and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
and could not vnderstand the practise Yet he sent men to the Gate which succours came somewhat late for that they descended by straights and hollow places Aribaze who was Captaine of the City went simply to the Gates which he had seene Antiochus assaile appoynting some to goe vnto the wall others to make sallies by the Gate to keepe the Enemy from approaching and to fight with them In the meane time Lagoras Theodote and Denis with their troupe hauing recouered the walls came to the Gate vnderneath whereof some maintayned the charge which the Inhabitants gaue them others brake the barres and bolt of the Gates The like did they without which were appoynted to that Quarter When as the gate was opened the other two thousand entred the City and seize vpon the place of the Theater This done all they which had runne to the walls and to the Gate which they call Perside who had beene sent by Aribaze to defend it against the Enemies assault came running thither After which retreate the Gate was opened so as some of the Kings troupe pursuing those which abandoned it entred pell mell When they had taken the Gate by force some entred the City others forced the next Gates They that were of Aribazes band with all the Citizens recouered the Fort by flight after they had made some little resistance After this route Legoras and Thodotes band stood firme in the place of the Theater seruing as a Fort to all the rest Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides tooke the City By this meanes the City was wholly sackt and ruined some killing those they encountred others setting fire of the houses and some gaping after spoyle for their priuate profit And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins A PARCELL OF the Eighth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS concerning the Difference of a Perticular and Generall History NO man can iustly say if they to whom these kindes of Calamities and disasters haue befalne ought to be blamed or censured or helde worthy of pardon and pitty in regard thereof For that it falls and happens to many to whom all things haue beene done conformable and agreeable vnto reason to bee subiect to those which transgresse with great desire the things which are iust and reasonable before men Yet wee may not be silent here being necessary hauing regard to the time and circumstance of accidents to blame some Captaines and to pardon others The which will appeare plainly by this When Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crowne he fled from Lacedemon Who soone after being againe perswaded put himselfe into his hands Being therefore by this meanes stript of Crowne and Life hee hath left no excuse to posterity of those things which he hath suffred For what colour is there the cause being still the same and Cleomenes power increasing but he should suffer the things which we haue spoken hauing put himselfe into their hands from whom he formerly had fled giuing order for his safety contrary to all hope Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had beene the cause of King Alexanders iniquity and that hee knew well that all Tyrants are capitall Enemies to those which defend liberty yet he perswaded Epaminundas to be Gouernour not only of the popular Common-weale of the Thebeins but also of the Grecians And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly to the end he might ruine the Monarchy of Alexander yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassie vnto him Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies hee was the cause of great preiudice to the Thebeins and the ruine of their glory which vntill that time they had preserued for the confidence he had in those whom he should not haue trusted The like hapned to Cheius Chiefe of the Romans during the Warre of Sycily for that he had indiscreetly thrust himselfe into the Enemies power Diuers others haue suffered the like Wherefore they are worthy of blame who without great consideration submit themselues vnto their Enemies and not they who asmuch as in them lies mannaged their Affaires discreetly for in truth no man can gouerne them well relying vpon another If thou dost them by certaine occasions which are conformable to reason thou shalt be blamelesse The most likely causes of this kind are an Oath Children Wife and for the most certaine the fore-passed life And if it happens that vnder colour of these things thou falst into an inconuenience the faulte shall not bee thine in suffering but theirs who commit the wrong Wherefore we must seeke such Arguments and assurances as in regard thereof he in whom you trust may not breake the faith which hee hath giuen But for that there are few such the best will bee to haue a care of those which are conformable to reason so as if wee be decelued therein wee may not loose our excuse with strangers the which hath hapned to many of our Predecessors It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof wee haue made mention and of a later date in that which hath befaene Acheus who fell into his Enemies hands although hee omitted nothing that might be done for his safety prouiding for all things as much as Humane sense could effect Wherefore the euent hath caused commisseration and pardon in him which hath suffered with strangers and blame and hatred to those which haue done the outrage Moreouer I do not find it strange to my Enterprize and first intention to aduertise the Readers of the greatnesse of these things and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales Who will not hold it fit to be considered how the Gouernours of such great Cities not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spaine hauing moreouer of either side an equall hope of the future and a present danger of the Warre haue not beene contented with this apparent discommodity but contended for Sardinia and Sycily imbracing the whole not onely in hope but with Expences and Preparations of Warre which will mooue any man to wonder that shall obserue it all in perticular The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preseruations And two others in Spaine where Gneius had the leading of that by Land and Publius of the other by Sea These are things which happened to the Carthaginians Moreouer they sent an Army by Sea to crosse the attempts of Philip in Greece In the which Marcus Valerius commaunded first then Publius Sulpicius with whom Appius likewise ioyned with a hundred Quinqueremes Moreouer Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land had assailed Sycily The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians By the which things I am confident the which I haue often spoken in the beginning of this Worke to find a certaine assurance by the accidents which consist in this that it is not possible for those which Write perticular Histories to be able
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
againe Maisters of the Sea with out contradiction seeing the Romans had no more any Fleete at Sea Moreouer they had great confidence in their Army at Land and not without cause For after that the report of the battell giuen in Affricke came to Rome and that they vnderstood that the defeate of their men hapned by the force and fury of the Elephants for that they had broken the Rankes and opened the battalions and that they had made a wonderfull slaughter of them Their feare of the Elephants from that day was so great as for two yeares after they neuer durst charge the Carthaginians although they made many incounters in Affricke and in the Country of Selinuntia nor Campe in the Plaines within fiue or sixe furlongs of them keeping alwayes the Mountaynes and hilly Countries to saue themselues from the Elephants so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara Wherefore the Romanes knowing the feare their Army had resolued againe to put a Fleete to Sea At that time the Romane people being assembled they chose vnto the Consulship Caius Attilius and Lucius Manlius They also made fifty new ships and Rigg'd out the olde the which they furnished with Souldiers proportionably When as Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians knowing well the feare of the Romans had beene aduertised by the Fugitiues that one of the Consuls was returned vnto Rome with halfe the Army and Cecilius remayned alone at Palermo with the other he parts from Lylibeum when as Haruest approached with his Army to spoile and falls vpon the Territory of Palermo planting his Campe vpon the Mountaines Cecilius hauing newes of their comming and knowing that Asdruball desired nothing but a battell kept his Army within the Towne By this meanes Asdruball growing very confident conceiuing that Cecilius kept himselfe close for feare he causeth his Army to March to Palermo hauing ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries The Consull was alwaies of opinion not to go to field vntill that his enemy was drawne to passe the Riuer which runnes neere vnto the Towne Walls But when he saw that the Campe and the Elephants approached he caused a â—ally to be made by the nimblest and most actiue men of his Army commaunding them to skirmish with the enemy vntill their whole Campes should be forced to come to the combats And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired he ordaines the lightest and most actiue to plant themselues beyond the Towne ditch giuing them charge to cast Pertuisans Darts and Spits a farre off at the Elephants And if they came running vpon them with fury and violence they should slip into the Ditch and from thence cast their Darts at them He also commaunded the Archers of the Marker place to go out of the Towne and to fight at the foote of the wall In the meane time he issued foorth with all the Eâ—signes by another side of the Towne right against the enemies left Wing and sent many to those which fought with Darts Presently after the skirmish beganne the Maister of the Elephants who with a desire of glory would haue the honour of the Victory incensed them against the enemies not attending Asdrubals pleasure The Romans obseruing the Consuls commaundment turned head presently and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury they slipt into the Ditch the Elephants being vppon the side of it they were suddainly charged with Darts and Pertuisans aswell by the Townesmen which were vpon the Walls as from the Souldiers which lay in the Ditch And when as they could passe no further they turned head being necessarily forced to fall vpon their owne battallions with great slaughter In the meane time Cecilius goes suddainly to field hauing his whole Army entire and in good order by another gate and chargeth his enemies furiously who being already broken by the Elephants and charged againe by the Consuls Troupes were easily defeated A part of them were slaine the rest saued themselues by flight There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Maisters 〈…〉 after the battell their Gouernours being cast downe This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius as the Man who by the report of all the whole World had beene the cause that the Romanes after that time resuming courage camped in the Plaines When the Romanes had newes of this Victory it is not credible the ioy which they conceiued not so much for the taking of the Elephants whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased as for that their men seemed to be grownâ— more hardy in the Warre for that they had conquered them Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea as they had formerly resolued and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessells desiring to make an end of that Warre Whither they past hauing made prouision of Victualls and other things necessary This was the foureteeneth yeare since the beginning of the Warre The Consuls being arriued and receiuing the Bands of Souldiers that were there they go and lay siege to Lylibeum hoping after the taking thereof they might easily transport the Warre into Affricke But the Carthaginians mooued with the like considerations resolued by all meanes to keepe it knowing well that after the losse of Lylibeum they had nothing else remaining in Sicily The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Iland except Trepanum But to the end that what wee speake of Sicily may not seeme obscure to some one by reason of the ignorance of places we will deliuer the Scituation in few words All Sicily hath its Scituation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof like vnto Morea in respect of Greece and its bounds It is true â—here is some difference for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy Whereas Morea is ioyned vnto Greece by a little slip of Land for they may goe on dry foote from Morea vnto Greece and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping Sicily is of a Triangular forme and so many Angles as it hath so many Capes or Promontories there are vpon the Sea shore Among the which that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beate is called Pachinus and lookes towards the South that which tends towards the North where the Sea doth end and is not aboue a mile and a halfe from Italy is called Pelorus The third which hath his Aspect towards Affricke and towards the Winterly West and which is right against Carthage from the which vnto the Affricke shore there is not aboue one hundred twenty and seuen miles is called Lylibeum diuiding the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily There is a Towne on this Cape which carries the same name the which the Romans besieged at that time The which is strong with Walls and Ditches and moreouer with Marshes and Pooles by the which lyes the passage for ships into the Port but the entry is difficult and not accessible but by expert Marriners The Romans then to besiege it throughly made round about it Trenches
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
Asia and the Ilands And as for Thracia and Macedony the Princes of Enos and Maronia and of Townes that were more remote had alwayes an eye ouer them Wherefore imploying their forces to assaile forreine Princes farre from their Realmes they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt Their chiefe care then was for the Warres of forreine Countries In regard of this King of whom wee speake there were many in a short time who for his infamous loues and ordinary excesse in drinking had an eye vpon him and his Realme Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedemon was the first He made no alteration whilest that the other King liued who was surnamed Benefactor as if he were perswaded that during his life he should want no meanes to reconquer his Realme But when as after his death the affaires required his presence Antigonus being also dead And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made Warre against the Lacedemonians which they maintaine according vnto that which hee had aduised them in the beginning being allied to the Etoliens Then hee was forced to thinke of his departure from Alexandria Wherefore hee first solicited the King to send them backe with an Army and sufficient munition And when as the King would not giue eare vnto it he intreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family for the time was now come when as great opportunities were offred to recouer his Fathers Realme The King neither considering the present nor fore-seeing the future for the causes aboue specified like an ouer-weening man and without iudgement neuer made any esteeme of Cleomenes But Sosibius who chiefely gouerned all the affaires of the Kingdome at that present holding a Councell with his Friends was not of aduice to suffer Cleomenes to goe with an Army at Sea and munition disdaining forreine affaires and holding this charge lost considering the death of Antigonus fearing likewise that this death being so fresh the way might be made easie to stirre vp some Warre And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes he would soone make himselfe Lord of all the Citties in Greece Finally they feared he would become their Enemy considering the present in regard of the Kings manner of life which was well knowne vnto them With this disaduantage that Sosibius saw the Prouinces of the Realme to lie one farre from another and to haue great opportunities of reuolte For there was neere vnto Samos a good number of Vessels and great Troupes of Souldiers neere vnto Ephesus Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send backe Cleomenes with an Army for the afore-sayd reasons But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Common-wealth to let goe so great a personage who afterwards might proue their open Enemy there was no preuention but to retaine him by force The which notwithstanding the rest disliked conceiuing that there would be great danger to keepe the Lyon and Sheepe in one fold Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause At such time as they resolued to take Mega and Beronice and that they feared to bring their enterprize to a good end in regard of the fiercenesse of Beronice they were forced to drawe together all those which followed the Court and to make them great promises if they preuailed Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the Kings fuccours to recouer his fathers Realme and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politicke in great affaires he discouered his whole secrets vnto him propounding vnto him great hopes Cleomenes seeing him pensiue and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries perswaded him not to care promising him that the Souldiers should not trouble him and that moreouer they should giue him great assistance to bring his enterprize to an end And when as the other stood in admiration doest thou not see sayd Cleomenes that there are about three thousand men of Morea and a thousand Candyots all which will bring vs where we please Hauing these whom else doest thou feare What The Companions of the Warre of Syrria and Caria And when as Sosibius liked of his words hee entred more boldly into the Action And afterwards considering of the Kings soolery and negligence hee often called to minde this Speech and had alwayes before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes and the affection the Souldiers bare him Wherefore considering this at the same time hee gaue the King and his other familiars to vnderstand that hee must seaze vpon him and keepe him close and priuate For the working and effecting whereof hee vsed this meanes There was one Nicagorus a Messenien a friend to the father of Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians betwixt whom there had formerly beene some friendship But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for feare of Cleomenes and fled to Messena hee not onely gaue him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first comming but hee alwayes liued with him afterwards during his flight so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them When as after these things Cleomenes made shewe of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus Nicagorus beganne to treate of the Conditions of peace VVhen the accord had beene made and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes Archidamus returned to Sparta assuring himselfe of the conuentions of Nicagorus whom Cleomenes meeting vpon the way slew suffering Nicagorus and his company to passe away In regard of Nicagorus he carried the countenance of a very thankfull man for that he had saued his life But hee was vexed in his Soule and incensed for the deede for that hee seemed to haue giuen the occasion This Nicagorus had failed vnto Alexandria some little time before with Horses whereas going out of the ship hee met with Cleomenes Panthee and Hippite walking vpon the strande whom Cleomenes perceiuing saluted curteously demaunding what businesse had brought him thither To whom he answered that he had brought Horses I had rather sayd Cleomenes thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chiefe delight Then Nicagores held his peace smiling VVhen as within few dayes after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses he related vnto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King And seeing Sosibius to heare him willingly he acquainted him with the cause of the â—pleene he bare him VVhen as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes hee did him great curtesies for the present and promised him great fauours hereafter Finally hee wrought so that imbarquing he left Letters concerning Cleomenes which a seruant of his brought after his departure as sent from him The which Nicagorus performing the seruant vsed speed to go vnto the King assuring him that Nicagorus had giuen him the Letters to carry to Sosibius The Tenour whereof was That if Cleomenes were not soone dispatcht
Countrey Finally he resolued to Guard Acheia with the Acheins and Mercenaries from the danger of the Elyences and Etoliens This done hee pacified the Discord which was growne among the Megalopolitains according vnto that which the Acheins had ordered For you must vnderstand that the Megalopolitains beeing a little before chased out of their owne Countrey by Cleomenes had neede of many things which were wanting And although they still maintained their authority yet they had neither victuals nor necessary expences either for the publique or priuate So as all was full of mutiny rage and malice The which doth vsuall fall out in Common-weales and among priuate persons when as victuals faile First they were in debate among themselues concerning the walls of the City some being of opinion that that they should not make the inclosure greater then their power would then beare and keepe it with so small a number of men considering it had bin the cause of their former danger for that it was greater and more spacious then the power of the Inhabitants was able to defend Moreouer they were of aduice that such as had Lands should contribute the third part to the end they might people the City Others said that they must not giue a lesse circuite to the City nor contribute the third part of their possession But their chiefest contention was concerning the Laws written by Pritanides an excellent man among the Peripatetiques whom Antigonus had giuen them for a Law-giuer The City being in these combustions Arate pacified them and quencht the quarrels which were inflamed among the Megalopolitains as well publique as priuate Finally they haue grauen the Articles agreed vpon on a Pillar seated in the Omarie at the Altar of Vesta After the reconciliation of the Megalopolitains Arate parting from thence retired presently to an Assembly of the Acheins leauing the Aduenturers with Selcuous of Phare The Elienses incensed against Pirrhie as if he had not discharged his duty they called Euripides from Etolia to be their Captaine Who considering that the Acheins held their Diet tooke sixe hundred Horse and two thousand Foote and went suddainly to Field where he spoild the whole Countrey vnto Egia And when he had taken a great booty he made haste to returne to Leonce Lyce hearing this went to meete them and encountred them suddainly when they came to fight hee slew foure hundred and tooke two hundred Prisoners Among the which were found Phissias Antanor Glearcus Euanorides Aristogites Nicasippus and Aspasias men of note and withall he had all their Armes and Baggage At the same time the Captaine of the Sea-army for the Acheins came to Molicria and parting thence suddainly he turned his way to Calcea where when as the Townes-men came out against him he tooke two Gallies armed and furnished with all things necessary with many other smaller vessels Moreouer he tooke great spoiles both by Sea and Land and drew victuals from thence with other munition wherewith hee made the Souldiers more hardy and resolute for the future On the other side the Cities were in better hope for that they were not forced to furnish victuals for the Souldiers In the meane time Scerdilaide holding himselfe wrong'd by the King for that he had not giuen him his full pay as he had articulated with Philip sent fifteene Vessels vnder a counterfeite shew of carrying Merchandizes the which at their first arriuall to Leucade were kindely entertained as Friends in regard of the League with the King And when they could doe no worse they tooâ—e Agatin and Cassander of Corinthe who as Friends were entred into the same Port with foure ships Being thus taken with their Vessels they sent them presently to Scerdilaide This done they weighed Anchor from Leucade bending their course towards Maleu spoiling all the Merchants In the beginning of Summer when the Souldiers of Taâ—rion were negligent in the guard of the said Cities Arate hauing with him the choise of the Army came into the Country of Argos to get victuals On the other side Euripides going to Field with a good number of Etoliens wasted the Country of the Tritenses Lyceus and Demodochus particular Captaines of the Acheins aduertised of the descent of the Etoliens drew together the Dimenses Patrenses and Pharenses with the Aduenturers and ouer-ran the Country of the Etoliens Being come to a place which they call Phixia they sent their Foot-men that were lightly armed with their Horse-men to ouer-run the Champaigne Country and log'd their men that were best armed in Ambush thereabouts When the Elienses came to charge them without order to succour their people passing the Ambush Lyceus Company fell vpon them whose fury they being vnable to resist fled so as there were about two hundred slaine and foure score taken Prisoners with all the Booty At the same time the Commander of the Acheins Sea-army hauing sailed often to Calidon and Naupacte spoiled the whole Countrey and chased the Enemy twice He also tooke Cleonice of Naupacte who for that he was a friend to the Acheins had no harme but within few daies after was freed without ransome At the same time Agete Chiefe of the Etoliens assembled a Troupe of them putting the Country of the Acarnanians to fire and sword and spoiled the Country of Epirus This done he returnes home giuing leaue to the Souldiers to retire to their houses Afterwards the Acarnanians made a descent into the Country of Strate where being repuls'd by the Enemy they made a shamefull retreate yet without any losse for that the Stratenses durst not pursue them fearing an Ambush At the same time there was a Treason practised in the Country of the Phanotenses after this manner Alexander Gouernour of Phosis for Philip laide a plot for the Etoliens by a certaine man called Iason to whom he had giuen the gouernment of the Phanotenses He was sent to Agete Chiefe of the Etoliens promising to deliuer the Fortresse of Phanotenses vnto him whereupon they agree and sweare together When the day appointed was come Agete comes in the Night with the Etoliens when he had laid his Troupe in Ambush he made choise of a hundred men whom he sent to the Fort. Iason hauing Alexander ready with him with a sufficient number of Souldies receiues the companions into the Fortresse according to the accord whom Alexander charged with his Company and tooke all the Etoliens But when day was come Agete assured of the fact carried backe his Army into his Country hauing worthily deserued this deceipt for that he had many times practised the like At the same time Philip tooke Bylazon which is a great Towne in Peonia and in a good scituation for the entry from Dardania into Macedony By this meanes he freed them from all feare of the Dardanians who could not make any incursions into Macedony the entry being stopt by the taking of the said Towne whereas placing a good Garrison he sent Chrysagonus
when as all the World slept hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey For this cause as he could not stay fearing to be discouered by the Citizens nor yet steale away he gaue an assault to the City the Inhabitants being yet awake So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders for that they were not of a iust length neither could hee enter by the Gate for that the Confederates which hee had in the City could not succour him being excluded by the time And as hee had incensed the Citizens and made a great losse of his men hee returned with shame and disgrace it being a warning and caueate vnto all others not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy hee retired into a safe place Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through superstition for that the Moone was Eclipsed as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune But it happened vnto all as â—ell to the Army as Captaines to fall into the hands of the Saragossins when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe being discouered by the Enemies Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience that the coÌ„modity of time ought not to be neglected for such things making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience to bring their affaires to a good end Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology in regard of the measure of ladders the manner is as followeth If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places the ladders must be twelue foote long Finally they must giue vnto the ladder good footing according to the proportion of the staues left burthening it too much it breake not easily by reason of the multitude and againe set vp straight it will be very dangerous vnto them If there be no meanes to take the measure nor to approach the Wall let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine by the space of all the height which is a kinde of measure not onely possible but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their resolutions of the course of Warre to know the vse of Geometry If not perfectly yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of proportions and consideration of Similitudes It is not onely necessary for this but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe to the end that when as wee sometimes change its generall disposition we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended And if sometimes we retaine the same Designes of Camps we may extend the place comprehended by them or straighten it according to the reason of things before decreed or set apart the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordring of Battailes I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study for that wee charge the profession of Warre with many things commanding those that loue it not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry For my part I striue especially and with great desire to command things necessary as I doe reproue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science So doe we those which are out of necessary vse It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing or playing of the Flute take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke And likewise Wrestling for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies So as they which practise Mecanique Arts are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory the which no man of Sence will deny But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circuiâ—e to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible that although the City of Megalopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs and that of Lacedemon within forty eight yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis And if any one meaning to make this doubt greater sayth it is possible that a City or the Pallisadoe of a Campe hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs may bee more ample and compleate then that of a hundred this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech the cause is for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geometry This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse For that not onely many people but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale and likewise Commanders and Captaines are amazed and wonder how it can be possible that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis seeing the circuite is lesse and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the circuite of the Campe. There is another such like errour which they commit in the description of Townes For many conceiue that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly then those which are in a flat Countrey But this is not true for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete but in a plaine Countrey for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine If thou doest consider the houses which are built high and set vpon the declining of a Hill so as they are all of an equall hight it is apparent that their tops being leuell the distance is equall as well of those which are built vnder the Hils as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which desiring the preheminence ouer others and to gouerne Common-weales are ignorant of these things being amazed and wonder at this relation The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities but also for the force of its Rampire and for the grace and building It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man The Wall is seated vpon a hard and
intreated them againe not to do any thing slowly nor by Discourse And that consenting all with one voice to the Articles of the peace they should Sacrifice vnto the Gods and pray that the people of Rome might confirme them When it seemed that hee had giuen wise aduice and fit for the time it was concluded to accept the Accord prescribed and to passe it with the Romans Wherefore they suddainly sent away the same men in Embassie which had contradicted the Articles A Parcell of the Deedes and Posterity of Ptolomy FInally who will not wonder that Ptolomy had not prouided to giue aide to these men during his life seeing there were some which were ready to succour them But when Death surpriz'd him hee left a young Infant to whom by right of nature he had indeauoured as they say with both hands to preserue him the Crowne Then encouraging one another they make hast to practise a Villany and to murther this Infant and to diuide his principallity among them The which they do not after the manner of Tyrants who pretend some colour for their infamy But carry themselues afterwards so impudently and brutishly as that which they speake of the life of Fishes is due vnto them Of whom they say that although they be of one kind yet the defeate of the smaller feeds and entertaines the life of the greater Wherefore who will not thinke to see a great execration against the Gods and a cruelty towards men and likewise a great auarice of the said Kings seeing this paction and agreement as in a glasse What is hee who for these causes hauing accused Fortune in humane affaires doth not likewise consider that shee hath since made them to suffer worthy punishments and left to posterity a good example for the amendment of their course of liuing as hauing propounded vnto these Kings such an ignominious punishment For when they had transgrest the agreements among themselues and diuided the Infants Principality all things did iustly proue hurtfull and opposite vnto them which they had wickedly resolued against their Kinsfolkes and Neighbours by the bringing in of the Romans for that the one and the other being suddainly vanquished they were not onely forced to abate their couetousnesse of another mans goods but being made subiect to tributes they were constrained to obey the Commandments of the Romans Finally Fortune hath in a short time disposed of the Reigne of Ptolomy making the Potentates of the others and their successours some of them to bee banished and miserable involuing some in a manner in the like Disasters Of Philip of Macedony THe Cianeins fell in these miseries not so much through Fortune and the iniustice of their Neighbours as by their owne rashnesse and the bad gouernment of their Common-weale where most commonly the worst were in esteeme and good men put to death for the spoiles of their Wealth and by this meanes they are in a manner willingly fallen into these misfortunes whereunto all men incline I know not how apparently yet they cannot resolue vpon any aduice nor suddainly distrust which some bruite Beasts doe For if sometimes they enter into Iealousie of Baites and Nets if they haue seene any other perish you shall hardly draw them to doe the like holding the place for suspect with a distrust of all things which haue any resemblance In regard of men when they heare some speake and see others perish in like manner Yet suddainly when any one vsing gracious words hath propounding a mutuall hope of correction they run without any regard into the toiles knowing certainly that neuer any man which had swallowed this kind of baite had escaped such policies being an assured defeate to all men When as Philip had reduced the City vnder his obedience he reioyced as if he had brought some braue and honourable action to an end And when hee had speedily giuen Succours to his Allies and had terrified all those which estranged themselues from him and had claymed abundance of goods and bodies vnder the colour of Iustice hee neuer thought of those things that were contrary although they were manifest giuing at the first Succours to the Allie who had not beene wrong'd and yet had broken the confederations with his Neighbours And as finally he had confirmed the bruite of his cruelty towards his Friends afflicting the Cities of Greece with great miseries he had iustly purchased the generall esteeme of a cruell man withall the Grecians Thirdly he wronged reuiled the Embassadors of the said Cities who were come to free the Cianeins from that eminent danger And being called by him and conferring daily with him they were present at things which he desired not Moreouer he incensed the Rhodiens against him so as they could not endure to heare any mention of him Finally Fortune therein fauours him openly His Embassadour made an Oration vpon the Theater against the Rhodiens commending the magnificence of Philip who when he had by some meanes got possession of the City he had done that grace vnto the people This he did to reprehend the suspicion and detraction of those which resisted him and to manifest his resolution to the City There came also some one from the Port vnto the Magistrate aduertising him of the ruine of the Cianeins and of the cruelty which Philip practised against them So as when the Gouernour entring in the midst of the Embassadours Oration speaking the said things and declared the newes the Rhodiens could not beleeue for the excesse of the fact Philip hauing then preuaricated and dissembled not so much against the Cianeins as against himselfe began to be so transported and to stray from his duty as hee gloried and brag'd in his actions as good for the which hee should haue beene ashamed The Rhodiens from that day held Philip for an enemy and prepared to that end The Etoliens also conceiued a hatred against him for the same fact When as lately being reconciled he had giuen forces to that Nation there being then no cause of hatred nor spleene when as a little before the Etoliens the Lysimacheins Calsidoniens and Cianeins were made Friends hee hath in assailing first the Lysimacheins distracted their City from the Alliance of the Etoliens spoiling those of the Calsidoniens and thirdly the Cianeins whilest that the Chiefe of the Etoliens was resident in their City hauing the superintendency of the publicke affaires Finally Prucias reioyced for that which had hapned beyond his desires But he was discontented that another should reape the reward for the taking of the Citie and that there was fallen vnto him a desolate place naked of buildings so as hee could not effect any thing After he had assembled the greatest men of the Macedonians he came to them with the King and Agathoclia faining in the beginning that hee was not able to speake for teares And when he had wiped them often with his cloake and caused them to cease take saith he carrying an infant
THE HISTORY OF POLYBIVS THE MEGALOPOLITAN The fiue first BOOKES entire With all the parcels of the subsequent Bookes vnto the eighteenth according to the GREEKE ORIGINALL Also the manner of the Romane encamping extracted from the discription of POLYBIVS Translated into English by Edward Grimeston Sergeant at Armes LONDON Printed by Nicholas Okes for Simon Waterson 1633. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM LORD CRAVIN BARON OF HAMSTEEDMARSHALL c. MOST WORTHY LORD PArdon I beseech you if being a stanger and vnknowne vnto you I haue presumed to inscribe your title on the Frontespiece of this Booke 〈◊〉 to publish it to the world vnder your Lo fauourable protection I confesse my disability might well haue deterred me But the reason which induced me to this presumption was your noble and generous inclination to Armes being the subiect of this History wherein you haue carried your selfe so worthily in many great and dangerous exploits in forraine parts vnder two of the greatest Commanders of Christendome as you haue done great honour to your Country and won vnto your selfe perpetuall fame and reputation This Consideration hath made me confident that during your vacancy from Military actions your Lordship will vouchsafe to cast your eye vpon this History written by Polybius who in the opinion of most men of Iudgement hath beene held to be very sincere and free from malice affection or passion And to iustifie the truth thereof he protests that he was present at many of the actions and receiued the rest from confident persons who were eye-witnesses It is a generall History of his time of all the warres which past in Asia Greece and the Romane State against the Gaules and Carthaginians which two Citties contended for the Empiry of the world which warre was of longer continuance and had more cruell and variable encounters and battailes than any that hath beene written of For the first Punique warre where they fought for the Conquest of Sicily lasted foure and twenty yeeres and the second in Italy vnder Hannibal Generall for the Carthaginians continued seuenteene yeeres to the subuersion in a manner of the Romane State had not Scipio forced Hannibal to returne home to defend his owne Carthage where in Battell he lost the glory of all his former Victories and brought his Countrey into the subiection of the Romanes This worke I present vnto your Lordships fauourable Censure humbly praying that you will be pleased to beare with my harsh and vnpolished stile and to pardon the errors committed at the presse during my absence for which fauour I shall hold my selfe much bound vnto your Lordship and will alwaies remâ—ine Your LordPs. most humbly deuoted to doe you seruice EDW. GRIMESTON Levves Maigret a Lionnois to the FRENCH Nobility GEntlemen wee are all borne by nature to so much pouerty and inuolu'd in so many miseries as there is no worke of Man how small soeuer which giuing order to his meanest actions doth not minister occasion of some Esteeme So as whereas his diligence guided by reason shall finde it selfe crost I know not by what power which commonly fortune vsurpes ouer the iudgement and consideration of Man wee may as we thinke iustly blame it in excusing with compassion the workeman and his misfortune And if on the other side to shew her great magnificence and bounty she imparts her fauours 〈…〉 â—rder or faire course seekes to bring some Enterprize to an end so as that notwithstanding his ouer-weaning and folly shee makes it perfect Then we hold her prodigall detesting her vnreasonable and inconsiderate bounty grieuing at her benefits so ill imployed Behold how I know not by what law receiued among men wee commend or blame euery one in his profession and workes so farre forth as they see his industry and diligence imployed or defectiue If wee haue reason then in so great Esteeme as wee seeke it in all our actions and in matters of the smallest consequence blaming him that neglects it How infamous wee hold the carelesnesse and neglect of a man in the order and conduct of affaires wherein not onely the ruine of his estate life and honour but also that of his Countrey Parents and Friends and finally of his Prince and Soueraigne is many times brought into great danger But if there be no Enterprize among those which Men pursue wherin such things ought to bee drawne into Consideration as proper and ordinary vn-him and without the danger whereof hee can reape no benefit I am of opinion that that of warre ought in reason to bee preferred before all others Although there bee many which cannot alwaies be brought to a good end without the hazard and danger of those which pursue them In truth it is a profession which experience hath taught in all Nations to bee so rough and fierce and finally so difficult to mannage as neuer man could carry himselfe so discreetly nor with so great fortune nor recouered such rich spoiles nor obtained such Triumphant victories but they haue purchased him new causes of Care and feare not onely of great Enuie and of new Enemies but also losse and ruine I will not speake of the irreparable defeate of the brauest Men in an Armie which a Victory worthy of renowne requires as it were by aduance when as the Enemies performe the Duties of good souldiers The Carthagians thrusting an Army into Sicily at their first entry obtained some Conquests so soone after they prouoked hatred of the Romanes which was but the beginning and prefage of a future ruine But when as the fortune of the warres beganne to smile vpon Hanibal and to giue him a full Gale so as his exploits were so great in Spaine as afterward hee presumed to force Nations Mountaines and riuers and in the end to fight with the Extremity of the weather for the Conquest of Italy Then as it were fearing her owne power to bee in a manner vanquished shee beganne to practize and forge meanes not onely to ruine her so much fauoured Hanibal but the whole Carthaginian Empire And therefore it is credible that I know not by what inconstancy or rather extrauagant and sauage Nature shee makes friends of Enemies and enemies of her owne friends so much shee feares as I imagine the ease and rest of those whom shee fauours It is true that traffique by Sea is not without great terrour amazement and hazard for the danger of the waues Tempests and stormes with a thousand other accidents But if warre once set vp her sailes being accompanied with rage fury and many other disasters which the malice of Men haue inuented to make vse of beleeue mee that these other furies which the winds procure at Sea and in the Aire which many times are more fearefull than mortall will not seeme in regard of those of warre but a light amazement and as it were a false allarum What torment at â—â—ea or violence of the winds hath euer beene so soddaine which the long experience of a wise Pilot could not by
and pleasure by History Wee will therefore make the beginning of this Booke at the first Voyage which the Romans made by Sea which is subsequent to those things which Timerus hath last written which was in the hundred and nine and twentieth Olimpiade We must therefore relate how and what time they ended their Quarrels in Italy and what meanes they had to passe into Sicily For this is the first voyage they euer made out of their Territories whereof wee must set downe the reason simply and without disguising to the end that by the search from one cause to another the beginning and consideration of the whole may not proue doubtfull The beginning also must bee agreeable to the Time and Subiects and that it be knowne to all the which they may consider by themselues yea in seeking out those things which were past long before and in the meane time relate the Actions summarily For it is certaine that the beginning being vnknowne or obscure its continuance cannot perswade nor purchase beleefe But if the Opinion of the beginning be true then all the subsequent Narration doth easily content the Auditors eare Nineteene yeeres after the battell wone vpon the Riuer Aegos and sixteene yeeres before the Warre of Leuctra where the Lacedemonians treated a peace with Anâ—alcides King of Persia when as Denis the old held the Citty of Rhegium in Calabria besieged after that hee had defeated the Grecians inhabiting vpon the limits of Italy neere vnto the Riuer of Elleporis and that the Gaules hauing wholy ruined Rome held it except the Capitall During which time the Romans hauing made an accord with them which they found good and profitable and had recouered their liberty contrary to their hope and expectance and had in a manner taken a beginning of their increase they declared Warre against their Neighbours As soone as the Latins had beene vanquished aswell by their prowesse as by the fortune of the Warre they turned their Armes against the Tuscans then to the Celtes which are in Italy and finally vpon the Samnites which confine the Region of the Latins towards the East and North. Sometime after the Tarrentines seeing the outrage which they had committed against the Romane Embassadours not relying much vpon their owne forces they called in King Pyrrhus the yeere before the Descent of the Gaules into Italy and before the Retreate of those which were defeated in Battell neere vnto Delphos Then the Romans after they had vanquished the Tuscans and Samnites and beaten the Celtes often began to make warre against the rest of Italy not as contending for another mans Lands but as for their owne and formerly â—â—â—onging vnto them being now growne warlike by the Warres which they had had against the Celtes and Samnites The Romans then after that Pyrrhus and his forces had beene chased out of Italy taking this Warre to heart they pursued such as had followed his party Being suddainly become Maisters of all according to their desires and that all Italy was wholy subdued except the Celtes they presently besieged some of theirs which held Regium One and the like fortune befell two Citties scituated vpon the Straight of that Sea that is Messina and Rhegium Some Campanois hauing beene lately in pay with Agathocles in Sicily wondring at the beauty and wealth of Messina they suddainly when they found an opportunity assailed it breaking their Faith they hauing beene receiued into it by Friendship where they expell'd some of the Cittizens and slew others After which wicked act they shared their Wiues and Children among them as their fortunes fell out during the Combate Then they diuided their goods and lands But after this suddaine and easâ—e Conquest of so goodly a Countrey and City they soone found others that did imitate their villanies They of Rhegium amazed with the descent of Pyrrhus at such time as he past into Italy and fearing in like manner the Carthaginians being then Maisters of the Sea they craued a Garrison and men from the Romans Those which they sent vnto them were to the number of 4000. vnder the command of Decius the Campanois they kept the Towne for a time and their faith in like manner with the Cittizens in defending them but in the end moued by the example of the Mamertins who solicited them to coÌ„mit this base act they falsified their faith being aswell incited by the opportunity of the deed as by the wealth of Rhegium and chased away some Cittizens and slew others finally they seased vpon the Citty as the Mamertines had done And although the Romans were discontented at the misfortune of the Rhegins yet they could not relieue them for that they must settle an order for their precedent VVarres But after they had ended them they besieged them of Rhegium and afterward they entred it by force whereas many were slaine who being certaine of the punishments they were to endure defended themselues valiantly to death Aboue three hundred were taken aliue who presently after their comming to Rome the Commanders of the VVarre commanded them to be brought into the Market-place where they were whipt and in the end their heads strooke off after the manner of the Countrey They did vse this punishment to the end that their Faith as much as might be possible might be confirmed towards their confederates Presently after they caused the Towne and Countrey to be deliuered to the Rhegins But whilest that the Mamertins youmust vnderstand that the Campanois caused themselues to be so called after the taking of Messina were relieued by the Romans which held Rhegium by force they not onely enioyed the Countrey and Towne peaceably but they committed great spoiles vpon many other Townes their Neighbours aswell of the Carthaginians as of Saragosse otherwise Siracusa The greatest part of Sicily was tributary vnto them But soone after when they were depriued of those succours and that they which held Rhegium were besieged they were in like manner by them of Saragosse for the causes which follow As a little before the men of warre of Saragosse camping neere vnto Mergane being in dissention with the Goutrnours of the Common-weale they chose for their Captaines Artemtdore and Hieron who afterwards was their King being yet very young But finally so well endowed with all the graâ—es of Nature and Minde as hee wanted no Royall conditions but the Crowne Hauing accepted the Magistracy and made his entry into the Towne very well accompanied by his Friends where hauing vanquished the Burgesses of the contrary faction hee vsed the Victory with so great clemency and modesty as by a common consent of all in generall he was chosen their Commander although they did not allow of the Election made by the Souldiers It is true that Hieron made knowne to men of iudgement and vnderstanding that he had conceiued greater designes in his minde then to be their Leader First knowing well that the Saragossins were mutinous and desirous
Rampiers and Bastions one neere vnto another Finally they set vp their Engines of Warre neyther did they omit any thing that was necessary to force a Towne At their first beginning they battered a Tower which was scrared vpon the Sea shore looking towards Affricke adding daily new Engines and planting them in order Finally they ouerthrew at the same time sixe other Towers neere vnto it by the shaking of great Beames armed with iron at the end like vnto a Rams-head Wherefore as this siege was troublesome and dangerous and that some Towers were much indammaged and others ouerthrown by the Violence of the Engines and the Towne continually battered the besieged beganne to faint and to grow fearefull and amazed They were ten thousand Souldiers besides the inhabitants of the Town Yet Imilcon who had the guard thereof maintayned this siege against the Romans by his Councell and great courage Wheresoeuer the Romans made any breach in the Walls he repayred it within and if the enemy did Mine he preuented them by countermines By this meanes he still defeated their interprises Sometimes hee also made sallies hindring them much in all their attempts and trying if hee could to fire their Engines of battery Many times hee gaue Allarums both by day and night so as there was a greater slaughter and losse of men by this kinde of incounters then many times in their set Battells At that time some Commaunders of mercenary Souldiers conspired to yeild the Towne vnto the Romans who being confident of the consent of their Companions slipt downe the Wall in the night and goes vnto the Campe discouering their charge vnto the Consull At what time there was likewise a Grecian in Lylibeum called Alexon who had sometimes saued the Towne of Agragas from Treason when as the Saragossins held it This man after that he had vnderstood the enterprize of the Treason reuealed it vnto â—milcon who caused all the Captaines to bee presently called except such as had slipt downe the Wall and declared vnto them what he had vnderstood of the Treason intreating them they would not so ignominiously deliuer him and the Towne vnto their Enemies Moreouer he made them great promises if they would keepe their faith And when they had all consented to that which hee propounded he presently sent Haniball with them to pacifie a Troope of Gaules This was the Sonne of that other Haniball who as we haue said was hang'd vpon a Crosse in Sardinia after he had made that losse of the Army at Sea He hoped well that he would be pleasing vnto them for that had beene at the Warre with them vnder his Fathers commaund Hee likewise sent Alexon to other bands of strangers for that they had great confidence in him Presently after hee had assembled the Companions he preuailed so by prayers and promises as all generally kept their Faith and Friendship with the Carthaginians Wherefore assoone as the Chiefe of the Treason were returned and ready to speake vnto them and to relate what they had treated with the Romans they not onely denied to consent vnto them but they disdained to heare them driuing them from the Walles with Darts and Stones Thus the Carthaginians being in a great and manifest danger of Treason had like to haue fallen into their Enemies 〈◊〉 But Alexon who formerly for to keepe his Faith with them of Agragas had not onely preserued the Towne but the Countrey likewise their Lawes and liberty was the cause at this time in the opinion of all the world that the Carthaginians were not defeated And although they of Carthage could not be aduertised of the affaires of Lylibeum yet doubting the necessiâ—ies which they might fall into during a long Siege they armed fifty ships with ten thousand men whereof Haniball the Sonne of Aâ—ilcar who formerly was Captnine of the Triremes and a great friend to Atarbe had the leading to whom they gaue charge in few words to doe what possible he might to enter into Lylibeum and to suceour the besieged Haniball then with these ten thousand Souldiers arriues first at the Islands of Eguse which are mid-way betwixt Carthage and Lylibâ—um and there attends the Winde After which setting sayle he bent his course directly to the Hauen of Lylibeum hauing his men all in battell and ready to fight The Consuls amazed at this suddaine approach of the Enemy doubted that if they attempted to fight with them the violence of the winde would likewise driue them into the Port. Wherefore they resolued not to stop their entry It is true that they prepared themselues vpon the shore and sought to terrifie them at their entry In the meane time all the troops within the Citty seeing succours come resumed courage leâ—ping for hope and ioy and giuing courage by signes and shours to their Succours Haniball with incredible courage sayles wonderfull swiftly and enters the Port the which no man would haue immagined and puts his Army safe into Lylibeum It is incredible the ioy which they within the Towne conceiued after their succours were entred not so much for the refreshing of men but for that the Romanes durst not hinder the entry of the ships But Imilcon Commaunder of the Carthaginians seeing that the Souldiers demaunded nothing but to fight aswell the old Garrison in regard of their supplies but the new succours for that they had not felt the former miseries he would not loose this opportunity resoluing to set fire on the Romanes Engines by what meanes soeuer Wherefore when hee had drawne them altogether hee made a speech vnto them promising good rewards to such as should shew themselues braue Men And assured them that the Carthaginians would acknowledge it The Souldiers mooued with these speeches told them that they were ready to do their duties Moreouer they cryed out with a loud voyce intreating him that without any further stay he would lead them to fight Imilcon commending their courage sent them to refresh themselues and gaue them charge to be ready and to performe that which their Captaines should commaund them Whom presently after hee drawes a part and acquaints them with his interprize then hee appoints vnto euery one his Quarter and place commaunding them that euery one should retire speedily in the beginning of the night the which they performed At the breake of day Imilcon made his sallies in many places and fell vpon the Engines The Romans who doubted the enemies designe were not negligent but were all in Armes keeping a good Guard Wherefore as soone as the Carthaginians beganne their sally they marcht against them so as the Allarum was great neere vnto the walls The Carthaginians were about twenty thousand men and the Romanes many more And for that the combate was without any order of battell the danger was the greater For in so great a multitude of Souldiers they did fight Man to Man as if it had beene a single combate It is true that the heate of
as passe from Trypanum or Lylibcum into Italy and it hath store of Water There are but three wayes to go vnto this Mount which are difficult and vneasy two vpon the firme Land and the third towards the Sea Amilcar Planted his Campe there where there was no conuenient Towne but was lodged among his enemies whom he did not suffer to liue in rest For many times he went to Sea and spoyl'd the coast of Italy vnto Cumes and then he led his Army by Land vnto Palermo and besieged it within eight hundred Furlongs of the Romanes Campe where he staied neere three yeares performing many braue Acts which were difficult to relate in particular For euen as when excellent Combattants re-doubling their blowes with dexterity and force the prize of the Victory being propounded it is neyther possible for them nor for the standers by to yeild a reason of euery charge and blow taking in generall a sufficient knowledge of their Valour aswell by the Prowesse of the Men as by their mutuall indeauours and by their Experience and Virtue we must conceiue the like of the Commaunders of whom we now speake For if any one will Write the causes or manner how they lay Ambushes and intertayne skirmishes and incounters he should not be able to number them and would cause a great trouble without any profit to the Reader where we may better attayne to the knowledge of things past by a generall narration and by the end of the War They likewise cannot perceiue in this present War any thing by the History of the great pollicies nor by the time nor by the feeling of the present case by things done which haue bin decided with an ouer-weaning and violent boldnesse There are many causes for the which they could not discerne betwixt the two Campes for the Armies were equal and their Forts not easie to be approached vnto for that the space betwixt both was very strong and little so as there daily hapned particular combates Finally they performed nothing which concerned the end of the Warre For many times in incounters some were slayne and others turning away and escaping the danger assured themselues and fought againe where Fortune remayning like a good Distributer changing them from Front to Front hath inclosed them in a narrower compasse and a more dangerous fight in regard of the place and precedent Combat Whilst the Romans as we haue sayd kept the top and foote of the Mountayne of Erix Amilcar surprized the Towne which was betwixt the top of the Hill and the foote of it where the Roman garrison lay By this meanes the Romans which held the top were besieged by the Carthaginians with great danger The Carthaginians likewise were no lesse in the Towne seeing they were besieged from the top of the Mountayne and from the foote and hauing but one way they could hardly draw vnto them that which was necessary Thus either Party persisted one against another with extreame obstinacy Suffring great extremities and running into great dangers Finally they purchased a sacred Crowne not as Fabius sayth as Men weakned and tyred but constant and not vanquished For before that one party ouercame the other although the War continued two yeares yet beganne to haue an end by another meanes Finally the Affaires of Erix and the forces were in this estate You may imagine that these two Common-Weales did like vnto Rauening Birds fighting among themselues vnto the last gaspe For although that sometimes their flight fayled them for want of breath yet they repulse the assaults with great courage vntill that hiding themselues willingly they fled away easily this done some take their flight before the rest In like manner the Romanes and the Carthaginians tyred with toyle grew cold in their continuall combats abating their forces for the ordinary charges And although the Romanes had abandoned the combats at Sea almost for fifteene yeares aswell for their mis-fortunes as for that they did hope to make an end of this Warre by the Army at Land yet seeing their designe not successefull considering likewise the courage of Amilcar they conceiued a third hope in their Forces at Sea They aduised well that if their designe were successefull it would be a meanes to make an end of their Affaires the which in the end they effected First they left the Sea yeilding vnto their mis-fortunes And for the second time for that they had bin vanquished neere vnto Trypanum and finally at the third time they were of another humour by the which being Victors they cut off the Victuals from Erix and made an end of the Warre This attempt for the most part was like a Combate of great courage for the publicke Treasure vnable to furnish this charge But the Citizens contributing euery Man vnto his power many together built a Quinquereme supplying the necessary expences so much the peoples hearts were iâ—flamed to Armes and to augment the Romane Empire By this meanes they made a preparation of two hundred Quinqueremes after the patterne of the Rhodien the which as we haue sayd had beene taken before Lylibeum Wherefore they afterwards gaue the commaund vnto Lucius Luctatius Consull and sent him in the Spring against the Carthaginians who being suddainly arriued in Sicily with his Army tooke the Port of Trepanum at his entry and all the rest which were about Lylibeum In the meane time all the Carthaginians ships retired to their Captaine Afterwards hee indeauoured to take Trepanum with his Engins and other things necessary to force a Towne But for that the Carthaginians Army at Sea was not farre off they had a remembrance of things past and of what importance the knowledge of the Sea was he was not idle nor negligent causing his Rowers and Marriners to bee continually kept in practice not suffring any one to be idle By this meanes the Souldiers in a short time were inured to the Sea The Carthaginians contrary to their hope hauing newes of the Roman Army at Sea presently prepared their ships and rraighted them with Corne other Munition to the end the besieged within the Towne of Erix should not haue any want of things necessary Hanno had the charge of this Army who past first to the Island of Hieronesus and from thence he made haste to sayle aboue the Enemy to Amilcars Campe to discharge his ships and to victuall it But Luctatius being aduertised of their comming and doubting of their enterprize for it was not hard to coniecture made choice of the ablest men of the Army at Land and failed directly to the Island of Eguse which is not farre from Lylibeum Then hauing giuen courage to the Souldiers he makes a Proclamation that euery man should be ready the next day to fight Three daies after the Consull seeing at the breake of day that the wind was good and prosperous for the Enemy and contrary to his Army and that the Sea was much troubled with a storme he was
moreouer seeing they were all turned to their Ruine found themselues suddainly in great difficulties not knowing which way to turne them And they found them the more desperate for that they had hapned contrary to all opinion It is true they were in hope after they had beene tyred with the long Wars of Sicily and had in the end made a peace with the Romans that they might rest for a time and take breath but it succeeded otherwise Beleeue me this War suddainly kindled was more dangerous than the other For that in the first they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily but in this they were forced to vndergoe the danger for themselues for their families and their Country Moreouer they were vnfurnished of Armes of a Fleete at Sea and of Equipage for shipping for that they had lost many in their battels at Sea They had no more hope of Tributes nor in the succours of their friends and Allies Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Forraine and Transmarine War and the mutiâ—y of a ciuill sedition of which mischiefe vndoubtedly they themselues were the cause For in their first War they did Lord it ouer the people of Affricke with too great Tyranny and coâ—etousnesse for that they were of opinion they had good cause so as they leuied a full moiety of all their fruites They also doubled the Tributes and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance They gaue Offices not to such as were milde and gracious but to those which augmented the publicke Treasure although they had tyrannized the people like vnto Hanno of whom we haue spoken By this meanes it hapned that the people of Affricke seemed glad to Reuolte not onely at the perswasion of many but at a simple Messenger There is nothing more true that euen the Women of euery Towne conspired for that in former times they had seene their Husbands and Children led into seruitude for that they had not payed the Tribute so as they made no reseruation of their goods which they had remayning but moreouer they did contribute their Iewels a hard thing to belieue to supply the payment of the Souldiers By this meanes Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of siluer as it was not onely sufficient to satisfie the promises which they had made to the Souldiers from the beginning of the Conspiracy but they had more than was needfull to mannage the War Wherefore a wise man must not looke vnto the present time but also vnto the future And although the Carthaginians were enuironed on all sides with so many miseries yet they fainted not but gaue the conduct to Hanno for that formerly they held he had ended the Warre neere vnto Hecatontophylon of those Souldiers they could leuie in this necessity of time They also armed the young men of the Towne and caused their Horses to be practised They repaired the remainder of their ships and old Triâ—emes and caused new to be made In the meane time Matho and Spendius to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Affrica had ioyned after they had deuided their Army in two as wee haue said held Bisarthe and Hippona bâ—sieged yet not abandoned their Campe neere vnto Tunes By this meanes all Affricke was shut vp to the Carthaginians You must vnderstand that Carthage is seated vpon a Promontory which aduanceth into the Sea and is in forme of an Island but that it ioynes vnto Affricke by a little space of land In regard of the Citty it is enuironâ—d of the one side by the Sea and on the other by Marishes The breadth of the Countrey whereby it is ioyned to Affricke containes not aboue three miles whereof the Towne of Bisarthe is not far off from that siâ—e which looks towards the Sea And that Tunes ioynes vpon the Marishes The Enemies hauing planted their Campes at Tunes and Bisarthe tooke from the Carthaginians the rest of Affricke and making courses sometimes by Day and sometimes by Night vnto the walles of the Citty they gaue them great Allarums and put them in feare In the meane time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the Warre Hee was a diligent man and well practised in such things although that soone after hee had gone to field to finde the Enemy he committed an act of little iudgement in not discerning the times You must vnderstand that assoone as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe he forced the Enemies at the first charge being terrified with the multitude of Elephants but afterwards his conduct was so bad as hee drew the besieged for whose succours hee was come into great danger and extreame misery For when he had brought greaâ— prouision of all sorts of Engins for battery and had lodged his Campe neere vnto the Towne-walles hee fought with the Enemy who could not endure the violence of the Elephants Wherefore they abandoned the Campe with great losse of their men and retired to a little Mountaine strong of it selfe and full of Groues But Hanno who had not beene accustomed to make Warre but against the Numidians who after they haue once taken a flight doe seldome stay vntill the third day had no care to pursue them supposing he had gotten an absolute victory but entred into Bisarthe not thinking of any thing but to make good cheere But the Enemies hauing made Warre in Sicily vnder Amilcar and beene accustomed many times to flye before the Enemy and suddainly to charge againe the same day hauing newes of Hanno's retreate into Bisarthe and that the Campe as Victors was secure they assayled it by surprize and slew part of them the râ—st were forced to recouer the Towne to their great shame and ignominy All the equipage of Engins was taken without resistance It is true that this was not the onely misfortune which at that time did preiudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno For some few dayes after when as the Enemies camped neere vnto Sorze and that an opportunity was offered to defeate him easily hauing beene twice in quarrell and twice in battell one against another as they are accustomed hee lost these two occasions by his folly and basenesse Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not mannage this War well they by a generall consent made Amilcar Captaine againe to whom they gaue three score and ten Elephants and all the Souldiers and Fugiâ—iues with some Horse-men and the young men of the Towne so as hee had about ten thousand Souldiers But assoone as he had marcht forth with his Army he presently by his admirable vertue brake the hearts of his Enemies and raised the siege of Bisarthe and then he shewed himselfe worthy of the glory which they had giuen him for his prowesse in times past and that hee was worthy of the hope which all men conceiued of him Behold wherein they first discouered his diferetion and
proud Spirit hath past the bounds of Reason Of which things the beginning and the greatest part proceedes from the lewd life and bad breeding of Youth There are other things which adde much vnto it and namely the Couetousnes and cruelty of the Captaynes All which Vices were found at that time in this Army and especially in the Commaunders In the meane time Amilcar bearing the enemies outrages impatiently caused Hanno another Captayne Generall for the Carthaginians to come vnto him imagining that when the whole Army were together the Warre would be the more easily ended Finally he caused the enemies which were then taken or afterwards to bee cruelly slaine or deuoured by Beasts hoping that the Warre would then haue an end if he might put them all to Death As the Carthaginians seemed at that time to be in better hope Fortune suddainly changed so as their Affaires beganne to impaire and grow worse For as soone as these two Captaines were ioyned together they fell into such dissention as they not onely lâ—â—t pursuing the enemy but gaue them great occasions of their owne defeate For which causes the Carthaginians being mooued they sent word that one of them should returne to the Citty and that hee which the Souldiers loued best should remayne in the Campe. They had also another inconuenience For their great shippes wherewith they brought Corne and other necessaries to the Campe were in a manner all broken in a storme Moreouer Sardinia from whence they were wont to draw great succours for the affaires of Warre was lost for them as we haue sayd And to the end their miseries should be full the Townes of Hippona and Bisarthe which alone among all the people of Affrick had kept their Faith inuiolable to the Carthaginians not only in this War but in that of Agathocles and in the time of the Romanes reuolted then not onely ignominiously from the Affricanes but also shewed them suddainly a wonderfull Affection and Loue And to the Carthaginians an implacable hatred casting into the Ditches all the Carthaginians with their Captaines which were there for their Guard to the number of fiue hundred after they had cruelly slayne them And they deliuered the Towne and would not render the Bodies to the Citizens of Carthage to interre them By this meanes Spendius and Matho grew more insolent and layed siege before Carthage Amilcar at that time had Hannibalâ—or â—or a companion in his charge whom the Carthaginians sent him when as the Souldiers left Hanno to whom during the dissention of the Captaines the people of Carthage left a power to retayne whom they pleased Amilcar accompanied by Hannibal and Naraue ouer-ran the whole Prouince cutting off the Victuals from the enemy wherein the Numidian Naraue did him great seruice This was the estate of their Campes The Carthaginians being thus opprest by their enemies were forced to craue succours from their Allies to whom at that time Hieron of Saragosse sent them great assistance supplying them with whatsoeuer they demaunded For he was of opinion that the preseruation of the Carthaginians was necessary for him as well for the safety of his estate as to entertayne the friendship of the Romanes to the end that after the ruine of Carthage they might easily do whatsoeuer they pleased without contradiction This was wisely considered of him For in truth no Man must seeme carelesse of such things neyther must they suffer any one to grow to so great a power as he shall haue cause euer after to feare a manifest iniustice The Romans also bound by the Articles of the peace did what they could possibly to relieue them It is true that in the beginning there was some dissention for thâ— causes which follow When the Carthaginians were first besieged they tooke about fiue hundred Men who â—ayling from Italy for gayne were taken and put in prison The people of Rome tooke this in ill part But when as soone after they had sent an Embassie for this cause the Carthaginians freed them and intreated them curteously This was so pleasing vnto the Romanes as presently they deliuered all the Prisoners which they had yet remayning since the Warres of Sicily without Ransome succouring them still whensoeuer they required it and suffered their Merchants to carry them Corne forbidding them to furnish the enemies Campe with any Victuals Moreouer at such times as the old Souldiers of Sardinia reuolted agaynst the Carthaginians they would not giue Audience to their Embassadours who were sent to deliuer them the Island A while after they would not receiue the Bisarthins who would in like manner haue giuen themselues vnto them For that they would not in any sort infringe the Articles of the Peace The Carthaginians thus relieued by the succours of their Allies indured the siege more easily Matho and Spendius were no lesse besieged than they did besiege For Amilcar had reduced them to such great want of all things as they were in the end forced to raise the siege Soone after they made choyse of the ablest Men of all their bands to the number of fifty Thousand and went presently to seeke out Amilcar Moreouer they kept not the plaines fearing the Elephants and the Horse men whereof Naraue had the Charge but striuing still to gaine the high and inaccessible places during the which although they were as strong and hardy as the Carthaginians yet they were often beaten for that they vnderstood not the practise of Warre Then they might easily iudge what difference there is betwixt the good conduct of a Captaine and the ouer-weaning of a Multitude He separated some and inclosed others by his industry being forced by their priuate necessity He also defeated many by Ambushes in full fight Somâ—times he terrified the enemies falling vppon them by surprize All such as were taken aliue were cast vnto the Beasts Finally he lodged about his enemies to their great disaduantage and to the benefit of the Carthaginians drawing them into such necessity as they neither durst come to fight for feare of the Elephants and Horsemen neyther could they safely flye for that they were enuironed with Ditches and Pallisadoes Finally hunger did so presse them as they did eate one another Behold the reuenge which the gods tooke of them for the cruelties they had committed against their Friends They came not to fight both for that the Carthaginians were assured of the Victory and their punishment was certayne They made no mention of any treaty of peace for that they knew well there was no hope of Mercy hauing committed such great cruelties Finally they indured all miseries expecting daily succours from Tunes But when they had cruelly eaten vp their Prisoners and their Seruants a kind of liuing which they had long vsed and that no succours came from Tunes they knew not what to resolue for the extremity of the Famine and the feare of punishment Finally Autarice Zarxe and Spendius resolued to parley with Amilcar By this
disdayning to keepe any watch or guard The Sclauonians within the Town aduertised of the separation of the Army and of the negligence of the Enemy goe forth at mid-night and lay planks vpon the Bridge So crossing the Riuer they gaine a place strong by Nature where they passe the remainder of the Night without any noise At the break of day either side were in battell and the fight began The Sclauonians got the Victory so as few Epirotes escaped the rest being taken or slaine The Epirotes seeing themselues inuolued with so many miseries and out of all hope they sent an Embassie to the Etoliens and Acheins crauing Succours from them who hauing compassion of their afflictions desiring to relieue them marcht to Heliâ—rane whither the Sclauonians who as we haue sayd had taken the Towne of Phenice being ioyned to Scerdilaide came and lodged neere vnto them desiring battell But the difficulty of the places kept them asunder together with their Queenes letters who commâ—unded them to make no longer stay but to returne for that some Townes of Sclauonia had reuolted to the Dardaniens Wherefore after they had spoiled the whole Prouince they made a truce with the Epirofes by the which they yeelded the Citizens and the City but carried away all the slaues and pillage in their ships Thus one part retired by Sea and the other by Land by the streights of Antigonia leauing a wonderfull feare in the Sea-townes of Greece Without doubt when they considered that so strong and powerfull a Towne of the Epirotes had beene spoil'd contrary to all expectance they were not onely in feare as formerly for the Countrey but also for themselues and their Townes After that the Epirotes had ended their Affaires farre better than they expected they were so farre from taking reuenge of the wrongs which they had receiued or to thanke those which had assisted them as they presently sent an Embassie to Queene Teuca and made a league with the Arcanians and Sclauonians Wherefore following after that time the party of the Illiriens they became Enemies to the Acheins and Etoliens Wherein they were not only ingrate and vnthankefull to their Benefactors but also they had beene very ill counselled from the beginning of their affaires And where as many like men fal somtimes by the hazard of Fortune into great aduersities and miserâ—es it happens not so much by their owne fault as by that of Fortune or by such as are the procurers But when as men seeke their misfortune by their owne indiscreâ—ion their fault iâ— euident And therefore when we see some great disaster and aduersity beâ—all some men by Fortune we doe not onely pitty them but relieue them to our power whereas we blame condemne and hate those whom we know to haue beene the cause of their owne misfortunes by indiscretion and malice The which the Grecians might at that time do with reason vnto the Epirotes But what man is so confident which hauing no feare of the common fame of the Gaules inconstancy would haue dared to commit so noble a Citty vnto their charge who had so many reasons to doubt of their faith being banisht out of their Countrey for that they had falsified their faith with their owne Nation and who afâ—erwards being retired by the Carthaginians at such time as they had Warre with the Romans and hearing a bruite of the reuolte of mercenary Souldiers for pay which they had pretended was due vnto them begâ—n first to spoile Agragas whereof they had the Guard being about a thousand men Afterwards they were put in Garrison into Eâ—ix by the Carthaginians the which they would haue betrayed whilest the Romans besieged it The which not able to effâ—ct they retired to the Romans who receiued them After which they spoyled the Temple of Venus Ericina When as the Romans saw the treachery and falsehood of these Barbarians hauing concluded a peace with the Carthaginians they disâ—rmed them and shipped them away chasing them out of all Italy These are the men whom the Epirotes made the Guardians of their Lawes and Commonâ—wealth to whom they intrusted â—o faire and rich a City Who will not then blame them Who will not say but they haue beene the cause of their owne miseries Without doubt it is a great folly and indiscretion to entertaine forces especially of barbarous men and to put them into a Towne where they may bee the stronger or more in number than the Cittizens But wee haue spoken sufficiently of the Epirotes folly The Sclauonians before and many times spoiled such as saild from Italy and Phenicia seeing that of late dayes they inhabited there who separating thâ—mselues sometimes from the Army at Sea spoiled many Italian Merchants or slew them They had also carried away a good number of Prisoners When this had beene often complained of to the Senate they made no accompt thereof Yet in the end they sent into Scâ—auonia Caâ—us and Lucius Coroncanus in Embassie when as the complaints of many came vnto them concerning the outrages of the Illiâ—ians VVhen the ships were returned from Phenicia in safety Teuca wondring at the beauty and greatnesse of the spoile had a great and longing desire to make Warre against the Grecians for in truth it was the richest Towne of all Epirus But for that her Countrey was then in Combustion shee could not attempt it Moreouer after shee had pacified Sclauonia and at such time as shee held 〈◊〉 besieged which had alwayes continued firme the Romans Embassie arriued who hauing a day of audience appointed them by the Queene they made knowne vnto her the outrages her men had done them The Queene gaue â—are vnto them with great 〈◊〉 and arrogaâ—cy After they had deliuered their chargeâ—he made answere that she would take order that her Subiects should not make open War against them but it was not the custome of Kings to prohibite their priuate subiects to make what profit they could at Sea At which words the yongest of the Embassadours made a bold and couragious answere but in bad season And therefore sayd he Madame it is the custome of the Romans to take a publicke reuenge for priuate wrongs and to relieue the aâ—flicted So as if it please God wee will take such order that her eafter you shall not be much troubled to reforme this kinde of royall customes The Queene an ouer-weening woman grew into such a rage as neglecting the right of Nations shee sent men at the returne of the Embassadours to kill the youngest who had vsed this Speech The Romans being aduertised of this great affront prepared presently to Warre leuied men and made a good number of Vessels Finally they prepared all things necessary to take reuenge of so great a crime In the meane time the Queene sent in the Spring a greater number of ships into Greâ—ce than formerly whereof one part saild to Corfue and the other bent their course to the Port of Durazo Where
haue formerly sayd an augmentation and wonderfull accord in our time For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord and could not effect it considering that all men aime more at their priuate profit than the liberty of the Countrey there hath beene at this day made so great a change as they haue not onely contracted friendship and a strict league but moreouer they vse the same Lawes the same weight the same measure the same money and more the same Princes the same Councell and the same Iudges So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgesse but that they dwelt not all in one Towne All the rest was alike and the same thing It shall not bee therefore vnfitting to shew how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea You must vnderstand that they which were first so called had no better Countrey nor more Townes nor more Wealth nor more virtue Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedemonians doe farre exceed the other people of Morea both in number of men and Townes Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowesse and virtue What is the cause then that these men whom wee haue named and the other people of Morea haue willingly suffred not onely the Comminalty of the Achaiens but also to take the Name It were a folly to say that it was by chance Wherefore it were better to seeke the cause without the which wee cannot finish those things which are done with reason nor those which seemne to bee done without it For my part I conceiue it was the equality and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all as a certaine president of a true Common-wealth For there is no Citty in all Greece where there are found better Lawes Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Common-wealth Some thorough reason and parswasion others forced by little and little with the time and yet they haue presently pacified their discontents And for that they did noâ— from the beginning leaue more to one then to another but would haue all things equall to all men it presently brought the Acheiâ—s to this great Authority vsing two meanes of great efficacy that is Equality and Clemency Behold the cause which wee must imagine for the which all Morea being of one will and accord attained to this prosperity and peace wherein wee see it at this day It is true that this manner of liuing and meanes of gouernment of a Common-wealth was long obserued by the Acheins the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses Yet wee will produce but one or two at this time You must vnderstand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy which they then called great Greece It happened that the Countrey and the Townes were much afflicted with murthers and sedition by a strange alteration of Common-weales whose Princes were wickedly slaine And therefore Embassadours came from all parts to pacifie their debates Who leauing all the rest they referr'd themselues in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree Soone after they resolued to vse their Lawes and to frame their Common-wealth like vnto theirs Without doubt the Crotoniates Sybarites and Caulonites after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner edified a Temple in publique to Iupiter Omarie where they might assemble the people and giue them iustructions Moreouer hauing accepted the Institutions and Lawes of the Acheins they would onely liue in them and erect their Common-wealth But the tyranny of Denis of Syracusa and the Gaules who at that time spoiled the Countrey hindered them from bringing their enterprize to an end Moreouer after the defeate of the Lacedemonians beyond all hope before Luctres and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Greâ—ce there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece namely betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Thebains For that the Lacedemonians conceiued they had beene vanquished and the others did not thinke they had gotten the Victory Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians to whose iudgement they submitted themselues touching their quarrels not hauing so much regard to their forces or power for in truth it was the least of all the Prouinces of Greece as to the faith and iustice of the people which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World It is true they had then but bare virtue hauing done nothing worthy of fame or estimation Wherefore their comminalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to gouerne them for that they had beene alwaies kept vnder by the Empire of the Lacedemonians or Macedonians But after by succession of time they had found Gouernours worthy of their estate they presently purchased honour and glory They reconciled all Morea which was an excellent worke whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had beene the Authour and contriuer the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished and afterwards confirmed and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it and subsequently all his Companions Hereafter wee will endeauour as much as the Subiect shall require to relate their deeds the manner and the time Yet wee will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time and hereafter for that hee hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according vnto truth plainely and amply But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious It is true that in my opinion the declaration would bee more easie and the History more plaine to those that desire to know it if wee take it from the time when as the Acheins who had beene dispersed into diuers Citties by the Princes of Macedon drew themselues againe together as it were in one body and afterwards they augmented in such sort as they came to this great amplitude whereof wee haue hitherto spoken in particular and which continues vnto this day They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olympiade at such time as Ptolomy the Sonne of Lagus Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolomy Ceraunien dyed without doubt they all dyed during this Olimpiade Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times They began to be gouerned by Kings at such time as Tysamenes the Sonne of Hâ—restes chased from Lacedemonia after the descent of Heraclites held the Countrey which is about Acheia After whom Kings gouerned continually by succession vntill the time of Sygus After whom the Regall power began to be tedious for that the Children of Sygus did not gouerne the Prouince legally but by Tyranny Wherefore they chased away their Kings and gouerned in common wherein they liued diuersly
the greatest part but also a comfoâ—t and assistant This trouble grew when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiberâ—ans and the Carthaginians against Massinissa King of Lybia and what time Attaâ—us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne by the meanes of Demetrius was soone after restored by him But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians for the causes which wee will specifie so as they resolued first to transport them and afterwards wholly to ruine them And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution although I hold it for certaine that if a long life should faile mee yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men that would finish our Worke and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs. As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader as well in generall as perticular it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians say that the siege of Sagonte was the first and the second that contrary to the accord made with the Romans they had past the Riuer of Ebro For my part I am of opinion that these were the beginnings but not the causes for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things vnlesse some will say that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans the which is neither true nor likely But what man is so much blinded with ignorance that will affirme and maintaine that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander and partly by Phillip in his life time for the Warre of Persia Or by the Etoliens to make Warre against the Romans before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre These are the opinions of men who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ and that the causes in all things are the first and the beginning are the end of causes I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution and makes vs so to iudge as are the thoughts the aduices the discourses of reason and such other things This will be apparent for that which followes For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made and whence the beginning came The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces nor that presented it selfe hee was forced to returne into Greece for the troubles which were kindled there as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians For which causes Phillip King of Macedon hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians taking his occasion that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them And therefore wee must say that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related and the occasions are those whereof we now speake and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours but also resolued to put all in hazard so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past It is true the liberty of Greece was the occasion vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled So they which treate of Histories are altogether vnprofitable if the reason of the place of the time with the causes and occasions bee not knowne There is therefore nothing more necessary nor more to be desired than to know the causes of all things that happen For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires and it is easie to preuent their beginnings It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal Generall of the Carthaginians Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and that being returned to Carthage hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth and to ouerthrow their Lawes The which the chiefe men discouering they opposed themselues against Asdrubal Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage hee returned presently into Spaine and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage Moreouer he saith that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him was of the same enterprize and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine hee followed the courses of Asdrubal So as this Warre which was made against the Romans was begun by
him in spight of the Carthaginians and that there was not any man in Carthage which loued the Common-wealth but did much blame the deeds of Hannibal against the Sagontins Moreouer hee sayth that after the taking of Sagont there was an Embassie sent from Rome to Carthage demaunding Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the accord and if they would not yeeld vnto it they should declare Warre against the Carthaginians But if a man should demaund of Fabius what could succeed better nor more reasonable and expedient for the Carthaginians than to deliuer vpon the Romans request the authour of the offence and him that had committed the fault to punish him Seeing that as hee sayth they had dislik't the actions of Hannibal and by this meanes might reuenge by another the common Enemy of the Countrey and maintaine the estate of their Citty in peace chasing away the authour of the warre considering that this might bee well effected by a bare resolution What can he answere Nothing without doubt Contrariwise they were so farre from doing it as they maintained the Warre seuenteene yeeres continuall against the Romans Neither did they cease vntill destitute of all hope they not onely hazarded their Countrey but also their liues Finally to what end doe wee vse this discourse of Fabius or of his writings It is not to cry him downe For his lying writings are apparent to those which reade them It is onely to aduertise those which giue the credit not somuch to regard the title of the Authour as the truth of things For there are men which doe not beare so much respect to the writings as to him that made them and which thinke that for as much as Fabius liued in those times and had beene of the Senate that hee could not but speake truth It is true and I am of opinion that we must giue beleefe and credit vnto him in many things but yet wee may not beleeue all for wee must consider things as they are and how they agree Finally to returne to our Discourse we must not thinke that the first cause of the Warre which the Romans had with the Carthaginians was the indignation of Amilcar sirnamed Barca Father to Hannibal And we must vnderstand that he was not vanquished by the Romans during the Warre of Sicily for he preserued the Army which was about Erix with great Iudgement but when he saw the Carthaginians had lost the battell at Sea hee thought good to veeld vnto the time and made a peace with the Romans yet hee left noâ— his indignation so as he expected continually an opportunity to be reuenged of them And if the Carthaginians had not found themselues troubled with the mntiny of their Souldiers hee would presently haue renewed the VVarre with all his power and therefore being hindred by an intestine mischiefe he deserr'd it to another time The Romans considering the danger wherein the Carthaginians were by the mutiny of their Souldiers threatned them with VVarre To preuent the which the Carthaginians made an accord as we haue specified in the former Booke without which no man can vnderstand that which wee haue now sayd nor that which followes Finally they quit them Sardinia as vnfurnished both of counsell and aide For that the Romans would not otherwise desist from their Enterprize and they payed them beside the Summe already accorded seuen hundred thousand Crownes which was the second and the greatest cause of the VVarre which after wards began VVhen as all the people of Carthage were entred into the like indignation with Hannibal and that Amilcar saw the mutiny of the Souldiers supprest and the affaires of the Countrey pacified he began to make VVarre in Spaine seeking to make vse of it as a preparatiue to leade them against the Romans Behold that which we must imagine for the third cause that is to say the good fortune which the Carthaginians had For that their hearts grew great and therefore they vndertooke thâ—s VVarre more boldly There is proofe sufficient that Amilcar was the principall cause of the second Punique VVarre although he were dead ten yeeres before but it shall suffice for the present to relate that which followeth At what time that Hannibal was vanquished by the Romans he retired to Antiochus leauing Affricke the Romans aduertised of the Etoliens attempt sent an Embassie to Antiochus to know his will and to discouer by this meanes his preparation for Warre But hauing vnderstood that he held the party of the Etoliens and that he was resolued to make Warre against the Romans they frequented daily with Hannibal seeking by their continuall familiarity to draw him into suspition and dislike wherein they were not deceiued For Antiochus thinking he had beene gain'd by the Romans suspected him long But it happened on a time when as the King called him to his Councell whereas he had good liberty to speake And then after many discourses in the end as it were by indignation hee began to vse these termes VVhen as my Father Amilcar was to passe into Spaine with an Army I was about the Age of nine yeares and when as he sacrificed to Iupiter I was neere vnto the Altars But when as the Sacrifices were ended my father caused the rest to retire backe and hauing called me alone he demaunded kindly of me and as it were with imbracings if I would go the Voyage The which when I had not onely accepted but moreouer intreated him like a childe then taking my right hand and laying it vpon the Altar hee would that touching the things sacrificed I should sweare that presently when I came to age I should be an enemy to the Romanes And therefore Sir as long as you shall be their enemy you may relie confidently in me and haue no suspicion of Hannibal but when you shall be reconciled or that you shall contract friendshippe with them then expect no other accuser and haue a care to keepe your selfe from me as from an enemy to the people of Rome for I shall be alwayes opposite vnto them with all my power Antiochus hearing this kind of Speech and that Hannibal spake truly and with affection in regard of his griefe he presently abandoned all suspition Behold then a manifest testimony of the harred and bad affection of Amilcar towards the Romanes for hee left Asdrubal his sonne in Law and his sonne Hannibal for their enemies such as there could be none greater It is true that Death tooke an order that Asdrubal could not shewe the hatred he bare them But Hannibal had time at will so as preuailing in his interprize he hath sufficiently made knowne the hatred which he held from his Father And therefore they which haue the Gouernment of a Common-weale must carefully consider this and ruminate in their vnderstanding to know the humours of those with whom they make any accord or friendship whither it be for the necessity of the time
or to giue ouer the Warres to the ende they may alwaies defend themselues from those which seeke an opportunity to do euill and to make vse of those whom they know to bee their Subiects or true friends when necessity shall require These causes which we haue specified are those of the second Punique Warre and the beginning of that which we will now relate The Carthaginians hardly induring the losse of Sycile which the Romanes had taken from them It is true that as we haue said Sardinia which they had surprized by Treason during the mutiny of Affricke and this summe of money which they had caused them to pay did much increase their hatred And therefore it was likely that as soone as they should grow great in Spaine they would transport the VVarre into Italy But after the death of Asdrubal who after the death of Amilcar was Generall of the Carthaginians they desired to know the will of the Souldiers before they would place a new Commaunder And when as the newes came from the Campe that Hannibal had bin chosen Captaine by a generall consent they presently assembled and confirmed with one accord by the election of the men of VVar. Hannibal hauing receiued all power and considering that to linger was of no worth he marcht with his army to the skirts of the Olcades to ruine them And therefore he besieged Carteia the chiefe Towne of that Countrey and tooke it by assault after some dayes resistance So as the other Townes being terrified yeelded of themselues to the Carthaginians After this Victory the Army retired to winter at Carthagena with great booty whereas Hannibal vsing great bounty deuided it amongst the Souldiers So as hee gained their hearts wonderfully leauing them in great hope for the future In the Spring hee led his Army against the Vacceens and presently conquered Ermandique Afterwards hee tooke Arbacale by force not without great danger hauing held it long besieged For that it had beene well defended by the greatnesse of the Citty and the multitude and courage of the Inhabitants After this hee suddainly fell by chance into a maruellous danger by a charge which the Toletains haue him at his returne from the Vacceens with a great booty For it is a people which exceeds all the rest of this Prouince in courage and multitudes of men with the which also there ioyned the Fugitiues of Ermandique Whereunto the banished men of the Olcades had perswaded them Without doubt the Carthaginians had beene vanquished and defeated if they had offered Battell but Hannibal gaue order to the contrary and striking Sâ—ile to enemy he planted himselfe vppon the Banke of the Riuer of Tagus giuing charge vnto his Horse men that when they should see the Enemies enter into the Water they should charge the Battalion of foote He lodg'd forty Elephants along the Bankes By this meanes all things succeeded happily for that he had the riuer and the Elephants as it were for Combattants For the Barbarians thinking that the Carthaginians were retired for feare they cast themselues confusedly into the Riuer with great cries Wherefore a great number of them were defeated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer by the Elephants which stood there and flew them at their landing Some were also slâ—ine in the Riuer by the Horse men for that the Horsemen being at ease and without Armour could better helpe themselues and annoy the enemies who durst not relye vpon the Ford. They which were in the Reare and might easily recouer the Banke retired vntill in the end the Carthaginians cast themselues into the riuer with all their bands and companies and put them to flight The Toletains army with the Olcades and Vacceens consisted of a hundred thousand men After which defeate there were not any found beyond the riuer of Ebro that durst resist the Carthaginians except the Sagontins It is true that Hannibal would not fall vpon them least hee should offer an occasion of Warre to the Romanes before hee had seized vppon that which his Father Amilcar had aduised him to do In the meane time the Sagontins sent often to Rome aswell for the care of their owne priuate affaires as also fore-seeing future things and likewise to aduertise them of the good Fortune of the Carthaginians in Spaine Finally the Romanes hauing thereupon many and diuers aduertisements they sent an Embassie into Spaine to discouer the course of Hannibals actions But he was retired to Winter at Carthagena hauing mannaged his affaires to his owne liking Being suddainly arriued there he cals them and giues them audience and power to deliuer their charge The Embassadours at the first signifies vnto him that he should demaund nothing from the Sagontins being allied vnto the Romanes And moreouer that he should not passe the riuer of Ebro for that it had beene so concluded by the Treaty made with Asdruball The which being heard by Hannibal like a young man and greedy of War and who easily did what he would with the Senate of Carthage by the meanes of the heads of his faction together with the hatred he bare against the Romanes he answered the Embassadours as a friend to the Sagontins blaming the people of Rome who when they had lately receiued Letters from the Sagontins for a mutiny which was growne amongst them to the end they might send some Embassie to pacifie it they had wickedly put to death some of the principall of the Citty Whereof he threatens them to take reuenge saying that the Carthaginians had a Custome not to disdaine outrages On the other side he sent vnto Carthage to aduertise them of that which they were to do considering that the Sagontins relying vppon the Alliance with the Romanes had done great outrages to many Townes subiect to the Carthaginians Finally as one full of inconstancy and rage and inflamed with a desire to make Warre he propounded no other valuable reason pursuing only certaine friuolous and impertinent causes The which is incident to those who transported by their passion forget their duty But had it not beene much better to say thus That the Carthaginians do rightfully demaund of the Romanes that they restore vnto them Sardinia and the siluer which for so many yeares they had vniustly drawne from them during their great affaires and if they did it not they will proclaime Warre against them Where as contrariwise it seemes now in leauing the true cause and supposing a false one of the Sagontins they would make it not only without occasion but also with great outrage And although the Embassadours vnderstood well that vppon necessity they must enter into Warre yet they went vnto Carthage where they vsed the like speech It is true the Romanes meant to Transport it into Spaine and not into Italy and to haue Sagont for a Fort. Wherefore in the interim they laboured first to pacifie the Wars of Sclauonia as if they intended to make a Warre that was
into Sycily worthy of blame for that they had receiued the Mamertins into friendship and presently sent forces after in their extreame necessity considering that a little before they had spoiled Messina and Rhegium with great cruelty beeing two of the richest Townes in Sycily But this were to iudge like an ignorant man that in passing into Sycily they had broken their faith and promise After that the Warre of Sycily was ended there was another Accord made whereof this is the Tenor. That the Carthaginians should not onely voide out of Sycily but out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy And the Allies of the one and the other should haue no Rule in neither of their Countries nor should make any Forts nor draw foorth any Souldiers nor make Alliance with either of their Allies and that the Carthaginians should pay thirteene hundred and twenty thousand Crownes within ten yeares Whereof sixe hundred thousand should be presently paied and that moreouer they should deliuer all the Romane Prisoners without ransome Besides all this the Romanes declaring Warre vnto them when they were much troubled and afflicted in Affricke they forced them to make a new Treaty Where it was sayd that the Carthaginians should leaue Sardinia and pay besides the summe agreed vpon seauen hundred thousand Crownes After all these Treaties the last was made in Spaine with Asdrubal where the Carthaginians were forbidden to passe the Riuer of Ebro or Iberus in Armes Behold all the Treaties which the people of Rome and Carthage made from the first Punique Warre vnto the second which the Carthaginians mannaged vnder the Conduct of Hannibal But it is doubtlesse that as wee haue shewed that the Romanes did not breake their faith when they past into Sycily as doth plainly appeare So afterwards they declared Warre against the Carthaginians without reason when as they made the Treaty for Sardinia for truely there can be no reason found therein Contrariwise we see plainely that besides all the agreements the Carthaginians left Sardinia and payed a greater summe of mony being forced by the malice of the time And as for that wherewith the Romanes shelter themselues that they were forced thereunto for that they had outraged their Merchants at Sea This had beene formerly decided when as the Carthaginians deliuered the Prisoners without Ransome These are things whereof we haue spoken when in the precedent Booke we haue related that which was to be said in perticular Let vs now come to the causes of the second Punique War and let vs see which of the two Nations is to be blamed The Carthaginians obiected those causes which we haue related In regard of the Romanes they brought none for the present for the indignation they had for the razing of Sagont Yet behold those which they and others do vsually obiect First there is no comparison betwixt the Treaty which Asdrubal made and that of Luctatius although the Carthaginians will haue it so For it was sayd in that of Luctatius that it should hold good if the people of Rome consent vnto it And as for that of Asdrubal there was no such condition Where it was expresly sayd that the Carthaginians should not passe beyond Ebro And it was sayd in the other that the Allies of either part should liue in peace Vnder which termes were not only comprehended those which then were not Allied For it would haue beene Articulated that the one nor the other should make any new Alliance or that they which should newly enter should not be comprehended whereof there is nothing Written For with that whereof formerly they had giuen order that none of those which should enter newly into Alliance should be wronged Who will beleeue that eyther of these powerful Nations would restraine himselfe from receiuing those he should think good into Alliance or to defend those that were receiued In trueth I conceiue that in making their Treaty their chiefe intent was that their Allies should liue in safety and that it should not be lawful for them to receiue the Allies of the one and the other into alliance and it was prouided that the new alliances might not draw Souldiers out of the others Prouinces nor beare any rule there and that they should all Line in peace Matters standing in these Termes it is manifest that the Sagontins were allied vnto the Romanes long before Hannibal The which is so probable as the Carthaginians cannot deny it For the Sagontins for a mutiny which grew in their Towne sent not vnto the Carthaginians although they were their Neighbours and held the greatest part of Spaine but retired to the Romanes by whose meanes the sedition was pacified and supprest If they say that the razing of Sagont hath beene the cause of this Warre they must likewise confesse that the Carthaginians had no reason to make Warre against the Romanes aswell by the Treaty made with Luctatius wherein it was contained that they should do no outrage vnto the Allies as by that which was made by Asdrubal by the which the Carthaginians were restrained from passing the Riuer of Ebro in Armes Likewise if they will say that the Carthaginians had taken this Warre to heart for Sardinia which had beene taken from them and for the summe of money which they had payed I make no doubt that they were not to bee blamed if attending the opportunity of the time they sought to reuenge Yet I conceiue there wil be some who not duly considering heereof will imagine it idle and to no purpose that I examine these reasons so dilligently For my part I am of opinion that if a man be so well furnished with all things necessary as he needes not any assistance yet the knowledge of things past wil be pleasing vnto him and it may be necessary If likewise any one dare not â—relie vpon this aswell in priuate affaires as publicke considering he is a man and that he knowes well that this present felicity may be lost considering that the Fortune of men is fraile and without continuance Then I say that the knowledge of things past is not onely pleasant but necessary But how may a man finde aide and succours to defend himselfe being wronged in his owne Countrey Or draw all the VVorld vnto his owne opinion making a new enterprize Or assure the hearts of his men when Fortune fauours him if hee haue not a true particular knowledge of the deedes of his Ancestors Beleeue me by this meanes he shal be ready and instructed in present affaires to be able to say and doe things whereby all enterprizes shal be discouered and the Truth vnderstood For things that are done and past are good instructions for those that shal succeed and come after shewing vs the meanes aduise and policies whereby wee may purchase grace helpe and comfort Or contrariwise procure hatred malice or indignation and so mooue to Iustice and reason All which are of great Consequence vnto a man
as they which were lightly armed which had beene sent to succour them met with them that fled they were forced to doe the like being amazed with this new accident and partly broken by them that fled So as the defeate was but of fiue hundred whereas the â—light was of aboue two thousand The Etoliens seeing plainely what they had to doe pursued the Acheins with cries and ioy Who thinking to finde their men in Battaile where they had left them retired to Arate And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest and for their safety But when as they saw them dislodge and to come by files and in disorder then some flying here and there sought for their safety others marching directly to their owne men disordred one another without any Enemy Finally they all flie and saue themselues in the neighbour Townâ—s for Orchomenes and Caphies were not farre off otherwise they had beene all taken or slaine that day Thus the Acheins were defeated neere vnto Caphies The Megalopolitains being aduertised that the Etoliens had planted their Campe neere vnto Methydrie they assembled all with one consent and went to Field three dayes after the Battaile to succour the Acheins but they were forced to bury those with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy And therefore they made a great Ditch wherein they put all the dead Bodies and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Countrey The Etoliens being Victors past through Mroea without feare of danger At what time after they had sought diuers wayes to gaine the Pellenesiens and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens in the end they retired by the streight of the Isthmus These were the cause of the warre of the Allies whereof wee haue formerly spoken whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies and confirmed at Corinthe where they were all assembled for that cause Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto Some few dayes after the Acheins being assembled they blamed Arate both in publique and priuate as if he had beene the cause of this defeat and losse and the Commons were the more inflamed for that the Enemies league made it to seeme greater First it seemed hee had committed a great fault to haue seazed vpon the Magistracie before his time and to haue made enterprizes doing another mans office wherein hee had many times before beene vnfortunate But it seemed hee had done worse dissoluing the Acheins Army the Etolien Commaunders being still in the midst of Morea Thirdly that being ill accompanied he had giuen Battaile without force considering that hee might easily haue retired to the Neighbour Townes vntill the Acheins had made a new head and then giue Battaile if he had thought it fit Finally that hee had carried himselfe so inconsiderately that in leauing the Plaines where without doubt his Men had beene the stronger he had assailed the Enemie in the Mountaines with Souldiers lightly armed whereby the Etoliens could haue no greater aduantage Yet suddainly when as Arate was returned and 〈◊〉 into the assembly and that he began to deliuer the things which he had formerly done for the publique good and had made knowne the causes of the last Defeat and giuen them to vnderstand that he was not the cause thereof as his Enemies had falsly slaundred him and that finally hee would haue craued pardon letting them know that if hee had commited any fault the Acheins should not consider the euent of things so bitterly nor with such rigour but with fauour and mildnesse the opinion of the Commons was suddainly so changed as where before they seem'd to be wonderfully incensed against Arate they sodainly turned their choller against his ill-willers so as from that time they followed the Councell and opinion of Arate These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth Olympiade and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth It was then resolued by the Acheins to send Embassies to the Epirotes Peociens Phocenses Acarnaniens and to Philip King of Macedon to let them vnderstand that the Etoliens had entred twice into Acheia contrary to the former accords and likewise to demaund succours according to the league and moreouer that the Messeniens might bee receiued and that the chiefe of the Acheins might leauie fiue thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse and succour the Messeniens if the Etoliens did reassaile them Finally that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens touching the number of Foote and Horse which they should keepe ready for the common affaires of the league After these things thus resolued the Achiens stomacking the Defeate whereof we haue spoken did not forget the Messeniens affaires nor their resolution The Embassadours execute their charge diligently The chiefe likewise assemble the youth as it had beene decreed and agree with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens that either of them should furnish two thousand fiue hundred Foote and two hundred and fifty Horse to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse The time being come when as the Etoliens were to hold their Diet they assembled the Commons and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens and with other people their neighbours being forced partly by pouerty and partly weakned by the Acheins Allies As for the Acheins they resolued to contract with them if they would leaue the Alliance of the Messeniens But if they would hold it still they were of aduice to make Warre against them which was a most idle and sencelesse thing For being allied to the Acheins aud Messeniens they declared Warre against the Acheins if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens and contrariwise a peace was confirmed if they held them for their Enemies And therefore their villany could not take place by reason of the contrariety of their subtill inuention The Epirotes and Philip hauing heard the Embassadours charge receiued the Messeniens into the league and although they disliked the outrages of the Etoliens yet it seemed they made no great accompt of it for that they had done no new action considering they had beene accustomed to such things Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them Thus sometimes outrages growne old and continued are sooner pardoned then those of new date The Etoliens vsing this course of life in ruining Greece by their incursions and making Warre many times before they declared it did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints Many times also they made no accompt and mockt at those which demanded satisfaction for those things which they had done or would doe And although that the Lacedemonians had beene lately restored to liberty by Antigonus by meanes of the Acheins hauing promised to Philip and the Macedonians not to attempt any thing against them yet they sent an Embassie secretly to the Etoliens and confirmed friendship and alliance with them When as the
it for feare to free themselues from the common calamity and danger of all Greece whereby they were after ruined Neither am â— of the opinion of Pindarus who in his Poefies exhorts the Burgesses that in neglecting all other things they should onely seeke for peace and rest and hauing sought for peace hee defines it to bee the end of rest and a cleare light But when as hee thought to haue spoken with great perswasions soone after hee deliuered a sentence the most scandalous and incommodious thing in the World It is true that peace is a most excellent thing if it bee iust and honest Yet wee may not doe an vnreasonable act nor suffer an infamy to enioy it It is certaine that the Gouernours and chiefe men of Messene hauing a regard to their priuate profits were much inclined to peace which was not reasonable Wherefore as often the times were propitious vnto them according to their desires and sometime dangerous they fell continually into the same inconuenience so as alwayes hauing the same resolution to keepe the peace they many times brought their Countrey into great danger Whereof I conceiue the cause was for that they were Neighbours to two principall Citties of Greece that is to say the Arcadians to whom they had beene alwayes Allies and Friends and the Lacedemonians to whom they had beene continuall Enemies yet they did not openly carry themselues as Enemies to the Lacedemonians or Friends to the Arcadians By this meanes they liued in peace when as the said Citties made war betwixt themselues or with other But when as the Lacedemâ—nians after they had made a peace with their other enemies ran vpon them they were forced to serue them with ignominy or abandon the Countrey with their Wiues and Children to auoide seruitude Considering that they were not able with their owne forces to resist the power of the Lacedemonians nor to defend themselues with the helpe and succor of the Arcadians whose Friendship they were not able to keepe The which hath often happened vnto them of late yeares I pray vnto God if it bee his will that the estate wherein the affaires of Morea now stands may be such as that which wee haue to say may not take place Yet if there happen any alteration I see but one hope for the Messeniens and Megalopolitains to preserue and defend their Countrey if following the sentence of Epaminondas they liue alwayes well vnited and gouerne their Councels and Affaires with one consent whereof they haue ancient testimonies of the truth The Messeniens as Calistines doth report erected a Pillar in the Temple of Iupiter of Lyce in the time of Aristomenes on the which these Verses were ingrauen Time on a wicked King hath vengeance showne The Traytour to the Messaine state Ioue hath made knowne Nor could hee shunne the most reuengefull fate Of Ioue who fauours the Arcadian state You must vnderstand that for as much as they had beene chased from their Countrey they wrote these Verses as meaning to pray vnto the Gods for their second Countrey For the which in my conceit they had good reason For the Arcadians not onely receiued them into their Citty during the Warre of Aristomenes being banished and chased away making them Burgesses and assisting them with Councell and Wealth But they also suffered them to marry their Daughters vnto their Sonnes Moreouer hauing examined the Treason of King Aristocrates they not onely put him cruelly to death but punished all the Race proceeding from so wicked a stocke But leauing the times past let vs come to things of a fresher Date and are happened since this alliance betwixt the two Citties which gaue sufficient testimony of that which we haue spoken You must vnderstand that at what time the Lacedemonians began after that great Victory which the Grecians had neere vnto Mantinea by the death of Epaminondas to enter into hope to make the Messeniens subiect not comprehending them in the accord the Megalopolitains and all the Citties of the league tooke these things so to heart for the Messeniens as presently they receiued them into their Alliance and excluded the Lacedemonians alone of all the Grecians Matters standing in this estate who will not thinke but wee had reason to say that which wee haue formerly spoken Wee haue continued this discourse of the Arcadians and Messeniens at length to the end that remembring the outrages which the Lacedemonians had many times done them they should continue alwayes true and constant in their Faith and Friendship and that for no feare of their affaires nor for any desire of peace they should neuer abandon one another when it concernes their safety But let vs returne now to the discourse where we left The Lacedemonians according to their manner of liuing sent backe the Embassadours of the league without any answere they were so sottish and ouer-weening Wherefore I hold that to bee true which is commonly spoken that ouer-weening doth many times make men mad and drawes them to ruine After all these things when as the new Megistrates were created they which in the beginning made that sedition in the Common-wealth and were the cause of the Murthers before mentioned sent to the Etoliens requiring them to send an Embassie The which when they had easily obtained and that Machate Embassadour for the Etoliens was come to Lacedemon they goe presently to the Gouernours of the Citty telling them that they must assemble the people to heare this Embassie and to create according to the custome of the Countrey and that they must no longer suffer the Empire of the Heraclidis to be lost contrary to the Lawes of the Citty And although the Gouernours were discontented to see the present estate of their affaires yet not able to resist their force fearing also the young men they made answere that as for Kings they would aduise of it afterwards and presently they would assemble the people to heare Machate The assembly being made they caused 〈◊〉 enter who began to perswade them to imbrace the alliance of the Etoliens blaming the Macedonians much without reason and speaking many false things in praise of the Etoliens Hauing ended his speech there was a long debate among the people and their opinions were diuers for some held it fit to follow the Etolien party and to embrace their alliance others were of a contrary opinion insisting that they should preserue the Friendship of the Macedonians Finally after that some Senators were risen and had put them in minde of the benefits of Antigonus and of the Macedonians and of the losse they had in the time of Carixenes and Timee when as the Etoliens entred the Spartains Countrey and put all to fire and sword attempting to surprize the Towne restoring the banished men by force and policy they caused many to change their opinion and in the end the people were perswaded to entertaine their Friendship with Philip and the Macedonians Matters thus
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
which the great Collossus with a great part of the Pipes and Arsenals were ruined they carried themselues so discreetly and wisely as this ruine did not seeme preiudiciall vnto them but very profitable Ignorance and simplicity differs so much from Prudence and Industry not only in a priuate life but also in publique Affaires that ease and plenty seeme to procure losse and preiudice to the one and aduersities excuse the faults and errours of the other The Rhodiens made these things great and ruinous and labouring to sent Embassadours to all places they did so mooue the Citties and likewise Kings as they not onely drew great gifts from them but they had them in such sort as they which gaue them held themselues beholding vnto them Hieron and Gelon did not onely giue them fiue and forty Thousand Crownes to repaire the place ordayned for all Exercises one part to be payed presently and the rest soone after but they also gaue them Caldâ—ons of siluer with their Treuets and pots for water Moreouer sixe thousand Crownes to performe the Sacrifices And others sixe thousand to relieue the Burgesses So as the whole present amounted to threescore thousand Crownes Moreouer all that sail'd to Rhodes were free from Tribute They gaue them likewise fifty Slings or Warlike Engines Finally they aduanced Images in the most eminent places of Rhodes as if they were beholding vnto them where the people of Rhodes were Crowned with that of Sarragosse Ptolomy promised them nine score thousand Crownes A million of Artabes of Wheate which is a measure of Media Timber to make sixe Quinqueremes and ten Triremes and about forty thousand Fathomes of Rope and three thousand Masts and Sailes and to repaire the Collossus nine score thousand Crownes a hundred Architects three hundred and fifty workemen and for their Victuals seauen Thousand and foure hundred Crownes by the yeare Twelue thousand Artabes of Wheate for those which should make the Combats in their Games and Sacrifices And twenty Thousand Artabes for the victualling of ten Triremes Of which things he deliuered the greatest part of them presently with the third part of the money Moreouer Antigonus gaue them Timber from eight vnto fifteene Fathome with fiue thousand plankes aboue twelue foote long and two hundred three score and ten thousand weight of Iron foure score and ten thousand pound weight of Rossine and a thousand bushels of pitch And withall hee promised them three score thousand Crownes ouerplus Chrysea who was a woman gaue them a hundred Thousand Bushels of Wheate with two hundred three score and ten Thousand pound weight of Lead Seleucus father to Antiochus sent them ten Quinqueremes Armed and furnished and that they which fail'd to Rhodes should be free Hee gaue them likewise two hundred Bushels of Corne with Timber and Pitch and ten thousand Fathomes of Cord made with haire and sixe hundred thousand Crownes Prustas and Mithridates did the like So did all the Princes of Asia as Lysannius Olympiquus Lymnius and others Finally wee cannot number the Townes which gaue presents to the Rhodiens euery one according to their power And if any man will obserue the time and the beginning when as this Citty was first Inhabited he will wonder much that in so short a time it is so much augmented both in priuate and Publique But when we consider the Commodity of the place and the great felicity which doth grow from Forreiners and their plentifull reuenew there is no more any cause of admiration Being certaine that this getting of Wealth is made with reason and iudgement We haue thought it fit to relate these things First for the loue of the Rhodiens to the end that their industry and care for the Affaires of their Common-wealth might bee knowne to all the World for in truth they are worthy of commendation and loue Secondly for the auarice of our Kings at this day and the wretchednesse of people and Townes Who when they haue giuen two or three thousand Crownes immagine they haue made a great stately Present and looke for such thankes and honours as were giuen to the Ancient Kings of Greece Or let the Townes remember the great bounty of the ancient presents least they loose those great honours in making such petty giâ—ts and let them striue to preserue their dignity To the end that the people and inhabitants of Greece may differ from other men When in the beginning of Summer Agote being then Chiefe of the Etoliens and the time of Epirates Gouernement ouer the Acheins being expired in my opinion this is the passage where we last turn'd from the Warre of the Allies Lycurgus the Lacedemonian returned from Etolia For the Magistrates called him home as soone as they found the accusation for the which he was banished to be false Hee was then sent to Pyrrhie the Etolian who at that time was Captaine of the Eliences against the Messeniens Arate found the trained men of Acheia ill disciplined and the Townes carelesse of the duties of War For that Epirate who before him had the Gouernment had as wee haue sayd carried himselfe idly and carelesly in all things But when he had acquainted the Acheins therewith and receiued their order he applied himselfe wholy to the preparation of the Warre Their Decree was that they should not leuy lesse then eight thousand Aduenturers and fiue hundred Horse They should also make three thousand Foote Acheins and three hundred Horse Among the which the Megalopolitains should march armed with Targets of Copper to the number of fiue hundred foote and fifty Horse and as many Argiues It was also ordered that they should prepare three Shippes in the Gulfe of Argos and as many neere vnto Patres and Dyme Arate was then carefull to leuy men and to make ready the Army Lycurgus and Pyrrhie after they had appointed a day for their departure tooke their way to Messene Whereof the Chiefe of the Acheins being aduertised hee came to Megalopolis with the Aduenturers and some of those of the Election to succour the Messeniens Lycurgus on the other side entring the Messeniens Countrey tooke the Towne of Calames by Treason And from thence going on his course hee made hast to ioyne with the Etoliens When as Pyrrhie came to Elis ill accompanied to assaile the Messeniens he turned head presently being repuls'd by the Cyparisseins Wherefore Lycurgus tooke his way to Sparta hauing done nothing worthy of memory for that hee could not ioyne with Pyrrhie neyther was hee strong enough to mannage the Warre alone Arate seeing the Enemies frustrated of their hope and thereby fore-seeing the future hee commaunded Taurion to prepare fifty Horse and fiue hundred foote and that the Messeniens should send as many meaning with this force to defend the Megalopolitains Tegeates and Argiues from the incursions of their Enemies For that those Countries lye more in danger of the Lacedemonians during the Warre ioyning vpon the Spartains
day the same Legion wings make the point Then againe they follow behind to the end that all may be partakers of Forrage and water changing their order daily to the end euery one may be first in his turne They obserue another kind of march in dangerous times and in a plaine Champaigne They make three Battalions in equall distance consisting of forked Iauelings Principals and Triarij's putting before the Baggage of those Ensignes which march first After the first those that are second and then doth march the Baggage of the third and they order their Baggage and Ensignes by this proportion alternatiuely Marching in this order if there happens any great affaires they cause the Ensignes to march thorough the Baggage sometimes presenting their Targets sometimes their Iauelings to the Enemy And in one instant and the same march the Souldiers put themselues in order of Battaile vnlesse it be when as your forked Iauelings fetch a compasse For then the Baggage with their attendants stealing behinde the Souldiers recouers some place of safety But when in marching they are neare to plant their Campe the Tribunes and they which are vsually appointed to that charge goe before who after they haue viewed the place fit for the Campe they first marke out the place for the Consuls Tent as hath beene said and vpon what aspect and flanke of the square thus markt out the Legions should bee lodgd Then they measure out a plot for the Pretorium after which a streight line whereupon are ioyned the Tribunes Pauillions Then a line equally distant after which are lodgd the Legions In like manner they measure on the other side of the Pretorium the places whereof we haue lately spoken in particular This is soone done for that the measures are easie the spaces being certaine and ordinary they set downe a marke and first of all that where the Consuls Pauillion must stand Then the second on the side which is chosen The third to the line in the midst to the which the Tribunes set their Tents The fourth where the Legions are lodgd Of which these last are red and the Consuls white As for the other side there they sometimes fasten forked Darts or other markes of diuers colours This done they consequently make the streets At euery one they fasten a forked Dart to the end that all things might be knowne more commodiously to them that approach to the Army and to the view of the Campe by a coniecture and consideration of the Praetors marke Wherefore euery man knowing plainely in what streete and in what part his Tent is for that they alwaies hold one place in the Campe. It falls out in like manner as when an Army enters into its owne Citty which is well knowne Euery man from the Gate turning marcheth presently and comes to his owne lodging without wandring for that all in generall and particular know in what quarter of the City their dwellings are It happens likewise in the Romans Campe wherein they seeme following this custome to take a contrary course to the Grecians in regard thereof The Grecians make great accompt of the strength of a Campe and seeke it principally flying partly the labour of ditching imagining that fortifications made by hand are not so effectuall and good as those of nature wherefore they are forced in Camping wholly to change their formes according to the scituation on of places so as all mens lodgings are vncertaine In regard of the Romans they desire rather to endure the labour of rampring and to doe all other things necessary for their ease and to haue the knowledge of euery one in the Campe. These are the generall parts of the contemplation of an Army and the scituation of a Campe. A Parcell of the Sixt Booke of Potentates and which is the most excellent ALL Historiographers in a manner haue in their writings made great esteeme of the Excellency of these kinde of Common-weales as the Lacedemonians Candiots Mantiniens and Carthaginians Some likewise haue mentioned the Athenians and Thebeins For my part I differ from the rest in regard of the Athenians and Thebeins I doe not hold it needfull to vse many words of them for that they haue had no great increase nor any firme forces neither are they fallen into any moderate alteration But as they seemed to be in vigour and force by a certaine new temporall Fortune so they haue felt a contrary change The Thebeins haue purchased an esteeme of virtue among the Grecians by the fault of the Lacedemonians and the hatred of those which were of their League adding thereunto the excellency of one or two in regard of the afore-sayd things That the virtue of Gouernours and not the estate of the Common weale hath beene the cause of the Thebeins felicity the suddaine following Fortune hath made manifest Their power hath beene augmented and confirmed and againe ruined during the liues of Epaminundas and Pelopidas Wherefore we must conceiue that these Men and not the Common-weale haue beene the cause that the Citty of Thebes hath purchased so much honour whilest it was in esteeme We must likewise for the same reason iudge the like of the Athenians the which hath many times especially by the virtue of Themistocles made it selfe glorious but hath presently tryed a contrary change by the disorder of its nature It hath alwaies happened to the Athenians like vnto ships vnfurnished of Pilots For when the Company resolue to agree and to obey the Gouernour of the ship either for feare of Enemies or for the danger of a storme they performe their duties cheerefully But when through arrogancy they begin to disdaine their Gouernours and to mutine for that the same things doe not please all men so as some haue a will to faile others to force the Pilot to goe to harbour and that some lay hold of the Oares and call vpon him to set saile this causeth an infamous spectacle to those which behold it by reason of the mutuall discord and mutiny The humour of those which are Companions in the Nauigation hath no stay wherefore flying many times the great depth of the Sea and great stormes which doe vsually arise they saile along the shore The like hath often happened to the Athenians For as they haue some times repell'd by the virtue of their people and Commanders great and greiuous calamities yet they haue err'd wonderfully by their great rashnesse and indiscretion hauing a prosperous gale and all things successefull Wherefore it is not needfull to hold any longer discourse neither of it nor of the Thebeins where the Commons attempt all things according to their owne humours the first being brutish and rude and this other accustomed to violence and fury Comming then to that of the Candyotts it is fit to know two things why the most learned among the ancient writers as Ephorus Xenophon Callisthenes and Plato say first that it is like and the same with that of the Lacedemonians and
secondly that it is commendable For neither of them seemes true in my opinion The which may bee conceiued by that which followeth shewing first that it differs they say that the Lacedemonians haue this proper that it is not lawfull for one man to haue more land then another being necessary for euery Burgesse to haue an equall portion of lands in the Cittie Secondly that hee is to bee amerced as a wicked man that hath greater possessions then the rest By this meanes ambition is wholly or in part rooted out of this Common-weale Thirdly their Kings enioy the Crowne for euer and they only for life whom they call ancients By whom and with whom all the affaires of the Common-weale are mannaged In regard of the Candiots all the things are gouerned by contrary meanes For the Lawes allow them to possesse what Lands they can get by this meanes Excellency is in esteeme amongst them so as the possession of Lands is not onely held necessary but also most honest Finally the desire of infamous and auaritious gaine is so powerfull amongst them that among all mortall men onely the Candiots find no kind of gaine worthy of blame Although that in that which concernes their principality they haue an Annall and Democraticall gouernment so as we are in doubt and wonder often how Writers haue deliuered them vnto vs to be familiar and as it were Germaines seeing they haue so contrary a Nature Neither haue they without doting ordained so many differences not lightly but with a great shew of words saying that onely Licurgus among the Ancients had aim'd at firme and solid things And that as there are two meanes for the preseruation of euery Common-weale which are force against the Enemy and mutuall concord and agreement among themselues that in chasing auatice hee had withall taken away all ciuill discord and mutinie and that by this meanes the Lacedemonians being freed from these mischiefes haue better then any other Grecians gouerned their Common-weale and with greater vnion And although the Candyotts bee of this aduice parralelling themselues Yet they thinke it concernes them nothing liuing in many publique mutinies murthers and ciuill warre by their naturall auarice presuming to say that these two Gouernments are alike Ephorus speaking of these two Common-weales vseth the like speech except their names If any one doth not obserue the propper names who can discerne whereof hee speakes These are the causes for the which in my opinion they differ Wee will now shew the reasons for the which the Candyotts Common-wealth doth not seeme commendable nor worthy to be immitated I conceiue that of euery Common-wealth their are two Principles for the which their estate and power is desired or detested Which are their manner of liuing and their Lawes That is to bee desired and the best by the which the life of men in priuate is made religious and honest and the common course of liuing in the City gracious and iust Finally that is to be detested and auoyded where they doe the contrary And as we iudge confidently that the men of a Common-wealth apply themselues to virtue when we see their course of life and the lawes to sauour of honesty in some of them So we may with reason say that a Common-weale is altogether depraued aswell by the lawes as by their course of liuing when we see any giuen to couetousnesse and the publike Arts vniust Moreouer you shall not finde any liues in priuate more cunning and crafty nor enterprizes more vniust then among the Candiotts except some few Whereof we approue it by this comparison the reason why we hold their Common-wealth not to be like the Lacedemonians nor to be chosen or worthy to be followed I say moreouer that Platoes Common-weale is not to be preferr'd Although that some of our Philosophers make great esteeme As we doe not receiue among handicraftsmen nor wrestlers those which haue not excercised their bodies nor beene accustomed to wrestling So we may not receiue this So as compared with the former we may not bring it in compedition before wee see some effects I will for the present onely propound this If wee must esteeme and parralell it to the Common-weales of Lacedemon Rome and Carthage it were euen as if a man should propound an Image to be compared with men that are liuing and animated For although he deserues commendation of his Art yet the comparison of things which be dead with the liuing seeme to the eye poore and obscure Leauing them therefore let vs returne to the Lacedemonian Common-weale Licurgus without doubt seemes to haue made the law and well prouided that the Burgesses might agree together for the preseruation of Lacedemon and the maintenance of their liberty So as his consideration seemes more diuine then humane An equality of possessions with a simple and common course of liuing should cause a modest life in priuate and make a City quiet and peaceable Finally exercise in labour and to indure all toyle was to make men strong and valiant Being certaine that these two which are magnanimity and temperance concurring together in a priuate person or a City malice can hardly creepe in amongst them or be drawne from their neighbours By these meanes the Common-wealth being setled it hath procured safety to all the Country of Lacedemon and a very durable liberty But as for that which concernes the conquest and principallity ouer their neighbours and finally the enterprize of a warre it seemes he neuer thought of it but onely that they should bring in a certaine friendship or resolution by the which the common course of liuing of the City should rest contented with their moderate estate euen as their liues in priuate were modest and contented with their choise And although hee had instituted in such sort as they were freed from ambition and were very wise aswell in priuate as in the common course of their liuing in the City yet he hath left them towards the other Grecians more then ambitious and of an insatiable desire to raigne with an extreame auarice So as it is partly notorious that first in a manner among the Grecians greedily desiring the countries of their neighbours they made warre against the Messeniens to draw them into subiection It is also partly manifest that they had obstinately sworne amongst themselues not to raise the siege before they had forc't the City of the Messeniens It is also notorious that for the great desire they had to rule ouer the Grecians they had againe submitted themselues to the yoake of those whom they had vanquished in battaile So as they had patiently obeyed their commandements They had vanquished the Persians making a discent in fighting for the preseruation of the Grecian liberty to whom notwithstanding being returned and fled they haue deliuered the Greeke Townes which were restored according to the peace made by Antalcides to the end that hauing money they might fortifie themselues against the Grecians
vs except the Kings and Nations with whom we are in league Moreouer we will adde or diminish what we shall thinke good of this accord sworne by a common consent During these things Philip taking the Bowels of the Sacrifices the which according to the custome were brought vnto him and bending himselfe a little he presented them to Arate demanding of him what those Sacrifices signified and whether they would abandon that Fort or keepe it still Then Demetrius as the most aged said If thou hast the iudgment of a Soothsayer we wil leaue it suddainly but if the vnderstandiug of a warlike King we will keepe it And not to abandon it thou shalt consider of another necessary occasion For by this meanes in laying hold of the Oxes hornes thou shalt haue it wholy in thy subiection By the hornes he meant Isthomate and the Acrocorinthe and by the Oxe Morea Then Philip returning to Arate art thou of this aduice And when as Arate spake nothing he intreated him to deliuer his opinion who after he had considered thereon answered thou mayst keepe it if thou canst prouide in such sort that the accord with the Atheniens may not be infring'd If in taking it thou puts a Garrison thou shalt loose all the Fort and the Garrison it selfe meaning his fayth which thou hast receiued from Antigonus in giuing the Guards to the Allies Consider whether it be now better that in putting me forth thou loosest this fidelity and that by this meanes thou setlest Garrisons ouer the Messeniens and other Allies But Philip had a great desire to breake the accord the which his following actions made manifest And when hee had a little before beene sharpely reprehended by yong Arate for the defeate of some men and that the elder hauing spoke freely and with authority had intreated him not to giue an easie eare to such speeches as should be vsed vnto him shame restrained him and taking his right hand well sayd he let vs follow the same course In regard of the City of the Sardins there were continually combats and dangerous encounters For the souldiers of eyther side studied day and night to frustrate one anothers pollicies by new inuentions to write all which in particular would be no lesse vnprofitable then tedious And when as the siege had continued full two yeeres Lagoras of Candy a man well experienced in the art of warre hauing considered with himselfe that many times strong Cities fall easily into the Enemies hands by the negligence of the inhabitants who relying vpon their fortifications made as well by nature as art assure themselues and grow idle And knowing likewise how they are accustomed to set guards in strong places which might make heads against the Enemies attemps Seeing likewise according to his conceit the despaire of them all that they should not be able to take the Sardins Fort by this meanes and that want of victuals and munition remained for their last hope to take it The more he considers thereon and studies by what meanes he might finde some occasion to surprize the City And when as afterwards hee found that the courting of the place which they call Serie it is that which ioynes the City with the Fort was without guard it happened that according to his hope and opinion he discouered the negligence of the guard by his presumption This place was very rough and steepe hauing a valley neere vnto it into the which they of the City cast their dead carrion Whither reforted a great number of vulture and other rauening Birds When this man saw that these Birds after they were full gorg'd pearch daily vpon the top of the valley and on the wall he knew thereby that of necessity this courtine was abandoned and for the most part without guard Then approaching wisely in the night hee sought meanes to get vp And when he found that in a certaine place of the valley they might ascend he aduertised the King Who conceiuing a good hope perswaded Lagoras to continue his enterprize promising to doe what possibly hee could Lagoras intreats the King to giue him for companions Theodote the Etolien and Denis Captaine of his guard and that hee would command them to beare him company to lay this Ambush For they seemed to bee able men and sufficient for this enterprize And when the King had satisfyed his demand they agree together and by a common consent make choyse of a night when as part of the morning had no moone-light After which the day before at Sunne-setting they make choyce of fifteene strong and resolute men to mount vp the ladders with them and to gaine the wall who in this hardy enterprize should be their companions Then they chose thirty other to lye a little distant of in Ambush to the end that when they had recouered the wall they should fall vpon the next gate and striue to breake the hinges and ioynts and the others within the barres and lockes They also appoynt two thousand men in the reare of these who entring with them should recouer the place of the Theater The which was made so conueniently as it was opposite to the approaches of those of the Forts and those of the City Moreouer to auoyd the suspition of the truth in regard of the choyse of these men he gaue order that the Etoliens should giue an assault vnto the City by a certaine valley And therefore it was needfull that these should second them according to a signe which should be giuen them When as all things were ready and the Moone growne darke they which were Lagoras taking the ladders approacht closely to the top of the valley and hid themselues vnder the rocke When at the breake of day they had relieued the watch which was on that side and the King had sent as of custome others to second them and had appoynted a good number for a place where they runne their horses no man suspected any thing of the enterprize But when as the two ladders were set vp against the wall where Denis on the one and Lagoras on the other mounted first vnto the top their grew a great noyse and alteration in the Campe. It so fell out that they which mounted the ladders could not be discouered by them of the City nor by the rest which were in the Fort vnder Acheus by reason of the Rocke which aduanced ouer the valley But their courage which ascended the wall and assailed the City was apparant to the Army Wherefore some wondred at there incredible resolution others foreseeing the future and fearing remained partly amazed and partly ioyfull Wherefore the King seeing the alteration in his Campe desiring also to diuert this fancie as well from his owne men as from those of the City he led forth his Army and besieged the two Gates which they call Persides On the other side Acheus seeing the Enemies alteration more then of custome was in great doubt being ignorant of the present cause
to obserue the generall disposition of things For how is it possible that he which doth barely read the Exploits of Sycily and Spaine can know or conceiue the greatnesse and continuance of Actions nor in what sort or forme of a Common-weale Fortune hath brought it to an end The which is very admirable to vs for that all the Countries of the World which are come to the knowledge of men are subiect to one Empire and Power the which hath not formerly beene It is true that it is not impossible to vnderstand in some sort by perticular Histories how the Romans haue Conquered Sycily and Spaine But it is a difficult thing to know in what sort they haue attained to this Vniuersall power and Commaund Nor to what vse perticular Actions haue serued to their generall Enterprize nor with what succours nor at what time they haue attempted it without a full and generall History of the proceedings neither will it be easie for the same causes to consider the greatnesse of Actions nor the power of this Common-weale For in that the Romans haue Conquered Sycily and Spaine and haue made Warre there both by Sea and Land it is no wonder if one man deliuer it in perticular But if we consider that when these things hapned this powerfull Common-wealth had ended many others and at the same time and how it was effected and with what calamities and Warre they were afflicted in their owne Region which performed these Exploits at that time finally their deedes wil be held glorious and admirable and then the knowledge of these things will square well This Discourse shal bee directed vnto those who by perticular Commentaries thinke they are able to attaine vnto the knowledge of a generall History Marcus furnished with an Army of threescore Quinqueremes sailed to Achrandine either of which were armed with men carrying Bowes Slings and Darts to repulse those which should defend the Forts Hee had also eight Quinqueremes furnished with Pallisadoes aswell on the right as left side with the which being ioyned together with two thin inclosures they approacht vnto the Wall by meanes of the Pallisado set without the inclosure and they call them Sambuques The manner of ordring the same Engines was in this sort They had within the Ship a Ladder of foure foote broad to the end that at the Descent it might come to the top of the Wall Vppon the sides thereof they made stayes and armed them with a couering for defence setting them crosse the inclosures which kept the Shippes vnited together so as they did passe much beyond the Prow or fore-part of the Shippe There were pullies fastned with Cords to the top of the Masts and when as necessity required they drew those which were at the poope or hinder part by the pulleys with Cords tyed to the top of the ladder The others which were at the Prowe assured the Engine with stayes and finally they approacht it to the wall drawing neare to Land by the nauigation of the ships which was done by the meanes of two Pallisadoes which are placed without On the top of the ladder there was a planke which couered three superficies with Persian Targets to the which foure Souldiers mounted and fought against those which from the Forts sought to hinder the approach of the Sambuques When by the ioyning of the ladder they haue gained the wall in disarming the sides of their Targets they mount to the Forts or Towers The rest follow them by the Sambuques by meanes of the transport of the ladder from Vessell to Vessell by ropes Finally this Engine was not vnfitly so called For being finished and set vp the figure of the ship and ladder reduced into one make it like vnto a Sambuque They imagined to come close vnto the Wall with this Engine But Archimides hauing made prouision of Engines fit for all distances troubled them at Sea much and thrust them into despaire annoying them a farre off with casting Engines which were strong and great But if they went beyond them he vsed lesser Engines according to the distance which disappointed and hindred their Enterprize and nauigation vntill that Marcus being much perplexed was forced to make his approaches couertly in the Night When they had recouered Land and were out of the Battery he made another kind of Engine against those which were to fight by Sea For hee made many holes in the Wall without the height of a man and of the bignesse of a mans hand where hee appointed within casters of Darts and of Engines to repulse making by the meanes thereof the Enemies attempts in their mounting vnprofitable By this meanes he not onely repuls'd them farre off and preuented their attempts neare but also slew many of them And whereas they made vse of their Sambuques he likewise set vp Engines to pull them ouer the Wall and kept them alwaies hidden vntill necessity required setting them vpon the Walles within to passe forth and fall vpon the sayle-yards some of them cast Stones or Lead of twelue hundred waight And when as the Sambuques approach sometimes in turning they cast from the top of the Engines with a Tower Stones against them as necessity required So as not onely the Sambuque hath beene broken but also the Vessel and all they that were within it in great danger Againe some Engines cast lesser Stones vpon the Enemy comming to the assault couered with Targets to the end they might not bee annoyed with the Darts and other Weapons which they cast from the Wall that they which fought in the Prowe might bee repuls'd They likewise let downe a hand of Iron tyed to a Chayne the which laying hold of him which gouerned the toppe drew the Prowe within the Walles with the tayle of the Engine And if at any time in raysing the Prowe hee set the Shippe vppon its Poope hee held it firme and vnmoueable by his instrument then by a kind of fauour he let slip the hand and the chaine by the Engine By this meanes some fell vpon their sides others were ouerthrowne a great part of them the Prow falling from the top to the bottome were drowned with great confusion Marcus discontented with Archimides repulses seeing likewise his men preuented in their attempts to his preiudice and disgrace sayd although hee were grieued with his misfortune in scoffing at the deeds of Archimides that he vsed his ships as they doe pots to draw water out of the Sea and that being battred and beaten they were as disloyall fallen infamously This was the eud of the Siege at Sea In regard of those which were with Appius they ceased from their attempts hauing endured the like affronts and losses For although they were a good distance from the Wall yet they were hurt and slaine with their casting of Stones and Darts In truth the Art the number and the effect of all manner of Engines whereof King Hieron had made good prouision was admirable the which Archimides had
hee could in reason being vanquished by the wickednesse of those which assured him lost his life seruing for a profitable Example to posterity for two causes First that no man should relye simply vpon any And next that no man should mistake himselfe for his good Fortune but be prepared for all accidents which may happen to man And therefore in the beginning they goe forth as it were to take some spoiles and come by night to the Carthaginians Campe Others held the close way staying at a certaine place full of Woods But Philimene and Nicon approacht the Campe Whom the Watch led Prisoners to Hannibal they neuer discouering of whence nor what they were making onely a signe that they would speake with the Generall Being then brought vnto Hannibal they told him that they would speake with him in secret Who giuing them Audience with great affection they excuse themselues and their Countrey accusing the Romans in many sorts to the end they should not seeme to be come forth about this businesse without cause Wherefore Hannibal commended them much and entertained them curteously Finally hee sent them backe to returne speedily to conferre with him ordering for the present that these men should be let go when they were out of the Campe and in the meane time he would consider what should be most safe This he did to haue conference with these young men and to inquire of their affaires And to the end they should keepe their credit with the Cittizens as if by the Captaines leaue they had made incursions for spoile When as Nicon had Executed his Charge Hannibal was very well satisfied and ioyfull For that he might haue meanes to effect his Enterprize which was then difficult Philâ—mene on the other side affâ—cted the businesse propounded for that they had giuen him a safe accesse to speake and he had found Hannibal very attentiue promising him to giue store of Victuals to the Cittizens Then they not onely got credite with the Tarentins but moreouer they had a good Traine aswell for the accord made as for the Victuals whereof they had sufficient Afterwards making a second incursion and putting euery thing in Execution they assured Hannibal and were likewise assured by him that is to say that the Carthaginians should leaue the Tarentinâ— in their Liberty not oppressing them with any Subside or Tribute nor with any other impost Being also lawfull for them after they had Conquered the Citty to ruine the Romans Houses Finally they agreed that when they should come vnto the Campe the Watch should presently take them Which things being concluded they had power to come and speake often with Hannibal parting from the Citty sometimes to get spoyle and sometimes to Hunt These things being thus agreed vpon for the future most of them had a care of the occasion In regard of Philimâ—ne they appointed him for Hunting For as he was much inclined to it they thought he could do no other thing but to attend it Wherefore they gaue him this Charge to the end he might take wild beasts first to winne Caius Lybius Gouernour of the Citty and afterwards those which kept the Gates which are called Tâ—menides Imbracing this Commission he tooke some Beasts in Hunting others were prepared for him by Hannibal For his part hee continually brought 〈◊〉 prize whereof he shared part to Caius and to the Guards of the gates to the end they might speedily open the Gate called Rhinopile He entred and went forth often in the night by this Gate vnder colour of feare of the Enemy but in the meane time hee made vse of it for his Enterprize When Philimene had obtained this course with the Guards so as without suspition approaching to the Wall if he whistled they opened vnto him the Gate Rhinopile And withall obseruing that the Roman Gouernour of the Gate should be on a certaine day with great Company at Musea neere the Market place they appointed that day to Hannibal He had long before inuented this fiction as if hee were sicke to the end the Romans should not hold it strange that he staied so long there and then he feined himselfe to be more sicke Hee had not beene in the Campe for the space of three daies vpon the approaches of Tarentum The day being come he makes choise of a thousand of the ablest and resolutest men both Horse and Foote to whom he giues charge to carry Victuals for foure dayes Finally hee marcht speedily remoouing his Campe at the breake of day He gaue commaund to foureâ—score Numidian Horses to marcht thirty Furlongs before the Campe and that they should run of eyther side of the Country to the end that no man might discouer the whole Campe but taking some of them that fled the rest which escaped might aduertise the Citty of the Numidians courses When as the Numidians were about twenty Furlongs off they set downe to Supper neere vnto a certaine Riuer in a Rocke which was not easie to discouer Then Hannibal drawing the Captaines together he discouers his Enterprize vnto them and perswades them that first of all they should carry themselues like braue men for that there were neuer such great rewards propounded vnto them And that secondly euery man should keepe his Souldiers in obedience during the Voyage and punish those seuerely that should abandon their places thorough Disobedience Finally they should haue a care of those things which should bee Commaunded and that they should not attempt any thing of their owne fancy contrary to his Commandement This Speech being deliuered in the presence of the Captaines he marcht being yet night meaning to come vnto the Walls about mid-night Hee had Philimene for his Guide to whom hee gaue Synagrie for a Companion in that same Action VVhen as Calus Lybius with his Company were in the day time at Musea according to the conception of the Youth they aduertised him that the Numidians ouer-ran the Country towards the West when as their desire of drinking increased Yet thinking to stay them hee called for the Captaines giuing them charge to go forth at the breake of day with halfe the Horse-men and repulse the Enemy which spoythe Countrey This was all the conceite he had of the businesse As for those which kept Company with Nicon and Tragisque assembling suddainly within the Citty they looked for the returne of Caius And being suddainly ready for that they had drunke in the day time some retiring to certaine places stayed there Others among the Youth go to meete Caius sporting and playing among themselues making shewe to bring them backe which should be found at the Banquet and moreouer as it were transported by reason of the Drunkennesse of Lybius Company as soone as they met they fell to laughter and immoderate sport of either side then turning head they Conducted Caius vnto his House He layd him downe to rest as a man soundly drunke after the manner of those which drinke daily hauing
Panegyre and practised the cruelty of Sytheans and Gallatians or Gaules so as nothing hath beene done by the Successours And when you could not excuse them you holde it a glory that you haue broken the attempts of the Barbarians falling vpon Delphos Saying moreouer that for this cause the Grecians ought to giue you thankes And if they must acknowledge this commodity from the Etoliens what honour do not the Macedonians deserue who imploy the greatest part of their liues continually to maintaine the safety of the Grecians against the Barbarians What is hee that doeth not know that the Grecians haue beene continually subiect to great dangers if the Macedonians and the bounty of their Kings had not serued them for a Rampire VVhereof behold a great Argument For when as the Gaules disdaining the Macedonians had vanquished Ptolomy sirnamed Ceraune they came presently into Greece with Brennus Army The which had often happened if the Macedonians had not had the charge And although I could holde a long Discourse of ancient deedes yet I thinke these presents will suffice But for that which among other things Philip hath done hee turnes to cruelty the ruine of the Temple But hee doth not adde their outrage and insolency which they haue committed in the Temples and Oratories of the Gods which are in Die and Dodone the which hee should haue spoken first You relate the wrongs and miseries you haue indured and make a greater shew then is needfull passing ouer in silence those which you haue formerly committed in great numbers For you know that euery outrage and wrong that is done is by all men reiected vpon those who haue first done the wrong vniustly As for the deedes of Antigonus I will onely make mention to the end his Actions may not seeme to you worthy of contempt neither must you lightly regard a deede of great esteeme I doe not thinke there were euer so great a benefit seene as that which hee hath imparted vnto you It seemes vnto me so excellent as there cannot be a greater The which may appeare by this Antigonus made Warre against you then in giuing you Battaile he vanquished you by Armes Hee was in the end Lord of the Country and Citty hee might by the Law of Armes haue intreated you roughly But hee was so far from offering you any outrage as beside other Benefits he hath chasing the Tyrant restored your Lawes and proper rights For which Fact ordaining a Testimony to the Grecians by publicke praises you haue called him Antigonus your Benefactor and Sauiour VVhat should you then doe I will tell you seeing there is hope of your good Audience The which I will doe and not without reason not to charge you with reproaches but for that the quallity of matters forceth mee to speake that which is necessary in publicke VVhat shall I then say That in the former VVarre you should haue imbraced the League of the Macedonians and not of the Etoliens And that at this day you should rather revnite your selues with Philip seeing hee calls you then with them You answere that in doing so you shall breake your Accords But tell me if you shall commit a greater mischiefe in leauing the Accord which you haue made in particular with the Etoliens then in Transgressing those which concerning all the Grecians are grauen and Consecrated vpon a Pillar Why doe you so superstitiously flie the disdaine of those from whom you neuer receiued any benefit And beare no respect to Philip nor to the Macedonians from whom you haue the power to hold this Councell Thinke you that right and equitie ought to bee preserued to Friends Yet the Sanctitie is not so great to obserue the Faith reduced in Writings as the sinne is prophane and execrable in bearing Hatred and making Warre against a publicke body What the Etoliens require now of you But we haue spoken enough of this Subiect the which would be held by the Enuious not to concerne the present businesse I returne therefore to the Continuation and Discourse of the cause which consists in this If the Affaires be at this day a like as when you made an Alliance of Warre with them the election of things propounded in the beginning must remaine in you If they be altogether changed it is fit you should consider iudiciously vpon that which they require I demand of you Cleonice and Chlenee what allies had you when as you called these men to a Common warre Had you all the Grecians With whom at this day haue you communication of your hope Or to what league doe you inuite these men Is it not of Barbarians Thinke you this present warre is like vnto the precedent and not different You contended then with the Acheins and your kinsmen the Macedonians and with Philip for principality and glory And now the warre is made by strangers against Greece for its seruitude whom you thinke to draw against Philip. Are you ignorant that their forces are call'd in against your selues and all Greece Like vnto those which during a warre retire into their City a greater Garrison then their owne forces for their owne safety make themselues subiect to their friends as soone as they are freed from the feare of their Enemy The Etoliens thinke the same at this day Whilst they desire to vanquish Philip and to humble the Macedonians they doe not obserue how they blind themselues with a westerne fogge the which happily may bring some darknesse to the Macedonians and in the end be the cause of great miseries to all the Grecians It is therefore necessary for all Greece to prouide for the threatnings of this time and especially for the Macedonians Otherwise what cause thinke you my Masters of Lacedemon had your Ancestours when as Xerxes demanded by an Embassadour which he sent vnto you Water and Earth they cast him that was sent into a Well and cast Earth vppon him Then taking him out againe they gaue him charge to tell Xerxes that hee had Water and Earth in Lacedemon Moreouer for what reason did the Company which was slaine with Leonides cast themselues vppon the Enemy in view of all the World Was it not to the end they might see them vndergoe the danger not only for their owne liberty but also for the rest of Greece Consider now if it be decent and fitting for their posterity to take Armes and to make VVarre with the Barbarians in allying themselues with them against the Epirotes Acheins Acarnanians Beocians Thessaliens and in a manner against all the Grecians holding nothing infamous so as it were profitable VVhat must they attend that doe such vnlawfull things As the Romans haue beene vnited to them so the others haue endeauoured hauing the said comfort and aide from the Sclauonians to make the war by Sea and to breake the Accord at Pyles And haue by Land besieged the Citty of the Clitoriens ruining that of the Cynetheins It is true they first made an Accord with Antigonus in
regard of the Acheins and Acarnanians But at this day they are Confederate with the Romans against Greece in generall These things vnderstood who doth not suspect the comming of the Romans and detest the sottishnesse of the Etoliens who presumed to enter into such a League They spoile the Vines and the Iland of Acarnania and haue already taken the Cittie of the Tallaneins and Anticyra which they with the Romans haue ruined who carry away their VViues and Children suffring as it seemes the common accidents of those which fall into the hands of strangers in regard of the soile of these miserable people the Etoliens enioy it It were without doubt a very honest and pleasing thing that the Lacedemonians should imbrace this League who would haue the Thebeins alone among the Grecians liue in peace when the Persians descended and haue resolued to make vowes vnto the Gods to vanquish the Barbarians Your dutie and Honor my Masters of Lacedemon depends thereon to the ende that hauing recourse vnto your Ancestors and fearing the comming of the Romans and suspecting the bad intent of the Etoliens and putting you in minde of the deedes of Antigonus you may detest the League of the wicked and flie the amitie of the Etoliens allying your selues by a common hope with the Acheins and Macedonians And if some of the chiefe yeild not vnto it at the least budge not neither make your selues Companions of their Outrages It is true that affection to friends is very profitable if it bee commodiously made But if it be forced and finally slow and defectiue it hath no comfort and therefore you must obserue if onely in words or else in actions they will keepe their League with you A parcell of the Riuer of Euphrates Evphrates takes its sourse and beginning in Armenia running its course by Syria drawing towards Babylon and falls as it seemes into the Red Sea whereof the signe is It looseth it selfe in hollow places vnder ground made in that Region before it falls into the Sea VVherefore it hath a different nature to other Riuers The course of others augment as they passe by many places and are very high in VVinter and low in Summer But Euphrates growes very high at the rising of the Canicular especially in Syria and continuing its course decreaseth The cause is for that it is not augmented by the concurrence of the winter raine but by the melting of the Snow It decreaseth likewise for that it extends vpon the plaine and is dispersed for the watring of the Land Then the transport of Armies is slowly made for that the shippes stay in regard of the burthen the Riuer beeing low and finally the swift course of the water is some hinderance vnto the Nauigation A PARCELL OF the Tenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS AS from thence vnto the Sea and from the Citty of Rhegium vnto Tarentum there be aboue two Thousand Furlongs yet the Coast of Italy hath no Ports except those which are at Tarentum That Coast turnes to the Sicylian Sea and bends towards Greece It is much peopled with Barbarians So there are very famous Grecian Citties For the Brucians Lucain and some Countries of the Samnites and moreouer the Calabriens and many other nations inhabite this Country Euen as among the Grecians lies Rhegium Caulone Locres and Croton Moreouer the Metapontins and Thurins possesse this Maritine Region And therefore they which come from Sycily and Greece are when as they saile vnto any of the said places by necessity carried to the Ports of Tarentum And are forced to Traffique with their Merchandizes in that Cittie with all the inhabitants of that Coast. Some happily may coniecture that the Commoditie of this place proceedes from the abundance and fertillitie of the Crotoniates And although they haue some Summer stations of small reuenew yet it seemes they will challenge to themselues a great fertillitie and from no other thing but from the fruitefulnesse of the place which is not to bee compared to the Ports and Region of the Tarentins There is also a Commoditie from this place to the Adriaticke Ports at this day great but in former times greater All they which sailed from high Pouille vnto Sipuntes in Front and were carried into Italy landed at Tarentum and made vse of this City for their Commerce and Trafficke as in affaires Then the City of the Brâ—tensins was not yet built Wherefore Fabius much esteeming this abode was addicted vnto it leauing all other things All others hold him for a very fortunate man and that many times and for the most part he ended his Enterprizes without reason and accidentally holding this kinde of men to bee more diuine and admirable then those which attempt all things by a discourse of reason Being ignorant withall that by these words the actions of the one are worthy of Commendations and those of the other happy and fortunate Moreouer the one is common vnto the people But the other is proper to wise and iudicious men whom we must hold diuine and beloued of the Gods For my part Fabius seemes to me to haue a Nature and disposition like vnto Lycurgus the Law-giuer of the Lacedemonians We must not thinke that Lycurgus had beene so superstitious as obeying Pitheas he had established the Lacedemonian Common-wealth Nor likewise Publius Scipio moued with Dreames and Diuinations had purchased so great a power in the Countrey But for that the one and the other saw many men not greatly to affect doubtfull affaires not likewise to presume to vndertake matters that were graue and dangerous without the hope of the Gods For this cause Lycurgus making vse of the same drawne from Pytheas in his opinion hee made them more pleasing and certaine Publius Scipio in like manner had made an impression in many of a conceite of him that hee executed his Enterprizes by a certaine Diuine Councell By this meanes he made his men more assured and willing to attempt difficult things That he hath brought euery thing to an end by sufficient reason and wisedome and that for this cause all his actions haue had an end concurret to reason will appeare manifest and plaine by the Discourse which I shall hold concerning him It is certaine he was bountifull and generous But as for his industry sobriety and vigilancy in his resolutions no man can conceiue them but such as haue liued with him and haue exactly searcht the depth of his disposition amongst the which was Lelyus who had beene his Companion from his Infancy in all his actions and discourses vnto his Death for that hee seemes to speake likely things and conformable to his actions First hee reports this Noble deede of Publius when as his Father had resolued to fight with Hannibal neare vnto the Riuer of Poe. For at that time being as it seemes but seuenteene yeares old going into the Field hee had receiued from his Father a Troupe of the best and strongest men for
his defence and guard And when he saw his Father in danger and enuironed by the Enemy accompanied onely with two or three Horse hauining receiued a dangerous wound he began at the first to encourage his company to succour his Father But when they wauered for the great multitude of the Enemies hee cast himselfe desperafely as it seemes and charged them couragiously Afterwards when the rest were forced to fight the Enemies amazed with feare ceas'd the Combare Old Publius being thus preserued contrary to all hope hee was the first who in hearing of them all called him his Sauiour When by this action the fame of his prowesse and dexterity began he afterwards ingag'd himselfe in greater dangers whensoeuer the supreame hope of the Countrey required it by necessity This was not with a courage relying in Fortime but of a iudicious Captaine Afterwards Lucius his elder Brother aspiring to the Dignity of Edile the which among the Romans was the Noblest command of the Youth and that by custome they made choise of two Ediles among the Paricij and that there were many at that time which aim'd at it he was long before he durst demand it of his Brother When the Election grew neare and that he had made a coniecture by the humour of the multiude that his Brother would hardly obtaine it seeing himselfe on the other side in great fauour with the people and might attaine vnto his attempt if with their consent he vndertooke the cause he fell into this conceit When he saw his Mother visite the Temples and sacrifice vnto the Gods for his Brother and that she entertained a great hope of the future which she had in singular recommendation and that his Father being then Commander of the Army in the sayd War had sayled into Spaine he told his Mother that hee had one dreame twice and that it seemed vnto him that he returned being made Edile with his Brother from the place to goe vnto their house And that running vnto the doore shee had saluted them with imbracings When hee had ended this Speech the Mother being very passionate with an effeminate affection and answering I know not what shee added Oh that I might see that Day will you saies he that wee make a tryall Whereunto consenting for that she did not thinke he would dare to attempt so great a matter considering that he was very young shee required as it were in sport that he should presently prouide him a long Cloake For they which stand for gouernment are accustomed to be so attired In regard of his Mother shee had no eonfidence in his words Publius when he had this braue Robe went suddainly to the place his Mother being yet asleepe When the Multitude had receiued him with amazement as well for this nouelty contrary to all hope as for the loue and affection they had formerly borne him and afterwards drawing to the place appointed he was neare vnto his Brother many adiudg'd this gouernment not onely to Publius but also to his Brother for the loue of him and being both of them created Ediles in this manner they returned to their house When the Mother had receiued the newes she ran vnto the Gate and with affection and loue saluted them Wherefore although that Publius disdained Dreames yet it seemed by this action to all those which haue heard speake of it that he had speech with the Gods not only sleeping but much more in the day waking But for that he was bountifull and pleasing in his words and had well obserued the affection of the Commons towards him and had accommodated the time to the people and his Mother hee not onely perfected his Enterprize but also seemed to haue dispatcht in by some Diuine inspirarinn They without doubt which cannot duely consider the occasions nor the causes and dispositions of euery thing by the vice of Nature or ignorance and dulnesse referre vnto the Gods and Fortune the causes of things which are decided by industry and discreete reason These things I speake for the Readers to the end that falling through errour into the vulgar opinions of this man they should not leaue good and commendable graces that were in him that is to say his Dextity and Industry In regard of that which I speake of him it will appeare manifest by his actions Publius Scipio being then Generall of the Army in Spaine calling his Troupes together he aduised them not to be amazed for the aduentures and disgraces past For the Romans had neuer beene vanquished by the prowesse of the Carthaginians but by the treason of the Celtiberians And the rashnesse of the Commanders seperated one from another for that they trusted in them which are things he sayd were then among the Enemies For besides that they made Warre being farre distant one from another they offer'd outrages to their Allies and made them Enemies And that for this cause some were already sent home and the rest will speedily when they shall be assured come when you haue once past the Riuer not so much for the good will they beare you as to seeke a reuenge for the wrongs receiued by the Carthaginians But moreouer the Captaines are in dissention among themselues and will not willingly ioyne together to fight with you And being thus diuided they would be defeated and fall easily into their hands Wherefore he perswaded them that considering these things they should passe the Riuer boldly promising to giue good order for the rest When he had vsed this speech vnto the other Captaines he left his colleague Marcus vpon the passage of the Riuer accompanied with three thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse to the end hee might succour his Companions being in the Riuer hee himselfe past with the rest of his Army holding his intention secret from all the World Hee resolued things which he did not impart to many men His resolution was to lay siege to the City of Carthage scitnate in Spaine by the way of course The which euery man might vnderstand and that it is an excellent presumption of his esteeme whereof of I haue formerly spoken For as hee was but seuen and twenty yeares old he gaue himselfe first to things which in the iudgement of the World seemed desperate for the great precedent dangers and misfortunes leauing all things that were vulgar and easie and resolued and attempted those which seemed impossible vnto the Enemie euery one of which required an exact wisedome knowledge and vnderstanding In the beginning being yet at Rome when hee had considered by himselfe and eniquired diligently of the treason of the Celtiberians and of the diuision in the Armies what might happen and what fortune had befalne his Father he was nothing amazed at the Carthaginians neither did he faint as many vsually doe But after that he vnderstood that the Allies on this side the Riuer of Ebro continued constant in their Friendship and that the Commanders of the Carthaginians were in discord
of making the round how they might draw the Enemies vnto them For the effecting whereof their Armes was of great seruice Finally they come to the Gate where as some going downe cut the barres others entered from without In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders after they had defeated them which defended the VValls they lept ouer and by this meanes the VVall was gotten As for the Hill scituated towards the East they which entred by the Gate recouered it chasing away the Guards VVhen as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entred into the City hee sent many of them according to the Custome against the Citizens giuing them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy and not to busie themselues with spoile vntill they had a signe giuen them The Romans doe this to terrifie them And therefore wee often see that when they take Cities by force they doe not onely kill the men but they cut their Dogges in pieces and dismember their other Cattle Many such things happened in that Citie by reason of the multitude of Prisoners Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assailes the Fort whereunto making his approaches Mago at the first striues to defend it But when hee vnderstood the Truth of the taking of the City hee sends men to parley for his safety and by this meanes hee deliuers the Fort. This done a signe being giuen the massacre ceased and they fell to spoile And when as night approached some remained in the Campe ordained for that end And the Generall spent the night in the Fort accompanied with a Thousand men Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses by the Captaines of Thousands to carry the booty to the Ensignes in the market place In regard of them that were lightly armed called from the Campe on the Hill hee sent them to the Easterne parts The Romans tooke Carthage in Spaine after this manner The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Souldiers and the substance of the Burgesses and Artizans to the place the Captaines of Thousands according to Custome diuided it among their Bands Among the Romans this order is obserued touching Cities taken Sometimes to euery day they number the men and distributing them according to the greatnesse of the City sometimes they diuide them by Ensignes They neuer appoint aboue halfe the Army for this businesse The rest remaine in Battaile for the Guard sometimes they are without and sometimes within the City vnto the end they may be alwayes ready The Army being diuided for the most part in two of Romans and two of Allies they which are deputed for the diuision do euery man bring his booty vnto the Campe. This done the Millaneers or Captaines of Thousands diuide it equally to them all Not onely to those which remaine in Battaile but also to the Guards of the Tents to the sicke and vnto all those which are ordained for any publicke seruice When they are together in Campe to go vnto the War they sweare not to commit any fraud in the pillage and that they keepe their faith according vnto the oath which they haue taken But wee haue spoken sufficiently heere of in Discoursing of their pollicy Finally when an Army is thus diuided one part attending the Booty and the rest standing in Battaile for their Guards yet the Romans had neuer any difference through Couetousnesse For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gaine and that in the meane time some follow the spoile and the others remaining in Battaile guard them no man abandons his Ensigne The which many times is the cause of great losse and danger to others Many suffer losse and are in danger in regard of gaine For it is apparent that they which remaine in Campe or are in Battaile containe themselues vnwillingly for that most commonly all the spoile vnder his Commaund and power which rules if he be an absolute Monarch And if he be a Commaunder euery man holds that his owne which may be hidden and purloin'd although that all things be carefully brought together And for that most part of men desire booty and for this cause are in danger hauing no meanes to obtaine an absolute Victory it fals out that they are in danger to lose all The which happens to many who although they haue preuailed in their Enterprize whether they haue cast themselues into the Enemies Campe or haue taken a City yet they haue not onely beene repuls'd but moreouer had lost all and for no other cause but that aboue mentioned Whereefor CoÌ„manders ought to haue nothing in greater recommendation and care then that where of wee speake which is that as much as may be possible this hope may remaine to the greatest part that if such an accident happens the diuision may be equall to them all Then the Captaines of Thousands gaue order â—o the Booty and the Roman Commander hauing drawne together theâ— Prisoners which were little lesse then a thousand hee commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wiues and Children and then the handy-crafts-men This done hee aduiseth the Citizens to imbrace the Friendship of the Romans and to remember the fauour which they receiued and then hee sent them backe to their houses Whereof some weeping and others ioyfull for their vnexpected safety they retire hauing done their duties to the Generall In regard of the Worke-men and Artizans hee told them that for the present they were publique Seruants to the City of Rome But if euery one did his duty cheerefully and willingly he promised them liberty if the Warre vndertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end Then he gaue charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand He also made choise of the strongest and the most flourishing in age and forme to furnish the Troupes and fill'd the captiue ships with all the Marriners exceeding the former one halfe so as euery ship had in a manner twice as many men There were eighteene captiue ships and in the beginning they had beene fiue and thirty To whom he promised liberty if they shewed themselues friends and valiant and that if in this Warre he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians When he had declared himselfe in this manner he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyall as well to himselfe as to the Roman Common-weale The Worke-men and Artizans are in like manner ioyfull vpon the hope of liberty But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troupes in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians For he had two Senators and fifteene Councellors whom hee gaue in charge to Caius Lelyus commanding him to haue a speciall care Moreouer hee calls all the hostages vnto him which were aboue three hundred Then he makes much of
men and the Targeteers The Commanders whereof were Nicomedes of Chio and Nicolas the Etolien As these men march before it fell out that the roughnesse and streights of the passage were found more difficult then the King had conceiued All the length of the ascent was about three hundred Furlongs and for the most part by the deepe Fourd of a Torrent into the which were fallen from the high Rocks Stones and Trees which made the passage inaccessible To the which the Barbarians gaue great assistance casting continually Trees which were cut downe and gathered together great heapes of Stones and seazed keeping withall the length of all the Valley on the Hills of aduantage which might serue them for defence so as if they had not beene frustrated Antiochus had giuen ouer his Enterprize as destitute of his forces For as it was necessary for the Enemies to take their way and to ascend by that Valley they seazed on the sayd places and fortified them But they did not obserue that it was impossible for the Leginaries to passe there with their Baggage vntill the way were made for these could not approach or come neare the Confines of the Mountaines They that were lightly armed and the valiant men could not ascend the Leucopetres For this cause the Ordonance changed when they were ioyned vnto the first Guard of Diogenes Troupes who ascended out of the Torrent Suddainly the Combate began as the accident shewed Diogenes Troupe marching slowly through the Countrey gaue a rough charge to the Enemy And in throwing of Darts and Stones prest the Barbarians annoying them much with their Slings which they cast from their Pallisadoe Hauing chased the first and had taken their place they gaue charge to the Pyoners to make the passage euen the which was presently performed by reason of their great number By this meanes when the Slingers Archers and Darters had marcht to the higher places scattred here and there and sometimes together seazing on the most commodious places and the Targeteers held the lower Countrey marching in Battaile a flow pace along the Torrent The Barbarians stayed not but abandoning the place they drew together on the top of the Mountaines In regard of Antiochus Troupes it past the difficult passages safely after this manner But slowly and with great difficulty They could hardly eight in a Ranke recouer the top of the neare Mountaines And when the Barbarians were there assembled hauing an humour they should bee able to keepe the Enemies from gaining the top there fell out a braue Combate By these reasons the Enemies were repuls'd who revniting themselues fought against the Leginaries and made head against them with great courage and vallour In the Night the brauest of them turning about recouered the top and the places lying behind The which the Barbarians seeing and suddainly amazed they turned head The King is very carefull to restraine the fury of his Souldiers pursuing the Enemy causing a retreate to be sounded desiring they should enter into Hyrcania vnited and in good order This kinde of march being ordained according to his will hee comes to the City of Tambrace destitute of Walles yet hauing a royall and large Pallace where hee campt and besieged it Bâ—t when as many as well Souldiers as of the Countrey had retired to the City of Syringe it was not farre from Tambrace and was as it were the Capitall of Hyrcania as well for its fortification as for its wealth hee resolued to ruine it by force Marching therefore with his power and planting his Campe about it he besieged the Citie The greatest part of his worke was to make platformes in the fashion of a Tortoise The Ditches were triple being about seuen Fathome and a halfe broad and foure deepe Vpon either banke there was a double Pallisadoe with a strong out-wall There were continuall Skirmishes whilest they wrought from whence they carried from either side men slaine and hurt for that they fought very valiantly not onely vpon the ground but also vnder it in the Mines But by reason of the multitude of Pyoners and the Kings diligence it happened that the Ditches were suddainly fill'd vp and the Walles fell being shaken with the Mines This done the Barbarians being confounded and much terrified and amazed with feare they kill the Grecians which were in the City and taking their richest stuffe retire by Night The King seeing this sends Hyparbase with the Mercenaries with whom the Barbarians fighting and in the end abandoning the Baggage retire againe into the City But when the Targeteers prest them valiantly not able to beare the burthen being so grieuous they presently yeeld hauing no more hope The Commanders of the Army being desirous to see the Enemies Troupes enuironed on the Hill they command those which were in the Pallisadoe not to budge in regard of themselues they goe to view the places being accompanied with two Troupes of Horse and some Footmen lightly armed with thirty executioners of Iustice. Certaine Numidians accustomed to Darts comming out of the Enemies Fort to lye in Ambush they had by chance stolne from the Hills who hauing notice giuen them by a Spye that some were on the top of the Hill higher then they they prepare themselues and march crosse the Hill and casting themselues betwixt them and their Campe they shut them in and take them Claudius Marcellus the Consull was at the first charge wounded and taken with some others forcing the rest being wounded to flye into Caues and Pits The which they of the Campe seeing they could not relieue them in this danger For whilest they cryed out and wondred at this accident and that some bridled their Horses and others arm'd themselues the Execution was ended The Sonne of Claudius saued himselfe with difficulty and contrary to all hope being wounded Finally Claudius fell into these dangers more through simplicity then by any true iudgement of a Captaine For my part I am forced to admonish the Reader of these kind of aduentures through the whole tract of our Worke where I see not onely ordinary Souldiers but euen Captaines themselues to haue erred by manifest ignorance What profit can a Prince or Commander reape which hath not the knowledge of dangers which hee must auoide lest the whole Army perish with him Who knowes not that if necessity doth force them to attempt a thing that a great part of the Troupes must perish before the Commanders feele it The tryall must be suddainly made not by the Commander That which they vsually say I did not thinke it and who would euer haue thought that should haue happened Seemes to be a great argument of ignorance and of a weake iudgement in the Commander For this cause I hold Hannibal among the good Captaines for many reasons and which may herein be commended who hath imployed much time in the profession of Armes and who making vse of iudgement in many and diuers occasions hath many times
his Country in more esteeme and his owne honour then the great command of a royall power Hee gaue leaue to all the Spaniards being set a part to returne into their Country without ransom except three hundred horse whereof hee gaue the choise to Andobale giuing the rest to those which had not any Finally being now seazed on the Carthaginians Campe hee stayed there in regard of the firtility of the Country expecting the Carthaginian Commanders which were remaining hee also sent forces to the topps of the Perenee Mountaines to watch Asdruball and then when the season was come hee retired to Tarracona to winter his Army there Hee returnes to the History of the Grecians AS the Etoliens lifted vp their hornes for the new hope and confidence they had in the Romans and the arriuall of Attalus they amazed all the world making Warre by Land as Attalus and Publius did by Sea for this cause the Acheins intreate Phillip to succour them for in truth they not onely feared the Etoliens but also Machains for that he had seaz'd vpon the Argiue Mountaines with an Army the Beocians fearing the enemies Army at Sea require a commander and succours The Negrepontins demanded instantly some provision against the enemy the like did the Acarnanians there was also an Embassadour from the Epirotes they said likewise that Scerdilaide and Plaurate assembled their Armies and that moreouer the Thracians who confine vpon Macedony would indeauour to assaile it if the King should retire from thence in regard of the Etoliens they had seazed vpon the straights of Thermopiles and fortified them with Ditches Pallisadoes and a great Garrison hoping they should be able to keep in Philip and wholy to stoppe vp the passage in succouring his Allies within Pyles These aduentures seemes worthy of Consideration and not without reason by the Readers in the which is the true Experience and practise of Princes according vnto their Corporall power For as in Hunting Beasts are mooued with their Forces and Power when they are ingaged in an apparent danger so it befals Princes the which they might then discouer in Philip. Hee dismisseth all the Embassadours promising them to doe what possibly hee could His whole inclination was the Warre expecting by what meanes and against whom hee should first beginne But when the forces of Attalus were come against him and had assailed the Iland of Peparethon hee sends men to guard the Citty And dispatcheth Polyphantes with a small Army towards Phocea and Beocia and Menippus to Chalcis and the other Negrepont with a thousand Targetteers and fiue hundred Agrians In regard of himselfe hee went to Scotuse whether he Commanded the Macedonians to repaire When he had newes that Attalus Army had taken the route of Nicea and that the Chiefe of the Etoliens assembled at Heraclea to conferre of the Affaires of the Warre hee parts from Scotuse with his Army and made hast to dissolue their Assembly Hee arriued too late yet hee wasted their Corne and after that hee had spoiled the Inhabitants about the Gulfe of Enee he returned leauing his Army at Scotuse and taking his way to the Demetriade With his ablest men and the royall Wing hee stayed there expecting the comming of the Enemy And to the end nothing should bee vnknowne vnto him hee sends to the Peparethiens and Phociens and likewise to the Negrepontins giuing them charge to make him a signe by fire of all things that should be done vpon the Tisee which is a Mountaine in Thessaly which in regard of the places is very commodiously scituated But as this manner of signe by fire is of great commodity for the Warre and hath formerly not beene vsed I doe not hold it good to passe it but in this passage to make some reasonable mention No man is ignorant that opportunity and occasion are the principall parts in all things But much more in the profession of Warre to bring enterprises to an end But among those things which are vsefull fires are of great efficacy They vse them at this day and are the cause of some opportunities to be able to aduertise him who hath the care of that which is done although it be three or foure dayes distant or more To the end that by the signe of fire they may suddainly giue succours vnto them that demaund it although that in former times they haue held it of small moment for that the most part knew not how to vse it But the vse ought to bee ordered and setled vppon certaine and determinate agreements But whereas things which they will signifie are not resolutely set downe they cannot make vse of these fires as those are whereof wee will speake If the Army at Sea were come to Orea or Peparethon or Chalcis they might signifie it to those with whom this hath beene resolued But if any of the Cittizens will turne their Coates or practise a Treason or Murther within the Citty or any such thing as hath vsually hapned and yet cannot be diuined matters which happen suddainly and vnlookt for haue neede according to the occasion of Counsell and aide yet it may be signified by fire For of those which consideration cannot preuent they cannot make any Conclusion Eneas seeking to correct this kinde of doubt and perplexitie hath in few words made the Commentaries of the institution of the heads And hath abundantly comprehended for the vnderstanding the summe of those things which are required the which may easily be discouered by this speech saying That they which will giue notice by the aduertisement of fire of any of great and pressing businesse must make prouision of pots of earth whose breadth and depth must be equall and they must haue three foote in depth and one and a halfe in breadth Then hee must make slender Corkes in the mouth of it in the middest whereof hee must tie them in equall parts of three fingers distant and in euery part a great Circumference in the which are also painted the most vulgar and generall things which happen in the profession of Warre As by the first that Horse-men are suddainly entred the Countrie In the second that foote-men armed in the third that men lightly armed And consequently in others that foote and Horse-men or an Army at Sea and that there is Corne. You must in this sort paint the things which do vsually happen in Regions according to the prouidence and time of the motions of Warre This being done hee Commaunds to obserue dilligently the pots of the one and the other so as the pipes may bee equall and runne equally And when the pots shal be full of Water they must put in the Corkes with stickes and then let the pipes runne together This hapning it is apparent that all being equall the Corkes of necessity abate as the Water runnes and the stickes hide themselues in the Vessells When these things are equally ordered and they are to vse them then they must transport them to the
to arme Asdrubal being then forced to drawe the valiantest of his men to field against the Romans being yet fasting without preparation and in haste both the Foot-men and Horse-men and to plant his Army of Foot-men not farre from the Mountaines and the Ordonance in the Plaine as they had beene accustomed The Romans stayed some time but for that the day was well aduanced and that the Combat of either side was vncertaine and equall and that there was danger that they which should be prest turning head would retire vpon their Battalions then Scipio retiring the Skirmishers by the space betwixt the Ensignes he diuides them vpon the wings after those which had beene formerly appointed Then he giues order to assaile the Enemy in Front first to the Iauelings and then with Horse-men and being a Furlong from the Enemy he commands the Spaniards which were in Battaile to march in the same order and that they should turne the Ensignes vpon the right hand and they of the left doing the contrary And when he began on the right side Lacius Marcus and Marcus Iunius led three braue Troups of Horse-men on the left hand and before were those which were lightly armed and accustomed to the Warre with three Bands of Foot-men the Romans call a Band of Foot-men a Cohort to whom the Targetteers ioyned on the one side and the Archers on the other In this sort they marched against the Enemy making by this meanes an attempt with effect considering the continuall repaire of those which ioyned with them by files As by chance these men were not farre from the Enemy and that the Spaniards which were on the wing were farther off as they which matched a slow pace they make an attempt vpon the two Battalions of the Enemy drawne in length with the Roman forces according to that which had beene resolued in the beginning The following alterations by the meanes whereof it happened that they which followed ioyned with the former encountring the Enemies in a direct line had betwixt them diuers orders so as the right Battalion had on the left side the Foot-men mingled with the Horse For the Horse-men which were on the right wing mingling with the Iauelings of the Foot lightly armed laboured to inclose the Enemies The Foot-men on the other side couered themselues with their Targets They which on the left hand were in the Troups charged with their Iauelings and the Hors-men accompanied with the Archers with their full speed By this motion there was a left wing made of the right wing of the Horse-men and of the most valiant Souldiers of the two Battalions But the Commander made no great accompt being more carefull to vanquish the enemy with the other Battalion wherein he had good iudgement We must know things as they are done and vse a fit obseruation according to the occasion offered By the charge of these men the Elephants assailed by the Archers and the Horse-men with Darts and Iauelings and tormented of all sides were wounded making as great a spoile of their Friends as of their Enemies For they ran vp and downe and ouer-threw men of all sides breaking the Carthaginian Battalions In regard of that of the Lybians which held the middle part and was of great seruice it stood idle vnto the end For not able to succour those which on the wings abandoned the place by reason of the Spaniards charge nor remaining in their station doe that which necessity required for that the Enemies which they had in Front did not giue them Battaile It is true that the wings fought for a time valiantly Considering that all was in danger And as the heare was vehement the Carthaginians brake seeing that the end of the Combate succeeded not according to their desire and that their chiefest preparation was hindred The Romans on the other side had the aduantage both in force and courage and in that principally that by the prouidence of the Generall the best furnished among the Carthaginians were made vnprofitable Wherefore Asdrubal being thus prest retired in the beginning with a slow pace from the Battaile Then turning in Troupe he recouered the neighbour Mountaines And when as the Romans pursued them neare they posted to their Pallisadoe If some God had not preserued them they had suddainly lost their Fort. But for that the disposition of the Aire changed and the raine fell continually with violence the Romans could hardly recouer their Fort. And although that Publius Scipio had sufficient experience of the Warre yet he neuer fell into so great a doubt and perplexity the which happened not without reason For as wee may fore-see and preuent exteriour causes and discommodities of the Body as cold heate labour and wounds before they happen and cure them when they come being on the other side difficult to fore-see those which proceed from the Body and are hardly cureable when they happen we must iudge the same of policies and Armies It is true there is a speedy meanes and helpe to preuent the Warres and Ambushes of Strangers when they are contriued But against those which the Enemy doth practise in the State as seditions and mutinies the Phisicke is difficult and requires a great dexterity and singular industry in the gouernment of affaires But in my opinion one aduice is necessary for all Armies Cities and bodies politique which is that in that which concernes the things aboue mentioned they neuer suffer too much sloth and idlenesse especially in time of prosperity and the abundance of all things necessary Scipio as a man of excellent diligence and consequently industrious and actiue to mannage great affaires propounded a certaine course to decide the present combustions after he had assembled the Captaines of thousands He gaue order that they should promise vnto the Souldiers the restitution of the victuals and taxes and to giue credit to his promise they should leuie the ordinary taxes ordained in Cities diligently and openly for the reliefe of the whole Army to the end it might be apparent that this preparation was made for the institution of their Victuals And that moreouer the Milleniers should command the Commissaries of the Victuals and admonish them to haue a care and to take charge of the Victuals and that conferring among themselues they should make knowne if part of them or altogether would vndertake it He sayd that they must consider of that which was to be done The others thinking of the same things had a care of the Treasure And when as the Milleniers had made knowne the things which had beene ordayned Scipio being aduertised imparted vnto the Councell that which was to be done They concluded that they should resolue on the day when they were to appeare So as the people should be sent backe and the Authors seuerely punished who were to the number of fiue and thirty And when the Day was come and the Rebels there present as well to obtaine pardon as for their Victuals
Scipio secretly commands the Captaines Milleniers that they should goe and meete with the Rebels and in choosing fiue of the chiefe of the Mutiny euery man carrying himselfe courteously at their encounter they should bring them to his Pauillion if this could not be done yet at the least they should conuay them to the Banquet and to this kind of assembly And as for the Army which was with him he gaue them notice three dayes before to make prouision of Victuals for a long time as if Marcus should goe to Andobale to fight whereof the Rebels being aduertized they were the more assured They expected to enioy a great power if the rest of the Army being separated they were admitted about a Commander when they approacht neare the City he commands the other Souldiers that being prepared the day following they should come forth at the breake of day In regard of the Milleniers and Captaines he giues them charge that after their comming forth of the City they should stay the Souldiers in Armes at the Gate hauing first lodg'd the Baggage and that afterwards they should diuide themselues by the Gates and haue a care that none of the Rebels should escape They which were appointed to receiue them ioyning to those which came vnto them entertained the offendors courteously according vnto that which had beene enioyned them Their charge was to seaze vpon these men at such time as they should be set at the Banquet and to keepe them bound So as not any of the Company being within should goe forth but onely he that should aduertize the Commander what had beene done Wherefore when the Milleniers had performed their Charge the Generall seeing in the Morning following those to be assembled in the place which were arriued he causeth an Assembly to be called When the aduertisement was giuen they all came running as of custome whether it were with a desire to see the Commander or to heare those things which were to be spoken of the present affaires Scipio sends to the Milleniers which were at the Gates and commands them to bring the Souldiers that were armed and to enuiron the whole assembly Then marching forth he amazeth them all at the first sight A great number in truth thought that he was not well disposed But when contrary vnto their opinions they found him sound and safe they were amazed at his presence Finally hee vsed this Speech vnto them saying that hee wondred for what cause some of them were offended or vnder what colour they were mooued to attempt a Rebellion There are three causes for the which men presume to fall into a mutiny against their Princes and Country VVhich are when as they blame their Gouernour and indure them vnwillingly or when they are offended with the present Gouernment or vpon a conception in their opinions of a greater and better hope I demaund of you sayth he which of these three hath mooued you Are you angry with me that I haue not deliuered you Victualls It is not my fault For you haue not wanted any Victuals vnder my Leading It is the errour of the Romans which haue not yeilded that vnto you now which hath beene formerly due vnto you Should you then accuse your Country so as you should Rebell and become its Enemy then being present to speake vnto me and to intreate your friends to assist you The which in my opinion had beene much better It is true a pardon may bee giuen vnto Mercenaries if they abandon those from whom they receiue pay But it is not fit to pardon such as carry Armes for themselues their Wiues and their Children For it is euen like as a man should come vnto his Father and charge him that he had villanously cozened him in matters of money and kill him from whom hee holds his life Haue I opprest you more with toiles and dangers then the rest giuing them more Commodities and profites then vnto you In trueth you dare not speake it neither can you conuince me although you durst attempt it I cannot coniecture the cause for the which being incensed against me you haue attempted this Rebellion I would vnderstand the occasion from your selues I thinke there is not any man among you that can alledge or pretend any thing You cannot in trueth be sad for the present When was there euer greater abundance of all things nor more prerogatiues of the Citty of Rome When was there euer greater hope for Souldiers then there is at this day Peraduenture some one of these desperate men will thinke that at this day the profits are greater in shew and the Hope better and more firme with the Enemy Which are they Is it Andobale and Mandonin Which of you doth not know that as they first falsified their Faith with the Carthaginians comming to vs And that now againe they declared themselues our Enemies inviolating their oath and Faith Were it not an honest and commendable thing that in giuing them your Faith you should become Enemies to your owne Country And yet you haue no hope in them to enioy Spaine You were not sufficient being ioyned to Andobale to fight with vs neither yet alone Whereto then did you aymâ— I would know it from your selues if you haue put your confidence in the Experience and Vertue of the Captaines which now are appointed you or in the Rods and Maces which march before them whereof of there is no honesty to vse any longer Discourse But in truth there is nothing of all this neither can you inuent any thing against me nor your Countrey Wherefore I will answere for Rome and my selfe propounding those things which seeme reasonable to all men which is this the People and all the Commons are such as such as they are easily deceiued and moued to any thing Wherefore it happens to them as to the Sea For as the Sea of it selfe is without offence and safe to those which make vse of it And if it be tormented with the violence of the Winds it is such vnto Saylers as are the Winds wherewith it is beaten The Commons in like manner are made like vnto those which gouerne them which are their Commanders and Councellors And therefore now I suffer all your Leaders vnpunished promising that hereafter I will quit all reuenge But as for those which haue beene the Authors of the Rebellion I beare them an implacable hatred for this cause we will punish them conueniently for the crimes which they haue committed against their Countrey and vs. And when he had vsed this Speech the Souldiers that were in Armes and round about made a great noise with their Swords in the Proches and presently the Authors of the mutiny were brought in naked and bound Finally the multitude grew into a great amazement for the horror of the Executions which were done in their sight so as when as some were whipt and others executed they moued not an eye nor any man spake a word remaining
this which the dying Father hath deliuered into the armes of this Creature shewing his sister and hath left it vnto vs vpon our faith do you vnderstand my masters of the Athenians The loue of this infant is of small moment to procure his safetie where as now the cause is in you and your hands Tlepoleme in truth hath for a long time as it is manifest to those which consider well of things had greater desires then were fitting and hath now resolued on the day and time when he will vsurpe the Towne For this cause hee intreated that they would not belieue him but those which being present knew sufficiently the Truth This Speech being ended he brings in Critolaus who said he had seene the Altars and Sacrifices prepared by the multitude for the vsurpation of the Crowne The which the Macedonians hearing they were neither mooued with pittie nor had any respect vnto that which was spoken But in mocking and murmuring they iested among themselues so as Prusias knew not how he got out of the Assembly the which hapned in other Assemblies of the people In the meane time many of the old Souldiers arriued by Sea whereof some being kinsmen and other friends they intreated them to assist them in this present businesse and that they should haue regard to the iniuries which had beene done them by dishonest and vnworthy men Most of them were incensed to put the great men to death for that they presumed that what should happen would be vnto their preiudice Seeing that Tlepoleme tooke all things necessary that were sent to Alexandria Finally it was an aduancement to Agathocles to incense the Choller of many and of Tlepoleme They had put Danae his Mother in Law into custodie being pull'd from the Temple of Ceres and drawne thorough the Citty bare-headed seeking by this meanes to shewe their hatred against Tlepome Wherefore the people being incensed spake no more in secret For some in the night wrote their conceiued hatred in all places Others in the open day going in Troupes deliuered the hatred which they bare vnto the greatest They which were with Agathocles seeing the affaires and hauing little hope in them they thought of their retreate But when as through their indiscretion they were ill prouided they desisted from their Enterprize and made a Register of the Conspirators and of their Adherents in this commotion to the end they might suddainly kill some of their Enemies and seaze vpon others and by this meanes vsurpe a Tyrannicall power And as they practized these things they accused Moeragena one of Tlepolemes guards for that he aduertized all and held his party in regard of the familiaritie of Adee Gouernour at that time of Bubaste Agathocles suddainly giues charge to the Secretary Nicostrates that he should informe dilligently of Moeragena with all manner of torments Moeragena being suddainly taken by Nicostrates and led into a certaine secret place of the Hall he answered at the first well concerning the accidents which had happened But when hee confest nothing of the things which were spoken he was stript Some prepared the instruments to Torture him others holding Whips put off their Cloaks At the same instant one comes running to Nicostrates and after hee had whispered in his eare he parts in hast Nicostrates followes him suddainly without speaking word beating continually vpon his thigh This was an vnhoped accident for Moeragena For some held the Whips but they had no Commandment to whip him others had the instruments ready to torture his feet When as Nicostrates was gone they were all amazed and looking one vpon another expected when he would returne Soone after the assistants vanished one after one and in the end Moegarena was abandoned This done he passeth the Hall contrary to all Hope and being naked slipt into a certaine Tent of the Macedonians neere vnto the Hall When by good fortune he had found the greatest there assembled hee acquaints them with his disaster and how he had escaped as it were by miracle Some of them did not belieue him others seeing him naked were forced to giue credite Moeragena intreates them with â—eares not onely to haue a care of his safety but also of the Kings and their owne And that their Death was manifest if they did not make vse of the occasion for that all the World was inflamed with Hatred and there was not any man but was ready to put Agathocles to Death saying that this Hatred increased Hourely and that they must haue men to execute this Enterprize The Macedonians hearing this Speech were incensed and in the end obeying to Moeragena They suddainly enter into the first Tents of the Macedonians and then into those of the other Souldiers They were ioyning and neere to the side of the Citie When as many of them tooke vpon them the Charge and that there was no need of any thing but of some one to giue courage to them that came and who should first execute the Enterprize this attempt kindled like a flame There were scarce foure houres spent but that all men aswell Souldiers as Citizens conspired to assaile Agathocles There was a accident which hapned suddainly which serued well to end this attempt For when they had brought Letters to Agathocles and that the Spies were returned and the Letters sent by Tlepoleme signified vnto the Army that he would be soone there being likewise assured by the Spies that hee was neere he fell into so great a transport in his iudgement as hee neither did nor thought of any remedy against the eminent dangers but following his accustomed course hee went to drinke and banquet with others And when Oenanthe was sad and sorrowfull shee goes vnto Ceres Temple Where when it was opened for a certaine Annuall Sacrifice she prayes humbly then she vseth Enchauntments towards the Goddesses finally shee stayes at the Altar and rests there Many Women were silent and obserued her heauinesse and affliction The kinsfolkes of Polycrates and some other Noble men comforted her and being ignorant of the approaching misery She on the other side crying out with a loud voice Come not neare me you Beasts I know well you are ill affected towards vs and that you require the Gods to send vs some ill Fortune But I hope that with their good pleasure you shall taste of your owne Children Hauing ended this Speech shee commands the Executioner to suppresse them and if they did not obey to beate them Taking this occasion they all depart and in lifting vp their hands towards the Gods they prayed that shee might make tryall of that which shee had wisht to the Company But when the men had concluded the reuolte and that in euery house the fury of the Women was added thereunto their hatred grew double When as the darkenesse of the Night was come the whole City was fill'd with Mutiny lights and running vp and downe Some assembled at the Theater with cries others encouraged one another
Historiographers in all things which preserue the deuotion of the people towards the Gods who relate monstrous things but in that which exceeds this course they are not to be pardoned Peraduenture in euery thing there is a different quality to describe them yea sometimes impossible wherefore we must pardon if any one through ignorance doth stray a little from the truth and according to my iudgement reproue all that which exceeds reason A Parcell of Publius Scipio PVblius Scipio being soone after returned from Affrickeâ— When as the expectation of the people was conformable to the greatnesse of his actions it fell out that they conceiued a great loue and affection towards him The which was not without cause For whereas they feared neuer to chase Hannibal out of Italy nor to free themselues nor their Allies from the eminent danger they seemed then certainly not onely to bee deliuered from all feare and misery but also to domineere ouer their Enemies wherefore they were confounded with ioy When he triumphed being moreouer by the effects of things which were brought in aduertised of the precedent dangers they were toucht with an exceeding loue as well to the Gods as to the Author of so great an alteration Syphax King of the Masaisylins was led in triumph through the City with the other Prisoners who soone after died in Prison These things thus perfromed the Romans made continuall Combats for many Dayes and celebrated Feasts in their assemblies hauing wherewithall to satisfie it by the liberality and bounty of Scipio Many attempt great Warres brauely and striue with a certaine vehemency to augment a Common-wealth But it is a rare thing to bring them to the propounded end and to accomplish by reason and industry if Fortune sometime opposeth that which wants courage and speedy action Wherefore some may with reason blame the sloth of Attalus and of the Rhodiens in commending the royall courage of Philip and his constancy in his enterprize not that his conceite is alwayes worthy of Commendation but so farre as it concernes his present Enterprize and attempt I propound this distinction to the end no man should suspect vs of contradiction for that as we haue heretofore commended and blamed Philip so now I doe the contrary They must vnderstand that in the beginning of this Worke I haue so made my distinction saying that it was necessary sometimes to commend and blame the same persons for that moments and euents of things doe many times change the hearts of men when they incline to better or worse It happens likewise sometimes that men by Nature indeauour things which are reasonable and sometimes the contrary whereof in my Opinion the one happened now to Philip. When hee was inflamed for the precedent losses shewing more choller and rage then reason hee accommodated himselfe to the present occasions with a constant and admirable courage and hath by this course enioyed those things which followed in aduancing himselfe against the Rhodiens and Attalus I thought good to deliuer this for that some giue ouer their enterprizes in leauing their first heate like vnto bad and lazy runners Some likewise vanquish their Enemies in this onely that they are constant in their enterprizes Of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes Maritine and opposite I Hold it lost time to vse any long discourse of the commodities of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes for that matters of small moment are knowne to all by reason of the ordinary frequenting of the places yet I doe not thinke for the present that a summary aduertisment to the Reader would bee vnprofitable in regard of them You must vnderstand that the things which are now to be spoken of the sayd Cities are not so much drawne from their scituation as from their opposition and conference Whereas the Nauigation of the Sea which some call by the name of Ocean others Attlantique is not passable but at the streights which are at the Pillars of Hercules Neither can they in our Sea in the Propontis and Pontus vnlesse it be made by the streight betwixt Abydos and Sestes As Fortune hath prepared two Gulfes with some reason it falls out that the streight of the Pillars of Hercules is broader then that of Hellesponte For it is of three score Furlongs and that of Abydos onely of two The which wee may coniecture hath beene made for a greater spaciousnesse of the exteriour Sea then ours That of Abydos is more commodious then that of the Pillars of Hercules For the first is inhabited on either side and in manner of a Port for the mutuall communication of Traffique and hath in some place a Bridge for those which passe on foote from one firme land to another They also salie continually on the other side In regard of that of the Pillars of Hercules it is little frequented for that the people which inhabite some in Affricke some in Europe haue little commerce together and this exteriour Sea is little frequented and tryed The City of the Abydeins is environed on either side with the farthest bounds of Europe hauing a Port from whence Sailors with what wind soeuer may be seene But it is not possible for any man to come vnto the City being without this ingulfement of the Sea to the Port by reason of the swiftnesse and vehemence of the current Another Parcell of Philip of Macedon YEt when as Philip had fortified one part with Pallisadoes and cast a Ditch about the other he besieged the Abydeins by Sea and Land In regard of the meanes of their defence it was not admirable neither for the greatnesse of the preparation nor for the diuersity of inuentions which are declared in the same worke by the which the besiegers and besieged doe vsually practise and surprize one another by policies But for the good directions and vallour of the besieged it is worthy of memory if euer any were and which ought to come vnto posterity In the beginning the Inhabitants of Abydos relying in themselues maintained the attempts of Philip valiantly and as for his Engines set vp at Sea they brake some with casting of Stones and they burnt others so as the Enemies could hardly saue their Vessels from this danger In regard of those at Land for time they made a valiant resistance neuer despairing to obtaine the Victory against their Enemies But when as the Fort which stood without the Wall had beene ouerthrowne by Mynes and that the Macedonians were afterwards come vnto the Wall which they had built within in the end they sent Iphias and Pantacnote in Embassie to yeeld the City vnto Philip but vpon condition that hee should suffer the Souldiers of the Rhodiens and Attalus to depart and their Bodies free to saue themselues where they thought good with their Apparrell And when as Philip had giuen them charge to submit themselues vnto his will or to fight it our brauely the Embassadours retired This being heard the Abydeins
was intended This course being continued no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made nor whither they went out of the next City All being vncertaine and receiuing one another they marcht on But for that the Cities which were beyond had not an equall distance from Tegee hee did not send Letters to them all at the same time but particularly according to their order so as vnknowne to the Inhabitants and to those which arriued what should succeed all the Acheins entred in Armes by all the Gates Hee had without doubt resolued these things in his iudgement by a Military stratagem for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had The which the Tyrant had The same day that the multitude of the Acheins should assemble hee sent choise men who in the Night should passe the Selasia and at the breake of day runne into the Countrey of Lacedemon But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them he giues them charge to recouer Scotite obeying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things For hee had giuen him the charge of all this enterprize These men went resolutely to the place appointed And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheinsâ—o â—o suppe earely hee goes with his Army out of Tegee and making good vse of the Night in his Voyage hee leads his Army to the place appointed neare vnto Scotite the mid-way betwixt Tegee and Lacedemon The Souldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custome and assailed the Enemy suddainly who were aduertised of their comming by their Scouts And when the Acheins according to the Commandment they had receiued retired they pursued them at their backes confidently and with courage But suddainly they fell into the Ambush where some of them were slaine by the Acheins and others taken A PARCELL OF the Seuenteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Where they treate of the Peace betwixt Philip of Macedony and the other Grecians by the meanes of Titus a Roman THe time appointed being come Philip artiues by Sea from the Demetriade to the Gulfe of Meliâ—a accompanied with fiue Foists and one Galley wherein hee sayled He was attended on by Apolodorus and Demosthenes Macedonians his Chancellours There was also Brachylles of â—eocia and Chiliades the Achein a Fugitiue out of Morea for the causes aboue mentioned With the which were also King Saminandre and Dionisodorus sent by Attalus And as for the Cities and people Aristenetes and Xenophon were for the Acheins and Acesymbrotes and Nauarchus were for the Rhodiens and for the Etoliens came Phenee Chiefe of the Army with many other Citizens When they were approacht the Sea neare vnto Nicea Titus the Chiefe of the Romans stayed at the shoare Philip being almost at Land stayed in his Vessell And when as Titus perswaded him to Land he sayd standing vpright in his ship that hee would not Being likewise demanded by Titus what he feared he answered No man but the Gods but there were many there whom hee did not trust namely the Etoliens And when the Roman Commander wondred saying that the perill was equall vnto all and that time common Philip answering sayd that he vnderstood it not so For an inconuenience hapning to Phenee the Etoliens had Commaunders enough for the War But if Philip dyed there was no King of Macedony for the present In the beginning of his Speech he seemed importune to them all But Tytus aduised him to speake of the Affaires for which hee was come Philip answered him that it belonged to him and â—ot vnto himselfe For this cause hee required him to let him know what there was to be done to enioy a Peace The Roman Commaunder told him that hee must vse plaine and open words and aduised him to leaue all Greece restoring the Prisoners and Fugitiues which were in his power To yeild likewise vnto the Romans the places of Sclauonia which he had seazed on after the Accord made in Epirus That he should restore vnto Ptolomy all the Cities which he had taken since the Death of Ptolomeus Philopater When Tytus had spoken this he held his peace But turning to the rest hee willed euery man to deliuer his charge Dionisodorus being sent by Attalus beganne first saying that he should restore the shippes taken by him in the Battaile at Sea neere vnto Chio and likewise the Prisoners and re-edifie the Temple of Venus and the Aâ—senall of the triumphes of Victories which hee had ruined After whom Asesymbrotes Chiefe of the Army at Sea for the Rhodiens required that Philip should leaue Perea which he had taken from them and finally retire the Garrisons which hee had at Iasse in the Vargylies and in the City of the Eromeens And moreouer restore the Perinthiens to the comminalty of the Constantinopolitains and to abandon Sestes Abydos and the Faiers of Asia After the Rhodiens the Acheins demanded Corinth and the City of the Argiues whole and safe After these the Etoliens required first as the Romans had done that hee should abandon all Greece and that afterwards hee should restore the Cities whole and entire which formerly had beene of the same Burgesse with the Etoliens When as Phenee Chiefe of the Etoliens had spoken thus Alexander following after whom they call Isie in shew a man of iudgement to mannage affaires and of great Eloquence said that Philip did not demand a peace roundly nor made Warre valiantly if it were to be done at any time and that in assemblies and treaties hee watcht carefully playing the part of an Enemy and that in the Warre hee carryed himselfe wickedly and not as a good man For when he should affront the Enemy it is manifest that hee flies the list and in the meane time burnes and ruines Cities and being thus vanquished by his will hee corrupts the rewards of the Victors although the ancient Kings of Macedony were neuer of that minde but quite contrary They haue fought often Battailes in the open field and haue seldome ruined any Cities The which is manifest to all the World as well by the Asian Warre of Alexander against Darius as by the difference of the Successors by the which they haue all made Warre against Antigonus for the Empire of Asia And their posterity hath beene of this humour vntill the time of â—yrrhus to fight valiantly with an Enemy in open Battaile Doing all that concerned a mutuall Combate of men furnished with Armes yet pardoning the Citties for that the Victors of them are vanquished and blamed by those which are subdued It is the part of a mad man to ruine that for which the Warre is made and then to leaue it The which he sayd Philip did at that time and that he had ruined more Cities in Thessaly being of the same friendship and League in Warre when as hee parted speedily from the streights of Epirus then euer any of those had done which made Warre against
The King accompanied with Apolodorus and Demosthenes landed and had a long discourse with Titus In regard of that which was spoken of eyther side it is a difficult thing to iudge Titus then when as Philip was retired related vnto the rest the things which hee had propounded namely that he would yeelde vnto the Etoliens Larissa and Pharsalia but not Thebes That to the Rhodiens hee would leaue Perea but not Iasson nor Bargulies to the Acheins Corinthe and the City of Argiues to the Romans that which hee held in Sclauonia with all the prisoners That he would restore to Attalus the vessels and all the prisoners that were liuing since the nauall fight But when as the whole Company disliked of this accord saying that they must generally decree that he must depart out of all Greece Otherwise all these articles would be vaine and friuolous Philip seeing this contention fearing likewise the future accusations he intreats Titus to deferre this assembly vntill the next day for that it is now late saying that hee would perswade them or suffer himselfe to be perswaded And when as Titus had granted this they resolued to assemble againe at the Port of Tyronye and so they parted The day following they all mette at the houre appoynted Philip hauing made a short speech requires them all especially Titus that they would not breake of the treaty of peace for that there were many things which did conduct to the conclusion of an accord vnlesse the fault were in them that the composition was not made Otherwise they must send Embassadours to the Senate to order their differences to the which he would obey and doe all they should command him These things thus propounded by Philip the others said that they must doe that which concerned the warre and not trust to his demands But the Roman Commander said that hee was not ignorant that Philip would not doe any thing that was propounded vnto him and yet their cause was nothing impaired in yeelding him this fauour which hee demanded For there could nothing be spoken there that could be confirmed without the Roman Senate and that moreouer the approaching time would be very commodious to make tryall of their aduice For as the Armies are vnprofitable in regard of the Winter there could be no inconuenience if in the meane time they referr'd themselues vnto the Senate but a great commodity vnto them all When they were of this opinion seeing Titus to concurre that the present differences should be transferrd'd to the Senate they resolued to suffer Philip to send an Embassie to Rome and in like manner all in particular to make their causes knowne vnto the Senate and to accuse Philip. When this resolution of the Assembly had succeeded according to the humour and aduice of Titus conceiued in the beginning he presently pursued those things which were requisite for the Enterprize hauing giuen order for his affaires Finally hee deales no more with Philip but assignes him two Moneths onely in the which hee should send an Embassie to Rome and should retire his Garrisons for Phocis and Locre Hee giues him likewise charge that hee should not make Warre against any of the Roman Allies and should giue order that in the meane time the Macedonians should doe them no outrage And when he had dealt with Philip vpon these Articles by Writing he brought the rest of the things propounded to an end of himselfe Hee suddainly sends Aminandre to Rome knowing his sufficiency in affaires and to purchase Friends easily wheresoeuer hee came and that he would procure some good conceite and hope in regard of the name of Royalty After whom hee sends for Embassadours Quintus Fabius his Nephew in respect of his Wiues Sister and Quintus Fuluiâ—s and with them Appius Claudius whom they call Nero. The Etoliens sent Alexander Issien Democrates a Calydonien Dicearchus a Trichonien Polymarchus an Arsinoen Lamin an Ambracioâ—e and Nicomachus an Acarnanien and of those which were Fugitiues from Thurion and dwelt at Ambracia Theodotes Pherea a Fugitiue of Thessaly and then remaining at Strate The Acheins sent Xenophon an Egien King Attalus Alexander alone The people of Athens Ciphesodorus All which come to Rome to the Senate to deliuer vnto their iudgements the things which they had resolued that Yeare before that the two Consuls at the request of the others were sent into Gallacia against Philip. When as Titus Friends conceiued that the two Consuls should remaine in Italy for feare of the Ganles they enter all into the Senate and accuse Philip roughly deliuering the same which they had formerly obiected vnto the King Yet they laboured carefully to possesse the Senate with an opinion that they could not hope for any liberty if Calchis Corinthe and the Demetriades conâ—nued in the hand of the Macedonians They sayd that Philip had vsed that speech and had assured that the said places were the Bonds and shackles of Greece the which he might well say with reason and truth For they could not sayle safely from Mâ—rea to Corinthe there being a royall Garrison neither durst the Locrines Beocians and Phocoâ—ses doe it whilst that Philip holds Calchis and the rest of Negrepont Neither likewise the Thessalians and Magnetians could not sayle freely Philip and the Macedonians holding the Demetriade Wherefore in that which Philip hath said that hee would leaue the other places it is a fancy and a shift to escape the present time and when opportunity should serue hee would easily subdue the Grecians so as hee held the said places For this cause they intreated the Senate that Philip might leaue those places or else continue in his Enterprize and fight valiantly And that the greatest part of the Warre was already decided the Macedonians hauing lost two Battailes and the greatest part of their forces at Land being consumed These Speeches ended they intreated them with all affection not to suffer the Grecians to bee frustrated of the hope of their liberty nor themselues depriued of an honourable Title The Embassadors of Greece hauing debated these things or the like those of Philip had prepared a Mountaine of words but they were suddainly reiected For when as they were demanded if they would leaue Calchis Coriuth and the Demetriades they denyed that they had any thing in charge Wherefore being check't by this meanes they ended their Speech The Senate sends the two Consuls into Galacia and declares the Warre against Philip to be iust giuing charge to Titus to attend the Grecians affaires When as the newes came into Greece all things succeded to Titus according to his desire For besides that Fortune fauoured him what soeuer hee vndertooke hee brought to an end by his prouidence and care Hee was in truth if there were any among the Romans a witty and ingenuous man Hee not onely vndertooke ordinary affaires but those that were secret and with such Dexterity and Courage as hee surpast all others
Sclauonians against the Epirotes A reprehension of the Epirotes Some Gaules banisht theirâ— Countrey for their disloyalty The Illirians are Sclauonians The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia A bold answer of an Embassadour Durazo surprized by the Sclaâ—oniâ—â—s Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins Corfu yeelded Corfu yeelded to the Romans Apolonia yeelded to the Romans Parthenia yeelded to the Romans An accord made with Tâ—uca Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginianâ— A description of Italy The fertillity of Ital. About three pence A pâ—ice hard to be credited The Turinois and Agoniens The Genouois The Poe. Volane Padoua Bodencus The Venetiens come from Paphlagoniâ— The Gaules manner of liuing Rome taken by the Gaules The Gaults returne against the Romans Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans The scituation of Senogallia The Bolonians defeated by the Romans A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos King Etas and Gastus slaine The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules A descent of the Transalpins into Italy The number of the Gaules Army The diligence of the Romans The preparation which the Romans made for Warre The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy Tuscany ruined by the Gaules The pollicy of the Gaules A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans The aduice of Aneâ—oeste The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules The pursuite of Emilius Caius Attilius The order of the Gaules battell Caius Attilius slaine The battell of the Foot-men The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules The Armes which the Gaules did vse A defeate of the Gaules Army The taking of King Congâ—llitane The death of King Aneroeste The Bolonians Country spoyâ—led The Boloniansâ— yeild to the Romans The Army of the Milannois The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois The Gessates dwell on this side the Rhâ—ne Acerras besieged Clâ—stidium besieged A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans Acerras taken by Cornelius The Grecians terrified by the Gaults Asdrubal slaine All Morâ—a reduced into â— league The Name of the Acheiâ—s well entertayned in Morea The Pythà gorians burnt in Italy The Lacedemonians and Thebains Arate A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra Tisamenes Sygus The alliance of twelue Citties The beginning of the league Iseas King Geryneâ— Arate The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate Lysidas Aristomacus Xenon Cleomines The enuy of the Etolienâ— against the Acheins Antigonus Tutour to Phiâ—ips Sonne Athenes The Cleomenique Warre A good confideration of Arate The nature of Kings Nicophanes Cercides A good inuention of Arate The fore-sight of Arate Diuers defeatâ— of the Achâ—â—â— Acrocâ—rinthe yeelded to Antigonus Reuolte of Aripote of Argos Argos taken by the Acheins Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus Orchomene taken with other Townes Megalopolin razed Thearce The duty of a Historiographer What is required in a Tragedy The reuolte of the Mantiniens The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinienâ— The great villany committed by the Mantinienâ— The Mantiniens sold. Aristâ—macus The cruelty of Aristomacus Aristoâ—acus strangled The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains The third part of the booty is due to the Generall The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes An Aâ—â—y leuied by Cleomenes Antigonus blamed The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army Sellasia Eua. Olympus Euclide Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile The order of Antigonus Battell The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory Philopomene The victory of Antigonus agâ—inst Clâ—omeâ—es Lacedemon taken by Antigonus Sparta or Lacedemon The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians The Death of many great Princesâ— The Countries conquered by the Romanes Hiâ—ron The Warres which Antiâ—chous and Philip made Attalus Mount Taurus Eumenides Ariarate Morea The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares Polybius hath beenâ— preâ—ent at a great part of the things which he hath written Demetrius lost his Râ—â—lme and life by conspiracy Thâ— desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia Agesilaus Phillip The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans A good comparison Fabius The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The fore sight of Amilcar Father to Hannibal Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians The second Cause The third Cause Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans Hannibal his speech to Antiochus Hanibal swears that when hee came to age he would be an enemy to the Romanes Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal A good consideration and necessary for al Gouernours The causes of the Carthaginians hatred Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers Carteia taken by assault Countries conquered by Hannibal The Toletains The riuer of Tagus Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians An Army of a hundred thousand men An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours Demetrius King of Sclauonia The scituation of Sagont The discretion of the head of an interprize Sagont forced by Hannibal Demetrius fortefied Dimale The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience The warlike pollicy or Emilius The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement The Towne of Phare razed Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus The Romane tongue changed The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Clipca stands The Promontory of Beauty The second Accord Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes the Carthaginians The third Accord The manner of Swearing of the Romanes Carthaginians in their treatiâ—s Phisinus a Historiographer Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Another accord Another accord made with Asdrubal The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History Polybius hath made forty Bookes The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as Laâ—d left in Spaine by Hannibal to Asdrubal his Brother The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine The number of men which Hannibal
Philip. Alexander the great Philips wise and â—wâ—reâ— Complaints of diuers people against the Etoliens Warre concluded against the Etoliens The Amphictions Scope chosen Head of the Etoliens Phebidius Enuy the cause of great mischiefe The difference betwixt a priuate and publique iniury The commendation of the Acarnanians Answeres toâ— Embassadours The blame of the Epirotes The Messeniens alwayes friends to the Arcadiâ—ns and Enemies to the Lacedemonians Aristocrates Machate sent Embassadour from the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians Carixeneâ— Timee The murther of the Lacedemonian Gouernours by the young men A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens The power of clemoncie in Princes Licurgus chosen King Marchate preuailes in his enterprize Townes taken in Argos by Licurgus Philips Army The scituation of Constantinople The circuit of the Pontique Sea Bosphorus Cimeriques Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontique run continually The Danowe The shelfes in the Sea King Darius The refuge of Europe The Country of the Oxe Chrysopolis The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes The continuall Warre of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians Brennus Chiefe of the Gaules The Thracians vanquished by the Gaules An absolute defeate of the â—aules Empire A Tole imposed vpon those that failed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople Mecatondore Olympiodore Prusias Attalus and Achens The meanes of Acheus raigne Acheus causeth himselfe to be called King Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains An Embassie sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolomy The Death of Thibete Canare King of the Gaules An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens An accord made with Prusias Candy in a manner reduced all vnder the obedience of the Gnosiens and Gortiniens The Lyciens Towne razed and burnt Plator chiefe of the Sclauonians Mithridates The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses The Scituation of Synope Alexander Dorimache Egyrus Oeanthy The scituation of Egire Egire surprized by the Etoâ—â—ens An assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire The Etoliens defeated by the Egirates Alexander slaine Dorimache smothered Micchus defeated The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides Athence taken by Licurgus The scituation â—f Ambracia Scope makes an incursion into Macâ—dony Ambracia taken by Philip. The Gulfe of Ambracia Poetia taken by Composition Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated byâ— Philip. Metropolis taken and burnt An assembly of the â—rolient to keepe the passage of a Riuer Ithoria very strong Peania taken by assault Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eniâ—des The retreate of the Dardâ—â—iant without doing any thing Dorimache chosen Generall of the Etoliens The retreate of Euripides from Sâ—ymphallâ— The Mountaine of Apeâ—ure Thy flight of Euripides A defeate of the Etoliens Arate ioynes with Philip. The scituation of Psophis The Riuer of Erimanthe A sally of the Elienses vpon the Macedonians Psophâ— taken by assault A composition made betweene the Citizens of Psophis and Philip. Philip giues forces to the Acheins Lâ—ssion taken Straton Thalame Thalame yeelds Appelles Tutor to Philip. The malicious policy of Appelles The Nature of Philip. Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache The scituation of Triphalia and iâ—â— Townes The scituation of Alphira The Image of Minerua Philip assailes Alphira The Typaneatâ—s yee le vnto Philip. The Phialences yâ—eld to Philip. The 〈◊〉 of the Lâ—preates against the Etoiens 〈◊〉 yeelded to Philip. Townes which yeeld to Philip. Chylon The Lacedemonian Magistratâ— slaine by Câ—ylon The Lacedemonians were vnfortunate after they had left the Lawes of Licurgus Appelles persists in his enterprize Eperate chosen chiefe of the Acheins The Castle of Mur yeilded to Philip. The slander of Appelles The accusation of Appelles against Arate the Acheins The Answere of Arate Taurion dispossest of the gouernment of Morea The conditions of Courtiers Alexandeâ— Chamberlaine to King Antigâ—nus Eperate Chiefe of the Acheins and Dorimachâ— of the Etoliens Mony Corne deliuered to Philip by the Acheins The naâ—ure of the Macedonians The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉 The forces which Philip left at Dyme The scituation of Cephalenâ—â—a Leonce Trayâ—our to Philip. Embassadours sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens The Riuer of Acheloe Methape taken by Philip. The order which Philip held to passe the streights of Therme Therme spoyled by the Macedonians The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedemonians The â—urtesie of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians Alexander the Great The blame of Philip. The Lawes of Warre The practise of a Tyrant The Duty of a King To vanquish an enemy by mildnesse The Etoliens charge Philips Rearward Paphia burriâ— Methape razed by Philip. The Etoliens made a sally out of Strate Megalee and Leonce doe outrage to Arate Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crownes The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon Licurgus takes the Towne of Elea. Philip comes to Corinthe Menelaie Amycle The great diligence of Philip. The scituation of Amycle The Temple of Apollo The Port of Gythia The Castle of Olympes The Messeniens surprized by Licurgus Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as hee passeth The Riuer of Erota The â—light of the Lacedemonians Embassadours from Rhodes to Chios A mutiny against philip and his men Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles The misery of Courtiers The flight of Megalee The taking of Leonce Appelles taken Prisoner Megalee kills himselfe The death of Appelles and his Sonne Philip sailes to Corinthe The flight of Licurgus into Etolia The Mountain Panachaique Old Arate made Chiefe of the Acheins The Auâ—houâ—s good intention An order required in all things Ptolomy King of Egypt The enterprize of Cleomenes vpon Ptolomy An Army neere vnto Ephesus Mega Beronice Archidamusâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes Cleomenes taken Prisoner and put in Guard The bold enterprize of Cleomenes Ptolomyâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes TheÌ„odote Antiochus Soâ— to Seleucus The Speech of Hermes against Epigene Antiochus marries Lâ—â—dicea Molâ—n goes to field with an Army The Scituation of Media Liban Antiliâ—ban The Towne of Brâ—chesâ— The Retreate of Molon Xenoete his Army defeated and spoyled A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. The practise of Molon against â—pigene Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile The order of Molons battaile The death of Molon Molon Crusâ—câ—fled Antiochus goes against Artabazanes Antiochus hath a Soâ—ne Artabazaâ—es makes an accord with Antiochâ—â— Apolâ—phanes aduice to Antiochus Apolophanes aduiâ—â— to â—nâ—iochus Ptolomy the Bâ—nefactor The scituation of Seâ—euciâ— Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleuoia Seleucia assaulted The Towne of Brocâ—es besieged Tyrus and ptâ—lâ—mais taken The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius An Army raised by Ptoâ—omy The distribution of Ptolomes Army to his Captaines An Embassie sent from Antiochus to Ptolomy Reasons of the warre propounded by Antiochus Thâ— answer of Ptolomes Embassadours to Antiochus A leuie of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy Embassâ—dours from the Arcadiâ—ns to Antiochus Antiochus his Army diuided into three A Combat at Sea and Land Diuers Townes taken by Antiocâ—us
likewise should prepare that which concernes the ships And the rest for the safetie of the Citie hauing a daily care for particular things But when as the Roman Army was inricht with bootie and that no man made any resistance Scipio resolues to send the greatest part of the bootie to the first baggage And taking the ablest and most actiue Bands to seeke to force the Enemies pallisadoe He therefore hauing a good courage seated his Campe in view of the Carthaginians He had a conceite that by this meanes hee should amaze and terrifie them The Carthaginians hauing in few daies giuen order for all the Equipage Victualls and munition of their Shippes they meant to weigh Anchor and to execute their Resolution Scipio came to Tunis and although that they which had fled thither kept the approaches yet he tooke it Tunis is distant from Carthage sixe score Furlongs and is to be seene in a manner by all the Citie Moreouer it is strong aswell by Nature as by Art The Carthaginians imbarked and came to Bysâ—rthe Scipio seeing the Enemies Army at Sea was troubled fearing least his should fall into some inconnenience hauing not suspected it neyther was it ready nor prepared for that which might happen Wherefore turning head he raised his Campe seeking to giue order for his affaires When hee perceiued his couered shippes well prouided to carry the instruments and conueniently to raise the siege but ill appoynted for a Combate at Sea and that those of the Enemies had beene during the Winter instructed and prepared he was out of hope to make head against them and to come to fight Yet he prepared the couered Vessell and inuironed them with three or foure ranckes of Merchants ships The remainder is wanting A PARCELL OF the Fifteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS SCipio was impatient that the meanes to get Victualls was not only taken from him but there was plenty with the Enemy But he seemed to be much more grieued that the Carthaginians had broken their Oath and Accord making War againe Wherefore hee made choise for Embassadours of Lucius Servinus Lucius Citinus and Lucius Fabius and sent them to speake vnto the Carthaginians vpon this late Action and also to signifie vnto them that the people of Rome had confirmed their Accords for they had lately brought Letters vnto Scipio containing the said Articles When the Embassadours were come to Carthage they were first brought vnto the Senate and afterwards to many others where they discoursed freely of the present Affaires First they put them in minde how their Embassadours being arriued at Tunis and were come into the assembly of the Councell they had not only Sacrificed to the Gods in bending downe to the ground as other men are accustomed to do But moreouer prostrating themselues humbly they had kist their feete And when they were risen againe had acknowledged their faulte to haue broken the Accord concluded in the beginning with the Romains and that for this cause they confest that they were not ignorant that they were lustly tormented and that they intreated that by the Fortune of Humanes they might not be forced to suffer things that were not to be repaired and that by this meanes their indiscretion and rashnesse would make the Romains bounty Commendable The Embassadours say that at the repetition of these things the Chiefe and Councellors which were then present in Counsell were amazed and wondred with what impudence they forgot things that were then spoken and durst in manner breake the Couenants sworne It is in a manner manifest that vpon the confidence they had in Hannibal and his forces they had presumed to do these things but inconsiderately Finally it was apparent to all the World that flying the last yeare out of all Italy and being shut vp through their faintnesse in the Countrey of Lacinium and in a manner besieged they are fallen at this day to that as they are hardly in safety And although that as Victors they would present themselues and trie with vs the fortune of the Warre who haue vanquished you in two following Battailes yet they must not hold the future for certaine Nor yet thinke of the Victory but rather feare to be frustrated againe And if that hapned to what Gods would they make their prayers and vowes In what Language would they speake to mooue the Victors to a Commiseration of their calamitie Seeing that with reason all hope would be taken away aswell with the Gods as men These things thus propounded the Embassadours foorth-with depart Some of the Carthaginians were of opinion that the Accord should not be broken The greatest part aswell of Burgesses as Senators disliked that to the Accord there were some grieuances added and they were much discontented at the hard reprehension of the Embassadors Moreouer they could not restore the shippes which had beene broken nor repay the Charges They were likewise fed with no small hope of Hannibals Victory One part of them were of opinion to send away the Roman Embassadors without answere The Burgesses whose intention was howsoeuer to renew the Warne consulting among themselues practized in this manner We must said they giue order that the Embassadors may be safely sent backe to their Campe. Wherfore they presently prepare two Gallies for their returne But they aduertize Asdrubal Chiefe of their Army at Sea intreating him to keepe some vessells ready neere vnto the Romans Campe to the end that when the Marriners should abandon the Embassadors these other should board them and cast them into the Sea The Army at Sea had ioyned to the Romans vpon the flat neere vnto Bysarthe When they had acquainted Asdrubal with these things they dismisse the Romans And giue charge vnto the Marriners of the Gallies that when they had past the Riuer of Macre they should suffer the Romans to Saile towards the Mountaine for from thence they might visibly discouer the Enemies Campe. When the Marriners had Conducted the Embassadours and according to their charge had crost the Riuer they turne head hauing bid the Romans farewell Lucius in trueth suspected no harme but thinking to be thus left at Sea by the Marriners through disdaine he was much incensed Whilest they sailed alone the Carthaginians present themselues with three Gallies which assaile the Roman Quinquereme not able to annoy it nor board it through the great resistance which they made And that fighting in Front and vpon the flancke they annoyed the Souldiers with great slaughter of them vntill being seene by those which spoiling the Maritine Country came running from their Campe to the Sea shore they ranne the Galley a shore It is true many of the Company were slaine but the Embassadours escaped beyond all hope These things hapning the Warie was againe renewed with greater violence and cruelty then before The Romans intended with great Courage to vanquish the Carthaginians seeing the faith violated The Carthaginians likewise fearing themselues guilty of that which they
had committed were carefull not to fall into the Enemies subiection Their courages being such it was apparent that this must be decided by a Battaile For this cause not only Italy and Affricke but also Spaine Sicily and Sardinia were troubled and rauished in their iudgements attending the end And when at the same time Hannibal was destitute of Horses he sent to one Tycheus a Numidian allied to Syphas who seemed to haue the most valliant of all the Affricane horse perswading him to giue him succours and hee should be a sharer in the Action knowing that if the Carthaginians vanquished his Principallity would remaine safe and intire But if the Romans preuailed his life it selfe wil be in danger in regard of the ambition of Massanissa Being thus perswaded hee comes vnto Hannibal with about two Thousand Horse When as Scipio had fortified his Fleete at Sea and left Bobias for Lieutenant he spoiled the Cities refusing to receiue any that offered themselues willingly making them slaues and shewing the indignation which he had conceiued against the Enemies in regard of the faith broken by the Carthaginians Finally he sends continually to Massanissa letting him vnderstand how the Carthaginians had broken the Accords intreating him to assemble the greatest Army that possibly he could and to ioyne with him according vnto their conuentions Massanissa after the conclusion of the Accord was gone with an Army accompanied with ten Ensignes of Romans aswell Horse as foote not only to recouer his owne Country but also to seaze vpon those of Syphax with the helpe of the Romans Finally it hapned that the Embassadours sent backe from Rome Landed at that time at the maritine Pallisado of the Romans Suddainly Bebias sends his men to Scipio and retaines the Carthaginians being sad and supposing to be in wonderfull danger When as they were aduertized of the cruelty of the Carthaginians towards the Roman Embassadours they helde not themselues secure from punishment When as Scipio vnderstood what had beene done that the Senate and people of Rome had confirmed the agreement which he had made with the Carthaginians and that they were ready to do that which he aduised them he was wonderfull glad Moreouer he commands Bebias to send backe the Carthaginian Embassadours to their Houses with all fauour and curtesie Vsing therein a good aduice in my opinion with a wise consideration in what great esteeme his Country held their faith with Embassadors Hee made his reckoning that the punishment deserued by the Carthaginians did not merit so great a respect then that which the honour of the Romans required to be done Wherefore refrayning his Choller and indignation conceiued for the offence of the Carthaginians hee laboured to obserue that which they say in the Prouerbe That wee must cleaue vnto the duties of our Elders By this meanes he wonne the hearts of all the Carthaginians and surmounted Hannibal and their madnesse by his Loyalty When as the Carthaginians saw their Townes forced they sent to Hannibal that hee should delay no longer but present himselfe vnto the Enemy and decide their affaires by a battaile Hannibal hearing these things made answere to those that came vnto him that hee would consider thereon and make choise of a fit time to the end he might not seeme negligent Some daies after hee raiseth his Campe from Adrumetum and marching he Campes neere vnto Zama which is a Citie fiue daies iourney from Carthage towards the West From thence he sent three Spies desirous to know where the Romans campt and how they gouerne things which concerne the Scituation of a camp When these Spies were brought to Scipio Generall of the Romans he was so faâ—re from punishing them as others vsually doe as contrariwise he gaue charge to a Captaine Milleniere to shewe them plainely what soeuer was done in the Campe. Which being done he demaunds if the Commissary had shewed them all things carefully The which when they had confest he sent them backe with Victualls and Guides commaunding them to relate carefully vnto Hannibal what they had seene This Action causing Hannibal to wonder at the magnanimity and confidence of the man he conceiued an humour to parly with Scipio The which when he had resolued he sent a Trumpet saying that he desired to Treate with him concerning all their differences Scipio hauing heard this from the Trumpet consented saying that hee would signifie vnto him the place and the howre when and where he would parly These things being heard by the Trumpet he returnes vnto his Campe. The day following Massanissa arriues with sixe Thousand foote and almost as many Horse Whom when as Scipio had intertained courteonsly and shewed him great signes of fauour for that hee had made all those subiect which had formerly obeyed Syphax hee foorth-with raiseth his Campe And when hee came vnto the City of Margara and had found a commodious place and had appointed the warring within a Bows shot hee planted his Campe there And from thence he gaue notice by certaine conuenient Messengers vnto the Chiefe of the Carthaginians that hee was ready to parly about their differences The which Hannibal hearing he presently marcheth with his camp and approaches so neere as he was within thirty furlongs of the Romans Sitting downe vpon a certaine Hill which besides the Watring was for all other things commodious and sufficient enough In trueth it was something farre and therefore troublesome vnto the Souldiers The day following the two Commanders accompanied with some few Horse-men goe out of their Camps and againe they separate themselues from their Companies meeting alone in an indifferent place with an Interpreter Hannibal began first in these termes I wish sayd hee the Romans had neuer desired any thing out of Italy nor the Carthaginians out of the limits of Affricke either of them no doubt haue great bounds and as it were limitted by Nature And as wee haue made Warre first for the difference of Sicily then againe for Spaine and that finally Fortune being auerse against vs our Countrey hath beene in danger and wee are now in perill The question is whether there be any meanes to end this present difference after we haue pacified the Gods For my part I am ready hauing made tryall how inconstant Fortune is and how by little and little shee inclineth sometimes to the one and sometimes to the other as if she were gouerned by Children I am in doubt in regard of thee as well for thy great youth as for that all things haue succeeded according to thy desire as well in Affricke as in Spaine hauing neuer yet felt the violence and fury of Fortune so as happily thou dost giue no credit to my words although they bee true Yet consider the condition of these things which not onely concerne our Ancestors but euen our selues I am that Hannibal who after the Battaile neare vnto Cannes being Lord in a manner of all Italy approached neare vnto Rome