bycause that the ambassadours of eche partie kylled a hogge from whiche Etimologye peraduenture the Hebrue worde Berith differeth not much with whiche outwarde signe also they wished by prayer the destruction to that parte whiche
hande and hys hande preuayled agaynst Chusan Riseathaun 11 And the lande had rest .40 yeares And Othoniel the Sonne of Chenez dyed Israel cryed vnto the Lord bicause they wer euil vexed and most grieuously oppressed of the Sirians They acknowledged now after their great hurt that straunge Gods profited them nothing yea rather they brought vpon them the miseries wherwith they were vrged When they vnderstoode that mans helpe was on euery side cut of they conuerting them selues vnto the true God called vpon him This is the fruite of miseries as touching the elect or rather the fruit of the goodnes of God which by troubles calleth againe vnto him those which are hys Of Othoniel we haue spoken inough before Now he is called a Sauiour bicause he brought health vnto the Israelites as the other Iudges dyd Othoniel was called a sauiour and a redemer which wer also called Sauiours he was a shadow of Christ But the Chaldey paraphrast calleth him Porken that is a Redemer Which surname also rightly agreeth with Othoniel bicause before it is sayd that God sold the Israelites and when bondmen are sold they haue nede of one to redeme them For as much as before it was said the God raised vp Iudges After what maner God raised vp Iudges now is declared the maner forme how he raysed them vp For it is written And the spirite of the Lord was vpon hym For by the holy ghost wer not onelye geuen vnto hym strength political wisdome and warlyke artes but also he was made the more certain of his calling The Chaldey paraphrast vnderstandeth by the Spirit of God the power of prophecy Dauid Kimhi But Dauid Kimhi interpreteth it the gift of force strength But I thinke that either interpretacion is to be allowed For besydes the strength and power which was geuen the Iudges they had also the iudgement and feeling of the wil of God which pertained vnto prophecy He iudged Israel That is he set them at liberty and was their Gouernour as touching ciuil thinges and restored the pure worshipping of God In that it is aboue written that God sold Israel to the king of Mesopotamia And nowe again it is declared that he deliuered the same king vnto Othoniel we may gather that victories ar geuē at the pleasure of God which also we haue often noted before R. Leui ben gerson thinketh that in that supputation of .40 R. Leui ben gerischon yeares wherein the Iewes lyued peaceably vnder Othoniel were comprehended also the eyght yeares of seruitude which went before But of this thing we wil speake aboundantly in the history of Iiphtah God is also to be called vpon of synners This place teacheth that men must call vpon God though they haue synned which I therfore thought good to note bycause sinnes vse much to feare away men from the inuocation of the name of God for this is the nature of synnes to alienate vs frō God vnto whom we yet by praiers come againe Wherfore seing these thinges are contrary namely to be alienated from God and to come vnto him it is wonder how they can be applyed to one and the selfe same man Augustine And this maketh with it also which is written in the gospel God heareth not sinners Although Augustine wryte of that sentēce that it is found in dede in the holy scriptures but it was spoken by hym whych was borne blynde when his hart was not yet illustrate Wherefore he iudgeth that that sentence is not to be taken as a firme and certaine rule A distinction of synners But I would rather make a distinction betwene synners for there are some which when they cry vnto the Lord do repent and from their hartes are sory for the euils which they haue committed But ther are other which continue stil in their mynd and purpose to synne and haue a very great delite therin Farther I am not afeard to affirme that god heareth those synners which being repentant cry vnto him with faith wher as those are repulsed which being hardened in their sinnes and wāting faith do call vpon god Wherfore it appeareth that those sinners which come to god and those that depart from god are not sinners of one sort bicause they which after they haue synned cal vpon god by faith repent them of theyr synnes are deuided from those which stubbornly without repentaunce perseuer in their synnes For they although by wordes they cry vnto god yet in hart and mynde they are farre from him so farre are they for to be ioyned vnto him or to come vnto him by fayth and prayers ¶ Whether God be the cause of synne BVt in these thinges which are sayd there ariseth a question which is not to be left vnspoken of For it is writtē that god sold the Israelites to the king of Mesopotamia Wherfore it semeth that he holpe a wicked man aided hym to satisfy his tyranny and ambition For he had neither a iust cause nor yet an honest title to clayme vnto him the dominion of the Hebrues What shall wee saye therefore Shall we affirme that God is the cause of this sinne Ther happeneth in this booke and in other places of the holye Scriptures suche kynde of speeche and that often times very plaine and therefore it semeth good to be expounded once for all Whether by the word permissiō this question may be dissolued Some yea and that with no euyl minde labour to excuse God and say that he doth not these euyl thinges but onely permitteth them And they thinke that in doubtful places that interpretation is to be applied which altogether wanteth fault and daunger of vngodlines Vndoubtedly this their saying wer to be praised if that we could se their exposition to be allowed in the scriptures But there it is farre otherwise sayd It is proued by good reasons that besides permission god worketh somewhat whē sins ar cōmitted namely that God doth stirre vp wycked men to their wicked actes that he seduceth delyuereth commaundeth hardeneth and deceaueth them and bringeth to passe those sinnes which are grieuous Suche kindes of speeche do manifestly teach vs that God after a sorte woorketh euyll thinges not onely in permitting but also in doing in vs. Without doubt al we are said both to haue our being and also our mouing in him For he is in suche sort the first cause of all thinges that without him we can do nothing For how should we moue our selues vnlesse by his power we wer both moued and also driuen Farther how farre his gouernment extendeth we may reade in the .xi. chap. of Mathew for two Sparowes saith the Lord are sold for a farthing and yet one of them falleth not to the ground without the wyll of the father And that was as much to say as without the counsell of God nothing be it neuer so smal is done in the world Moreouer that permission wherby certaine go about to make
vs is verye synne but in respecte that it commeth from God it is both good iust and holy For punishment is by God imposed to wycked men And to punishe synnes no man is ignoraunt but that it partayneth to iustice Wherfore God in withdrawing his grace from the vngodly and ministring some occasions which might moue to good things if they happened to right iust mindes and which he knoweth the wicked wyll turne to euil may after a sort although not properly be said to be the cause of sinne And vndoubtedly that act A â—â—militude in that it passeth through vs is sinne but not as it coÌ„meth from God For in that it coÌ„meth froÌ„ God it is most perfect iustice It happeneth somtimes that the self same wine being poured into a corrupt vessell is lost and made paide which wine as it was brought by the husbandmaÌ„ put into the vessel is both swete and good Neither is it hard to vnderstand how one the selfe same act may as touching one be vicious in respect of an other iust For when a murtherer hangman do kill a man the act as touching the matter or subiect without doubt is al one namelye the death of a man And yet the murtherer doth it most vniustly the hangman by law and iustice Iob also did wel vnderstand that when he said The Lord gaue the Lord hath taken away as it hath pleased him so is it done He did not by those wordes praise the Chaldians Sabines the Deuil which wer vessels of iniquity most vicious but he with great godlines allowed those euils as they were gouerned ruled by the prouidence of God namely for this cause bicause they pleased God It is also written in the .2 booke of Samuel the .24 chap. of Dauid who vnaduisedly wold haue the people numbred how God was angry with Israel therfore he styrred vp Dauid to do that And in the booke of Paral. it is writteÌ„ that Sathan was the doer of it For God doth those thinges which he wil haue done by Angels as wel good as euil Wherfore that numbring of the people as it proceeded of Dauid or the Deuil was in dede vicious but in that it came from God who intended to punish the Israelites it pertayned excedingly to the setting foorth of hys iustice Howbeit Iames sayth that God tempteth none to euyll but euery one of vs is allured by our own concupiscence Augustine Whyther God tempt or no. Augustine wryting of thys thyng in hys booke de consensa Euangelistarum saith that there are two kyndes of temptacion the one of trial the other of deceite And in dede as touching tryal he denyeth not but that God tempteth for that the scriptures do confesse it But with that kinde of temptation which deceaueth whereof Iames wrote he sayth that God tempteth no man But the scriptures teache not so as we haue declared a litle before of Dauid and before him of Achab. Yea and in Ezechiel the .14 chap. god saith that he had deceaued the Prophet And the same Augustine writeth not after the same maner in other places as it manifestly appeareth in hys bookes de Praedest Sanctorum de Cerrept Gratia ad Valent. and in hys .5 booke and .3 chap. contra Iulianum Wherfore the true interpretatioÌ„ of this place is that euery man is therfore tempted of his own concupiscence bicause al men haue their natural disease which is corruption and vicious lusts which ar together borne with them do also grow and increase in them Wherefore God instylleth no malice of his for we haue inough at home Therefore he cannot bee accused for as much as the beginning of vngodlines wickednes commeth not from hym God when he wyl bringeth to lyght our frowaconesse of mynde but lieth hid in vs. He ought not therefore to bee counted to geue the cause and fault who yet when it semeth good vnto him wil for iust causes haue our lusts wickednes brought to light and rule gouerne our wicked acts therby more and more to illustrate his iustice and glorye to aduaunce the saluation of the godly Wherfore his singular goodnes and prouidence is very much to be praised which can so iustly and wisely vse so wycked meanes Whence the variety of pronenesse to synne commeth But if a man wil aske how it happeneth that some are more prone to sinnes than others if as it is sayd malice wyckednes ar rooted into vs al from our byrth neither is it nede that any new or latter malice should be instilled in vs froÌ„ God And seyng that we ar al brought forth of one the selfe same lumpe and that lumpe likewise is altogether viciated it shoulde seeme that all also ought to be of a like disposition and inclination to wickednes But thys is diligently to be weighed that besides thys disposition ther happen naturall malices maners customes wicked qualities fellowshippes temperatures of bodies sundry parentes diuers countries and manifold causes wherby some are made more or lesse prone vnto sins which pronenesse of ours God according to his iustice goodnes and wisdome vseth and stirreth it vp gouerneth and ruleth it And this is not to be forgotten that none of vs haue so in our selues the beginninges of good actes which truely please God as wee euen from the verye birth haue within vs the beginninges of sins For they ar inspired in vs by the holy ghost and we continuallye receaue them of God neither burst they foorth out of the corrupt beginninges of our nature Now resteth to see from whence after the synne of Adam that frowardnes and corruption came Whether the first corruption after the synne of Adam were deriued froÌ„ god or no. and whither it wer deriued from God to punish the wicked act which was committed I answer that we maye not so thynke for man was for the fault which he had committed allenated from god wherfore he iustly withrew from him his giftes fauour and grace And our nature being left vnto it self falleth and declineth to woorse and woorse yea it coÌ„meth to nothyng from whence it was brought forth at the beginning Wherefore we must seke for no other efficieÌ„t cause of that corruption Wherefore by that wythdrawing of giftes and grace and departure from God which is the fountain of al good thinges nature is by it self throwen headlong into vice and corruption But now let vs returne to the history 12 Againe the children of Israel dyd euill in the syght of the Lord. And the Lord strengthened Eglon king of Moab against Israel bicause that they had done euyl in the sight of the Lord. 13 And this Eglon gathered vnto him the Chyldren of Ammon and Amalek and went and smote Israel and they possessed the city of Palme trees 14 And the childreÌ„ of Israel serued Eglon king of Moab .18 yeres The history declareth first the sinne which the Israelites committed then it
when hee taketh the weake ones he straight waye endueth and adorneth them with his grace and gyftes For as muche therefore as he had vnto thys ministerye chosen Deborah beyng weake in kynde hee strayght waye endewed and adorned her wyth the spirite of prophecye By whyche grace and peraduenture manye other moe myracles she was by God constituted and by myracles confirmed as she that was elected vnto so great an office Neyther onely this woman was endewed with the sprite of prophesy We comen prophetesses did openly instruct the people for in the holy scriptures we reade of other women which were likewise inspired by the holy Ghost Mary the sister of Moses Hanna the Mother of Samuel Holda in the time of Iosias the king were Prophetesses And in the new testament Marye the Virgin Elizabeth the mother of Iohn and Anna the wife of Phanuel the daughters also of Phillip the Deacon as it is written in the Actes of the Apostles were prophetesses Neyther do I thinke that we maye denye that some of those weomen endewed with the sprite of prophesy did openly teach the people in declarynge those thynges vnto them whiche God had shewed vnto them Forasmuch as the giftes of God are not therfore geuen that they shoulde lye hidden but to aduaunce the common edifying of the church And yet hereby it followeth not that that which God doth by some peculiar priuiledge we should by and by draw it for an example because according to the rule of the Apostle we are bound vnto an ordinary law whereby both in the Epistle to Timothy and in the first Epistle to the Corrinthians Why wemen are commounded to kepe silence in the church he commaundeth that a woman should kepe silence in the church And he assigneth causes of this silence so commaunded namely because they ought to be subiect vnto theyr husbandes But the office of a teacher hath a certayne authority ouer those whiche are taught which is not to be attributed vnto a womā ouer men For she was made for the man whome she ought alwayes to haue a regarde to obey whiche thing is also appoynted her by the sentence of God wherby after synne committed he sayd vnto the woman Thy lust shal pertayne vnto thy husband Farther the Apostle geueth an other reason drawne from the fyrste faute bicause as he sayth Eua was seduced and not Adam wherfore if women should ordinarily be admitted vnto the holy ministery of the Church men might easely suspecte that the deuill by his accustomed instrument would deceaue the people and for that cause they would the lesse regard the Ecclesiasticall function if women should be beleued It ought therfore to be committed onely to men that by ordinary right and the Apostles rule And though God do sometimes otherwyse yet can he not be iustly accused forasmuch as all lawes are in his power Wherefore if sometimes he send any prophetesse and adorne her with heauenly giftes if the same woman speake in the church vndoubtedly she is to be hearde but in suche sort that she forgette not her owne estate Twoo places of Paule conceliated Wherefore these two testimonies of Paule which seme to be contrary one to an other may easelye be conciliated To Timothe the fyrst Epistle he writeth that a woman ought in the church to kepe silence which thinge toward the ende of the first Epistle to the Corinth he most manifestly confirmeth And in the same epistle he commaundeth that a man prophesieng or praying should haue his hed vncouered but a woman when she prophesieth should haue it couered whereby vndoubtedly he teacheth that it is lawfull for a woman both to speak and also to prophesy in the church For he would not haue commaūded that in this doing she should couer her head if she should vtterly kepe silence in the holy assembly The thinge is in this manner to be taken that we should vnderstande the precept of silence to be a generall precepte but the other which is for the couering of the head when they pray or prophesy pertained onely to those which wer prophetesses They vndoubtedly are not forbidden to prophesy for the common edification of the church Why women prophetesses were commaūded to haue theyr heds couered but to the ende by reason of theyr office extraordinarely committed vnto them they should not forget theyr owne estate and waxe proude they are commaūded to haue their head couered whereby they myght vnderstande that yet they haue the power of man aboue them Farther whereas to Titus the ii chap. it is commaunded that the elder women should admonish the yonger women of temperance and that they should loue theyr husbandes and children and diligently looke to theyr famely this is not to be vnderstand of publike doctrine or ecclesiasticall sermons but of priuate exhortacions which it is meete that the elders haue to the yongers 5 And the same Deborah dwelt vnder a Palme tree betwene Ramath and Bethell in mount Ephraim And the children of Israell ascended vp to her for iudgement How Deborah iudged the people The word of iudging as we haue admonished in this booke oftentimes signifieth to reuenge and to set at liberty Which signification if we now follow we shall se that Deborah was appoynted vnto the same namelye to deliuer the Israelites And as soone as they by the inspiraciō of God vnderstode that they ascēded to her to heare of her what they should do to attayne vnto liberty But if any man wil haue the word of iudgemēt to signify to set lawes or to geue sentence of controuersies I wil not be much against it For so great peraduenture was the oppression of Iabin that now the Israelites could not vse ordinary iudges They therfore being taken away whē they saw that Deborah was endewed with the spirite of God they had rather be iudged by her than by the Chananites Iosephus But Iosephus inclineth more vnto the first interpretation and he saythe that they beinge oppressed by their enemies came vnto Deborah whome they knew to be a most holy woman and endewed with the sprite of god and desired her to pray vnto God for them which she both did and was heard As touching the ministery of the churche how women may be preferred in what sort they are not apt we haue before declared And this we ad now that whē churches ar newly planted when ther want men to preach the Gospel a womā may at the beginning be admitted to teach but in such sorte that when she hath taught a while some one mā of the faithful to be ordeyned which afterward may minister the sacramēts teach faithfully execute the office of a pastor But bicause Deborah was not onely a Prophetesse but also in setting at liberty gouerned ciuil things I might therfore demaund whether a womā may be appoynted to gouern a pub wealth But I haue determined to entreat of this question in an other place namely whē I come
at home or elles if he were at he home was sick Wherfore he could not execute this notable acte 18 And Iahell went out to mete Sisera and said vnto him Turn on my Lorde turne in to me feare not And he turned in vnto her tente And she couered hym with a coueringe 19 And he sayde vnto her geue me I praye thee a little water to drinke for I am thirstye and she opened a bottle of milke and gaue him drinke and couered him 20 Agayne he sayd vnto her stande in the dore of the tent and when anye man doth come and inquire of thee saying is anye man here thou shalt say nay 21 Then Iahel Hebers wife toke a nayle of the tente and toke an hammer in her hād and went priuely vnto him and smote the naile into his temples and fastned it vnto the grounde For he was faste on slepe and wery and so he died Iahel vsed guile and that euel guile but agaynst her enemy not her own enemy but one alredy reiected of God and an oppressor of the people of God And in what sorte it is lawful to vse euel guile against such enemies we haue before declared The couering wherwith she couered him it is vncertayne what manner of one it was and the opinions of the interpretors do muche differ therein For some affirm that it was of silk and fine and other some that it was a thick wollen garment full of heares and lockes hanging in both sides But the matter is of no greate importance and consisteth wholy in coniectures The cause of the drought of Sisera That Sisera was oppressed with thirst we ought not to merueile when as he had traueled so farre on foote and was pressed with so great grief for both they which are weary and also they that are heauy for the most parte are wonte to be thirsty For both labor and the affection of sorow haue a power of drying The woman gaue him milke Paraduenture shee didde it of purpose to cause him to fall on slepe Neither was it any hard thing for her to geue him milke to drinke for she had it in hand when as she her whole family excercised the arte of graffinge of cattle And in that it is said that she opened a bottle it declareth that she had no smal store of milke but greate aboundaunce therof But Sisera when he had wel dronke forgat not yet his owne safety but diligently admonisheth the woman what she shoulde aunswere if any body came to aske for him And that none should haue occasion to entre into the tente he willeth her to abide at the dore to aunswere such as should go by to the ende that if they soughte for him they should sone departe from thence A nayle of the tente I take to be that which they vse to fasten into the ground to cause the tente being bound vnto it to abide spreade abroade And in that the woman vsed a hammer and a nayle this I gather thereby that the Israelites whilest they serued the Chananites had theyr weapons taken away from them by the Chananites that they should haue neither sword nor dagger mete to kill a man withall This holy woman vndoubtedly was gouerned by God whiche durst accomplish so great an enterprise For the strengthe of wemen is not able to atchiue these thinges The cause of Sisaras slepe Sisera being on sleepe died The causes of his sleepe are now sufficiently expressed namely that he was weary by reason of his iourney he dronke a greate deale of milke and lay well couered He was oppressed with heauines and it is possible that he slept but a little the night before The woman came softly or priuely to se whither he were throughly on sleepe and when she saw that he was so with a stout and valiant courage she gaue him a stroke Sisera died and that with ignominy For God for this cause suffred him for a time to flye that he might not be killed in battayle amonge men but being on slepe be slayne by the hand of a woman 22 And behold Barak pursued after Sisara and Iahell came out to mete him and sayd vnto him Come I will shew thee the man whome thou seekest And he came in vnto her And beholde Sisara lay on the ground deade and the nayle in his temple 23 So god brought downe Iabin the kinge of Chanaan that daye before the children of Israell 24 And the hande of the children of Israell prospered and preuayled against Iabin the king of Chanaan vntill they had destroyed the same Iabin king of Chanaan Iahel meeteth Barak and shee therefore sheweth him his enemy killed that he shoulde no more trauayle in seekinge of him Sisera was not deceaued when he thought that Barak would come to the tent of Iahel for he came thither in dede for pursuinge the Chananites euen vnto Hazoreth of the gentiles he sawe not Sisera among them which fell wherfore he iudged he lurked somwhere and suspected that he had without any more a doe fledde vnto the tente of the Leuites bicause of the league and peace which he had with them God therfore broughte downe Iabin yea if ye maye beleue Iosephus the Israelites destroyed his citye with sword and fire Whither Iahel in violating the laws of hospitality did well or no. But it semeth that Iahel in this her enterprise and notable act did violate the lawes of hospitalitye and league and therefore nowe resteth either to condemne her or to quitte her But bicause al controuersye not a litle dependeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What maner of mē the Kenites were that is of the circumstance of the persons let vs therfore set her before our eyes and consider with our selues what maner of men the Kenites wer They assuredly in bloude wer ioyned with the Israelites For it is written that they wer the posteritye of Hobab the father in law of Moyses Farther in the study of piety and the lawe of God they most purely consented with the Hebrues Neither was theyr faythe ydle but of efficacy and working For they leauing their country followed the Israelites and God which was their guide thorowe the deserte places Wherefore at the length when the landes were distributed they obtayned inheritance together with them in the lande of Chanaan For these causes if Iahel went about to set the Iewes at libertye she did but her dutye neyther tooke she vpon her any other mans office On the contrary part let vs thus thinke of Sisera What Sisera was He was an oppresser of the people of God and nowe killed by the power of God and vtterlye confounded neyther appeared there in him any token of repentance but rather would therfore hyde himselfe that escaping this so present a daunger he might againe gather a new host against the Israelites In deede after a sorte hee was in league with Heber the Kenite but as it is to be thought not with a pure hart but onelye
people that offred them selues wyllingly The ditty or song which is here written belongeth to a demonstratiue kind of oration for it comprehendeth both prayses and dispraises Prayses chiefely of god which was the principal author of this victory for in ouercomming Sisera it is mencioned that he vsed the ayde of the Starres of heauen and of the tempest Deborah also and Barak are praysed lykewyse Iahel and also these fewe weake and vnarmed men of the tribe of Zabulon and Nephthalim which obeied the Oracle of god On the contrary part Sisera is dispraised as a most cruel enemy of the people of god they are sharpely rebuked which beleued not the word of god but despised the commaundementes of Barak and woordes of Deborah hauing a regarde to their own weakenes and not so much esteeming the goodnes and promises of god as they should haue done they refused the battayle appoynted them of God ¶ Of Musicke and Songes THis song is a song of victory A song of victorye such a one as Moyses sang when Pharao was drowned and as Hanna the mother of Samuel made by the inspiratiō of the holy ghost when she had brought forth Samuel and such a one as the Maydens of the Iewes openly sang in companies of players and dauncers after the victory of Dauid against Goliah And in lyke maner in the newe Testament Mary Zacharias and Simeon gaue thankes to god in their songes The Ethnikes also when they had obtayned victories were wont to appoynt supplications for certayne dayes which in deede was nothing els than to geue thankes vnto God Wherefore being moued with the occasion of this place I thinke it good somewhat to speake of Songes and Musicke as much as belongeth to piety Fyrste from whence they had their beginning and to what ende they were instituted Secondlye whither they may be kept in the Churches Lastlye what kinde of songes and measures are profitable and healthful As touching the first we must vnderstand that the men of the olde tyme were wont with common vowes to sing certain solemn ditties both when they gaue thankes to god and also when they endeuoured to obtayne anye thyng of hym Wherefore Orpheus Linus Pindatus and Horace Poetes vsyng the harpe Sallij and such like Poetes which vsed the Harpe wrote most part of their hymnes for these vses And in the Romane publike wealth the Priests of Mars which wer called Salii caryed shields and sang their verses throughe the Citye Furthermore it was the maner that Musicke and verses were had when the prayses of noble men were celebrated chiefly at feastes whereby they which stoode by might be admonished to to imitate their noble actes and to detest suche vices which were contrary vnto theyr vertues Moreouer they vsed them to recreate the myndes and to comfort suche as wer pensiue for the dead For in burials they sang Epitaphes Epitaphes And contrariwise when anye great cause of ioye happened it was expressed by Musicke and Songes Wherefore in weddinges they wer wont to syng wedding songes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Al these thinges if they be done moderatelye and in due time maye be both borne withal and also commended For Musicke and Songes contayne three kyndes of good thinges honest I say profyte and pleasantnes For although synging of it selfe delighteth the myndes of men yet when woordes are ioyned vnto it which are of a iust number and bound by certaine feete as we see verses are it is then made much more pleasaunt And vndoubtedlye Poetry had hereof hys beginning and I cannot deny but it is a gyft of god Poetry a gyfte of God Againste wanton songes but I woulde wyshe thys that it be kept pure and chaste among men And that I for this cause say bicause certayne vncleane and vnpure men haue most filthily defiled it applying songs and verses to wantonnesse wicked lusts and euery filthy thing Whose verses although they be eloquent and good latine yet they are vtterly vnwoorthye for Christian eares neither ought they by any meanes to be taught vnto yong mē who being themselues prone inough to vices neede no new fyres or mocions to moue and enflame them Verses of this kinde may iustly be called the Sirenes of tender mindes wherwith yong men being infected it is scarce possible but that they shal suffer shipwracke The godlye much vsed holy songes But holy songes the people of God muche vsed For the Hebrues in Moyses time when they tooke vp the Arke of the couenaunt in their remouing of theyr tentes sang this song Let God arise and destroy his enemies Neither did they set it downe without some godlye song as it is wrytten in the booke of Numb Furthermore in the Tabernacle in the Temple which was built by Salomō the Leuites at houres appointed wer present sang holy himnes before the Lorde in the hearing of the people whē they gaue thanks vnto God they most swetelye celebrated certayne notable benefites which he had bestowed on his people and they adioyned prayers and added sentences to the information of the manners and lyfe of godly men Householders also when they sat down in their houses or rose from a feast did sing certain himnes whē they kept solemne daies among their household according to the cōmaundement of God so in geuyng thankes to God they deliuered ouer in maner by hand his notable woorkes to their posterity Which laudable custome our Lord Iesus Christ semeth to haue followed when after the Paschal supper in the night wherin he was betrayed he went out together with his Disciples into the mount Oliuet when thei had said an himne An example of Helizeus And of what force holye musicke is to pacifye the affectes of the mynde Helizeus testifieth who being in minde somewhat moued agaynste the king of Israel cōmaunded one that plaied on an instrument to be brought vnto him Dauid also in playing before Saul brideled the violence of the euyll spirite wherewith Saul was oppressed But why Musicke seemeth so to rapte men in a maner wholye the reason is plaine Musike doth in a maner rauishe the whole man For there are certain pleasures which onely fyl the outward senses and there are others also which pertain onely to the minde or reason But musick is a delectation so put in the myddest that both by the sweetenes of the soundes it moueth the senses and by the artificialnes of the number and proportions it delighteth reason it selfe Pithagoras And that happeneth then chiefly when such wordes are added vnto it whose sense is both excellent learned Pythagoras opinion was that they which studied his doctrine should be brought on sleepe with a Harpe and by the accordes thereof also wakened wherby they might quietly enioy the time both of sleeping and waking Cicero And it is a common saying as Cicero affirmeth that rockes and wildernesses do geue a sound and cruel beasts by singing are asswaged
This Hebrewe word Aim is a particle of one that sweareth and is very much vsed in the holy scriptures I haue sworne in mine anger if they shal enter into my rest Also Lorde if I haue done this or if there be iniquitye in my handes c. The reason of this kinde of speach is bycause they which do so sweare doo begin an execration and sometimes they performe it not If say they they should adde I do it let this or that happen vnto me let me perysh let me dye let me suffer cruell punishment and such like But sometimes they fully expresse it 9 My darte is set on the gouerners of Israell and on them that ar willing amonge the people prayse ye the Lorde 10 Speake ye that ryde on white asses ye that dwell by Middin and that walke by the way Deborah by an eloquent distribution turneth herself to diuers kinds of men exhorteth euery one of them to prayse the Lord. She maketh mention of princes before the other and sayth that her harte is set on them namely bicause she feruently desireth them to be thankful vnto God and to prayse him for the benefite which they haue receaued She calleth them Hokekei bicause to them pertained to make both decrees and lawes Afterwarde she speaketh of all those whiche of theyr owne will and accord had offred themselues vnto the battayle Ye which ride on white trim asses Almost al interpretours vnderstand this to be spoken of merchantes which ryde to and fro to fayres and marketes Asses are vsed in Siria And indeede asses are very much vsed in Siria for there the asses be stronge and mighty and of a good bigge stature and do go pleasauntly VVhiche dwell by Middin Some vnderstande it thus that they whiche are iudges shoulde be prouoked to prayse GOD. For saye they as shee had before stirred vp marchants and rich men to prayse God so now she calleth vpon iudges to do the same For as before marchants were hindred from their trades also were iudges letted from exercising iudgementes For they being oppressed of theyr enemies could not minister iustice But it is better that by this word Middin be expressed some certayne place which paraduenture was grieuouslier oppressed by the enemies thaÌ„ other places wer Or els bicause theyr marchandises wer wont to be much occupied which being now set at liberty in safety the inhabiters of that place are peculiarly stirred vp to prayse God And lastly this semeth to pertayne to the common people VVhich walke by the way Namely on fote For other either they did ryde or wer caried vpon asses for that they were rich and noble men All ye sayth she Schichu that is tel and shew But bicause that verbe signifieth also to meditate we will thus expound it with a redye and an attentiue minde tell or shew Or els it is sayd Ye which walke by the way to declare a certayne cause why they ought to geue thankes as though shee should haue sayd All ye which I haue mentioned therfore geue thankes vnto God bicause nowe ye may walke by the way freely 11 For the noyse of the archers appaised in the places wher water is drawen there shall they reherse the righteousnes of the Lorde hys righteousnes of his townes in Israell theÌ„ did the people of the lord go downe to the gates When she had nowe praysed God because he had restored the common highe wayes free vnto the Hebrewes she addeth now an other benefite which he had bestowed on them Water is a verye necessarye thing in Syria namely in that thei might with out feare draw water which before was in a maner wholy letted them This thing vndoubtedly althoughe in other places it seemeth to be of no greate value yet in Siria where is wonderfull greate scarecety of water it ought to be counted for an excellent gifte The welles or fountaynes whiche were without the cities by the streates and highe wayes could stande the Iewes in no steade by reason of the Chananites whiche kept away al thinges For the horsemen which were archers hidde them selues priuely neare such waters and assayled those which came forth to draw water there Many of them they led away captiues and with theyr noyse and cry they feared away in a manner all from drawinge of water Ye haue nowe escaped sayth Deborah the horrible and barbarous noises and cries of horsemeÌ„ which were archers vsed to crye with an horrible voyce when they assayle theyr enemies Ieremy in the .4 chap. testifieth And the whole city sayth he fled away at the cry of the horsemen which they made whilest they bended theyr bowes After that is setforth an other singular benefite namely that the little townes and villages which wanted fences and were not inclosed with walles and seemed to be desolate and emptye by reason of the enemies whiche besieged them ar now by the help of God reedefied and restored Wherfore she concludeth that for this cause also god must worthely be praised Lastly is added that the people of god might now assemble at the gates of the cities Why thei geue iudgements in the gates froÌ„ the which before they were altogether prohibited The iudgement place in the old time was wonte to be in the gates wher thei executed lawes But by reason of warres and oppressions it seemeth that iudgements ceased which thing how great a misery it bringeth to the publike wealth they do manifestly vnderstand which are not ignorant that in iudgementes in a manner the whole power of the publike wealth is contayned But why the Hebrewes executed these thinges in the gates thys seemeth to me to be the cause bicause they thought those places most meete to be chosen vnto which not onely the citizens but also the rusticall and husband men might easely come And the vndoubtedly could not be better done in any other place then in the very gates of the cityes Geue thankes therfore vnto God sayth Deborah bycause all these thinges by his ayde haue nowe recouered theyr olde forme and order 12 Arise arise Deborah arise arise singe a songe Vp Barak and leade thy captiuity captyue thou sonne of Abinoam Forasmucch as Deborah studied to inflame all the Israelites to geue thanks vnto god by an eloqueÌ„t figure she now stirreth vp herself that therby others might be pricked forward and endeuour themselues by her example to prayse God Go to Go to Deborah go to go to sing a songe This without doubt is the manner of sainctes in their Psalmes and songes that they neuer satisfie themselues in praysing God they alwayes thinke that they are to colde and for that cause euery where they vse suche stirringes vp of themselues Here R. Salomon doteth A fayned â—â—sition of R. â—â—lomon when he writeth that Deborah did to much boast of her selfe and therfore when her spirite began to waxe faynte she endeuored her selfe by such stirryng vp to kindle it agayne If these thinges are spoken by the
the composition she maketh the cōclusiō with the helpe of Lord beginneth the next clause with the self same wordes as doth Virgill Virgil. O ye Periedes do ye these noble thynges to Gallus to Gallus I say whose loue doth dayly so much increase towardes me What is to be iudged of cursinges bannynges We haue at large before handled the place of cursinges wherfore now I wyll not speake much of it The Summe is That it is not lawfull for a man to curse any mā for the satisfieng of his owne anger For when our own matters are in hand we must loue our enemies we must blesse thē which curse vs. But when God doth somtimes certainely make manifest that he will haue some destroyed they whiche are so admonished of his wil can not but allow it for by the spirite wherw t they are inspired they wil also the same thing the God wil. And after this maner Dauid other Prophetes burst forth oftētymes into cursinges of the enemies of God whiche selfe same men for all that as they were men by naturall compassion whiche is not vicious were not a litle sory for the destruction of the enemies of God So Samuel Dauid Ieremy yea our sauiour himself wept lamēted the fall of vngodly mē Neither is it to be doubted but the dutyes of this kind were very acceptable to God for as much is they procede from charity Howbeit when we see some men cruelly to rage agaynste the godly men and Gospell of God it is lawfull in that case to praye that either theyr will may be chaunged or theyr strength confounded that they shoulde not accomplyshe all the things which they appoint to do Which things if they can not be obtained this is at the least to be prayd for the God will geue vs strength myght to suffer all such things which may aduāce his honor glory And we must diligētly weigh that this curse was therfore stirred vp agaynst the citie Meroz bycause they denyed to helpe the people of god What thē is prepared for those which do not onely not helpe the seruauntes of Christe but persecute grieue and cruelly vexe them Farther we must marke that it is sayd these came not to helpe the Lord as though God neded theyr ayde and that coulde not be as touchyng hym selfe howbeit God in hys people wanteth helpe and in the members of Christ when they are vexed Christ himselfe is vexed Wherfore he will say in the last day of iudgement I was hungry and ye fed me Math. 25. I was thirsty and ye gaue me drinke c. Wherfore let vs hereby learne to obey whē God calleth vs as did the Israelites whiche are commended of Deborah neither neglected they to take in hande the battayle Let vs learne also to helpe those that are in nede especially when they followe theyr vocation 24 Iahell the wife of Heber the Kenite shal be blessed aboue other women aboue women shall she be blessed in tentes When she had cursed the wicked Citie by a contrary phrase she addeth a good prayer as the City Meroz was worthy to be cursed so of the contrary was Iahel to be commended Christ in the last daye of Iudgement wyll not onely saye Come ye blessed of my Father but on the contrary parte he wyll adde Go ye cursed Here is in hys place a parte of the saluation of the aungell Mary as it is described in Luke Blessed art thou aboue women Whiche clause is here twise put for the greater mouing But in that in this repetitiō it is added In tentes it may be thus interpreted For this cause let this woman be praysed bycause she dwelleth in tentes So that by a wonderfull compendiousnesse of one worde the slaying of Sisera is noted which happened not in the campes but was done in the tente Or els we may say that Iahell is to be praysed aboue other womē dwellyng in tentes For the family of the Kenites dwelled not in houses but in tentes Wherefore she is praysed aboue all the women Kenites which are signified by this worde tentes 25 He asked water and she gaue him milke she offred him butter in a cup of the mighty Iahel is here praysed for her prudence and strength For what vertues Iahell is praysed but the mother of these vertues is fayth It was prudence to call the enemy vnto her handsomely to couer hym and to geue him milke to drynke Also to finde out a hammer and a nayle and to chose out his hed among the rest of the members whiche she would strike and among the partes of the hed to smite thorough the temples Her might and strength is hereby knowen bycause a woman durst enterprise suche a notable acte and feared not to assayle such and so greate a Captayne but had a full confidence that she notwithstandyng that she was a woman should be able to kyll hym Peraduenture thou wilt saye the Scripture maketh no mencion here of fayth I graunte that it doth not by expresse wordes but when it is sayd she shal be blessed or praysed her fayth is noted For we be al by nature the children of wrath neither are any blessed with faythfull Abraham but by fayth as the Epistle to the Galathians testifieth He asked water and she gaue him milke That he might the easelyer and soner fall on sleepe Why menciō is made of butter this as some say is the cause bycause out of that milke the butter was not yet cherned And in dede of that kind of milke a mā may drinke a great draught for as much as beside the quenchyng of thirst it hath also a certaine swetenesse She vsed the cup of noble men Whiche namely was a very great one For noble mē wer wont to drinke out of large and wide cuppes Cicero Cicero also agaynst Anthony sayeth If so be that it had happened in the Supper tyme among thy greate cuppes who woulde not count it filthy c. Yea and they were wonte in bāquets of noble mē at the latter end to bring forth great cuppes Wherfore this witty woman to the end she would prouoke him to drinke a very depe drought vsed a cup apte for the fame Kimbi R. D. Kimhi expoundeth these thinges as thoughe she gaue him not onely drinke but meate also For he thinketh that when he had dronke the woman did set butter before him to eate Whiche exposition if we receaue we must then put out this word cup whē as that is vsed for drinke and not for meate vnlesse by the maner of a cup we vnderstand such a kynde of vessell wherin meate also is wont to be put 26 She put her hand to the nayle and her right hand to the workemās hammer with the hammer smote she Sisera she smote of his head wounded him and persed his temple 27 He was bowed down betwene her feete he fell downe he slept betwene her feete he bowed hymselfe and
euery man shal be geuen a mayde or two that is the praye of the rascall souldiours shal be bondmen or bonde women be geuen But to our Sisera shal be geuen the most worthiest thinges garmentes I say of diuers colours and nedle worke Plini in his 8. booke the .48 chap writeth that the men in the old time vsed to dye their wolle and garmentes with such sundry and pleasaunt colours Plinius bicause they would imitate the most beautifull coloures of floures and herbes And the same writer attributeth vnto the Babilonians the inuention of diuers coloures in garmentes and euen as garmentes of siluer which were found out in Asia vnder Attalus the king were called Attalical so those garmentes whiche were by the Phrigians wroughte with the nedle beinge set out with golde and sundry coloures and pictures wer called Phrigionical And for that these workmanshippes wer in the old time had in estimation god would haue the holy tabernacle and the high priestes garmentes wrought with nedle worke And this is not to be passed ouer that by the ciuile lawes it was not lawefull for euerye man to weare such precious garmentes Wherfore it is sayd now in this song that garmentes of sundry coloures and such as were wrought with the nedle ar attributed only to the prince In the Code de vestibus oloberis lege Auratas It is prohibited vpon great punishmente that any other men shoulde were precious garmēts Lawes for apparell And it is no doubt but that in the old time there wer lawes for apparel which at this day lye vtterly voide These womē spake as they knew the maner then vsed for they were not ignorant of the custome in war wherby princely garmentes wer not distributed to priuate men but vnto captaynes and emperors Discipline of warre amonge the elders Farthermore we muste consider that the elders vsed greater discipline in their camps than at this day our men do For when a town or city was sacked euery man had not that which he by violence tooke al thinges wer brought vnto the king or Emperour and not vndoubtedly that he only should haue them but that he should part them according to the labor dignity and quality of the souldiors which manifestlye appeareth in the decrees 23. question the .5 chapter Dixerit aliquis They are the woordes of Ambrose in his booke of Abraham the Patriarche And the same thing is most playnly taught Dist the .1 chap. Ius militare This hebrew word Tsoari signifieth properly a necke or neckes in the plurall number but in this place by translation it signifieth a captayne or prince 31 So let al thine enemies perish O Lord But they that loue thee let them be as the Sunne when he riseth in his strength And the land had rest .40 yeares The thinges which are now mencioned the holy Ghost doth therfore speake them by Deborah to expresse with a great emphasis and signification that those thinges do happen vnto the vngodly which they be afeard of the things which they hope happen cleane contrarye Therefore the songe is nowe concluded with an elegant exclamacion and consisteth of thinges contrary So let all thine enemies perish O Lord as Sisera hath fallen This her Apostrophe or turning to God stirreth vs vp that we shuld with a singular affectiō embrace God the author of so great notable acts Deborah also in this speaking declareth that she setteth not forth her own cause for she sayth not let my enemyes perish but thine But they that loue thee let them continually encrease in al kind of good things as the sunne increaseth from his rising vntil it be none wherin he is most strong ether from the spring time to the highest of sommer She addeth not Let them that loue him be saued as the Antithesis or cōtrary position required For these two are contraries namely to be saued and to perish But let them be encreased saith she strengthened as the sunne increaseth from his rising vnto his strength By thys conclusion the vse of example is taught vnder the forme of a prayer Sisera is ouerthrowne but the people of Israel is encreased with a notable victory so therfore shall it come to passe and happē vnto vs. We shal be deliuered if we be godly they which do persecute vs for Christs cause shal perish Wherfore it is profitable by exāples to gather out rules of the gouernmēt of God which rules with frute let vs apply vnto our own things This performed Dauid as touching this selfe same historye in his psalme where he sayth do vnto them as vnto Middian as vnto Sisera Iabin at the riuer Kyson Wherfore the some of this hystory is to set before vs the seuerity of god toward his enemies again his clemēcy towards the godly And therfore it behoueth that the seuerity of his iudgements breath in vs a fear and that by fayth we take hold of his goodnes and clemency The syxt Chapter ANd the children of Israell did euill in the syghte of the Lorde and the Lorde deliuered them into the hands of Middian seuen yeres 2 Wherfore the hand of Middian preuailed against Israel frō the face of Middiā the children of Israel made them dennes in the mountaines and caues and stronge holdes 3 For when Israell had sowen Middian came vp and Amaleke and the sonnes of Kedem came vp agaynst them 4 And camped against them and destroyed the fruite of the earth euen till thou come to Haza neyther lefte they anye foode in Israell neither cattell nor oxen nor asses 5 For they went vp and theyr cattell and came with theyr tents as greshoppers in multitude so that they and theyr camels wer without number they came I say into the land to destroy it Deborah and Barac were deade by the authority of whiche princes the people of the Hebrewes were kepte in their dutye and religion But after theyr death they fell agayne vnto sinnes and especially vnto idolatry But yet they are not counted to haue turned so heynously from God as they did before for it is not written And they added to do euil Farther their punishment was not so long for they serued the Madianites onely seuen yeares Moreouer it is not sayde that God sold them as he did before but that he deliuered them I confesse that these coniectures are but small but yet not so small that they shoulde seeme vtterly to be despised Two thinges are principally entreated of in this hystorye The principall pointes of thys history The ordre of thinges to be spoken of the affliction of the Hebrewes and theyr deliuery by Gidion But bicause eche of these partes haue their causes therfore we must also entreate of them For euen as affliction springeth of sinne and deliuery beginneth of repentance so was it mete that first it should be declared that the Israelites had sinned before mention be made that they were deliuered vnto the Madianites and theyr repentaunce must
of consolation wherfore it is no maruel if he againe desired the remedy which he had had experiēce of Why Gideon required contrary sygnes He requireth contrary signes bicause the first semed not to be so great a wonder that the rest of the earth should be dry the fleese moyst Bicause such is the nature of wool that by a certaine proper power it draweth moystnes vnto it selfe as the Magnete stone draweth yron and Naphtha fire Naphtha a kinde of chalk Wherefore the wool myght easilye drinke in the dewe and that aboūdantly although the earth wer not yet moist But that about the fleese the earth should be moist and the wool dry it was vtterly against nature What is the Allegorye of these sygnes Augustine vpon the .71 Augustine Ambrose The Allegorye of these signes Psalme writeth and also Ambrose in his first booke de spiriru sancto in the Proheme The fleese they vnderstand to be the people of the Hebrues who in the old time wer watred with the woord of God when as the whole earth that is all other nations wanted the preaching of the woord of God Christ also was the minister of the circumcision in the first embassadge he sēt his Apostles onely to the Iewes But afterward the thing was so altered that the whole worlde after the comming of the holy ghost vpon the Apostles was watred wyth the woord of God and the Iewes vtterly wanted it and as barren bowes were cut of from the fertile and fat Olyue tree ¶ Of Miracles IN the ende of the chapter twoo thinges are to be enquired of The first is of miracles the other is how much or in what sort it is lawful to require them The Etymology of the wordes As touching the firste the Hebrue verbe is Pala or Niphla whiche is it was hard or marueilous wherof ar deriued these nownes Niphlaoth or Miphlaoth By which woordes are noted thinges seuered from other for their dignitye or excellency seperated I say and wonderful The Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of thys verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is to maruayle The Latines call them Miracula that is miracles bicause they are woorthy of admiration They cal them also Prodigia monstra and Portanta that is wonders monsters and thinges seldom sene that we should vnderstand that God by these thinges wyl shewe that some certayne thing shal come to passe or be done contrary to the cōmon order of things aboue hope or expectation Miracles very muche renoumed Wherfore seing mircales ar done aboue the natural course of thynges they bring with them admiration And vndoubtedlye there are verye many miracles which by writers are made famous as the temple of Diana in Ephesus the Tombe of Artemisia Queene of Caria the horrible great image of the Sūne at Rhodes the walles of Babilon very many other of the sort Wherfore Augustine against the Epistle of the Maniches the .xvi. Augustine A general description of myracles chap. prudently writeth I call a miracle whatsoeuer appeareth harde or vnaccustomed aboue the hope or faculty of the wonderer By which wordes a certaine large description of miracles may be had Transubstantiation is yll fayned to be a myracle And forasmuch as it said that a miracle appeareth they are worthely reproued which do fayne Transubstantiation and wyll haue it to be a miracle which can neither be confirmed by the holy scriptures and seing that it appeareth not neither can it be sene it cannot be called a myracle After this very common and large description ther is to be added that of miracles certaine are true False miracles and certaine are false For those are called false myracles which either are not that which they seme to be or els if they bee they are not done by anye power which passeth nature but by the powers of nature although it be secrete For Angels either good or bad may do them and that thre maner of wayes For sometime they applye vnto matter the strengthes of nature which they perfectly know of which cōiunction of the matter wyth efficient causes do follow effectes ar in dede in a maner vpon the sodaine at the which the beholders cannot but maruayle The deuils know that of thinges putrified are engendred Frogges woormes or some certaine Serpentes so that heate in certaine degrees be added Wherfore seing to them it is not hard to couple these thinges together they do it somtimes to deceaue men with al. And by this meanes Augustine thinketh as he writeth in his .3 Augustine booke de Trinitate that the sorcerers of Pharao did sometimes the same thinges which Moses dyd Farther the mouings of the spirites of the blood and humours doo verye much trouble the bodies of men whereby figures images and shapes of thinges whyche in them are kept are in the same mocion brought before the phantasy or imagination by that maner and order that the troubler of the spirite knitteth them Wherof do spring sundry and manifold sightes which we see doo sometimes happen in suche as are in phrensy And the thing may come so farre that the formes and images which are inwardly kept may be called backe euen vnto the outwards senses Whereby he which suffreth such thinges weeneth that he verilye seeth and feeleth those thinges whiche are in his imagination or phansye and in hys sense when as in very dede there is no suche thing outwardlye done And thys kinde of miracles ought rather to be referred to illusions then to miracles It also commeth to passe that sometimes these spirites by their own power either of the ayre or els other elements do forme certaine bodies that they appeare vtterly like mens bodies and vnder them they appeare to whō soeuer they lust So came they sometimes to Abraham Lot and other fathers These thinges if we speake properly and simply ar not true miracles but in our reason iudgement ther is nothing letteth but that they may so be called Yea and commonly Iuglers are said to do miracles when as for all that they deceaue by the nymblenes of the handes or by the powers of certaine thinges natural do represent thinges wonderful to the beholders What true miracles are But this is the definition of true miracles A miracle is a woorke hard and vnaccustomed by the power of God which passeth al faculty of nature created to this ende wrought to cause the beholders to wonder and to confirme fayth towardes the woord of God Causes of myracles Wherefore the matter of miracles are woorkes and the forme is that they be hard and vnaccustomed The efficient cause is the power of God which ouercommeth nature created And the end of them is both admiration and also confirmation of faith And that we should not doubt of the efficient cause this I thinke good to be added That that power of God which vtterly is aboue the faculties of nature is to be vnderstande sometimes to
dareth do thing but so much as God himselfe wyll somtime permit him as we reade was done of Iob. God sometime suffreth the sayntes to be greuously afflicted of Sathan to the ende his grace towardes them may most manifestly be declared Whither the plagues of the Egiptians wer done by good Aungels or by euyll But when Augustine expoundeth these wordes of the Psalme namelye the sending out of euyll Angels he doubteth whither the plagues of the Egiptians were done by a good Angel or by the Deuyl And at the length he sheweth that the plague and destruction of the first begotten maye be ascribed vnto the ministery of the Deuyl but the other plagues are to be attributed vnto good angels that the sentence both of the booke of Exodus and of the Psalme may stand fast Howbeit as touching that plage of the firste begotten in Exodus it is written vnder the name of God I wil this night passe through Egipt and wil smite c By these woordes that destruction semeth to be ascribed eyther vnto god or to a good Angel and not vnto the Deuil But that moueth me not much bycause although it were done by the ministery of the Deuil yet maye it be ascribed vnto the Lorde For Iob when by the woorke of the Deuil he was bereft bothe of goodes and children said neuerthelesse The Lorde hath geuen and the Lorde hath taken away and that sayd he was done by the Lorde which was done by the Deuil But some obiect If we assigne these things vnto the Deuil then shal he seme to haue fought against himself For the Sorcerers by the help of deuils withstoode Moses when they did the same thinges that he dyd And if plagues were by euyl Angels sent against the Egiptians and the Sorcerers went about to withstand them then Sathan semed to resist Sathan Neither could the Sorcerers haue trulye sayde that they fayled and testified that it was the fynger of God whych wrought But these reasons in my iudgement are not strong bycause the thinges done by the Sorcerers were done by the power of Sathan which is vnto him naturall For by it he is able to applye the seedes of thynges and woorking causes to his matter prepared and to woorke wonders as touching the sight of man But those thinges wherewith God afflicted the Egiptians were by his most mighty power wrought by the instrument of the Deuyll Wherefore it is no maruail if the Sorcerers failed and felt the most excellent power of the finger of God The place of Exodus and of the Psalme is conciliated Howbeit the booke of wysdome the .xviii. chap. semeth vtterly to ascribe these plagues vnto God wher he saith while al thinges wer stil and when the night was in the middest of her course thy almighty word c. And in the .xvii. chap. it is written that the Egiptians being among those plagues especially when they were oppressed with darknes wer with horrible vexations of minde and sights very terrible so vexed as though most doleful spirites had perpetuallye bene before their eyes and about their phantasy which vndoubtedly might be done by the sending of euyl Angels as the Psalme doth mencion Their hart also was hardened and their mindes were dayly made much more obstinate againste the Israelites And that semeth to haue pertained to the sending downe of euil angels Wherfore these two places may easely be made to agree in ascribing the plagues which ar mencioned in Exodus to good Angels and the terrible sights and hardning of the hartes to the sending of euyl Angels vpon them of whych the Psalme now alledged maketh mencion The power to work miracles maketh not mē better or woorser But forasmuch as God as it is declared for the woorking of miracles vseth both euil good angels men the godly men ought not therfore to be greued bicause oftentimes he geueth not vnto them this faculty For they are not for the cause of any worse condition then are they to whom God graunteth to woorke miracles For the Lord said vnto his Disciples when they returned from theyr embassadge Reioyce not in this bicause spirites are subiect vnto you reioyce ye rather for this bycause your names are wrytten in heauen There are some which are so desirous of such thinges that to obteine signes they are not afraid to vse euen the help of the deuill and vnder this pretence they excuse themselues To worke signes we must not vse the help of the deuill bycause god himself to worke signes vseth Sathan in following of whome they do well so farre ar they of that they can be cōdemned guilty of any crime They say also that Paul deliuered some to the deuill to be vexed and therfore they also may vse his ministerye But what manner of men are they whiche wil affirme that it is lawfull for them to do asmuche as is lawfull vnto god God is the author of all creatures wherfore it is no marueile if he vse them all But vnto vs it is by the law of god prescribed that we should not do it It is not lawfull to imitate God in all thinges And the immitation of god is so farforth commended vnto vs as by his law it is commaunded vs and no otherwise For he reuengeth his owne iniuries And who will saye that priuate men may do the same God adioyned vnto his owne burnt offring the bullocke appointed for Baal as we haue haue now hard with the wood also dedicated vnto the same idole Shall euerye one of vs therefore eate thinges dedicated vnto idoles The rule of our actiōs is the word of God Wherfore we ought not to be drawen to imitate him but so muche as the lawe suffreth That lawe hath he made not for himself but for men that they should frame theyr life after it Wherfore it was to him lawful to require of Abraham the immolation of his sonne which thing none of vs can require of our frend Paule and other Apostles had euill sprites subiect vnto them and by them it was sometimes lawfull vnto them to punish the guilty for theyr saluation Wherefore those to whome such a gift is not graunted ought to abstayne from excercising the same Wherefore the vse of the power of euil spirites is of two sortes wherof one is with authority and that belongeth chiefelye vnto god also to the Apostles and to the sayntes of the primitiue church The other by compact obedience which is vtterly forbidden mē For what participatiō cā ther be of the light with darknesse of god with Belial And for that cause the sorcerers which beleue thē can not be excused yet they ar by the law condēned guilty of superstition idolatry And it is not to be thought but that god vpō very iust causes and to vs most profitable hath forbidden these things to be done Why God forbad men to vse the helpe of the deuil to worke myracles For he prouideth that we should not
prepared and those iust helpes Let vs remember that in humane actions there ar two notable daungers One is of rashenesse Two verye great daūgers in humane actions when we will not vse meanes and helpes set before vs. With which euill the Anabaptistes are greuously infected for they will vse no weapons and they abhorre from the offices of Magistrates The other daunger is least we attribute to much vnto humane and naturall aydes whiche they do that trust to much in their workes Of these two daungers the one Gideon by himselfe auoydeth in collecting a sufficient great army for in his enterprise he would not neglect an ordinary ayde of souldiers And God prouideth that he should not fall into the other daunger for from the multitude of those souldiers he withdrew the greatest parte Why God remoued so many from the hoste of Gideon And why he did it this reason he bringeth bycause men do gladly vsurpe glory vnto thēselues neither will they graunt any of it euen vnto God as it is mete they should Therfore he sayth that his will is that euen as the victory should be geuen by hym so also it should euidently appeare to be graunted by hym Euen then also when by many souldiers we ouercome god geueth the victory Euen then also when many souldiers get the vpper hande God geueth the victory but that is not so manifest as when with a litle host we ouercome our enemyes God also fedeth vs euen then when all thinges are aboundant and good cheape but that is not so well perceaued as when a great multitude is refreshed with foure or fiue loaues And vndoubtedlye it is the power of God when the gospel is defended and spread abrode by men very well learned and princes most stout But it is not then so euident as when it is sowed by idiotes power men and that with great fruite incredible felicitie Wherfore Paul sayd Brethren see to your vocation not many noble men not many mighty men not many wise men are called but god hath chosen the foolish weake and contēned things of the world bycause he would not haue the Crosse of Christ and the power therof abrogated but manifestly to appeare that euen as Ieremy commaunded the strong man should not glory in his strength nor the riche man in his riches neither the wise man in his wisedome God doth very wel agree with the Prophet where he sayth to Gideon Least Israel boast against me Who soeuer is proude bycause of the prosperity whiche he hath obteyned the same man boasteth against god and his doing is all one as if he should chuse vnto himselfe an other god God commaundeth a decree to be proclaymed that they whiche were feareful should returne home No new thing is commaūded for asmuch as that precept is found in Deut. the 20. That which is here commaunded it is also cōmaunded in Deut. chap where preceptes of warlyke affaires are very well set forth First the Israelites are commaunded not to be afeard when they see the weapons horses chariotes and multitude of their enemyes bycause the Lord standeth on their side Then it is ordayned that the Priest should come forth amongest them with a sermon confirming the hartes of the souldiers that they are the people of god and therfore ought not they to feare their enemies Farther it is commaunded that they should be dismissed which in that yeare had built an house which had planted a vineard and whiche had maried a wife First least if they should fal in the battaile they should dye without tasting the fruite of their owne labours Secondly as I suppose bycause such men haue a great affection vnto those thinges whiche they haue lately obteyned and therfore they do litle good in the campes The cause of their feare whiche wer dismissed when as their minde is at home Lastly that is also ordayned whiche the Lord nowe commaundeth that as many as are not of a valiant courage but feareful should returne home least by their feare they should daūt the courages of others For oftentymes it happeneth that by the feare of a fewe which begyn to geue place vnto their enemyes the rest of the camp which otherwise are strong and valiant do turne themselues to flight Great is the number of those whiche God refused when as 22000. departed But yet bycause God will haue men to acknowledge those things to be iust which he doth therfore he maketh it euident that al they which departed were iustly dismissed namely bycause they were fearefull R. Leui ben◠Gerischon And R. Leui Gerischon affirmeth that they were also euill men for as muche as their feare proceded not of a sound and perfect conscience They feared peraduenture that the vengance and wrath of God towardes them was now at hand The profession also of Christian religion requireth strength In professiō of Christian religion we haue nede of greate strength and that no common strength And therefore the Lord sayd that we must imitate hym whiche would build a towre For first he counteth with himselfe the charges least afterward not beyng able to finishe the worke whiche he began he be compelled to leaue it vnfinished Also we must followe a kyng goyng on warfarre whiche diligently weygheth with himselfe with howe many thousand souldiers he may mete his enemyes Neither is he mete for the kyngdome of heauen whiche strayght waye pluketh his hande from the ploughe And howe great a strength we haue nede in professing of Christ the wordes of Paul do manifestly declare wherein he sayth All they whiche will lyue godlyly in Christ Iesu must suffer persecution The same thyng also testifieth he saying Our battayle is not agaynst fleshe and bloud but agaynst wicked spirites whiche dwell in the ayre Wherefore we are not called vnto idlenesse but to a most sharpe battayle and therefore we haue nede of stoute and valiaunt courages What the bowyng of the knees signifieth Neither is it sufficient for good souldiers to cast awaye feare out of theyr myndes vnlesse also they be prompt and industrious Wherefore the seconde tyme they are brought vnto the water where yet the sluggishe are separated which will not drinke but bowing themselues on their knees Those are they whiche pamper themselues they can abyde no sorowe and they are quickly ouercome There were onely 300. whiche dranke with reaching their hande vnto their mouth they alone were ioyned vnto Gideon Here may we se how god with drew frō Gideon his captayne humanes aydes not vndoubtedly to betray him but therby to geue him a more noble victory Wherfore when helpes of nature are taken away then must strēgth of fayth remayne wherewith we muste no lesse followe our vocation then if they were present Whiche thynge very many doo not whiche strayght waye as soone as they see themselues destitute of humane helpes they byd al pure doctrine farewell when as for all that they ought to remember that the
obscurelye admonishe them whome he would instruct of thinges to come but he would shewe them manifestly and opēly But dreames are so obscure that for the interpretation of them we muste go vnto prophetes and southsayers These thinges are in a maner gathered all out of Aristotle wherby he vtterly transferreth the thinge from god vnto nature as though the reasons of dreames should from thence be sought for But I wyl in treat of that afterward when I come to the doctrine of the scripture Nowe will I declare his opinion as touching this thinge Dreames sayth he ar either signes or causes The Peripatetikes exposiciō of dreames or els cōpared vnto those things whych are signified rashely or by chaunce Euery one of these thre members is thus expounded dreames he sayth are signes sometimes of the affections of the body or mind For by those very often are declared Formes ar moued accordinge to the diuersity of the humors which humors do beare rule in the body abounde and offend For accordinge to the quality of nature and tēpering of humors preuaylyng in the body are formes images moued Where choler aboūdeth are sene flambes fires burning coles lightnings brawlings and other of that sorte If melancholy get the vpper hand smokes deepe darkenesse all things almost blacke filthy thinges dead bodyes such like do offer themselues But fleume stirreth vp images of showrs raynes riuers waters hayl I se and such things as haue aboundant moistnes ioyned with coldnes By blood ar moued sights that ar fayre bright white pleasaunt and are like vnto the common purenes and vsuall forme or face of things Neither do the phisiciōs contemne these things yea rather as Galene and Hipocrates teach they enquire very diligently of the sick of thē bycause therby they may vnderstand the temperāce of those humors which lye inwardly hidden Why forms ar more sene sleeping then wakyng But the cause why they which are on slepe not they which are waking do by sight fele the nature of these mocions is this bicause at the beginning they are little when we ar waking the sense of them flieth frō vs. For by strōger mocions of outward things which appear before our eyes we ar drawn an other way but being on slepe we cesse frō outward labours ar voyd from the course of grosse sensible things Wherfore the sightes and images which are by the humors continually moued are better comprehended of the fansy when we are on sleepe then when we are wakinge And that whē we slepe we far better fele smalthings then we do being waking hereby it appeareth bycause we thinke that noyses be they neuer so small are great thunders And if any swete fleame sticke peraduenture vnto the tounge or roofe of the mouth it semeth to vs that we taste hony sugar sweete wines and pleasant meates yea sometimes we thinke that we largely eate and aboundantlye drinke Wherfore those mocions of humors which are small are in slepe shewed to be as it were wonderfull greate for whiche cause Physicions do hereby know very many beginninges of diseases Dreames also are certayn signes of the affections of the minde Dreames ar also signes of the affectiōs of the minde as of couetousnes hope ioy and mirth and also of qualityes Wherfore fearfull persons do se other maner of things then they do which ar bold so do they which ar couetous se other thinges then they whych are in hope also the learned are wont to haue farre contrary dreames to the dreames of the rude people or artificers For the mynd also when we slepe is occupied aboute those thynges wherein when we are wakinge we are either daylye or els verye often busyed There is an other thynge also dilygentlye to bee obserued as Galene dooth verye well admonyshe that there are certayne kyndes of meates Galene whyche beynge naturallye cholerike melancholike or fleumatik do by theyr quality or about the phantasy of the sleepers moue images and formes which ar agreable with those humors although the temperature of bodies of them which slepe dooe not of themselues offend in these humors Which thing also the phisicion ought to obserue concernynge dreames namely to see what meat the sick man did vse Wine also as Aristotle teacheth beinge immoderatelye dronke doth in dreames engender misformed Images When a dreame is a sign it is referred vnto a cause namely vnto the humors abounding which humors it signifieth It maye also be called a signe of some euent to come bycause from the same cause that is from the humors whiche are signified may be caused eyther sicknes or health Wherefore a dreame as it is a signe of an humor so also is it a token of an effect which is produced of it For from the self same cause namely from the humor springeth both a dreame and also a discease Howbeit they are not conuerted for sicknes or health are not signes of dreames Dreames are somtimes causes of the things which we do But now let vs see how dreames may somtimes be called the causes That is then when any man by his dreame is perswaded eyther to do or to trye any thing as if a man be made whole of the sicknes of the splen for that that he was let bloud in the vtward side of his hād for so was he taught to do in hys dreame And now and then it happneth vnto the learned that they find those things wherof they are in doubt in the same bokes where in theyr dreame they thought they had found or red them Dreames sometime by chanse resemble those thinges which happen But now let vs consider the third mēber of the distinction which we brought namely when dreames do rashly or by chaunce signify those things which afterward do happē That taketh place in those things whose cause is not in vs but rather distant and far of as if a man should see a victory or a murther to happē in hostes far distant from him or any man that is absent exalted to very greate dignity These thinges say the Peripatitikes are ioyned together by chaunce neither canne they be conferred together eyther as causes or as signes Euen as if when we are talking of any body the same man paradueuture come in the mean while we say Lupus est in fabula whē as yet the same mencion making of him was neyther the cause nor signe of hys commyng So therfore these thinges are sayd to be ioyned together rashlye bycause both they come by chaunce and also they seldome haue successe for this is the nature of things comming by chaunce to happen seldome Who they be which naturally oftentimes se tru dreames Farther Aristotle hath taught who they be which aboue other foretell many things in dreames And the same be chiefly attributeth vnto idle persons such as ar euer pratling thē to such as ar melancholike phrantike which are depriued both of sences and minde He seemeth also to ascribe
a king neither do beggers enuy noble men We enuy those that are like equall vnto vs. And the likenesse is to be vnderstand as touching kinred riches beawty age witte dignity and such like The cause of Enuidence is not bycause we feare that some hurte is at hand of those whom we enuy for that should be feare But of a certayne hatred and stomacke we can not abide the prosperity of other men especially of our matches and like And therof Enuy is the cause Enuy is euermore counted euill and it is by the holy scriptures grieuously reproued For it is most manifestly against Charity For the Apostle said vnto the Corinth the 1. chap. Charity enuieth not Charitye 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Paul taketh not properly there the worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche is turned enuy But to the Galathians he more playnly forbiddeth enuy writing Be not ye made desirous of vayne glory prouoking one an other and enuieng one an other Where not only Enuy is reproued Desire of glory is the mother of Enuy. but the mother of it is also shewed namely desire of glory As also we may in this history perceaue For the Ephraites enuied Gideon bycause the glory of so great a victory semed to redound vnto him And this affectioÌ„ is of force in all those things wherin we desire to excel Neither absteyneth it also from vertues for the enuious persons would not that his matches and like should excell him in any ornament of vertues But the cause why enuy is conuersant among like is this bycause although the prosperous fortune of like or matches doth take away none of our goods neither maketh vs lesser then we are yet the Enuious person so thinketh of the good things of other men as though by them his honor dignity gayne Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and other ornamentes were darkened And this is not to be left vnspoken of that euery enuious person is one that reioyseth in an other mans hurte for he reioyseth in the aduersity of his equall Euery enuious mâ—nne is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is one that reioyâ—eth at another masâ—â—â—â— Yet are not these to be counted for one and the selfe same vice seyng they pertayne vnto contrary mocions of the mynde For Enuidence is a grief or sorow when he that reioyseth in an other mans hurte is affected with ioy Yet are these vices although they be diuerse otherwise so ioyned together that there is no enuious man whiche is not moued with the reioysing in the hurt of an other And hereby it manifestly appeareth that EnuideÌ„ce plainly is contrary vnto Mercy For it lamenteth an other maÌ„s misery but the enuious man reioyseth therin bicause of the disease of reioysing in the hurt of an other wherewith he is sicke Nemesis is ioned also with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They that are affected with Nemesis want not also this motion of the mynde For he which is sory for the prosperous successe of wicked men the same man is also affected with pleasure when he seeth them oppressed and vexed The Latines haue no worde to expresse this kynde of ioye wherewith both the enuious man and he that hath Nemesis is affected in beholding an others mans prosperity Of emulation Lastly we must entreate of Emulation which is a grief of the minde whiche we conceaue for good things whiche happen vnto other whiche we want which we thinke should beautify vs would gladly attayne vnto them By this motioÌ„ of the minde we desire not that other meÌ„ should be depriued of their ornameÌ„ts but that grieueth vs bycause we our selues are destitute of theÌ„ And it is a point of a good nature in this maner to be affected therfore Emulation is numbred among laudable Affections Emulation is counted among laudable affections Cicero in his Tusculan questions defineth it to be a grief which procedeth of that that an other enioyeth that good thing whiche we desire The same writer obserueth also that Emulation is sometymes so taken that it nothing differeth from Enuidence wherfore it is sometymes reproued But if the definition therof be receaued as it is now alledged it is an affection laudable bycause it maketh men better for it vseth to bring forth the imitacion of good things We must beware that Emulation degenerate not into enuy Cicero Riuality is the enuy betwene two louing one woman The matter wherin Emulation is occupyed EmulatioÌ„ hath hope ioyned with it The Ephraites were sicke of Enuy and not of Emulation But we must take hede whiche vndoubtedly is easely done that it degenerate not into Enuy and EmulatioÌ„ procede not so farre that we should wish that men fortunate and noble and also wise men might be spoyled of theyr ornamentes good things Wherfore Cicero sayd that that Emulation is laudable which is not like vnto riuality For this is the nature of those that be Riuales so to enioy their delightes that they vtterly exclude all other But addyng these cautions Emulation is both good and holy Wherfore Paul exhorted the Corinthians to emulate Charity and the chiefest giftes This affection is chiefly occupied about vertues and al thinges which are had in honour and admiracioÌ„ For that which a man contemneth and dispyseth he vseth not to emulate Emulation hath Hope coÌ„tinually ioyned with it of obteyning that which it desireth For if a man should dispayre it is not possible that he should emulate And thus much of these affections Wherfore we gather that the Ephraites were moued with enuy against Gideon bycause they would haue him depriued of the glory whiche he had gotten Neither contended they so bycause they studyed to do the like although peradueÌ„ture they made that their pretence But Gideon maketh not mentioÌ„ vnto them of his vocation labour industry loue of his countrey his good acte such other thinges which might haue serued to the amplifieng of hys deserte towarde the people and of his dignity For by that meanes he should the more haue moued them to enuy but after a sort he gaue place vnto them interpreteth their affection as though it were an honest emulatioÌ„ And teacheth them that they haue now the fruit of this affectioÌ„ bycause they had not only imitated him but they had done more then he had accomplished But now let vs returne vnto the History 4 And Gideon came vnto Iorden to passe ouer he and the 300. meÌ„ that were with him weary yet pursuing them 5 And he sayd vnto the men of Succoth Geue I pray you morsels of bread vnto this people that are at my fete for they are weary I will follow after Zebah and Zalmonah Kinges of Madian 6 And one of the princes of Succoth sayd Are the handes of Zebah and Zalmonah now in thine hande that we should geue bread vnto thine army 7 Gideon then sayd Therfore when the Lorde hath deliuered Zebah Zalmonah into myne hand then I will beate
in peeces your fleshe with thornes of the wildernesse and with briars 8 And he went vp thence vnto Penuel and spake vnto them lykewise and the men of Penuel aunswered hym as the men of Succoth aunswered 9 And he sayd also vnto the men of Penuel when I come agayn in peace I will breake downe this Tower 10 Nowe Zebah and zalmonah were in Karkor their hostes with thē about fiften thousand al that were left of all the hostes of the childrē of Kedem they which wer slayne were an hundreth twenty thousand men that drew swordes 11 And Gideon went thorough them that dwelt in tabernacles on the East side of Nobah Iogbehah and smote the hoste for the host was carelesse 12 And when zebah and zalmonah fled he followed after them and tooke the two kynges of Madian zebah and zalmonah and discōfited all the host 13 So Gideon the sonne of Ioas returned from the battayle before the sunne rose vp After a long parenthesis the history returneth vnto the iust order of the thing that was done and declareth in what sorte the ende of the battayle was When the Madianites and they of the Easte had wounded themselues one an other and a few of them whiche remayned fled away Gideon pursued after them passed ouer Iordane And bycause he had laboured all the night and sawe that his thre hundreth men were weary he would somwhat refresh them Therfore he required meat of the city of Succoth for his fellow souldiers Two Succoths And Succoth lyeth beyond Iordane in the tribe of Gad. Iacob builded it when he departed from saluting his brother Esau Whiche I therfore speake bycause there is an other place which is likewyse called Succoth but it belongeth vnto Egypt and is numbred among the first mention places of the children of Israell Gideon desireth that he might haue geuen him Kichroth that is round peces of bread for his weary souldiers Vndoubtedly if he had required great plenty of bread or meat generally they of Succoth might after a sorte haue ben excused But by name he desired onely bread Wherfore they whiche would not do that can not but be condemned of great inhumanite He bringeth two causes of hys request He bringeth two causes of hys request my fellow souldiers saith he are weary namely bycause for the publique health they haue laboured all night wherby he signified that they were not vnworthy of their reward Farther we pursue the Madianites puttyng our selues agayn in daunger for the health of the Hebrues Either of these cause were sufficient ynoughe to allure their beneuolence The princes of Succoth aunswere namely one for them all and therfore it is sayd in the singular nūber Vaiiomer and he sayd Wherby is signified that onely the princes and senators of this city were in the faulte and therfore they were at the length as afterward shal be declared punished by Gideon and he threatned them only as it is here written They do not onely refuse to geue bread but also they scorne the man Are sayth they the handes of zebah and zalmonah in thy power Thou speakest vnto vs with so greate a stoutenesse and so desirest bread as though thou haddest already taken them Gideon was griuously angry with these mockes for so vnworthy a contempt and he freely and playnely forespake what he would do agaynst them If these vngodly and rude men had bene wise they would haue ioyned them selues vnto him to assiste his endeuor in fighting for the common health But this they do not impudently deny bread whiche men vse to geue vnto suche as are weary and hungry although they be straungers A wonderfull diuersity vndoubtedly of things The Madianites which were strangers were afrayd and fled but those whiche were Israelites mocke Gideon the conquerer If thou wilt saye they were ignoraunt of hys vocation we may aunswere that they could not denye but that his worke was good But graunt that they doubted of the vocation and principality of Gideon what excuse at the laste can theyr moste wanton derision haue For so did Nabal the Carmilite behaue hymselfe towarde Dauid when he required some meate of hym for hys Souldiers makyng mencion of hys fayth and the fidelitye of hys men in safegardyng hys thynges But he dyd not onely denye vnto hym that humanity but sent awaye the messangers laden with contumelyes The thynges which Gideon required were iuste and honesty Stipēdes and victuales are due vnto an hoste whiche goeth on warfare For stipendes and vittailes are due vnto the Magistrates for as muche as he laboureth for the publicque vtility Wherefore Paul sayeth Therefore ye geue vnto hym tribute bycause he is the Minister of God namely in defendyng the innocent and punishyng the guilty Wherefore they of Succoth were bounde to geue those thynges whiche were desired by the duety of iustice For the same Apostle writeth render vnto euery man that whiche is due to whome tribute belongeth tribute to whom custome is due custome c. The Ethnikes also saw this whē as there are many ciuiles lawes extāt whiche doo both weyghtely and moste iust prouide that Souldiers should haue vittayles founde them when they goo on warfare And howe muche they synned in mockyng so greate a man we may gather by the wordes of Christ who sayeth If a man saye vnto an other man foole or Racha be shal be guilty of iudgement and Counsell how muche more shall he be condemned whiche wantonly scoffeth and mocketh hys Magistrate Some prynces dyd seuerely punishe those whiche with contumelyes reproched euen theyr images what ought this man to doo with those whiche so mocked hym to hys face These thynges I therfore speake that we shoulde not thinke that Gideon did vniustly threaten them It is not for priuate men to reuenge theyr owne iniuryes But it is the office of the Magistrate to reuenge both hys owne iniuryes and other mennes and in reuengyng hys owne he reuengeth also other mennes iniuryes For what souer contumely is committed agaynste a prince it redoundeth vnto the publique wealth and all princes Gideon at thys present dyd onely threaten yet he stayed not there least by occasion of reuengyng of hys owne iniury the commodity of the victorye whereunto he was called by God shoulde be hindred He differred therefore that whiche belonged vnto hymselfe but with spede he prosecuteth that whiche chiefely pertayned to the delyuery of the publicque wealth But princes at thys daye do otherwise who rather make warre amonge themselues and that for very lyght causes then they will take in hande a common cause and defence agaynste the Turke Yea and there are some and those of the Cardinalles whiche write that they will if they can call backe Cesar himselfe from that course of victory wherwith he might obteyne agayne euen the City of Constantinople and to punishe the Germaynes and Englishemen and other whiche fell from the Churche of Rome Furthermore Gideon is for thys thyng to
it is geuen it is freely geuen Moreouer we dayly heape sinnes vpō sinnes wherfore god in withdrawing it is not to be accused of iniustice For he cōpelleth no man to do euill but euery man willingly sinneth wherfore the cause of sinne is not to be layd in him The cause of is not to be sayd in God For seyng he procreateth not in vs wicked desires he ought not to beare the blame if wicked actions doo spring out of a corrupt roote of wicked affections yea the goodnes of God is rather to be acknowledged whiche is present and so gouerneth the wicked affections that they can not burst forth nor be hurtefull and troublesome to any but when he hath appointed to chasten some and to call them backe to repētaunce or to punishe them Neither ought we to thinke that after the sinne of the first man Whence ou◠frowardnesse springeth God created a wicked lust and euill affection to corrupte all our whole kynde It was not so done but nature when it departed from God fell by it selfe from lyght to darkenes from the right way to vice and from integrity to corruptiō And how good so euer it was before it nowe degenerated into euill Wherefore let this be holden for certayn that sinne entred into the world by men and not by God as Paul testifieth to the Romanes And in that Christ saith Synne entred into the world by man not by God that the deuill when he lieth speaketh of his owne it is not to be vnderstand onely of himself but also of his members whiche when they lye or do euill worke not by the worde of God neither are they moued by the inspiration of the good spirite And they excedingly reioyce and haue great pleasure in those thinges whiche they do so farre is it of that they should be compelled by any violence Moreouer we must note Of permission that when either the Scriptures or fathers doo seme to affirme God to be the cause of sinne this worde permission is not then so to be added as thoughe he onely suffred men to synne and by hys prouidence or gouernement wrought nothing as concerning sinnes In dede he letteth thē not thoughe he can but vseth them and sheweth in them his myght and not onely his pacience Augustine whiche thing Augustine vnderstood right well and in disputing agaynste Iulianus he confuteth that sentence wherin it is sayd that God suffreth sinne only according vnto pacience and proueth that his might is also therunto to be added by the wordes of Paul who wrote vnto the Romaynes If God by much pacience hath suffred vessels of wrath prepared for destruction to shewe forth his anger to make knowē his might And vndoubtedly there are many things in the holy scriptures which can not alwayes be dissolued by the worde of permission or pacience For the heart of the kyng is sayd to be in the hād of the Lord so that he inclineth it whether soeuer it pleaseth him And Iob testefieth that it was so done as god would But as touching the sinne of the first man when yet nature was not viciated and corrupted Of the sinne of the first man we graunt that the cause therof came from the wil of Adam and suggestion of the deuil and we say that God permitted it bycause when he might haue withstanded and letted it he would not do it but decreed to vse that sinne to declare his iustice and goodnes ¶ Whether we can resiste the grace of God or no. BVt now ariseth an other doubt as touching our nature as it is now fallen corrupt whether it can resiste the grace of God his spirite beyng present or no There ar sundry degrees of grace of God I thinke we must cōsider that there are as it wer sundry degrees of the helpe or grace of God for his might aboūdance is sometymes so great that he wholy boweth the will of man doth not onely Counsel but also persuade And when it so commeth to passe we can not departe from the right waye but we are of Gods side and obey his sentence Wherfore it was sayd vnto Paul It is hard for thee to kycke agaynst the prycke There is no violēce or coaction inferred to mans will And yet must we not thinke that when it is so done there is any violence or coaction brought vnto the will of man for it is by a pleasaunt mouyng and conuersion altered and that willing but yet so willing that the will therof cōmeth of God for it is it which willeth but God by a stronge and most mighty persuasion maketh it to will But somtymes that power of God and spirit is more remisse which yet if we wil put therunto our endeuor apply our will we should not resiste yea we should obey his admonishmentes and inspirations and when that we do it not we are therfore sayd to resiste him and oftentymes fall And yet this is not to be vnderstand as touching the first regeneration but as concerning those whiche are regenerated whiche are now endewed with grace and spirite For the will of the vngodly is so corrupt and vitiate that except it be renewed it can not geue place vnto the inspirations of God and admonishynges of the holy ghost it in the first immutatiō of mās conuersion it onely suffreth and before the renewyng it continually as much as in it is resisteth the spirite of God But the first parentes whilest they were perfect if with the helpe of grace beyng somewhat remisse they had adioyned theyr endeuor they might haue perfectly obeyed the commaundementes of God But we although we be renewed seyng grace is more remisse remitting nothing of our endeuor we shall not be able constantly and perfectly to obey the commaundementes of God but yet we may be able to containe our selues within the boundes or limites of an obediēce begon whiche thyng bycause we do not therfore oftentymes we sinne and greuously fall Why the grace of god worketh not alyke alwayes in vs. But why God geueth not his grace alwayes to his electe after one sorte and one increase but sometymes he worketh in them more strongly and sometymes more remissedly two reasons may be assigned First least we should thinke the grace of God to be naturall strengthes which remayne alwayes after one sorte Wherfore god would most iustly alter the degree efficacy of his helpe wherby we myght vnderstand that it is gouerned by hys wil not as we lust Moreouer it oftentimes happeneth that our negligence slouthfulnes deserueth this variety Lastly let vs conclude the matter that if we wil speake properly it is not to be sayd that God either willeth or bringeth forth sinne in that it is sinne for what soeuer God willeth whatsoeuer he doth it is good But sinne in that it is sinne is euil Wherfore god neither willeth nor doeth it in that it is sinne yea he detesteth prohibiteth
this .300 yeares and Balac though he were a mighty Prince and other also neuer required it againe wherfore then doest thou demaund it againe especiallye seing we haue had it so long time That which we translate Art thou better in Hebrue it is Tob tob For bicause they want the comparatiue degree they vse in steede of it a repeticion of the positiue degree Why Balac fought agaynst the Israelites Balac of whom he speaketh was he which hired Bileam to cursse the Iewes And when he fought against the Israelites he did not therefore fight bicause he would wrest from them that land this was onely his entent that they shoulde not enter into his borders Hesbon Hesbon was the kingly Citye of Sihon There dwelled Israell and in all her townes .300 yeares and now at the last demaundest thou it agayne If a man wyl count the number of the yeares euen to this time he shall not fullye finde .300 yeares but onely .270 But so vse they to doo which prescribe any thing by time to adde somwhat aboue the iust number Although the scripture also is wont in supputacions many times to follow the greater number And .270 yeares come nere vnto .300 yeares then to .200 yeares And for that cause it seemeth that the number should be put whole Wherfore Iiphtah concludeth after this maner I haue not offended thee Bicause thou art the occasion of the warre and haue shewed thee my reasons now resteth to put the matter in Gods hand he wyll iudge best Thys was the message of Iiphtah We must fyrst entreate by messengers before we go to weapons Titus Liuius This Oration as farre as it appeareth pertaineth vnto the iudicial kynde and entreateth of possession and the reasons are layde foorth But nowe let vs marke that Iiphtah before he moueth battail sendeth messengers before That is a custome verye laudable For Titus Liuius writeth in his first booke that it was the maner of Rome that before warre was proclaymed againste their enemies messengers were sent to complaine of the iniuries and to require againe the thinges taken away And if by their message they nothing profited they returned vnto the Senate who vnderstanding the matter proclaimed war by the publike assent For wise men iudged it not best rashlye and sodainlye to fall to warres So Iiphtah though he were a warlike and valiant man yet woulde he gouerne the matter wisely and moderatlye For he was not so light brained as many now adayes are who firste prepare them selues to battaile and make a bragging before any man know that there is any warre proclaimed God thus ordained in the .27 chap. of Deut. when thou shalt come to any Citye thou shalt firste offer peace So Iiphtah assayeth firste to compose the matter by woords before he goeth to hand strokes The king of Ammon alledgeth a cause in dede but it is but a fained cause for first it was not the laÌ„d of Ammon but of Moab and the Amorhites draue them out as the second chap. of Deut. testifieth For Israel had none of their landes For God had before said that he woulde geue nothing vnto the Israelites of that which pertained either to the Edomites or to the Ammonites or to the Moabites and when they offred no wrong vnto anye man Sihon the king of the Amorhites pursued them with an host and assayed to destroy them but God gaue the victory wherin both Sihon was slain and his kingdome came to the Israelites Wherfore it can not seme that they did wrong vnto the Ammonites for that land at that time longed to the Amorhites which they before had taken away from the Moabites Whither the Israelites sent messengers vnto the Moabites or no. But in this place ariseth a doubt for it is written that the Israelites sent messengers vnto the Moabites and that is not found in the .21 chap. of Numb The Hebrue interpreters say that that may be gathered out of the .2 chap. of Deutr. where it is after this sorte written I sent messengers vnto Sihon the king of the Amorhites with woordes of peace saying Let vs passe throughe thy lande and we wil go by the high way we wil not decline neither to the right hande nor to the leaft Sel vs meate for money for to eate geue vs water for money to drink Onely geue vs leaue to passe through as did the children of Esau which dwell in Seir and the Moabites which dwel in Arre Ther are three principal pointes in this message What wer the chief points of I phtahs meâ—sage for first Iiphtah answereth that he possesseth this land by the right of war secondly by gift lastlye by prescription I thinke it good to examine these thinges singularly and aparte ¶ Of things whych are taken by the ryght of warres AS touching the first we learne that it may be that some thing may be claymed by the right of warre which maye be confirmed both by mans lawes and by the lawes of God But I wyl begyn with mans lawes In the Digestes de captiuis et postliminio reuersis in the law Postliminium Postliminium a law by 〈…〉 we receaue agayn 〈◊〉 â—hichâ— we lostâ— in warres The thinges that we haue lost in war or in affaires of war if we afterward recouer the same again we shal possesse them by the law Postliminium For so long as they are not recouered they are possessed of our enemies And thys ryghte is towarde those whyche are declared to bee enemyes But suche were declared to bee enemies against whom the people of Rome publikelye proclaimed warre or they which publikely prohibited warre against the people of Rome as it is had in the same title in the law Hostes For Pirates or theues cannot by this meanes attaine to be owners or possesse any thing by the law of warre For warre ought to be made to the ende to attaine something by the right of warre And in the Digestes de acquirendo rerum dominio in the lawe Naturale paragrapho the last Such thinges as are taken from enemies by the common law of all men agreing vnto naturall reason are straightwaye made theirs which take them And thus the lawes of man as touching this thing are very manifest So is it also by the lawes of God Abraham as it manifestlye appeareth in the booke of Genesis the .14 chap. made warre against the .v. kinges whiche had led away Lot prisoner The battaile being finished theyr praye came into the handes and power of Abraham which maye easelye bee proued bicause of that pray he gaue tithes vnto Melchisedech But it had not bene lawfull for him to haue geuen tithes of an other mans goods therfore they wer his own of which he gaue Wherfore we must beleue that that pray was truelye in his possession For in that he gaue it to the king of Sodom it was of his mere liberality for he was not therunto compelled by the law I coulde make mencion what
Herodians whither it were lawfull to geue tribute vnto Cesar and he aunswered Geue vnto Cesar that whych is Cesars and the thinges that are of God to God By which woordes he woulde signifye nothing els but that tributes are to be geuen vnto Princes And tributes are geuen that Princes should vse the swoorde defend the right of the publike welth and make warre when neede shall require Which thing if it had not bene lawfull the Lord would neuer haue commaunded them to pay tributes vnto them But to returne to the Epistle of Augustine In making of iust war saith he What thynges are to be taken heede of in iuste warres many thinges are to be taken heede of For it is not sufficient that the warre be iust except also the warre be iustly handled Wherefore he admonisheth hys Earle when saythe hee thou puttest on thyne armour remember that thy strength is the gyft of God and determine wyth thy selfe not to abuse that gift against God Yea rather doo thys fyght for hys lawes and name let promises be kept euen with enemies but muche more with friendes for whom thou makest warre By which woordes hee reprehendeth those Soldiours whiche are more grieuous in Cities then the very enemies of which we see in our dayes a great many mo then we would which when they are in their places where they wynter it is wonderfull to see how they handle the Citezens and the men of the country it is horrible to see what filthy and abhominable things they commit He addeth also the thirde caution Thinke with thy selfe that warre must not be made but for necessity Wherefore let the minde alwaies be enclined vnto peace Make warre bicause thou canst not otherwyse doo but if thou canst make peace refuse it not Warre is taken in hand onely to amende thinges amysse Yea and the Apostles afflicted certaine that they might become the better Paul sayd vnto the Corrinthians deliuer suche a one to Sathan to the destruction of the fleshe that the spirite may be saued And to Timothe he sayth of Hymeneus Alexander I haue delyuered them to Sathan to learne not to cursse So oughte they also to restrayne Princes that they maye bee made better Augustine also in his .xix. Augustine booke De ciuitate dei sayth that warres though they bee neuer so iust yet vnto godly men they seeme both troublesome and grieuous for besydes other things which the nature of man escheweth they shall see the iniquity of their aduersaries syde for which they are compelled to fyght and they cannot but be sorye for it And in the Epistle before alledged Rage not saythe hee nor waxe not insolent agaynst those that submyt them selues but shewe mercye to those that are ouercome Wherefore Virgil sayth Spare them that submit them selues Virgil. and destroye the proude Moreouer he admonisheth the same Earle to beware of vyces whyche are wont to followe hostes namelye of fylthye luste of rauenous pyllynge and of dronkennesse For it is a thyng moste vyle for thee therefore to make warre to amende the vices of others when as thou in the meane tyme art a great deale more vicious and muche more art ouercome bothe wyth affections and diseases then they are whyche are ouercome For in warre we reproue not the ende but the desire to hurt the crueltye of auengement the outragiousnesse of rebelling and the lust of bearing dominion These thinges saith he are condemned For they which forsaking suche vices doo make iust warre are the Ministers of God and of the lawes The same father against Faustus Manicheus This order saith he is to bee kept that the war be proclaimed either of God or of Princes to breake the pryde of man and to came the stubburne Farther the Souldiours oughte to bee perswaded that the warre is iustlye made and not taken in hande againste the woorde of God otherwyse let them not fight Neither doo I to this ende speake these thinges bicause I woulde haue Soldiours to vnderstand the secretes of Princes but that knowing wittingly they suffer not themselues to fight against true and iust causes Yet it may be saith Augustine that the Prince may make warre againste his conscience and yet his Soldiours nothing offende so long as they obey the ordinarye power For the people must obey their Prince And in their so doyng it may be doubtfull vnto them whether their Prince make warre contrarye to the commaundement of God But they are excused so long as they obey their owne Prince in a doubtful cause their own Prince I say and not a straunge Prince Wherefore those hired Soldiours can not be excused which hauing no respecte vnto the cause Againste hyred Soldiours but onely for mony and rewardes sake do serue straunge Princes Wherefore Iiphtah thus reasoned as touching the first point of his Oracion we haue taken the land by the right of warre therefore thou vniustly requirest the same of vs. The next poynt is our God hath geuen it vnto vs whiche is the Lorde and distributer of all thinges humane He brinketh his argument from the gyfte of God God is the distributer of kyngdomes Virgil. And that God might geue and distribute kingdomes the verye Ethnike authours also sawe And therefore in Virgil Eneas doth so often boast that hee by the commaundement of God went into Italy and for that cause would not abide either at Carthage or in Sicilia when he mought haue obtained either of those kingdomes Augustine Augustine in his .v. booke De ciuitate dei the .xxviii. chap. Of kingdomes sayth he and Prouinces it is certaine that God distributeth them both when and how muche and to whom hee wyll and that by secrete iudgementes but not vniust In the booke of Genesis God promised vnto Abraham and his posterity the land of Chanaan but hee promised it after foure hundred yeares Now saith he I wyl not geue it for as yet the synnes of the Chananites are not full I wyll not cast them out now but I wyll tary tyll their iniquitye be come to the hyghest afterward I wyll bring you in Also in the seconde chapter of Deutronomy it is written that the Horites dwelled in mount Seir which were men experte in warres and very valiant whom God sayth he draue oute of those mountaynes that the Chyldren of Esau myght possesse the lande And in the same chapter he testifieth that he dyd cast out the people of Emim gaue their kingdomes vnto the Ammonites and draue out Zanzumim oute of theyr places and placed the Moabites there If thou wylt say that thys was done by God peculiarly agaynste these nacious bycause the Edomites had their ofspring of Esau the Ammonites and Moabites of Lot which was kynsman vnto Abraham and had together with hym accomplished most daungerous viages I aunswer the same may be saide also in the same place of other nacions which came not of Abrahrm The Capadocians draue out the Heuites whyche were the first
it was peculiar and aboue the common institution of others by the deede I say and not by the ryght or vowe of the parentes Samson ought to haue obeyed althoughe he had not vowed Whether it was lawful for Hanna â—o vow for her sonne bicause it was done by the word of god Howbeit of Hanna the mother of Samuel it may be doubted how it was lawfull for her to vow for her sonne For it may scarse seme iust that the sonne should be bound by the vowe of the parent It was demaunded in the tyme of Benedict whether the children offred by the parentes vnto monasteries when they came vnto mans state might mary Gregorius Gregorius Magnus to Augustine a Byshop of England aunswereth that it is vtterly vnlawful Whiche is a verye hard saying and agaynst the word of god For Paul sayth it is better to mary then to burne And he whiche can not conteyne let him mary ConciliuÌ„ Carthaginense In the counsell of Carthage the .3 wherat Augustine also was present it was decreed that childreÌ„ offred vnto the Church when they came to mans estate should either mary or els vow chastity This also was rough ynough For who shuld require this at that age being vnskilfull of thinges not certayne of his own streÌ„gth But these things I speake that we might knowe that decrees are contrary to decrees But to returne to the matter I saye that Hanna mought vowe for her sonne for as touching the performyng of the vow as longe as he was brought vp by his pareÌ„tes she might easely prouide that he should not drinke any wyne nor cut of hys heare nor be at any funerals But after he came to lawfull age it was Samuels duty to obserue these things not in dede in respect of the vow but bycause of the obedience whiche he ought vnto his parentes For children ought to obey theyr parentes in all those thinges which are not agaynst piety the word of God So the Rechabites as it is in Ieremy wheÌ„ they obeyed their father Ionadab The Rechabites who coÌ„maunded them to drinke no wine all their lyfe tyme or to dwel in Cityes were for the same cause praysed of God Howbeit Hanna vnles she had had a peculiar inspiration from God she could not haue vowed that Samuel should all his lyfe tyme haue ministred at the tabernacle of the Lord for as much as the law of god absolued meÌ„ froÌ„ the ministery at a certaine space of yeares namely in the .50 yere Magister sententiarum But that which I haue sayd that it was lawful for Hanna to vowe the vow of a Nazarite for her sonne it semeth not to be firme with the definition of a vow whiche is thus brought of the Master of the Sentences A vowe is a testificatioÌ„ of a willing promise made vnto God The definition of a vowe of things which pertayne vnto God But a vowe which is vowed by the parent for the sonne can not seme willing Yea but it is bycause the parentes vowed not being compelled but of their owne fre will farther it is mete for the children to obey the will of their parentes freely of their owne accorde especially when they commaunde no vngodly thyng or contrary to the worde of God By this place some gather that Samson was sanctified in the wombe of hys mother whiche selfe same thyng is beleued both of Ieremy and also of Iohn Baptiste How some are sayd to be sanctified froÌ„ the wombe And they will haue him so to be sanctified that afterwarde he committed no mortal sinne as they call it But this is false and vayne Neither to sanctifye in this place is anye thyng els then to appointe one to the execution of some certayn worke Samson therefore was sanctified that is appoynted of God to deliuer his people So was Ieremy ordeyned to Prophesie And Iohn to be the voyce of a crier in the wildernes Neither of this kinde of sanctification doth it follow that these holy men neuer sinned For euery maÌ„ is a lyer also there is no maÌ„ sayth Salomon whiche sinneth not Farther what shal we say of Samson Did he neuer sinne He fel vndoubtedly and that greuously Paul also who sayth to the Galathians that he was himselfe separated from his mothers wombe and yet he persecuted the Churche of God Moreouer the children also of Christians are called holy for as muche as God is not our God onely but also the God of our seede according to that saying of Paul to the Corinthians Your children are holy who yet no man doubteth but that they afterward fal and grieuously sinne If the vow be against charity it is to be broken One thinge remayneth to be spoken of and afterwarde I will returne vnto the history When the father voweth and the sonne desireth to performe the vowe of the father what if the vow be a gaynste the health of the sonne He shall peraduenture fal into some disease and he must nedes drinke wine or cut away his heare what is to be done in this case I haue in an other place admonished that the preceptes of god ar of diuers sortes so that some ar greater and some easier As touching god whiche is the commaunder all are equall and like one to an other But as touching the thinges which are coÌ„maunded there is some difference Wherfore the lesse precept must geue place vnto the greater For whiche cause Christ sayth by the wordes of the Prophet I will haue mercy and not Sacrifice not as thoughe God vtterly contemned Sacrifices which he had commaunded but bycause he more estemed mercy And Christ also admonisheth in the Gospell in the .5 chapter of Math. that if thou offer thy gift at the alter and there remeÌ„berest that thy brother hath somewhat agaynst thee thou must go first and reconcile thy selfe vnto thy brother and then returne and offer thy gifte Whereby he declareth that he altogether wil haue the les precepte geue place vnto the greater Wherfore we must thus aunswere vnto the question God commauÌ„deth the Nazarites to absteyne from wine he also commaundeth euery man to defend his life by good meanes Here when as the sicke man can not preserue both the preceptes it is necessary that he preferre the greater before the les For so dyd the Rechabites the sonnes of Ionadab behaue themselues For althoughe theyr father coÌ„maunded them that they should not dwel in Cities neither drinke any wine and were also commended of God bycause they obeyed the preceptes of theyr father yet at that tyme when Ieremy wrote these thinges of them they dwelled at Ierusalem contrary to the precept of their father For the Chaldeyans had wasted all the fieldes Wherefore they perceaued that there was then no place for their fathers precept But in monasteryes they doo contraryly For if the father be sicke the sonne is so bound by religion that he can by no meanes helpe him 6 And the
the ridle of Samson signified he that is fierce he that is swere are contraryes Such a ridle was not onely put forth to quicken the wittes but also the holy ghost would by it signify things to come At that time the Philistines ruled ouer the Iewes oppressed them with tyrāny after a sort deuoured them Therfore by the ridle is signified that at the length they should be ouercome be eaten of the Iewes for as much as they were most fierce they should be at the last not hurtfull but great cōmodity vnto the Hebrues Augustine Augustine vpon the .70 Psalme referreth these things vnto an Allegory of Christ princes of the earth For when the Gospel begā first to be preached princes ran vpon Christiās like Lions withal their might to deuoure them But our sunne that is Christ was present toke away the Liōs whom yet he did not so deiect that they should not be but that for deuourers of the flocke they should be noorishers of the Church and defenders of the Gospel This is a very elegant allegory and the foundation therof is the kylling of the Lion wherby we first vnderstād what should happen in the people of the Iewes then what should come to passe in Christ Ambrose Why ridles were put forth in feastes Ambrose demaundeth the cause why Samson put out this ridle and he aunswereth bycause in feastes men are sometymes wont when they haue well dronke to be somewhat full of talke somewhat to intemperatly to rebuke others which things turneth for the most part into braulyngs chidinges And to auoyde that graue mē wer wont to put forth ridles or problemes omitting dangerous talke turning their mind to the exposition of the things put forth Whose example Samson followed set forth a reward for him which should expound his question as though the knowledge and sharpenes of the minde ought to be rewarded contraryly punishmēt is instituted for ignoraūce sluggishenes The Ethnikes also in the old tyme were wont so to do A Fable of Sphing Wherfore the Poets fable that Sphing was wont to set forth a reward namely if a mā had absolued his ridle he should haue ben let goo free But if he had failed he should haue ben throwen hedlong downe a rocke What the Poetes would by this fable signify I will not at this present declare This thing euery man may easely vnderstand that the witte of mā is so composed by nature that it is not easely stirred vp but either by setting foorth rewarde or daunger Whiche also we may easely see in children Farther let vs note that it is one thyng to put a mans money to hasard or chaunce and an other thing to contend for wyt But in this contention whiche Samson instituted there was no place for chaunce but it was a certayne kinde of play ciuily honest and laudable ¶ Of Playes ANd bycause we are fallen into mention of playe I thinke it good somwhat to speake therof Ambrose Some of the fathers seme to abhorre from all kynde of playes Ambrose in his 1. booke de officiis chapter .23 Playes sayth he and pastymes seme sweete and and pleasaunt when as yet they are contrary to the rule of a Christian For it is not founde in the holy Scriptures Chrisostome howe they ought to be vsed Chrisostome vpon Mathewe the .6 Homelye sayeth that GOD inuented not playe but the deuill For the people sat to eate and drinke and rose vp to play in the honour of a most filthy idole For when they had worshipped the calfe and incurred idolatrye they seemed to haue obtayned thys rewarde of the deuill namely to play Peraduenture Chrisostome alludeth to that which Plato wrote in Phedro that Theut the demon of the Egyptians found out Numbers Geometry Astrology Augustine letters and dyse But Augustine in hys .2 booke de Musica sayeth that it is a parte of a wyseman to reuoke the mynde from earnest matters and that is chiefely done by playe Wherefore it semeth to be lawfull But howe so great an oblectation ryseth of playe it is not heard to vnderstande Aristotle in hys .2 Aristotle booke of Rhethoriques putteth victory or hope of victorye among the causes of oblectation But when we playe either we obtayne the victory or elles we are in some hope thereof Wherefore they whiche defend playe Play is a cause of defectation doo determine with themselues that the mynde ought sometymes to bee no les refreshed then the body and as the body is renewed by rest or quietnes Why play seemeth to be lawfull so they say the mynde is recreated by playe By whiche meanes they thinke to proue that there muste some place bee lefte for playes addyng yet certayne cautions Firste that there be no filthy and vnhonest woordes vsed in playes Cautiōs to be added vnto honest player It is not seldome sene that in playing both filthy and also blasphemous wordes do happen We must also take hede that there be not vsed to muche lyghtnes and dissolution of grauity and comelynes For oftentymes it commeth to passe that men do so vtterly geue themselues to playe that afterward they are able to do nothyng grauely Farther the circumstances are diligently to be marked of the person I say the place and the tyme. It is certayn in deede that in the holy scriptures there is no rule or forme prescribed cōcerning playes The lawe of god entreateth nothynge of playes although in thē are read many kinds of playes In Genesis the aungell wrastled the whole night with Iacob Sara saw Isaac play with Ismaell which she tooke in euill parte not vndoubtedly bycause he played but bycause he played together with the sonne of a bondewoman Dauid also daunced played before the arke of the Lord. And the maydens sang in their daunces Saull hath ouercome in his thousandes Dauid in his .x. thousandes And Christ complayned that the Iewes were like vnto children playing in the streetes and saying We haue songe vnto you c. And although of these thynges there be no certayne rules manifestly wrytten in the holy Scriptures yet are they set foorth in the ciuill lawes But before I speake of them it shal be good A distinction of playes to distribute playes into his formes and kindes There are some which are vtterly referred vnto chaunce as he whiche casteth most or casteth thys chaunce or that carieth awaye the rewarde There are other whereby the powers either of the body or minde are excercised Such playes as depend vpō chaunce are vnderstand by the name of diseplay Of dyseplaye Dyseplaye is condemned by ciuile lawes are both by the ciuil lawes by the fathers condemned In the digestes de aleatoribus the Pretor sayth If a diseplayer be iniuried by his fellowe I will not geue him iudgement But if one steale or do violence to an other I will in deede
wyl speake in this booke in his due place But men could not be content with these plaies bicause also their mindes which for sundry causes cannot exercise the powers of the body are to be recreated wyth some pleasure therfore they haue founde out an other kinde of play namely the play of Chessemen cōmonly called Chesse neither is this kinde of play thought woorthy to be condemned Farther there is a certaine other maner of playing Tables which leaneth partly to chaunce and partly to industry as is playing at Tables and suche lyke where in deede they cast by chaunce but the castes are gouerned by industry Plato wherfore Plato affirmed that the life of men is like vnto the play at Tables For euen as in tableplay so also in the life of mā if any thing go not very wel Terence the same must by arte be corrected To which sentence Terence also in Adelphis alludeth and vndoubtedly these kindes of plaies seeme suche that sometime they may be permitted so that they bring no hurt refresh the powers and be ioyned with honesty and that that time which should be spent vpon better thinges be not bestowed vpon them But what shal we answer vnto Ambrose This vndoubtedly that that place De officiis yertaineth not to playes for as muche as there he entreateth of pleasant talkes tauntes and skoffes especiallye such as are ioyned with scurrility But vpon the .118 Psalme vpon these woordes Turne away mine eyes that I see not vanity he calleth stage playes vanitye Augustine Lactantiu◠as doth Augustine also together with Lactantius Ierome and other Fathers For they had much filthines wer at the beginning instituted to the honour of Idoles Ierome Why stage playes bee condemned of the Fathers and therefore they wer odious vnto the Fathers Christians But the reason which Ambrose first alledged was bicause there is nothing found in the holy scriptures how these things ought to be vsed To that we wil answer that they are found in the holye scriptures generallye whither ye eate or whither ye drinke or whither ye doo anye thing els doo al thinges to the glory of God Wherfore the body and the minde are so sometimes to be refreshed with plaies that we may afterward be prompt to grauer matters Farther there is nothing found peculiarly in the holy scriptures touching Bakers Cookes nor Shipmen and yet neuertheles their exercises are not vtterly to be excluded Chrisostome said that the Deuil found out play and alledged this Chrisostom◠The people sat downe to eate and to drinke they rose vp to play If a man looke more narowly vpon that place of this father hee shall see that hee spake of those men which would not repent but were woont to say I woulde to God I might neuer weepe but might alwaies play and laugh To whom he sayth Christ preached Blessed are they which mourne And forasmuche as we so often sinne and doo so grieuously offend God how should we haue leasure to play He also condemneth those playes whereby we are made sluggish vnapt to good workes We doo not in play and laughing sayth he imitate Christe or the Apostles for we neuer reade that they either played or laughed How beit he addeth a moderation for as muche as he addeth I doo not vniuersaly take away al laughter but the excessiue and immoderate laughter Lastly he turneth him selfe to stage playes and saith that they were inuented by the Deuill for they containe the wicked actes and whooredomes of the Gods whereby the consciences of godly men are greuously wounded and wicked lustes are many waies stirred vp And in that he saith that these thinges were inuented by the Deuil he speaketh nothing contrary to the truth bicause as I haue admonished they were instituted in the honour of false Gods Yea and this thing he addeth also that the Deuyll builded stages in Cities But nowe to conclude me thinketh that those kindes of playes which serue to renewe strengthes in men are not vtterly to be forbidden Neither ought we lightly to be offended if we se a man play at Chesse with which play the powers of the body are nothing holpen but onelye the industrye of the minde exercised For if through age strength faile so that they cannot exercise them selues by any other meanes or that their body be but weake why shoulde they not be permitted moderately to delight them selues with this kinde of play Neither also is he straightway to be condemned which being sicke or weake recreateth himselfe with that kynde of playe which dependeth of Fortune or chaunce so that there in be no daunger of losse of money To what entēt the lawes restrayned or prohibited playes For we must chieflye regarde to what entent the lawes forbad that It was vndoubtedly that a man should not waste his goods prodigally and therfore it was prouided by the law that a man should not hasard aboue a shilling as it is had in the Code in the place before alledged This was the meaning of the law that money should not be yll consumed But some say they delight not in play except they play for money But I wil demaund of them to what vse they entend to bestow that mony Peraduenture they wil say vpon a feast Why not rather vpon the poore But I saye it is much better and safer not to play for any money For although it maye bee that thou thy selfe art not touched with couetousnes the other yet with whom thou playest is peraduenture touched Let the occasions vnto euyll be taken awaye which otherwise are very manye which moue vnto euyll And if there were nothing els to feare vs away from playes let vs for Gods sake wayghe this howe greate the penury of time is The law of God requireth so manye duties that not our whole lyfe is able to performe them and yet shall wee bestowe time in playes We are otherwise sufficientlye sicke with couetousnes of money wyth ambicion to ouercome and excell other why do we styrre vp these diseases with playes But thou wilt say These thinges are neuer stirred vp in me But now thou must remember that they maye easelye be stirred vp And we must see not onely to our selues but that we bring not other also vnto the same disease These thinges are spoken of the honest kindes of playes If so be there be anye whyche doo play being entised with couetousnes let those men knowe that they rather like euil marchauntes trafficke Male mercari then playe For they seeke no other thing but filthy gaine Neither seeke they pleasure which in honest playes is the chiefest but they seeke their owne thinges and that by filthye meanes And when they which delight immoderatly in playes doo say There must be some pleasure in the life whereby we maye be recreated Their request is to be graunted but in the meane time they must bee admonished that there are other pleasures more honest Paul
Iustice in contaminatyng an other mannes thyng Ye are bought with a greate pryce wherefore glorify God in your body These argumentes of Paul are both most pleasaunt and also most strōg which if they satisfy not some let him loke vpon our Samson He was no idolatrer no murtherer no these and yet is he taken bound his eyes put out and is compelled to grinde in a prison euen as if he had ben a foure footed beast Paul laboureth by many argumētes to proue whoredome is sinne And no maruayle bicause then he wrote vno the Corinthians whiche at that tyme abounded aboue other in fornicatiōs Wherof came the Prouerb Nō quiuis Corinthū that is It is not for euery mā to go to Corinthus And in vniuersal al the Ethnikes were in an ill opiniō touching this vice Eusebius For which cause whē the Church was yet springyng as Eusebius testifieth in his .3 booke of his hystory the .29 chap. the Nicolaites did openly manifestly commit fornication layd the custome of their wicked crime vpō Nicolaus the deacon Clemēs Alexandrinus The history of Nicolaus the deacon although Clemēs Bishop of Alexādria in Stromatis do excuse Nicolaus For he sayeth that he neither thought nor taught any such thing But hauing a very fayre woman to his wyfe and therefore beyng thought to haue ben gelous ouer her he brought her foorth before the people and said This is my wife And that ye might vnderstand that I am not gelous ouer her I am cōtēt for my part that any of you take her to wife Which thing also he mēt as farre as the law of God would suffer But they which were afterward called Nicloaites vnderstandyng his wordes peruersly supposed that he thought the wyues among Christians ought to be cōmon Of this Secte it is written in the Apocalips But this thou hast bycause thou hast hated the actes of the Nicolaites whiche I haue hated Wherfore it is no meruayle though Paul tooke so great paynes to teache that whoredome is sinne Fornicatiō cōtrary to matrimony This wicked crime is contrary vnto matrimony For they whiche haunte wandryng lustes and harlots are farre from contracting of Matrimony Wherfore Terence sayth They which loue can ill abide to haue a wife geuen thē For whiche cause Clemens sayth Clemens whoredome leadeth from one matrimony to many that is from one lawful coniunction to many vnlawfull wicked The Epistle to the Hebrues ioyneth fornicators which aduoutrers testifieth that God will iudge them And those two vices are so ioyned together that they are comprehended in the selfe same precept wherin it sayd Thou shalt not commit aduoultry Fornication is repugnat vnto Christ the publique wealch This pestilence also is repugnāt both vnto Charity to the publique wealth vnto charity vndoubtedly bycause the fornicators do iniury vnto their children whiche not beyng lawfully procreated are scarsely at any tyme brought vp honestly vertuously And they hurt the publique wealth bycause they defraud it of good Citizēs For Mamzer a bastard I say one borne in fornication is prohibited to be receaued into the Church not that he is restrayned from the holy cōmunion or from the misteryes of saluation but bycause it is not lawfull for him to gouerne the publique wealth to be numbred among Citizens Some thinke that this euill may be remedyed if a man should keepe a concubine at home So say they shall the yssue be certayn It may be peraduenture certayne but it shall not be legitimate Seing therfore this wicked crime is both agaynst matrimony and charity also the publique wealth it cā not be denied but it is a sinne most grieuous A Christiā magistrate ought not to suffer harlottes And for as much as it is so why are fornications now a dayes openly suffred in Cityes I speake not of the Ethnikes I speake of Christians and of those Christiās which wil alone seme be called the successors of Christ Whoredome or fornicatiō is most impudently mainteyned in their dominion they not onely willing therunto but also taking a commodity tribute therof That whiche is against the word of God against matrimony against charity against the publique wealth is no sinne or els it is a notable sinne If it be sinne why is it not taken away weded out Augustine But I know what they will bable they bring foorth Augustine who in his booke de Ordine wryteth thus Take awaye harlottes and all thyngs shal be filled with filthy lustes But let vs consider in what time Augustine wrote that booke Vndoubtedly when he was yet Catechumenus and not sufficiently enstructed in religion And althoughe he had not beene Catechumenus yet thys his saying agreeth not with the word of God neyther with Augustine himselfe who in an other place affirmeth that the good which commeth of euil as a recompensacion is not to be admitted Which thing also Paule hath taught to the Romaynes euen as they were wont to say of vs Let vs do euil thinges that therby may come good thinges whose damnation is iust We must neuer haue a regard to the end and euent when we are vrged by the commaundemente of god Somtimes men say vnto vs Vnles thou committe sinne this euill or that will succede But we must aunswere let vs do what god hath commaunded vs he will haue a care of the successe Neither is it meete that one onely sentence of Augustine should be of greater authority then so many reasōs which we haue brought and so many most manifest wordes of God God commaunded absolutely and by expresse wordes that there shoulde be no harlot in Israell But some go aboute to wrest this place out of our handes in sayinge that these hebrewe woordes Kadschah and Kedaschim signifieth not whores or harlots but rather the priestes of Priapus which were vowed or consecrated to thinges most filthy I contrarily thinke that Chadschah signifieth an harlot and Kedaschim vnnaturall and effeminate persons God woulde haue neyther of these suffred among his people But in that they obiect the holy seruices of Priapus it is nothing For it was sufficientlye before decreed touchinge idolatry and what nede it agayn to be repeated But that we may the more manifestly vnderstand that Kadschah signifieth a harlot let vs reade the historye of Iuda and Thamar in the booke of Genesis Certaine wordes ar taken both in the good and euill parte and there we shall see that Louah Kadschah are taken both for one and the selfe same thing For whiche cause we must note that there are certayne wordes whiche maye be taken both in the good and euil parte of which sort is this word Kadschah among the Hebrewes which signifieth both holy and also an harlot euen as among the lattines thys word sacrum that is holye Virgil. wherefore Virgill sayth Auri sacra fames that is the holy hunger of gold This Hebrew word Kadasch is to prepare or
hurt is to be preferred before the greater bycause it hath the nature and reason of goodnes But in sinne there is no consideration of goodnes And vndoubtedly what soeuer is synne the same muste strayghtwaye be reiected let followe what will But Augustine excuseth after a sorte Lot and thys olde manne bycause they fell with a heauy and troubled mynde It oftentymes happeneth vnto wyse men with a troubled mynde to doo those thynges whiche afterwarde when they come to themselues they allowe not But this excuse doth not vtterly absolue these menne from sinne althoughe it somewhat release them But if a manne will say Paul preferred the lesser sinne before the greater when he sayde he woulde be accursed of Christ for hys brethreÌ„ rather then they should persiste in that blyndnes and stubbernnes wherein they were holden He whiche obiecteth this vnto vs must knowe that he doth not rightly vnderstand that place of Paul For the Apostle desired to redeme the saluation of the Iewes with his daunger not vndoubtedly with sinne but with hys losse or hurte namely to be accursed of Christe not certaynely to be made an Apostata or to cease to beleue in Christ but onely not to haue the fruition of the eternall and blessed lyfe Augustine Augustine also hath many thynges agaynst thys compensation of sinnes And amonge other thinges What sayeth he if a man require either of a mayden fornication or of a maryed woman adultery and threateneth to kill hymselfe vnles he obteyne hys request ought the pure and chaste women to fulfill his desire No vndoubtedly Neither thoughe he afterwarde slay hymselfe shall the chast women be counted guilty of his death They ought in deede to be sory for hym to deplore his acte but not to thinke they haue done euill bycause they graunted hym not vnlawfull thynges The same Augustine vpon the .146 Augustine Psalme writeth If a man deny dewe beneuolence vnto his wife bycause he would lyue chastly and the wyfe in the meane tyme fall into adultery he sinneth neither can his entent be allowed For sinne is not to be admitted in the wyfe for the exercising of continency God sayeth he doth not recompense suche a hurte with suche a gayne Wherfore the sentence of Leo the first Leo in the dist .46 chapter Non suo is to be allowed wherein he sayth that it is vncomely that any should bestow theyr faultes vpon other mens commodities Augustine in hys booke De mendacio to Consentius sayeth For the health of our neyghbours Augustine we must doo whatsoeuer may be doone And if it come to that point that we can not helpe them without sinne there remayneth nothyng els for vs to doo And he addeth that no manne must be brought into heauen by a lye The same Augustine in an other place sayeth If poore menne see a cruell and bitter riche manne and woulde steale any thynge from hym eyther to helpe themselues or other poore menne they doo not diminishe sinne but encrease it Gregory And Gregory Byshoppe of Rome in hys Epistle to Siagrius To committe the lesse sinne to the end to auoyde the greater is to offer Sacrifices vnto GOD of a wicked acte To Chrisostome and Ambrose as it is written in the .21 of the Prouerbes But in that Chrisostome and Ambrose doo for thys cause prayse Lot they are thus to bee vnderstande namely that they allowed hys charity and fayth towardes straungers and had a respecte vnto the horriblenes of the sinne whiche the Citezins were ready to committe not that they allowed their abandonyng of theyr women And thus muche as touchyng thys matter How much the horrible synne of the Sodomites is to be detested Augustine But in that the olde manne calleth it a villany and a detestable thyng whiche they went about to committe he sayeth most truely For seede was geuen vnto manne for procreations sake But these pestiferous menne abuse the gifte geuen them of GOD they resiste hys law and agaynste nature chaunge menne in that after a sorte they turne the male into the female Augustine to Pollentius Adultery sayeth he is more grieuous then whooredome and incest more heynous then adultery but that whiche is done agaynste nature is of all most wicked and detestable And he addeth In thynges whiche GOD hath graunted it is more tollerable immoderatly to transgresse then lyghtly to sinne in those thynges whiche by no meanes are graunted And in hys .3 booke of Confessions he sayeth that the fellowship of humane kynde is violated with GOD bycause nature whiche we haue of GOD is polluted This was the crye of the Sodomites and the Gomorhites which ascended into heaueÌ„ and the grieuousnes of their wickednes is moste manifest by their distruction For they were distroyed with fire and brimestone from heauen punishementes vndoubtedly agreable vnto so greate a heynous crime by the fire was noted their burnyng filthy luste and by brymestone theyr stynkyng and vnpure wicked crime Chrisostome Chrisostome writeth Bycause they followed not fertility but barennes therfore God made that so ill baren and infertyle whiche before was most fertile But he demaundeth Why god doth in theâ—e daâ—es deferre the punishement of Sodomites Why are not they whiche are in the same faulte in these dayes punished also after the same manner He aunswereth whome that punishement moueth not for them abydeth the vnquencheable fyre And they are not so punished in this lyfe bycause suche menne for the moste parte are conuersaunt amonge good menne and GOD promised Abraham that he was ready to forgeue Sodome if there mought haue bene founde there but onely tenne good menne Wherefore for as muche as Cityes at this daye are not altogether so corrupte as Sodome was then therefore GOD dealeth more remissedly with them It also oftentymes happeneth that althoughe these men are moste wicked yet they had good predecessors And GOD as he hath testified tarieth and differreth the punishement vnto the thyrde and fourth generation Farther we muste marke that thys vice wheresoeuer it rangeth it is not alone With it are ioyned cruelty inhumanity pryde robbery and oppressing of the poore And when it shall come to this point that menne cruelly withdrawe their dewtyes from their neyghbours GOD doth then on the other side withdrawe hys helpe and grace Wherefore they beyng left vnto themselues that is vnto their owne corrupte and viciate strengthes doo degenerate into beastes The Sodomitical sinne is to bee punished with death The lawe of GOD in Exodus and Deuteronomy made thys sinne death And Paul to the Romanes sheweth that thys is the punishement of Idolatrers And in an other place he numbreth abusers of nature with them whom he excludeth from the kyngdome of GOD. Amonge the olde Grecians thys wicked crime was punished with death and that by the lawe of Laius Bessarion Tertulian whereof Bessarion maketh mention agaynste Trapezuntius Tertullian de Monogamia writeth that among the Romanes there was
sometimes to call vs hys fellowe workers Bonifacius goeth on the lay power ought to be iudged of the Ecclesiasticall but by what kind of iudgement Vndoubtedly by this that in the churche he set forth the anger of God against sinners that they be admonished and corrected by the holy scriptures But the bishops may expel kings and put them out of their kingdome wher is the permitted Frō whence haue they that what writings wil they bring for it The Pope ought to be iudged of the church But that is most intollerable that the Pope sayth that he can be iudged of no man And yet Iohn .23 was in the counsel of Constance put downe and not onely by god but also by men So these men plant and replant Canons and the same they allow and disalow as often as they think good Yea and Emperors haue sometimes thrust out and put down Popes as it is before said Paul to the Gal. sayth If an Aungell from heauen preach any other gospel let him be accursed If the Pope which may come to passe and hath alredy long since come to passe obtrude wicked opinions who shall pronounce him accursed It is the dewty of the magistrate to execut the sentence of the church agaynst the pope Shall he be vtterly iudged of no man The church vndoubtedly shal geue sentence vpon him and the magistrate for that he is the chiefest part of the church shal not onely iudge together with it but also shall execute the sentence Farther it longeth vnto the magistrate to prouide that the riches of the churche be not geuen vnto the enemies of godlines Wherefore if bishoppes become enemies of the churche a faythfull magistrate ought not to suffer the goods of the church to be consumed by them The Canonists haue this oftentimes in theyr mouth That for the office sake is geuen the benefice When therfore they do not their office ought the magistrate to suffer them to enioy their benefices But let vs heare howe Bonifacius proueth that he can be iudged of no man Bycause he that is spiritual sayth he iudgeth all thinges but he himselfe is iudged of no man A godly and wel applied argument I promise you But let vs se what kind of iudgement Paul writeth of in that place He speaketh not vndoubtedly of the common kind of iudgement whereby men are either put to death or put oute of theyr roome He entreateth there onelye of the vnderstandinge of thinges deuine and which auaile vnto saluation These thinges I say properlye belong vnto the iudgement of the spiritual man but concerning common iudgementes and knowledge of ciuill causes Paule neuer thoughte of them in that place Which is easely perceaued by his wordes we haue not receiued saith he the sprite of this world but a sprite which is of God If thou wilt demaund for what vse the sprite is geuen vs He answereth that we should know those things that are geuen vs of God And bycause the sprite of this worlde cannot geue iudgemente of thinges deuine it is added The carnall man vnderstandeth not those things which ar of the sprite of god The spiritual man iudgeth al things What Doth he iudge also ciuill and common causes No vndoubtedlye but he iudgeth those thinges whiche pertayne vnto the saluation of men he himselfe is iudged of no man Without doubt both Peter and Paul were iudged by the ciuil power wherunto Paul appealed to be iudged there and yet were they both spirituall Peter Paule were iudged by the ciuil power But that place is thus to be vnderstanded He that is spirituall in that he is such a one cannot in thinges deuine and such as pertaine vnto saluation bee rightely iudged of any mā which is not endewed with the same sprite that he is The wicked and worldly ones count him oftentimes for a sedicious vnpure infamous fellow but only God and his sprite looketh vpon the hartes Note Lastly Bonifacius concludeth that there is one onely chiefe power which longeth vnto the pope least we should seme with the Maniches to make many beginninges We put this one onely beginninge and not many And he addeth That god in the beginning and not in the beginnings created the world We also abhorre from the Maniches and do put one onely beginning and pronounce one onely fountayne and ofspring of all powers namely god and his word without which can be no power either ciuil or Ecclesiasticall For the foundation of either of them dependeth of the word of god so we make but one beginning not two Farther if Bonifacius wil vrge these words of Genesis In the beginning god created c. there oughte to be in the world but one onely king For when Paul sayde One Lord one faith one baptisme he added not one Pope A Schisme of thre Popes At the length our Thraso commeth so farre that hee excludeth them from the hope of saluation which acknowledge not the Pope for the chief prince head of the church But when ther were two or three Popes al at one time which thing both happened and also endured the space of .60 yeares full it muste needes be that those were at that time Maniches and did put two beginnings which were of Bonifacius opinion Moreouer what thinke they of the Gretians of the Persiās and Christians which dwell in the East part for as much as they acknowledge not the Pope who yet neuerthelesse reade the scriptures beleue in our Lord Iesus Christ and both are also ar called christians Al them Bonifacius excludeth from the hope of saluation This is the ambicion and vnspeakeable tirannye of the Popes When we obiecte vnto the papistes these wordes of Paule let euery soule be subiect vnto the superior powers they aunswere that euery soul ought to be subiect vnto the superior power but yet to theyrs not to other mens power otherwise the frenchmen ought to be subiect vnto the Spaniardes the Spaniardes to the Germaines which thing for that it is absurd it is concluded that euery man ought to obey his own Magistrat But now the clergy acknowledge the bishops for theyr power and ought to be subiect vnto thē and the bishops acknowledge the Archbishoppes and Primates and they lastly acknowledge the Pope After this manner say they we obey the power and satisfye Paule What haue we to do with kings or ciuil magistrats But this is nothing els then most filthily to abuse the wordes of Paule The Papistes do rēt into two partes both the kingdomes and the people Doo they not see that they deuide the publike wealth into two bodies which oughte to be one body onely For when they deuide the kyngdome of the Clergye from the kingedome of the laitye they make in one kyngedome twoo peoples and doo sette ouer eyther people a Magystrate And thereby commeth to passe that the Clergy whiche are Frenchemen seeme not to be Frenchemen and the Germanes seeme not to be
Germanes And this maketh not coniunction but diuision Farther of what power I praye you speaketh Paul Not vndoubtedly of Byshops or Archebishops but of that power whiche beareth the swoorde He doth not without a cause sayth he beare the swoorde He speaketh of that power to whom tribute is payd For for this cause sayth he ye pay tribute But Bishops neither beare swoorde nor exacte tributes of the people Wherfore Paul speaketh not of them And thoughe Germany Byshops beare the swoorde and do gather tributes and customes they doo not that in respect that they are Byshops but in respect that by accidens they haue the ciuile power adioyned vnto thē how rightly let them see to it But it is manifest that Paul spake of the Ciuile power vnto whiche he commaunded that euery soule should obey Neither is the interpretation of Origene probable wherin he affirmeth that Paul sayd Euery soule Origene and not euery spirite Bycause sayth he the spirituall man is moued with no affections neither possesseth he any thyng in the world Wherfore he is not subiect at all vnto the outward power Wherfore Paul commaundeth euery soule that is euery carnall man to obey the ciuile power But what Was not Christ spirituall who was more spirituall And yet he acknowledged the superior power and payd tribute What say you to the Apostles were not they spirituall And yet they neuer exempted thēselues from the ciuile power yea rather they obeyed and taught others to obey them But let vs heare what our Bonifacianes aunswere farther They say that they haue not this power ordinarily and by the right of their fruition but graunted them by priuiledges and giftes of princes And why say they is it not lawful for vs to enioye the priuiledges and liberality of princes But we ought here to haue a regard not what princes haue doone but what they ought to haue done God without all doubt hath made subiect euery soule vnto the hygher power It was neuer lawfull for any prince to breake that law Whether it wer lawful for princes to exempt Ecclesiastical men from their subiectiō Nor humane reason seeth not better then the prouidence of God what should become of the affaires of humane kynd And the euent it selfe also sufficiently hath declared how much that remission of princes hath profited For after that Bishops and false Ecclesiastical men got themselues once frō the subiection of the ciuile power they straight way became farre worse then they were before and made the people which were committed to theyr charge nothyng the better Wherfore let them cease to say that Emperours and kynges haue geuen them these thynges let them rather heare the word of god wherin they are cōmaūded to obey princes But they haue not onely withdrawen thēselues from obedience towarde princes but also haue claymed vnto thēselues an immunite or fraunches What immunity is What tribute is What custome is Vlpiane And an immunity is a liberty from doyng of homages bearyng of ciuile burthens And among burthens are numbred tributes customes Tributes are those which are payd of landes and possessions Customes are those whiche are payd of marchandises of those thinges whiche are either caried out or brought in These thynges Vlpiane calleth the sinewes of the publique wealth as without which it cā not either consist or be gouerned By what ryght therfore and reason haue these men withdrawē themselues from the publique commodity With what face do they boast of such liberality of princes whiche neither Christ neither the Apostles nor the Prophetes vsed And althoughe they haue this thing as they say Ministers of the Church ar exempted from personall burthēs and from such as are filthy Vlpianus by the gift of kings and Emperors yet must they take heede that it be not hurtfull vnto the Citezins and least whilest they are lifted vp other be aboue measure burdened And yet ar they not by priuiledges and lawes of princes exempted from all burthēs In deede they are franchised from personall burthens that not without great reason whiche euen the Ethnike princes sawe also In the digestes de Vacatione excusatione munerum in the law Praetor Vlpianus saith If a man haue gotten a benefice neither can hurt of conscience be absent from it he is acquited And Constantine the Emperor in the Code de Episcopis Clericis in the law .1 and .2 What personal burthens are Filthy burthens exempteth them from personall and filthy burthens Personall burthens are those whiche are accomplished by the industry of the mynde and labour of the body Filthy burthens are those as to burne lyme to digge sand to kepe the cundite to heate the bath and such other of like sorte From these burthens they are woorthily exempted bycause the ministery by such filthy excercises should come in contempt And they are made free from personal burthens bycause whē they should geue theyr mindes to holy thyngs they ought not to be withdrawē to other thynges Wherfore princes haue ryghtly graunted these thynges vnto Ecclesiasticall men that they should not be absent from the study of religion and that they should not be contemned of the common people But what if a man clayme hymselfe to be a Minister onely by hys apparell or garmentes and doth nothyng in the Churche is this freedome also graunted vnto hym Iustiniane No vndoubtedly Yea Iustiniane in the Code de Episcopis Clericis in the lawe generaliter sancimus sayth that he meaneth onely of those whiche diligently geue themselues to holy thynges and not of vagaboundes and idle persons which bragge onely in the name of the Ministery Moreouer Ministers are not loosed from ordinary charges althoughe they are exempted from extraordinary charges Ordinary charges Extraordinary charges Ordinary charges are those whiche are imposed alwayes by the commaundement of the lawes Extraordinary charges whiche are exacted onely for some present necessity and afterward doo cease Wherfore if Ecclesiastical men haue manors landes as other Citezins haue for them they ought to pay Why they are acquited from extraordinary charges For the Church when it taketh landes taketh them with their burthens But they are free from extraordinary tributes bycause in the olde tyme Ecclesiastical men were poore besides necessary foode and apparell had nothyng remanyng or if peraduenture there remayned any thyng all the same whatsoeuer it were was bestowed vpon the poore But nowe it is cleane contrary for both they abounde in riches and they bestow very litle vpon the poore And yet if any great necessity happened They are not exempted from all extraordinary charges they were compelled to pay also extraordinary charges As if there were any highe wayes to bee mended and any bridges to be made any shippes to be edified for to transporte an hoste as it appeareth in the Code by the lawes of the Emperour Neyther vndoubtedly doth brotherly charity suffer that when other are burdened they shoulde
is the father of the countrey We muste obeye hym but yet not aboue the Lord. Yea if he commaunde any thyng agaynst hym he is both to be hated and also to be denyed Neither is it lawfull for any manne to professe hymselfe to be a Christian whiche will not departe from the superior Magistrate in these thynges whiche are agaynste the woorde of GOD. Thys were to haue a wyll to serue two Lordes and to halte in two partes If GOD be God let vs follow hym and that not by halues but wholy But it is to be feared saye they least whylest we are agaynste the superior power we engender daunger to the publique wealth To this will I answere contraryly to that which Demades in the old tyme answered vnto the Athenienses An answere of Demades Cassander the Macedonian whiche succeded Alexander the greate entreated with the Athenienses to woorshippe Alexander for a GOD. They stayed at it but Cassander vnles they woulde consent seemed that he would inuade them with battaile Wherefore Demades spake thus vnto the people That it was to be feared least whilest they retayned heauen they lost not earth So doo I aunswere these menne but chaungyng the woordes That it is to be feared least whilest they to muche regarde and defende an earthely publique wealth they lose heauen For althoughe the superior power doo fume and threaten we must stande valiantly to a good cause For we muste woorshippe GOD holyly and godly thoughe all Magistrates and the whole worlde were agaynste vs. And therefore if that superior power commaunde any thyng agaynst the lawe of God it is not to be obeyed An example of Naboth So dyd Naboth behaue hymself he would not graunt vnto Achab hys vyneyarde whiche was his inheritaunce Neither had he in that thing a respect vnto any thing elles then that the lawe of GOD should remayne vnbroken wherin it was commaunded that the tribes and famelyes of the Israelites as touchyng possessions should remayne distincte and separated Wherefore by it it was not lawfull for Naboth to alienate hys inheritaunce for euer Yet a manne beyng farre endetted mought haue solde his inheritaunce till the yeare of Iubily But after that yeare it returned vnto the olde possessor agayne GOD woulde by thys meanes that the inheritaunces of the Israelites shoulde not be confounded Wherefore Naboth woulde not sell hys auncient inheritaunce that the lawe of GOD shoulde not be broken whome Magistrates also ought to follow and not to geue place in theyr Cityes and dominions vnto moste vnpure Masses and Papisticall Idolatrye The Iewes when they were oppressed vnder the Mocedonians The constancy of the Iewes agaynste the Macedonians Romanes chused to suffer any thynge rather then that the Image of Iupiter Olimpicus shoulde abyde in the Temple of GOD. And when the Romanes bare rule ouer them howe greate sedition and tumult stirred they vp rather then they would suffer the Siluer Eagle or the Image of Caligula to be set vp in the holy place Yea Valentinian the Emperor beyng an Arrian as both Eusebius writeth and also Ambrose in hys Epistles would haue had the Church of Millan delyuered vnto him there with hys heretikes to haue celebrated prayers and holy seruices Ambrose But Ambrose woulde not geue place but rather abode daye and nyght in the Temple together with the people that the Emperour should not fynd it empty and so possesse it If the Hebrues would not haue the Temple of GOD polluted with Idoles and Ambrose suffred not the Churche to be contaminated by heretikes why doo faythfull Magistrates permitte theyr Temples to Idolatrers and vnpure worshippynges of Papistes They saye that these thynges pertayne not vnto them and that these Temples are not in theyr power What then If murther shoulde be committed in those Temples or any shoulde there conspire agaynste the publique wealth woulde they leaue murtherers and conspirators vnpunished there And would they say that these wycked crimes pertayne nothyng vnto them Would they willingly wittingly suffer these thyngs I thinke not if they were wise if they would keepe and defend the publique wealth If a man should obiect vnto them this Temple is not yours neither maketh it any matter vnto you what is here done yea but they would then aunswere for as muche as it is in our City in that it sufficiently pertayneth vnto vs. But wicked actes farre more grieuous then murthers and conspiracyes are there committed Idolatry I say sacrilege and blasphemye And shall a Magistrate whiche will be called a Christian thynke that these thynges pertayne nothyng vnto hym But say they the superior power hath commaunded these thynges to be done To this I haue already largely aunswered Nowe thys thynge wyll I adde if the same power shoulde go aboute to destroye the Citye or to take awaye or diminishe the priuiledges they woulde neuer suffer that they woulde rather runne to weapons but these thynges whiche are farre more grieuous and cruell are openly and manifestly done and suffred And whiche is muche moste grieuous of all those thynges are there suffred where many yeares the Gospell of Christe hath bene receaued Nowe resteth bycause oftentymes the Magistrate excuseth hymselfe saying the Ecclesiastical causes pertayne not vnto him to declare that to be vntrue Although it be sufficiently declared by those things which I haue already spoken yet for the more easie vnderstandyng I thinke it good to adde those thynges First I say that the Magistrate is the keper of the law of God which conteyneth not onely the latter table but also the first Wherfore the Magistrate is a keper as well of the one as of the other I adde that also whiche Augustine sayth Augustine that not onely priuate men but also kynges ought to serue the Lorde For in the Psalme it is written In gatheryng together peoples into one and kynges to serue the Lorde And in an other place And nowe O kynges vnderstand be wise ye that iudge the earth Serue the Lord in feare c. A priuate man sayth Augustine serueth the Lorde if he confesse hys name and lyue vprightly Howe kynges ought peculiarly to serue the Lorde But this is not sufficient for a kyng and Magistrate For he by his authority and power ought so to serue the Lorde that he must punishe those that are agaynst hym whiche thyng vnles he doo he seemeth to assent vnto blasphemers and heretikes For the king when he seeth these menne and suffreth them is as much in faulte as if he shoulde ioyne hymselfe with them and mainteyne theyr wicked actes Nebuchad-Nezar as soone as euer he knewe GOD made a decree that whosoeuer spake blasphemy agaynst the GOD of Daniel shoulde dye The lyke decree made Darius afterwarde Wherfore our Magistrates also ought vtterly to take awaye all Idolatryes blasphemyes and superstitions assone as euer they find them out The Ethnike princes neuer thought that the care ouer Religion pertayned not vnto their power
of the tribe of Beniamin but to all Schebat in Hebrue is a tribe but here it is taken for a famely And in very dede tribes wer nothing els then famelies comming of the Patriarches namely the children of Iacob But the tribe of Beniamin had ten famelies Beniamin had ten faâ—elies R. Selomoh who toke their names of their first Parentes And those ten famelies were so notable and aboundant that R. Selomoh saith that Rachel after a sort brought forth twelue tribes that is ther came out of Beniamin ten famelies which myght bee likened vnto ten tribes Farther of Ioseph were borne Ephraim and Manasses Wherfore the Tribe of Beniamin was very populous and mighty Whereby also it came to passe that they trusted to much in their own strength and thought that they were able to resist al Israell Wherfore they would neither deliuer the guiltye nor yet punish them For they thought it ignominious vnto them if they should haue don either of them They would not geue place to sound counsels wherefore they could not deny but that warre was iustlye made against them which by honest meanes they might haue auoided But the rest of the people are to bee praysed bicause they with so great moderacion tooke in hande so great a matter Fyrst A comparyson betwene the people and the BeÌ„iamites they would know the cause then sende messengers to require that the guiltye might be put to death lastly they would assay althinges rather then they would make war against their brethren On the contrarye syde the Beniamites doo al thinges peruerslye they take no counsel they neither deny nor excuse their act they wyll not deliuer the guilty but prepare them selues to defende And so for the wickednes of a fewe they contaminate them selues all And as Paul sayth to the Romanes they do not onelye euyll them selues but also consent to them that doo euyl Neither could they excuse themselues by ignoraunce of the law which they had so often heard They acknowledge that the wycked act was most grieuous which yet they allow in defending the guilty 14 But the children of Beniamin gathered them selues together out of the Cities into Gibea to go out and fyght agaynst the chyldren of Israel 15 And the children of Beniamin were numbred at that tyme .26 thousand men that drew swoorde besides the inhabiters of Gibea whych were numbred .vi. hundreth chosen men 16 Of al this people there were .7 hundreth chosen men that were shut in their ryght hande all these coulde slyng stones at an heare breadth and not fayle 17 Also the men of Israel beside Beniamin were numbred .400 thousand men that drew sword Al these wer men of warre 18 And they arose vp and went vp to Bethel and asked of God the children of Israel sayd which of vs shal go vp firste to fyght agaynst the chyldren of Beniamin And the Lord sayde Iuda shall be fyrst 19 Then the chyldren of Israell rose vp earelye and camped agaynst Gibea 20 The men of Israel I say went out to battaile agaynst Beniamin and the men of Israel put them selues in aray to fight against them besyde Gibea 21 And the chyldren of Beniamin came oute of Gibea and slewe downe to the ground of the Israelites that day .xxii. thousand meÌ„ 22 And the people the men of Israel plucked vp their hartes and set their battayle agayne in aray in the place where they put them in a ray the fyrst day 23 And the children of Israel went vp and asked the Lord saying Shal I go agayne to battayle agaynste the chyldren of Beniamin my brethren And the Lord sayd Go vp against them 24 Then the chyldren of Israel came neare the chyldren of Beniamin the second day 25 And the second day Beniamin came forth to meete them out of Gibea and slew downe to the grounde of the chyldren of Israel agayne .xviii. thousand men Al they could handle the swoord The Beniamites assembled together to Gibea bicause they saw al the brunt of the battail bent thitherwarde They tooke out the choyce of their soldiours wherein were not comprehended the inhabiters of Gibea which were in number sixe hundreth men of warre and men picked out And it is added for a thyng wonderful that there were of the Beniamites seuen hundreth which had an impediment in their right handes but vsed slynges leuened so nye that they missed not euen an heare bredth What hande is said to be closed It is saide that they had their handes closed bycause the sinews wer bound neither could the spirites haue their mouings frely For which cause they were vnapt to draw swordes The latin translacion hath ambi dexteros bicause they could vse both handes as though either hand were the right hand Leafthanded And they which excuse this translacion do say that they so vsed the leaft hand as if they had had no right hand I thinke rather that they were leaft handed But in that it is added that they leueled so rightly that they missed not a heare bredth Hyperbole I thinke it be spoken by this figure Hiperbole wherby their cunning and industry might the more be commended In the Hebrue it is read that the Beniamites had .xxvi. thousande soldiours But in the latin interpretacioÌ„ are put onely .xxv. thousaÌ„d for this cause as I suppose bicause in that last conflict wherein the Beniamites were ouerthrowen we reade onely of .xxv. thousand that were slaine Wherfore if a man compare the first number with the latter there are a thousand ouer whom other thinke that when their host was discomfited and thinges past all hope they turned backe fled into Europe D. Kimhi But Kimhi thinketh more rightlye that they were myssing when the Beniamites got the vpper hand in those twoo first conflictes For it is not credible that they so ouercame that they lost none of their soldiours Wherfore if thou adde them vnto the .xxv. thousand which fel in the third battail then is the whole number of .xxvi. thousande explete These thinges I knowe are of smal waight which yet I thought good to note bicause the Rabbines haue written many thinges of them and the translacions do differ When the soldiours were chosen out and al thinges set in an order the Israelites send to Bethel and aske counsel of God The Arke of the Lorde was at that time in Siloh Bethel is not alwaies the proper name of a place and from thence wer geuen answers And Bethel in this place is not the name of a City but is takeÌ„ for the house of God and signifieth a place where the Arke of the couenant remained Farther Siloh was not farre from Gibea wherfore it was no hard matter for the Israelites to send thether to aske counsel of God They asked the Lord which tribe should haue the fyrst place in the battayle for some one tribe must nedes be the first Answer was made that this should be geuen vnto the tribe of Iuda
That was of al the tribes most populous and noble vnto which afterward came the kingdome They enquired not who should be the captaine of the warre but which tribe shoulde begyn the battaile first against the enemies Why thei doubted not of the victory Wherin the Israelits synned They nothing doubt of the victory neither demaund they any thing concerning it They saw that their quarrell was iust They sawe also that they were more in number and multitude and that it would be easy to ouercome so fewe wherefore they pray not vnto God to geue them the victory which was a grieuous synne as R. Leui ben Gerson affirmeth Wherefore God being offended suffred them twise to fal before their enemies and that wonderfullye For God hateth nothing more then pride and to much trust in our owne strengthes He wil also haue men knowe that victory is both to be required D. Kimhi and also to be hoped for at his handes onelye But Kimhi sayth that other thinke that this so great misfortune of warre happened bicause of the idolatry of Micha the Israelite As though God should in this maner haue delt with them Ye will auenge the iniury done vnto a man being a Leuite but ye neglect and wyncke at the contumely which I suffer at the Danites handes who publikely worship Idoles Either of these sentences is very likelye althoughe neither of them is gathered out of the text Howbeit this we may affirme that there were some certain causes wherby God was excedinglye prouoked of the Israelites But what those causes were though we know not it is no meruayle For the counsels of God are hidden and obscure Order at the length required this that the Israelites should first auenge the contumely of God himself and afterward of the Leuite But this is sufficiently declared in the text What thynges the Israelites had omitted that they at those twoo first tymes came not vnto God earnestly inough They came in deede but they neither fasted nor killed sacrifices nor made any praiers as far as the holy history declareth But at the last hauing already two ouerthrowes all of them with a lowly and humble minde come vnto God al pray together and fast These thinges seme sufficiently to declare that they were not before in the house of the Lord in suche maner as they ought to haue beene For if they had had true fayth they would haue before also proclaimed both cōmon prayers and also fasting Mourning fasting and praiers are the effectes of faith and true repentaunce These thinges for that they had not it is probable that therfore they receaued so great losse at the first and second conflict This thing also might bee a cause for that they made warre to much securely and contemptuously as they which dyd put their confidence in the number and strength of their own men Wherefore they contemned the enemy The contempt of enemies hurteth very much then the which nothing is more vnprofitable to those that shal fight For contempt of the enemies engendreth negligence in the hostes 26 Then al the children of Israel ascended and all the people and they came into the house of God and wept and abode there before the Lorde They fasted also that day vnto the euening and offered burnt offringes and peace offeringes before the Lord. 27 And the chyldren of Israel asked the Lorde for there was the Arke of the Lord in those dayes 28 And Pinhas the sonne of Eleazar the sonne of Aaron stoode before it in those dayes saying Shal I yet go any more to battayle against the children of Beniamin my brethren or shal I cease The Lord answered Go vp for to morow I wil deliuer them into your hand 29 And Israel set men to lye in wayte round about Gibea 30 And the children of Israel went vp against the children of Beniamin the thyrd day and put them selues in aray against Gibea as at other tymes 31 Then the children of Beniamin comming out to meete the people were drawen from their City and they beganne to smite and to kyl of the people as at other times euen by the wayes whereof one goeth vp to the house of God and the other to Gibea in the fielde vpon a thirty men of Israel 32 And the chyldren of Beniamin sayd They are fallen before vs as at the first But the children of Israel said Let vs flie and pluck them away from the city euen to the high wayes 33 And when al the men of Israel rose vp oute of their place and put them selues in aray in Baal-Thamar in the meane while the men of Israel that lay in wayte came forth of their place euen out of the medowes of Gibea 34 And they came ouer agaynst Gibea ten thousande chosen men of all Israel and the battayle was sore for they knewe not that the euyll was neare them 35 And the Lord smote Beniamin before Israel and the chyldren of Israel destroyed of the Beniamites the same day .xxv. thousand and one hundreth men All they coulde handle the swoord 36 So the children of Beniamin saw that they wer smitten down for the children of Israel gaue place vnto the Beniamites bycause they trusted to the men that lay in wayte whych they had layde besydes Gibea 37 And they that lay in wayte hasted and brake forth toward Gibea and the embushment drew themselues along and smote al the City wyth the edge of the swoord 38 Also the men of Israel had appointed a certayne tyme with the embushmentes that with great speede they shoulde make a great flame and smoke ryse out of the City 39 And the men of Israel retired in the battayle and Beniamin began to smyte and kyll the men of Israell about .xxx. persons for they sayd Surely they are striken downe before vs as in the fyrste battayle 40 But when the flame began to aryse out of the City as a pyller of smoke the Beniamites looked backe and beholde the flame of the City began to ascend vp to heauen 41 Then the men of Israel turned againe and the children of Beniamin were astoyned for they saw their destruction at hand 42 Therefore they fled before the men of Israel vnto the waye of the wyldernes but the battayle ouertooke them also they whyche came out of the Cities slewe them among them 43 Thus they compassed the Beniamites about and chased them at ease and ouerran them euē ouer against Gibea on the East side 44 And there fel of Beniamin .xviii. thousand men which were all men of warre 45 And they turned and fled vnto the wyldernes vnto the rocke Rimmon and the Israelites glayned of them by the way .v. thousand men and pursued after them vnto Gidehon slew two thousand men of them 46 So that al that were slayne that day of the Beniamites were 25 thousand men that drew sword which were all men of warre 47 But .vi. hundreth men turned and fled to the wyldernes vnto the rocke of
Rimmon and abode in the rocke Rimmō .4 monethes 48 Then the men of Israel returned vnto the chyldren of Beniamin and smote them with the edge of the swoord from the men of the City vnto the beastes and al that came to hand also they set on fyre all the Cities that they could come by After that the children of Israel had had the ouerthrowe they went vp vnto the house of God and wept there And assuredly somewhat they dyd that belonged vnto piety but yet not so muche as they ought for they fasted not neyther offered they Sacrifices whiche are tokens of a full fayth and conuersion Why God had thē ascend whē they shoulde be ouerthrowen How beit the Lorde byddeth them to ascende bycause he woulde not feare them away from the battaile which they had in a iust cause taken in hande He dyd not strayghtway geue the victory but styll permitted them to be afflicted of their enemyes whereby they might vnderstande their faultes and more earnestly desyre pardon There perished againe .xviii. thousand of them after which slaughter it is sayde that they came all of them humbly vnto God There they wept not counterfetlye or lightlye but bytterly and earnestlye and that all the whole daye They fasted they offered burnt offerynges and peace offeringes Burnt offeringes were they which were all whole burnt but of peace offeringes a certaine part was offered an other part was geuen vnto the Priest and an other part returned vnto him whych offered it to eate it with his frendes in the sight of the Lorde The Hebrues being now oppressed with troubles doo not onelye pray vnto God and bewayle their synnes but also fast and after fastyng institute a cōmunion among themselues In that it is said that the Arke of the Lord was there we must vnderstande that of Siloh for there it continually abode It is said that the priest stoode before the Lorde and that is nothing els then that he exercised the holy ministery They asked Shal we ascende or shal we cease This is a more ful interrogacion then the first were This is a more ful interrogaciō then the first wer for at the first time they onely demaunded which tribe should first assaile the enemies At the second time whither God wold that they should ascend against their enemies But now they demaund whither they shal go vp or whither they shal cease As though they vtterly referred the matter vnto the wil of God God answereth them more gently faith Go vp to morow I wil deliuer them into thine hand The thinges that are now done and set foorth serue to our cōmodity We ought to attempt nothing whereof we are not before certain whither it be iust or vniust For the true knowledge wherof we must seke for the answer of God out of the holy scriptures The Israelites wold not wrap the innocents with the gilty therfore they sent messengers at the beginning which thing at this day is not obserued in making of wars Our Capitains and Emperors do althinges without respect do no les rage against children olde men maydens and widowes then against those which haue chieflye offended The Beniamites are worthely to be condemned bicause they defended an vniust cause thought that it would be ignominious vnto thē if they should deliuer any of theirs to be punished which thing we see happeneth very often tymes in these dayes For maisters defend their seruantes they care not by what right or wrong For if their seruant although he be gilty be cast into prison they think that therby cōmeth a great ignominy vnto thēselues their famely and to their court But they ought to haue iustice before their eyes not to haue a regard to any thing els then that the lawes should be kept The Beniamites did put their confidence in their own strength the Israelites in their great number and also in the iustnes of their cause But both of them sinned for confidence is not to be put either in the strength of soldiours or in the number or in the iustnesse of the cause but onely in the mercy of God Although the cause be good yet doth not the thing alwaies succeede prosperously The Beniamites in a most wicked cause got the victory the fyrst time the second tyme yea and the thirde tyme yet at the last they suffered punishment and were ouerthrowen and slayne For God howsoeuer he do for a time winke at the wicked actes of men yet he suffereth them not alwayes to escape vnpunished For the vngodly as the holy prophetes admonishe vs floorishe for a short time but if thou a litle while passe by and returne he shall be no where That the Israelites wer so often ouercome Why god wold haue the Israelites ouercome it was the worke counsel of God not bicause he would help the wicked men but to allure his to true iust repentace We may also hereby learne that in all matters that wee take in hande three thinges are chiefly to be required first that the cause be iust which we will defend Three thinges required in euerye thing that we take in hād Farther that we put not the abilitye of performing the same in our owne strength but in God lastly that we put to our endeuor diligence Otherwyse to despise the meanes wherby we may attain to our purpose is nothing els thē to tēpt God It is not inough to say I haue a good cause I will cōmit the residue vnto god We must also stretch out our strengthes ad to our diligence Wherfore we may not put our affiance in any cause although it be neuer so iust Some man wil say what difference then is there betwene a iust cause and an vniust There is great difference betwene to haue a good cause to haue an euil Much vndoubtedly For in an vniust cause thou canst not cal vpon God or trust that he wil be an helper vnto thee For an vniust cause is vnder the curse of God and to cal vpon God to helpe it is euen like as if I should desire help of a man to fight against my selfe But if the cause be good euery man maye put his confidence in God cal vpon him but yet not in such maner to put hope in the equity of the cause but that thou mayest hope that God for his mercies sake wyll bee an ayde vnto thee The successe maketh not the cause eyther good or euyll If the successe bee euill the cause is not therefore straightwaye good Nebuchad-Nezar destroyed Iewrye and ledde awaye the nacions that were adioyning captiues into Babilon and yet was not his cause therefore good Gods cause in deede was iuste for hee woulde by that meanes take vengeaunce of a rebellious people But Nebuchad-Nezar thought nothing els but to exercise his tyrāny Ioseph bicause he would auoide adoultery was cast into prison and yet was not his cause therefore euer a whyt
in warre taken in hand by common counsel to withdraw themselues by priuate counsell Metius Suffecius captaine of Albany when he forsoke Tullus Hostilius fighting against the Fidenates by the commaundement of Tullus was bound to two cartes and so drawē in peces Solon depriued him of al honour dignity Solon A decre of Pōpeius which in the time of sedicion adioyned himselfe to neyther party And Pompeius as Plutarche affirmeth when he fled from Cesar proclaymed that he woulde count all them to be enemies which abode at Rome and helped not the common cause And after this maner are the Iabenites prescribed and counted for enemies And no otherwise are they to be counted which in this our tyme when there is controuersye concerning religion doo dissemble althinges when as in the meane tyme they wyl neither stand on the Papistes syde nor on ours It is not lawful for vs in religion to be neuters They say they wyll stand in the myddest betwene both which is nothing els then that they wyll be wyth the aduersaries or enemies For they halte on either side and therfore it may be said that after a sort they fauor them Farther the cause of religion is farre greater and greuouser then the cause of the publike wealth In the Churche no man can excuse himselfe that hee is a straunger for no man which professeth himself to be a Christian can be a straunger from religion wherfore warre is iustly proclaymed against the Iabenites Althoughe I thinke that in this matter also the Isralites wer to cruel For it semeth that it should haue bene sufficient to haue slaine the men that were apt vnto warre To much crueltye against the Iabenites which had committed the crime of rebellion But to kil womē old men and children it was to much cruelty Neither could they say that they had vowed vnto the Lord the vow Cherem forasmuch as they had saued the mayden virgins And vndoubtedly so great cruelty turned them to euyl for if they had delt more gently with the Iabenites they had had more women for the Beniamites Neither coulde they haue geuen counsell to haue vsed force to get them selues wiues But it is good to vnderstand how the Israelites founde oute that the Iabenites were absent The battaile being finished they al assembled to Siloh and numbred the people among whom when they founde none of the Iabenites they easelye vnderstoode that they were absent from the warre So great was their piety and religion at that time that when they had obtained the victory al of them assembled together to geue thankes vnto God But that thing is contemned now a daies for how many are there which when they haue gotten the victory wil acknowledge the benefite of God and geue him thankes Preachers do out of the Pulpit admonish the people to pray publikely for sicke folkes of which we either se or heare of none in a maner which when they are restored to health do publikelye geue thankes vnto God for that they haue by the prayers of the Churche escaped free They proclaymed peace vnto them which were in Rimmon That is gaue them safeconduct to returne home againe in safety 14 And Beniamin returned at that tyme and they gaue them wiues whom they had made on lyue of the women of Iabes Gilead which yet were not sufficient for them 15 And the people had compassion on Beniamin bicause the Lord had made a gappe in the tribes of Israel 16 And then the Elders of the congregacion sayd what shall wee do for wiues for the rest For the womē of Beniamin are destroied 17 And they sayd There must be an inheritance for them that bee escaped of Beniamin that a tribe be not destroyed out of Israel 18 For we cannot geue them of our daughters to wyues For the chyldren of Israel had sworne saying Cursed be he that geueth a wyfe to Beniamin 19 Then they sayd Behold there is a feast of a Lorde yearelye in Siloh in the place which is on the North syde of the house of God and on the East syde of the way that goeth from the house of God vnto Sechem and is South from Libanon 20 And they commaunded the chyldren of Beniamin saying Go and lye in wayte in the vyneyardes 21 And take hede For behold if the doughters of Siloh come out to daunce in a row then come ye out of the vyneyardes and catche vnto you euery man hys wyfe of the daughters of Siloh and get you into the land of Beniamin 22 And if their fathers or brethren come vnto vs to complayne we wyll say vnto them Haue pity on vs for them bicause we reserued not to eche man hys wyfe in tyme of war And bicause ye haue not geuen vnto them so that ye haue at this tyme offended 23 And the children of Beniamin did euen so and tooke them wiues of the dauncers according to their number whom they cought and went their wayes and returned euery man to hys inheritance And repairyng their cities they dwelt in them 24 And the children of Israel departed thence at that time euerye man to hys trybe and to his famelye And went out from thence euerye man to hys inheritaunce 25 In those dayes there was no kyng in Israel but euery man did that which seemed ryght in hys owne eyes They are sayd to haue made on lyue those maydens whom they had not slain for forasmuch as they had thē in their power it semed that they might iustly haue slayne them But they would preserue them on lyue Whereby they vnderstode that God wold saue the tribe of Bēiamin for that they sawe it was not the wyl of God that al the Beniamites should vtterly be destroyed and here by they vnderstoode the wil of God bicause he had caused sixe hundreth of them to escape Wherfore they gaue them safeconduct and the maydens of the Iabenites to be their wiues God made a breache in Israel That which they did themselues they ascribe vnto God A breache they cal the cutting of of one tribe Here is expressedlye set foorth the inconstancy of mans minde In that fury and hot anger they woulde haue destroyed al and they desyred of God to graunt them a ful victory when they haue obtained it and finished the matter they mourne afflict themselues If they had moderatly vsed the victory this thing had not happened vnto them After the same maner they synned against the Iabenites for if they had not slaine al the women ther they had had wiues inough for the Beniamites Now hauing slayne all they found onely .400 mayden virgins which not being sufficient they are compelled to seeke other by rapte or stelth And the Elders sayd So were the Senators or Senadrim called or els the Tribunes and Centurions which were rulers ouer the warlike affaires Let their inheritance be safe Iosua had appointed vnto euery tribe his inheritance Wherfore the Israelites could not clayme vnto
was rapted to mary an other But if she were betrothed by the woords of the present tence and that she can proue that she was rapted against her wil the spouse if he wil not receaue her ought to be compelled The schoolemens opinion Thomas Aquinas The schole Deuines write not much disagreing vnto this Thomas Aquinas in .2 2. toucheth this question whē he writeth that capte springeth of a vehement lust wherby the Rapter is so troubled that he neglecteth al daungers And he wyll haue her that is rapted to be rendred vnto her Spouse if she haue any and if she haue none vnto her Parentes or if she be wythout Parentes to them in whose power shee was And then if they wil agree she may mary the Rapter but so that first be made restitucion bicause in al theft and rapte restitucion is chiefly required yet saith he rapte before restitucion be made letteth matrimonye to bee contracted that is that they synne if they contract matrimony but if it be cōtracted it breaketh not the contract But to the Canōs which determine against it be answereth that they were made in detestacion of the crime But the Pope afterwarde considered the matter better But this was not the parte of a holye man to woorship the Pope for God and so to flatter him lyke a bondsclaue And to the ende he might seeme to speake rightlye he bryngeth the woordes of Ierome which are in Gracian concerning the three kindes of matrimonye But how that place serueth to this present matter I haue before shewed Lastlye hee obiecteth vnto himselfe the Counsell of Meldenum But that place he sayth is to be vnderstand If a man shall rapte her which was maryed vnto an other As thoughe that were obscure or doubtfull Wee neede no Canons to vnderstand this A certaine Deuine not of the woorste sorte stronglye setteth himselfe against Thomas concerning thys thing and where Thomas saith that rapte letteth not the matrimony already contracted he aunswereth that many decrees make against that sentence Farther hee bringeth a reason namely that he which is cōmunicate can not receiue the sacramentes And then he addeth that the Rapter is excōmunicated wherfore vnles he do open penāce and reconcile hymselfe vnto the Church he cannot contract matrimony But Caietanus there laboureth vtterly to defende hys Thomas Caitanus and denyeth that he which is excommunicate cannot receaue the Sacramentes Howbeit this he confesseth that he which is excommunicate synneth if hee receaue the Sacramentes And he addeth If an excommunicate be admitted to confyrmacion or to holy orders it cannot be denyed but that hee hath receaued the Sacramentes neither is it lawful for him to repeate them againe if he afterward doo penaunce Farthermore he sayth that the Mayster of the Sentenses in the .iiii. where he reckoneth the impedimentes whych take awaye matrimonye contracted numbreth not rapte at all Farther he teacheth that the Rapter and shee that is rapted are not by the act it self excōmunicated but to be excōmunicated But bicause he seeth it is in the Canons of the counsel of Chalcedon Cabilon Let the Rapter and her that is rapted be accursed he answereth that the Glose enterpreteth that saying to be of the same force as if it had bene sayd Let them be accursed Moreouer he answereth to the other twoo thynges concerning restitucion and penaunce he sayth that she that is rapted ought not to be restored but it is sufficient if he satisfy the father by some meanes although she bee not rendred vnto him into his hand euen as in theft it is not alwayes necessary that thinges taken away shoulde be restored but sometymes it is sufficient that the iniury be recompenced by a price or bonde But concerning penaunce he sayth The Rapter if he contract without it doth synne in dede but yet after he hath contracted the matrimonye is firme Lastlye he saith that the Canons which decree to the contrary are either abrogated or els doo speake of spouses After this maner Thomas Caietanus the Deuines Ecclesiastical men Canonistes triflle among them selues play the Parasites with the Pope their God Now wil I declare what the holy scriptures determine of rapte The sentence of the holye scriptures and what they iudge thereof The first place is out of the booke of Genesis the .6 chapter where it is wrytten The sonnes of God seing the daughters of men that they were fayre tooke them to wiues such as they lusted them selues I know there are brought sundry interpretacions of this place Some expounde the sonnes of God to be angels which being kindled by the beuty of faire women had fellowship with them This exposicion cannot agree for forasmuch as angels haue no bodies they cannot burne in such lustes Others by the sonnes of God vnderstand those which came of Seth and were brought vp in the true worshipping of God who being ouercome with beuty fayrnes contracted matrimonies with the daughters of Cain that is with Idolatrers and Infidels Whereby nothing nowe remayned sounde and perfecte and therefore God sending a flood The Chaldey interpreter destroyed the whole worlde The Chaldey Interpretour sayth that the Sonnes of God were myghtye men and Magistrates who when they hadde taken to wyues the daughters of vyle men all thynges were fylled wyth vyces Here I see was committed rapt which thing the Chaldey Paraphrast hath signified which paraphrast among the Hebrues is of an incredible authority And assuredlye Moses saith not that they desired those wiues of their Parentes but onely tooke them whom they lyked best By that place may easely be noted the course and as it were the degree of mans peruersnes For first they sawe and then they desiced and at the last they rapted Neither were they wonne by their vertues but onely by the beauty of the body Wherfore God punished that sinne by a flood And although there were many other synnes in men yet this one is expressed with a great emphasis Moreouer in the .34 chap. of the same booke Sechem the sonne of Hemor dyd rapte Dina the daughter of Iacob But what ende that rapte had it is not nedeful now to declare Curiosity was the cause that Dina was raptes But the cause why Dina was rapted was her curiositye the mayden would go foorth and vnderstand the maners of other women Curiosity did then hurt her also wil alwayes hurt women For if it were hurtful vnto the famely of Iacob being so great a Patriarche for a mayden to wander a broade howe muche more daungerous is it for other famelies which are not so holy nor acceptable vnto god But the nature of women is much infected with this vyce And therefore Paul to Titus admonisheth women to loue their husbandes to bring vp their children and to be byders at home And to Timothe when he entreateth of wanton and yong widowes they wander abroade sayth be and runne from house to house and at the last go
publique wealth he doth in deede punishe sinnes greuously but after his fatherly correction he doth with an vnmeasurable goodnes restore the hurtes and losses wherin men oftentymes incurre by theyr owne error faulte In all these things we may see an Image of our tymes For we are infected with the same infirmityes that our fathers were neither doth the deuill and his meÌ„bers with lesse diligence at this day vexe the congregatioÌ„ of the godly then he did in the old time Wherfore let vs praye vnto God our most louyng father thoroughe his sonne Iesus Christ that euen as from the begynning he hath holpen and noorished hys Churche in most great daungers so also he would now keepe and defende it when it is almoste ouerwhelmed with euils and calamityes Let vs desyre him also that euen as he from tyme to tyme stirred vp Iudges and deliuerers vnto the Hebrues by whom he restored both liberty and health and as in our tyme he hath geuen Heroicall and most excellent men namely Luther Zuinglius Oecolampadius Phillip Melanchton and suche like setters forth of the doctrine of the Gospel so he would vouchsafe to go forwarde and in conuenient tymes stirre vp certayn lyghtes by whiche he may illustrate the mindes of hys elect and kindle their heartes to keepe amplifie the Church of Christ that at the leÌ„gth he may haue it raygning with him in heauen without spot or wrinkle Amen ¶ The ende of the Commentary vpon the Booke of the Iudges ¶ A diligent Index or table of the most notable thinges matters and wordes contayned in thys whole woorke VVhich thinges ye shall fynde by the folio which is on the fyrst syde of the leafe and b signifieth the seconde syde of the same leafe A. AAroÌ„ reproued iustly 53 b Abimeleche Gedeons sonne 153. b Abimileches tiraÌ„ni 155 b Abimileches vices 157. b Abraham maried his brothers doughter 20. Abrahams leage with the Chananites 99. b Abrahams saying Sara was hys Sister 89. Abuses of church musicke 103. b Accidences do differ 286. b Accusations violate not but helpe the lawes 255 Action one and the same maye be good and bad 79 Actions should be both iust and iustly done 245 Actions voluntary naturall 63. b Adam and Eua whether they wer buried in Hebron 14. b Adonibezek 11 Aduersity giueth occasion of profitable sermons 113. b Aduersity oght to moue vs to praise thaÌ„k god aswel as prosperiti 104 Aduersities behauiour 6 Aduoutries counted lyghte crimes with Papistes 233 Aduoutries looseth her dowry 81 Adulterers and hooremongers god wyll iudge 249 Adultry punished with adultry 254. b Adultry salued by recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ 249 Adultry and rapt ioyned 283. b Aesopes fables 160 Aestimation is not so much to be regarded as truth 90 Affections are qualities 141. b Affections of the bodye and mynde also signified by dreames 135 Affections ar attributed to God improperly 176 Affections which are to be counted godly 194 Affections whether they bee good or euyll 142 Affections may be ioyned with obedience 195. b Afflicted persons thinke god is not with them 114. b Affliction to the afflicted of God is not to be added 235. b Affliction springeth of synne 112 Affliction of the Israelites of forty yeares 200. b Afflictions of the goodlye are not properly punishments 181. b Afflictions of this life God sendes to diuers endes 180 Afflictions great or smal is no sure argument of the heynousnesse of synnes 171. b Afflictions final causes 8 Affricanes are Chananites 7 Affricanes wer Phenitians 68 Age good what 155. Ain turned by g. 226. b Allegories vse 8. b Allegory taken out of the holy scripture 141 Alexander vnto Darius 157 Altare erected 280. b Altare is not to bee erected but to God 69 Altars vsed why 122. b Alteracion is none in God 175 Ambition handled 157. b Ambition when it hath place 183. b Ambition of kings and bishops 12 Ambrose a Neophyt when he was made bishop 184 Ambrose opinion of Iiptah disalowed 194 Ambrose first vsed singyng in the west church 103 Anabaptistes fault 132. b Anabaptistes error 264. b Anabaptistes deny that the olde testament pertaineth to vs. 186. b Anadiplosis 109. b Anathemata 30. b Anarchia is destruction of a coÌ„mon wealth 139 Ancyrana Synodus 95 Angel signifieth diuersly 59 Angels howe they haue their names 205. b angels why they fell 15. q angels cannot burn in lustes 285 Angels whyther they dyd eate and drinke 212 angels bodyes wherin they appere are true and humaine 211. b Angels what maner of bodies they take vpon them 209. b angels apparitions 208 Angels apparitions may be imagigined .3 maner of waies 209. b. 211 Angels appearing and Gods do eeuidently differ 1â—2 b Angels whether they se God 121. b angels may worke miracles 126. b Anger of God described 70 Anger defined by the matter 73. b anger asswaged by gentle aunswer 141. b anger why Christ forbad 166. b Anger an vnfit affection to punysh in 280. b Answer with the Hebrues is to begyn to talke 244 Anthropomorphites error 118 Antichrist the pope of Rome 147. b Anticipation a common figure in scriptures 246. b Antiochus begyled 86 Apelles error 210. b Apis the oxe was loÌ„g fatting 122 b Apollonius Thyaneus 211 Apology defined 159. b Apoplexia 163. b Apostles how thei ar fouÌ„dacioÌ„s 149 Apparel prescribed by lawes 111. b Apparitions of angels 208 appeale from the Pope 266. b Application of popishe sacrifice for quicke and dead 50 Aquarij heretikes 189. b Arba the builder of Hebron 15 Arguments false of Siricius 94 Arguments from the euents to the cause are not alwayes firm 271. b argument against the Pope 161 Aristocratia 1. b Aristocratia in the church 241 Aristocratia compared with a kingdome 156 Aristotle deceiued 138 Arke taken 244. b Armes of noble men 140. b Artes forbidden 283 Ascension daye whether it was on the wensday or thursday 276. b Asers situation 108 Asking at God how 272 Assamonites or Machabites 259 Assemblies exercises 65 asses vsed in Syria 106. b Asses much vsed in Syria 25. b Attilius Regulus 85. b Augustines saying I would not beleue the Gospel c. scanned 5. b Augustine vsed the latine toung to preach in 84 Augustine Ierome contend 60. b Augustine excuseth Tertullian 120 Augustine chaunged his opinioÌ„ for compelling of heretikes 55 Augustines mother 138. b Aunts why meÌ„ may not mary 19 b B. BAal-berith 155 Baal handled 123. b Baal and Baalim 68 Balaams praying was prophesying 207 Banished mens custome in buylding of Cities 40 Banishment the extremest punishmeÌ„t of the citizens of Rome 146 b Baptisme of Infanes 75. b Baren mothers haue brought forth many excellent men 200. b Baruch is Apocripha 51 Bastard defined 177 b Bastards haue no place in the congregacion of Israel 177 Bastardes proue wurs then other children 178 Bastards wer not commaunded to be banished by the law 183 Bawde who acording to the Ciuill law 249 Bawdes are the Popes 232 Bawdry 232 Beanes make
health 135. b Dreames it is not vtterly forbidden to regard them 138. b Dreames of prophecieng geuen by God to the wicked 134. Dreames some ar sent by God 137 Drunkennes hurtes 163. b Drunkennes hath 2. sences 162. Drunkennes bringeth all vices to light 164. b Dwelling of Christians with infidels or godly with vngodly 44. b E. EAre rynges 250. b Eating defined 212. Ecclesiasticall power and Ciuill 257. b Ecclesiasticall causes pertayne to the Magistrate 266. Ecclesiasticall power is subiect to the ciuill 258. b Elect are punished to their saluation 33. Electors of Princes 90. b Elements of bread wine and water 134. b Elias was of the tribe of Beniamin 272. Elloborus is bearfoote 164. b Elohim and Iehouah 112 b Elohim whom it is attributed vnto 206. b Emaus called Nicopolis 41. Emperours why they were ordained 2. Emperour subiect to the pope 257 Emperor corrected of a bishop 145 Emperours all were not consecrated of the Pope 261. b Emulation handled 141. b Emulation described 143. b Enak defined 15. Enakim 15. b Endeuour or labour is required to be ioyned with faith 13. b Enemies described 85. Enemies god destroieth somtimes without the helpe of man 99. England 271. d Enochs booke 16. Enterprises require three things 271. b Enuy intreated of 141. b Enuy described and mother therof 143. Enuious persons described 141. b Epha measure 116. b Ephod what 150 b Ephod what 238. b Ephori 90. b Ephraites more noblethen Manasses 141. b Ephramites pride 197. Epitaphes soong 102. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reioycing at an other maÌ„s hurt 143 Errour very hurtfull 〈◊〉 the church 148. b Errours of fathers 279. Errour of Ambrose 194. Errour of Augustine 195. b Errours of Grigory 147. b Errour of Grigorye Byshoppe of Rome 56. Esay was maryed 94. Esay deth what occasioned 117. b Espials thre meÌ„cioned in the scripture 35. b Essence of God shal be knowen of vs in the lyfe euerlasting 121 Eternal life fully geuen vs is presently possessed onely in part 7. b Eternall lyfe whether it may be called a reward 272. Ethniks had better knowledge of God then the Papistes 207. b Euensong before noone 277. b Euents no good trial of lawful actions 227. Euils is not to be committed to auoyde euyl 253. Euil lesse is to bee preferred before the greater 253. Euil how it is taken away 268. b Euil not euill if God commaunde it 39 Euil in the fight of the Lord. 67. b Euil works how God may be said to worke in the wicked 7. Euill men sometymes punished by wurs 80. b Euil spirit signifieth either the deuil or wicked affections 168 Euil thinges muste not onelye bee left but good thynges also put in vre 176. Euripides sentence 158. Examples of drunkennes 163 Examples profitable 2. wayes 4 Examples of sayntes abused 4 Examples of Gods doinges is not to be reasoned of alwayes by vs. 233. b Excommunicate person 285. Excommunicate persons howe we may keepe coÌ„pany with theÌ„ 45. b Exercises of the bodi haue no great vtility but piety 140 Exodus what it entreateth of 1. b Ezechias liued in Romulus time 3. b Ezechiel was maried 94 F. FAble defined 159. b Fable of frogs in Aesop 160 Face of the mynde aswell as of the body 121 Fayning is not alwaies lying 209. Fallacy a secundum quid ad simpli citer et accidentis 256. b Faithes efficacy 98. Faith of three sortes 130. b Faith of hospitality 252. b Faith is to be kept with the ennemy 85. b Faith to heretiks is to be kept 86 Faith is not to be kept to him that breaketh faith 85. b Faithes beginning 207. b Faith obtaineth promises 13. b Faithe of no force if it want the word of God 152. Faith cannot sufficiently be confirmed by myracles 129. b Faith iustified the fathers as well as vs. 74. b Faith refuseth not humain help 125 Faithes effectes is prayer and fasting 276. Faith coÌ„meth not of miracles but is confirmed by them 127. Faith is the soul of good works 242 Faith whyther it go before miracles or miracles before faith 130 Faith directeth good intent cleaueth onely to the woord of God not to fathers or counsels 152. b Faith is the gift of God 122 Fals of godli meÌ„ churches 226 b Fathers synnes whether the sonne shall beare 178. b Fathers iustified by fayth as wee 74. b Fathers the more auÌ„cient the more sincere 216 Fathers are not to be excused in all thinges 20 Fathers are neither constant nor without errour 152. b Fathers authoritye yll compared with the scriptures 152 Fasting handled 274 Fastes of sundry kindes 278 Fasting distinguished into common and priuate 94. Fastinges abuses 279. Fastes denounced of Princes whither they are to be obeyed 277 Fastings vpon saints euens 140 Fault where none is ought none to confes 90 Feare of God contrarye to securitye 246. b Feare comprehendeth al maner religion of worshipping 113. b Feare maye not moue againste iustice 38 Feare godly driueth not a man to parricide 194. Feare of the enemies once knoweÌ„ is a good begiÌ„ning of victory 134 Feare at the sight of God or angel how it commeth 117. b Feare euil of two sortes 247. b Feastes are wont to haue ryddels 218. b Felicity of the vngodly 170. b Fellowship of the wicked is to bee fled 251. b Fellowship of godlye with vngodlye 44. b Fellowship of the godlye is profitable 29 Feeding of the flocke was not onely Peters office 149 Feete washing much vsed in Syria 252. b Figuratiue speeches ar no lies 111 Filthy burthens defined 263. b Fish counted among delicates 278 Finders of things ought to restore them 283 Flatterers vsage 84. b Flesh and bone of any man is the most coniunction that may be 156. b Flesh refreining 278 Flight for truth 52. b Foode of angels 212. b Foote measure 16. b Forbidding of things is to some an alluring to the same 158. b Forgeuenes of synnes 13 Forgiuenes of syns may be wythâ—out restitucioÌ„ of so happy state as we had before we synned 65. b Formes why they are more seene sleeping then waking 135 Fornication handled 229 Fornication is hurtful to the common wealth 130. b Forswearing is alwayes vnlawfull 39. b Fortune ruleth not things but the prouidence of God 172 Found things must be restored 283 Foundation church hath none but Christ 149 FoundatioÌ„ of the church is Christ 241. b Foule parents how they shal haue fayre children 4. b Foxes plenty in Syria 223. b Free men may chaunge their dwellings for iust causes 227. b Free will confuted 104. b Free will cannot be gathered of the commaundements 73 freÌ„dships fouÌ„datioÌ„ is honesty 166. b Frendship grounded vpon profit or pleasure is weake 26. b Frendes dreame ofte of their frendes 135. b FroÌ„wardnes of ours whence it springeth 167 G GAbaonites god fauoured 36 Gabaonites traitors â—8 b Gabaonites wickednes 252 Gaine more commonly soughte for then health 174 Garmentes of nedle worke or dyuers colours attributed onely to prynces 111. b
If I will boast of my selfe I shall not be vnwise but I will not any man shoulde thynke of me more than he seeth in me or that he heareth of me By these wordes he reproueth those as foolishe and vnwise whiche do boast glory euen of those good things which they haue And he saith that he wil abstaine from it He which speaketh lesse of hīselfe than it is lyeth not Neither sayth he do I require that any mā should thinke more of me thā he either seeth in me or heareth of me Neither is he which speaketh lesse of him selfe than it is straightway to be accused as a lyer For that whiche is more cōprehēdeth and containeth in it selfe that which is lesse For whosoeuer hath fifty he may say truly that he hath twenty althoughe he speaketh not all that he hath Howbeit the same man We may not lye for humilicyes sake if he should affirme that he had but onely .xx. or els should deny that he had any thing without doubt he should lye which is not to be committed either for modesty sake or els as they say bycause of humilitie And as for testimonies of the holy scriptures which do stirre vs vp to speake the truth I could vndoubtedly bring a great many but a few shal suffice It is written in the x. cōmaundements Thou shalt not beare false witnesse which cōmaūdement is not only to be obserued in iudgement but in all things whiche in our talke we testifie to be either true or false Farther God is set before vs of vs to be followed whom the scriptures euery where pronounce to be true Wherfore we also ought to be most feruent louers of the truth And for that cause in Exodus the 18. chap Iethro counselled Moises that he shuld make rulers ouer the people such men as feared god strong men louers of the truth which hated couetousnesse Dauid saith also Behold thou hast loued truth therfore thou hast made me to vnderstand wisedome in the inward secret partes of my minde These wordes sufficiently declare that we are for the cause taught of god both by inwarde inspiraciō also by outward doctrine bycause he is a louer of the truth neither doth he easely suffre that his children should either erre or be deceaued by lyes In Zacharie the viii chap. it is writtē Speake ye the truth euery man to his neyghbour which selfe same sentence Paul vseth to the Ephesians he cōmaundeth the same vnto the Collos But to the Corinth the latter Epistle he saith of himselfe of the other Apostles that they cā haue nothing against the truth Yea the Scribes Phariseys beyng ioyned with the Herodians after this sorte flattered Christ whom they went about to entrappe in his speache Master we knowe that thou acceptest no persons yea thou teachest the way of god in truth Hereby they declared that it is a singular vertue for a noble notable mā to preferre the truth before all things But let these testimonies of the holy scriptures be sufficiēt at this time Now resteth to intreat of a lye Of a lye Augustine Augustine who wrot of it to Cosētius affirmeth a lye to be a false significatiō of a word And vndoubtedly all those things which before are declared of truth we may by the contrarity affirme of this vice And chiefly it is cōtrary to that that Marcus Tullius affirmed of truth namely that to be truth wherby things which are which haue ben which shal be are spokē vnaltered And a lye is that wherby is the signified which is not for Augustine cōtrarywise spake of the truth This vice is so hurtful that it maketh a mā which is infected with it In equally is the generall worde of a lye to reioyce to be glad in false thinges The generall word of truth was equalitie of the vice the generall worde shal be inequalitie And as the vertue was very nye ioyned with simplicity so belōgeth a lye to doublenes Truth is a part of iustice But a lye is a part of vniustice By truth humane fellowship is kept but by a lye it is hurte ouerthrowen Augustine But to returne to Augustine who writeth that he is sayd to lye which with a wil to deceaue speaketh that which is false that to lye is nothing els than to speake against the minde for liers speake otherwise than they haue in their heart But the desire to deceaue is vtterly against iustice loue amitie Three thinges ioyned with a lye which we mutually owe one vnto an other There are thre things therfore in a lye first to speake that which is false secondly his will in speaking and thirdly a desire to deceaue The first parte longeth to the matter of a lye the other two partes pertayne vnto the forme A diuision of a lye A lye is deuided into a Seruiceable lye a Sportfull lye a Pernitious lye And this deuision commeth of no other thyng but of the effectes or of the endes For this is euermore true that the endes them selues may haue the nature both of the cause and of the effecte For lyes do either profyte or delyte or elles hurte The ende of a pernitious lye is to hurte The ende of a Sportefull lye is to delyte and the ende of a Seruiseable lye is to profyte But Aristotle bycause in vertue he chiefly considereth the meane Aristotle therefore if in speakyng thou excede that meane he calleth that boasting but if thou want of the meane he nameth it Irony And in that euyl this is chiefly hurtful bicause an euyl or false opinion is ingendred in the minde of our neighbour A lye is both euyll and also to be auoyded For the which cause the same Aristotle semeth to haue sayd wel that a lye is both euyll and also it is to be auoyded Which thing we may also proue by testimonies of the holy Scriptures For to this belong al those thinges which we before brought to styrre vs vp to speake the truth And very many places are here and there set forth which detest lyes Dauid saith Thou wilt destroy al those which speake lyes In a lye is an abuse of signes Ther are reasons also which persuade vs the same whereof one is in a lye is an abuse of signes And for as muche as it is not lawful to abuse the giftes of God a lye is vnderstand also to be prohibited Farther as it is before said a lye is contrarye vnto humane fellowship for in lying the conceauinges of the minde ar not cōmunicated vnto our brethren but lyes Wherfore seing man is by nature made vnto fellowship and communication when he speaketh false thinges he fyghteth with his own nature And as Augustine saith Faith is therin hurt Augustine for hee which heareth beleueth those thinges which are spoken Wherfore that fayth which he geueth vnto other mens woordes is made frustrate And so great
a thing cannot be hurt without blame And lastly euery man by lying leeseth hys own credite for being taken in a lye he shal euer after be suspected Wherefore though he would he shall not bee able by admonition or correction to helpe hys neighbour For the which cause the fault which is in a lye pertaineth not onely to the hurt and losse of our neighbour but it is in it by the general woord as by that which we haue already said manifestly appeareth But among lies What kinde of lye is most grieuous that lye semeth to be most grieuous which is cōmitted in religion doctrine and godlynes bicause in no other thing can guile be more hurtful pernicious For there if we shal erre we are thrust from the eternal felicity Augustine Wherefore Augustine in his Encheridion the .18 chap. hath very wel wrytten that they in dede doo synne grieuously which deceaue trauelyng men shewing them a contrary waye but they are much more detestable which as touching godlynes by lying doo bryng men into errours If the three kinde of lyes should be compared together I meane a pernitious lye a sportefull lye and a seruiceable lye A pernitious lye Two euyls in a pernitious lie should rightfullye be counted more detestable bicause in it are two euyls One is the abuse of signes the other is the hurt of our neighbour And that both of the minde which deceiueth which thing is common vnto all lyes and also of the thing whych is lost But as for other lyes although they are not without fault yet is that not a litle diminished by the good added vnto it either of delectacion or of helpe And in dede a sportefull lye hath in it but a smal and sclender nature of a lye A sporteful lye for as much as the falsehood is straightway founde out neither can it be long hydden from the hearers Augustine Yea Augustine wryteth that suche lyes are not to be counted for lyes But as touching a seruiceable lye the iudgement of it is more darke hard For some deny it to be synne for they say it hath a consideration to thys Whyther a seruiceable lye bee synne to helpe our neighbour whom we ought in woordes and dedes to relieue as much as we can Wherfore they thinke that therby commeth no abuse of signes for as much as al our thinges ought to haue a respect to the commodity of our brethren Neither do they thinke that in it is sinne committed against humane societie when as by this kinde of lye men are made safe and kept harmlesse Farther they say that where as it is in the holy scriptures written that God wyll destroy al those which speake lyes the same is not to be vnderstand of euery kind of lye but onely of a pernicious lye Which thing Augustine also in hys Encheridion the .18 chap. seemeth to graunt Plato They bryng also the opinion of Plato in his booke de Repub who although he feared away the people from lyes yet he gaue Magistrates libertye to lye especiallye in making of lawes But in my iudgement the thing is farre otherwyse neither wyl I easily graunt that a seruiceable lye wanteth the abuse of signes Aristotle For Aristotle in his booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defining woordes saith that they are notes of those affections which we haue in our minde Wherby it followeth that al they abuse wordes which signify thinges to be otherwise than they thinke in their minde Farther that reason which they bring of loue is a very weake reason For we ought to help our neighbours but yet by iust and honest meanes otherwise let vs permit thefts to be bestowed in almes geuing But the sentence of the Apostle must abyde firme and stable which is that euil thinges must not be done that therby good thinges may come to passe Neither do I thinke that true that by those kinde of lyes humane fellowship is not hurt for as much as take awaye fayth and there remaineth almost no trafficke among men But as touching that sentence of the holy scriptures wherin it is said Thou shalt destroy al them that speake lyes We graunt with Augustine that that sentence is not vniuersally spoken for as long as the power and coniunction of faith abideth with Christ so long those sinnes ar not imputed which otherwise of their own nature should be our destruction And this also wil I easily graunt of seruiceable and sportful lyes bicause they are not so much against charity as are pernicious lyes But this can no man deny that in making a lye we doo against faith And we must vtterly graunt that he which lyeth looseth thereby his own credite so that afterward he cannot profitably admonishe reprooue or with fruite geue counsel as he ought to do For they which heare him will easily beleue that he seruiceably lyeth to cal them againe into the way not that the thing is so in very dede A contentiō betwene Ierome Augustine This vndoubtedlye was the cause that Augustine was against Ierome who in a maner attributed a seruiceable lye vnto the holy scriptures If this saith he should be so the authority of the holy scriptures wold soone decay For the Readers of them would easily say that the thing is not so but that it is so written An error of Plato to keepe men in doing their duty Nether ought the authority of Plato much to moue vs for as much as in that place he very much erred graunting that in thinges pertayning vnto God they might fayne fables which might serue to bring foorth and keepe a good opinion of them Wythout doubt we may not mocke in matters touching God Farther the law of God is equal and the selfe same as it wyl not haue the people to lye so also it prohibiteth the same vnto the Magistrates Who are to bee excused of a lie Howbeit they cannot iustly be accused of a lye which in their talke ar farre from doublenes For somtimes it cōmeth to passe that some speake that whych is false and yet they thought the same to be true With which men they also ar excused which haue geuen their promise to do a thing which afterward they are not able to performe Bicause at the beginning when they promised it they wer fully mynded to doo that which they had promised and therefore they haue not lyed If so be that afterward they doo not accomplish those thinges whiche they haue said the same happeneth by some other meanes And sometimes it happeneth that he which deliuereth his sword to some man to kepe falleth afterward mad wherfore he ought not to restore the swoorde vnto him which hath left it with him bicause a new case as the Lawyers say requireth a new helpe After which selfe same sort Paule is excused who sayd that he would go into Spaine when as for al that he went not thither Paule also promised the Corrinthians
wee haue before heard in the .viii. chap. But nowe are they more insolent for they would not be content with Iiphtahs defence These Ephramites also did the like when they instituted Ieroboam king against the house of Dauid They which ar infected with pride doo euermore endeuour themselues to be aboue other Cicero and to excel them in dignity and other commodities Cicero in his booke de Particionibus sayth that Pride followeth the loftynes of the minde in aduauncing of his own thinges They which are proude are swelled like bodies that are puffed vp which haue not sounde fleshe and sinoes but consist of a vaine swelling So the proude although they excell not others in vertue Pride noblenes of minde accompared together yet do they aduaunce them selues aboue them The true noblenes of the mynde consisteth herein that we should contemne thinges vile and be occupied about those thinges whych ar in deede great thinges But they that are proude haue not a noble minde but a vayne for they study not for true glory but for vaine glory wherefore they are iustly called vaynglorious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle And they which are infected with this disease of the mynde the same men are enuious as Aristotle teacheth in his .2 booke of Rethorikes and he declareth that both the ambicious persons and the vayne glorious are enuious Which thing Paul also to the Galathians confirmeth wher he saith be not ye made desirous of vayne glory prouoking and enuying one an other Of enuy doo straightway spring sedicions Wherfore by these two vices the Ephramites fel into sedicion VVere gathered together Not vndoubtedly by any order For no lawful Magistrate assembled them together but they were tumultuouslye styrred vp And they passed ouer Northwarde For they passed ouer Iordane to inuade the Galaadites ¶ Of Sedicion BVt that of hautines and pride doo arise sedicions the Apostle in the .2 Pride is ioined with sedicions to the Corrin the .xii. chap. very well declareth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where hee ioyneth hautynes with sedicions In what thng this vice chiefly consisteth appeareth by the Code de sediciosis in law .1 where it is thus had They are counted sedicious which doo gather the people without anye certayne commaundement and doo defende them against publike discipline Yea also many things hereunto belonging may be had out of the Digestes ad l. Iuliam de vi publica In summe thē chiefly is sedicion when by a tumult they which ar of one the selfe same company and body doo mete out of sundry partes to fight together This vice is in especial contrary to peace and ciuil concord For in sedicion there are manye partes of one people and the vnitye of Citizens is troubled and endaungered Wherin the vnity of citizens consisteth Augustine But that we may know in what thing the vnity of the people consisteth let vs geue eare vnto Augustine in his seconde booke De ciuitate dei who in hys xxi chapter bryngeth something out of the bookes of Cicero de Repub. that are woorthy to be knowen where Scipio thus speaketh Wyse men called not euery company a people What compani may be called a people but a company associated together by consent of the law and communion of vtility Wherefore there are twoo handes of the people one is that they agree in the same lawes of thynges diuine and humane the other is that they haue among themselues a communion of publike vtility Whosoeuer ryse vp agaynst these thynges maye iustlye be called sedicious Suche tumultes when they happen for doctrines of religion or Ecclesiasticall matters are woont to be called schismes And they are more grieuous offenders in thys wycked crime namely of sedicion which first haue sowed the matter the cause and seedes thereof althoughe the other also which are adherentes vnto the authours thereof are not vnguilty And although the people are twoo partes at the least which runne together in a sedicion with contrary mindes yet are not both parties guiltye of sedicion but onely that part is to be accused of so great a wicked crime whyche inuadeth the bondes of vnity that is common lawes and publike vtility But they which resist such troublesome men are not to be counted sedicious but good Citizens And hereby it is manyfest We are falsely accused of the Papistes as sedicious how falsely we are accused of the Papistes as sedicious when as in very deede we desyre to haue the lawes of Christian Religion which haue bene euen from the beginning receaued by the woorde of God to remayne safe and perpecte and we by all meanes procure to reedify the publike vtility of eternall saluation and of the woorshipping of God which are on euerysyde fallen in decay which two thinges vndoubtedly pertaine as it is sayd vnto good Citizens But they haue to their power ouerthrowne these good thinges and do continually hinder them Wherfore they are iustlye and woorthely both to be accused and also to be condemned of sedicion What are the punishmentes of sedicious persons But with what punishmentes this wicked crime is to be punished it is easely gathered both out of the lawes of God and the lawes of man God punished Dathan and Abiran with the opening of the earth vpon Core and his fellowes he sent fyre sometimes also he vsed the stinging of Serpentes and at length for this wicked crime aboue al other of the number of the Israelites which wer sixe hundred three score and sixe thousand when they came out of Egipt there diminished so many in the space of .40 yeares that twoo onely namely Iosua and Chaleb entred into the land of Chanaan Also by the iudgement of God Absolon came vnto an euyl ende and Syba the sonne of Bichry and Adonias which moued sedicion agaynst Dauid But the Romanes as farre as we can gather out of Liui and Plutarch dyd put to death the tenth man of sedicious Soldiours The Ciuill lawes as it is had in the Code in the title De Sedicionibus l. 1. punished thys wycked cryme with extreme punishment that is to saye with cutting of the head or if they had a respect vnto the dignity or condicion of the person they that were sedicious were somtymes hanged on a forke and somtimes throwne to wylde beasts or banished into an Ilande as it is written in the Digestes De paenis in the law Si quis aliquid The ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah Wherefore nowe that wee haue brieflye shewed the causes of thys troublesome commocion and haue defined the cryme of sedicion and declared the grieuousnesse thereof by the punishmentes nowe lette vs see howe ingrate the Ephramites were against Iiphtah Hee seing he had excellentlye well deserued of Israel they ought vndoubtedly by the lawe of iustice and honestye to haue gone and met him to haue soong songes of victory and with great honour and prayses haue exalted and commended him For as
much as iustice and honestye do require this that we should geue thankes vnto them which haue bestowed benefites vpon vs. Nature followeth this order that we shoulde conuert the effectes into their causes for as much as they haue their conseruacion and increase from thence from whence they spring This therefore was due vnto Iiphtah The degres of benefites for as muche as he shoulde haue had either the highest place or next vnto the highest among those that had well deserued of the publike wealth For first thou seest some whiche when they bestowe benefits haue onely a respect vnto them selues So doo shepeheards neateherds and swineheardes when they prouide pastour for their cattel which they haue charge ouer for there they hunt onely for their owne gayne and commoditye Otherwise they haue no loue to Oxen shepe and swine There be others which in doing good haue a regarde both vnto themselues and also vnto them whom they doo helpe For the poore doo serue ryche men and Princes partlye bycause they loue them and partly to get some commodity at their handes They are to be placed in the third degree which doo in suche sorte bestow a benefit vpon any man that they looke for no recompence of him It oftentimes happeneth that when we see one in misery we are touched with mercy and we helpe him which without doubt proceedeth of humanity For as much as we are men we thinke that nothing that is humane but it pertayneth vnto vs. They are counted in the last and chiefest place whiche benefite others euen with their owne griefe hart and losse After which maner Christ did towardes vs Iiphtah touched almost the chiefest degree of good beneuolence he redeemed mankinde with the losse of his owne lyfe Vnto whom Iiphtah after a sorte is lyke who brought the Israelites into liberty that to his great daunger which he declareth by this forme of speaking I haue put my lyfe in my handes that is I haue not refused to endaunger my lyfe Wherefore the Ephramites wer most ingrate towardes so great a benefite The firste place of ingrate men is The degre◠of ingrate men when they recompence not againe good thinges bestowed vpon them The seconde is when they praise not neyther allow those thinges wel of good men which are wel done vnto them The thyrde is of them which doo forget the benefites that they haue receaued The fourth and woorst of al is when for benefites iniury and hurtes ar rendred After this maner the Ephramites behaued them selues towardes Iiphtah who bicause hee had gotten the victory would haue burnt him and al his What other thyng is this then to contemne both the benefites bestowed and also the benefit geuen But these men are most of all vngrate forasmuch as in so doing neither ar men onely or other creatures despised but God himselfe is contemned For whatsoeuer benefites we receaue of men we haue them of God which vseth the labor of men to relieue the miserable and afflicted Wherfore they which are ingrate are voide of charity aswel towardes God as towardes men But thou wilt say when men that bestow benefites Whyther benefites are to bee withdrawē frō the vnthankful doo somtimes light vpon ingrate persons what ought they to doo Shal they straight way withdraw their benefites from them Vndoubtedlye they deserue this but we must not so doo straightway bicause men by reason nature is corrupt are slow neither are they without difficulty moued to doo their duty Therfore we must go forward in wel doing for he which is not moued to be thankefull with the first henefite shal peraduenture be styrred vp with the second third forth or fift But if he al together stycke in his ingratitude we may iustly withdraw from him our benefites not moued therunto by hatred or desyre of reuengement but that he may be corrected and that he doo not continually reproche the benefites which ar the giftes of God This thing doth God also who by Hoseas the Prophet sayth vnto the vnthankful Hebrues I wyl geue vnto you a heauen of brasse and an earth of yron I wil take awaye from you my wooll and my flaxe c. bicause ye haue made them Baals thinges Thou wilt aske perdauenture why did Christ commaund vs that we should be perfect like our heauenly father which maketh his sunne to aryse as well vpon the euil Twoo kyndes of benefites of God as vpon the good and as it is written in Luke 6. chap. He is good towardes the ingrate I answer That this sentence of the Lord is not against the definicion now declared For God hath two kindes of benefites There are certaine which are principal as the reuelacion of the Gospell fayth iustification lastly glorification or eternal lyfe These he geueth onely to his There are certaine other temporall and common giftes whiche yet are in especiall geuen for the electes sake but bicause without a miracle it is not possible that they shoulde come vnto the good vnles the euil be also made partakers of them therefore he geueth them as wel to the one as to the other How should a showre be prohibited that it shoulde not moysten the fieldes of the wicked God might doo it in deede but yet not without a miracle And for as muche as he wyll not alwayes woorke miracles he wil rather that the vngodlye also shoulde bee partakers of these benefites then that the good should be destitute of commodities necessary for the lyfe A similitude Kinges also doo not make euery Citizen a Ruler a President or other officer longing to a Magistrate but onely them that are iust wise which thing if they doo not they execute not their office But when they geue vnto their people lyberall giftes or a banquet or distribute corne bicause withoute great labour and griefe they cannot seperate the good Citizens from the euyll therfore they bestow such thinges which are of this kinde miredly vpon al men and chose rather to deserue wel of euyl citizens then to defraud the good of their liberality for whose sakes they are chiefly moued to be bountiful towardes the people How we shuld behaue our selues toward the ingrate Let vs also imitate this that when we bestow priuate thinges although we light vpon one that is ingrate let vs not straightway withdrawe from hym our humanity but let vs behaue our selues in such maner as we haue before declared that if he stubburnly proceede to be ingrate let vs at the length cease for his correction to bestow any benefite vpon him But such benefites as are common and publike let vs continually bestow them yea euen vpon the vngrate as we are of God commaunded and let vs rather chuse to haue our good thynges distributed to godly and holy men then to cease of from doing good that the euyll should not be made partakers of them But now let vs returne vnto Iiphtah whom the Ephramites offended most
after Sathan Yea these virgins of whom we nowe entreate when they wandred thorough the vyneyardes and gaue themselues idely vnto dauncinges were taken vp by the Beniamites Some man wil say that the brethren of Dina oppressed the Hemorhites by guile It is true in deede but when they were reproued of their Father they sayde Ought they to haue done Niblah that is a foolishe and wycked thing in Israel And that Dina was rapte not wyllingly but against her wyl hereby appeareth bycause it is written that Sichem after he had oppressed her spake vnto her hart which signifieth nothing els then that he woulde by flatterye haue comforted her The Beniamites did not properlye commyt rapte Vniuckiendes of raptes But it maye seeme marueilous that these Beniamites were not punished for their rapte but we must consider that they dyd not properlye commit rapte bycause they led away the maydens not onely by their owne counsell but also by the wyl of the Elders Otherwise true and proper rapte hath alwayes had an vnlucky ende Io Argus was led awaye of the Phenicians Europa of the men of Creta Medea of Iason Helena of Paris all whych raptes styrred vp discordes and warres and also the ouerthrowinges of publike wealthes and kingdomes Also the women of Saba being of curiositye desirous to bee present at open spectacles Titus Liuius Augustine were rapted by the Romanes Whereof followed suche warres that both nacions were almost destroyed as Titus Liuius and Augustine De ciuitate dei wryte Wherefore forasmuch as God wil not haue such wicked actes vnpunished it is meete that from hence foorth we auoyde suche matrimonies I am not of that sentence to deny that those matrimonies which hitherto haue ben contracted after that maner are matrimonies For it is not my mynde to bring in a confusion of thinges But these two things I affirme first that in contracting there is sinne especially if it be done against the wil of the Parentes Farther that those lawes wherby suche matrimonies are permitted are to be corrected that hereafter it be not lawful to doo the like For we see that the order whyche God hath set is peruerted when Parentes are neglected by whose counsels matrimonies should be contracted And by this meanes yong mē at encouraged to raptes whē as they hope that they may mary the wiues whō they shal rapte Farther that which I speake is agreable with the lawes of God with the law of nature with the ciuil lawes Wherfore let the Canonistes Schoolemen take hede how they iudge the contrary Now resteth somwhat to speake of daunces ¶ Of Daunses CHorea that is a daunse is formed as Plato sayth of this worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche signifieth ioye bycause it is a certayn testification of ioy Seruius And Seruius when he interpreteth this verse of Vergil Omnis quam chorus socii comitantur ouantes that is whō all the daunse and fellowes followed with mirth saith that chorus is the singyng and daunsing of such as be of like age But whēce daūces had their beginning there at sōdry opiniōs Of the offryng of Daunses Some thinke that men when they beheld the sondry motiōs of the wādring and fixed starres sound out daunsing wherby the variety of motions might be represented Other thinke that daunses came rather of religion bycause among the old Ethnikes there were in a maner no holy seruices wherein was not leapyng or daunsing For they led their daunses from the leaft part of the alter to the right wherby to resemble the motion of the heauen from the East vnto the West afterward they returned frō the right to the leaft to expresse the course of the wādryng starres Whiche thyng peraduenture Vergil signified when he sayd Virgil. Instaurantque choros mixtique altarla circum that is and they beyng mixed together renewed theyr daunses compassing about the alters Yea the Priestes of Mars whiche were daunsers Salii the priestes of Mars were had in great honour among the Romanes And there are some also which referre the beginning of daūsing to Hiero a tyran of Sicilia For he they say to establish his tyranny forbad the people to speake one to an other The deuise of Hiero. Wherfore men in Sicilia began to expresse their meaninges and thoughtes by beckes and gestures of the body and the thing turned afterwarde into an vse and custome But whatsoeuer this thyng was daunsinges in the olde tyme were not agaynst Religion althoughe afterwarde they were applied to publique mirth There was also an other kind of daunsing wherby young mē wer exercised to warlike affaires For they wer cōmaunded to make gestures to leape hauyng vpon thē their armor the afterward they might be the more prompt to fight whē neede for the publique wealth should require Saltatio Pyrrhica This kind of daunsing was called saltacio Pyrrhica bycause it was exercised in armor it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of this daūsing is mētion in the ciuile lawes namely in the digestes de paenis in the law ad dānū And sometymes yong men whē they had offēded wer not straightway put to death but were condēned either to hunte vpon a stage or els to daunse in armor And they wer called Pirrhicarii Also there was an other kind of daūsing Wanton daunsyng which was instituted onely for pleasure wantōnes sake that was called of the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But of those daūses which by gestures of the body expressed the senses of the minde writeth Lucianus in hys booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lucianus Athenaeus so doth Atheneus In which kynd at the length it came to the point that when at Rome Demetrius Cynicus derided the daunse called Mimica saltacio callyng it a thyng vaine nothing worth a noble daūcer which thē was had in honor at Rome desired him that he would once onely beholde hym daunsing afterward to iudge speake his fansy whatsoeuer he would He came vnto the stage the daunser called saltator Mimicus begā by gestures to resēble the cōmon fable of Mars takē in adultery with Venus In which thing he so expressed the sunne whiche declared the fact Vulcanus knittyng his nets Venus ouercome with shame Mars humbly destring pardon A saying of Demetrius Cynicus that Demetrius being astonished cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is I heare O mā the things that thou doest I do not onely see thē for by these thy handes thou seemeth to me to speake About the same tyme by chaūce came to Rome the king of Pontus whē he had sene this daūser played his gestures on the stage being afterward biddē of Nero to aske what thīg he most desired to haue geuē him he desired to haue the Mimus Nero meruailed forasmuch as he mought haue asked other thinges of much greater price asked him the
cause of that his request He answered bycause I haue sōdry nacions subiect vnto me which without an interpreter I cannot vnderstand and oftentimes it happeneth that the interpreters do not faithfully inough tell vnto them what I say nor againe what they say vnto me But this fellow with his gestures will expresse al thinges most faythfully Plato Plato in his .3 de legibus maketh two kinds of daunsings one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which before we haue called Pirrhicum The other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I omitte to speake of the filthy kynde of daunsinge bycause it is apertly condemned by the lawes The Pirrhicall daunsing and that whiche is done by gestures maye haue place to some vses of the publike wealth but they pertayne not to our purpose Wherfore in this place we must speake of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how fat it is lawful Daunsing by it selfe and of his owne nature is not vicious forasmuch as it is excercised for mirth sake Assuredly I thinke that this kinde of daunsing is not of his owne nature vicious or prohibited bicause nimblenes and agility of the body is the gift of God and if there be added any arte namely that the body be moued in order aptly in nomber and with comelines I do not se why it ought to be reproued so that it be doone in time moderately and without offence For euen as it is lawfull to sing and we may vse singing to geue thankes vnto god and to celebrate his prayses so also by a moderate daunsing we may testify the ioy and mitth of the minde For Dauid publikely daunsed before the arke of the Lord the maidens with daunses songes celebrated his victory against Goliah Maria also the sister of Moses whē Pharao was ouerthrowen slayne led daunses with other women and soong a song of victory Wherfore seing holy men and chast women haue vsed daunses we can not say that of theyr own nature they are vicious Daunsinges vsed at thys day ar vicious But as it is vsed in these dayes that men should daunse mingled together with womē ought not to be suffred bycause these thinges are norishmentes and prouokers of wantonnes and lusts Maria the sister of Moses daunsed not with younge men but apart by her self among women Neither daunsed Dauid with women and maidens which celebrated his victory daunsed among themselues and not with men Moreouer they which loue God withall their heart withall their stengthes ought not onely to obserue his commaundementes but also to cut of all occasions whereby the obseruing of them might be letted Reasōs against daunses of our tymes But our daunces are most euident occassions of trāsgressions of the lawes of god They are snares offences not onely vnto the daūsers but also to the beholders for they stirre vp inflame the hartes of men whiche are otherwise euill ynough euen from their beginning that thing which is to be repressed kepte vnder with great study industry the same is stirred vp by the wanton entisementes of daūses Vndoubtedly if a mā wil consider himself either by experiēce or by reason he shal finde that in such spectacles the lustes of the mynd are not a litle kyndled inflamed he shall perceaue the men returne home from those daunses les good then they were women also les chast then they were Farther perils are rather to be auoyded then to be noorished For as Salomon sayth he which loueth daunger shall fall therin But some wil obiect that whereas daunses be so against maners do kindle lust the same commeth rashly by chaunce but euery thing is to be iudged not of these thinges whiche happen by chaunce but of these thinges which are in it of it selfe by nature There are some so chast vncorrupt that they can behold these spectacles with a perfect chast mind Difference of accidences I graunt that that may sometimes happen but I adde that all accidences are not of one selfe same kynde For there ar some which happen very rarely other some are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is which by their nature may as well be present vnto any thing as absent And there are some which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is such as are wont to happen oftentymes for the most part These last accidēces ought in euery thing to be considered and most diligently weighed neither must we take heede what may be done but what is wont to be done Aristippus Aristippus daūsed in purple beyng reproued he made an excuse that he was made neuer a whit the worse by that daūsing but might in the softenes kepe stil his Philosophical minde But such voyces are not to be heard bicause as Demosthenes saith it is cited of the lawyers Demosthenes we must not cōsider what some certayne man doth at a tyme but what is wont to be done for the most part Graūt that there be some one mā so chast that he is nothing moued with such entisementes how in the meane tyme is the people multitude prouided for Shall we for the perfectnes and integrity of one or two suffer all the rest to be in daunger But so a mā will say take away sermons also sacramentes for many heare the word of God sometymes to their condēnation many eate drincke the holy misteryes vnto their own iudgemēt A certayne profitable distinction of thinges Here we must know that certayn things are profitable to the saluation of mē are cōmaūded by the word of god which things ought by no meanes to be taken away And certayn things are indifferent which if we se they tend to destructiō they are not to be suffred We haue the law of god for hearyng of Sermons and receauing the Sacramentes but for daunsyng there is no cōmaūdement geuen Wherfore these things ar not to be cōpared together But by daūses leapinges some say that very many honest matrimonyes ar brought to pas It may be so sometymes but I was neuer of the opiniō that I would haue matrimonyes contracted by these artes wherin a regard is had onely to the agility beauty of the body There are other meanes much more honest let vs vse them and leaue these as litle chast shamefast Let vs remēber that although honest matrimonyes ar sometymes brought to pas by daūsings yet much more oftē ar adulteries fornications wont to follow of those spectacles What daūses are honest We ought to follow the exāples of godly fathers who now then vsed daunses but yet such as were moderate chast so that the men daūsed by thēselues the womē a part by thēselues by such kynde of daunses they shewed forth the gladnes of their myndes they sang prayses vnto God and gaue hym thankes for some notable benefyte whiche they had receaued But we rede not