cause that Venk-tapà Naieka lov'd her always so much the more October the eight and twentieth Vitulà Sinay sent to tell our Ambassador that having sent word of our arrival to the Court the great Ministers had acquainted Venk-tapà Naieka therewith who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife that he went not forth in publick nor suffer'd himself to be seen when they told him of this matter he stood a while without answering and at length said onely that they might come when they please Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador persons to convey his Goods and other such things wherefore Vitulà Sinay said that Sig Gio Fernandez might consider what to do whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting or to have him write again and stay for an Answer for he would do which he pleas'd Sig Gio Fernandez as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges was desirous to have provisions for the journey Men to carry his Goods and other greater conveniences although in publick and with us of his company he did not testifie so much being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion and not at his request yet I know that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter that he would write again to the Court and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King the first Monarch of Christians for so I heard him tell the Interpreter though he spoke with a low voice and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner but that people should be sent to him for his journey and persons to receive him and commands given to Venk-tapà 's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court he would stay another week at Onòr and longer if need were till a better Answer came and that if he thought it expedient Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office as he that might do it best and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction October the nine and twentieth After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt Sig Gio Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter wherefore entring with us into one of those boats which they call Mancive going with twenty or four and twenty Oars onely differing from the Almadies in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop sever'd from the banks of rowers and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room we pass'd out of the Port and thence from the mouth of the River Southward went to land upon the continent where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees of which all this Country is full This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles where they bear sway themselves Sig Gio Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass and at length the discourse being ended the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr Upon the way he told us that Vitulà Sinay said that in either case of his writing again or going in person to the Court and waiting for a new Answer many dayes would be lost therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting and that to carry his the Ambassador's Goods they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order wherefore Sig Fernandez told us he was resolv'd to go by all means and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient they alone requiring twenty five besides those of the rest of his company he would hire the rest at his own charge and rid himself of this perplexity By this change of opinion after this interview I understood that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death and the present confusion of the Court as for some other cause and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer was but an excuse of Vitulà but in fine the truth could be no other then that they would not give him any greater Provisions or because Venk-tapà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie c. And to confirm this I know that before Sig Fernandez departed from Goa Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince neighbour to Mangalòr who liv'd under the Portugal's protection for whose defence two or three years before the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka and receiv'd a notable defeat by him it was in vain and that Sig Gio Fernandez now first known to him might forbear to undertake this journey for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince as he had promis'd upon agreement if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr or elsewhere he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands once his own privately in hopes perhaps to raise some new commotion one day So that Venk-tapà Naieka knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel which little pleas'd him and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions and bring him in a great sum of mony by agreement made by the Portugals who every year were either to take it or pay for it and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year nor yet for a great part of that of the last for which by râ—ason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him And lastly observing the Portugals weakned and low so that they not onely stood in need of him but now in some sort began to submit
to undertake their Protection that the Pope might not do them such Prejudices This coming to the Pope's Ears he commanded Monsig Visconti his Inquisitor at Malta to endeavor the hindring of those Embassies and in case of obstinacy to prohibit them by a Publick Act in the Name of his Holiness admonishing the Order that they had no other Superior besides the Pope and ought not to recurr to any about their affairs but to him The Inquisitor us'd his utmost diligence but seeing it prevail'd not he caus'd the Pope's Prohibition to be signifi'd to the Ambassador's Elect by a fit Minister One or two of them made no stir but another fell into such a rage that he drew a Ponyard to assault the Inquisitor's Officer that gave him the Intimation After which all the Knights banded together and went tumultuously to the Grand Master who was then in the Church at Vespers and by furious menaces of a notable sedition caus'd him to send some Grand Crosses to desire the Inquisitor to revoke the said Prohibition otherwise a very great tumult and the ruine of the Order would ensue The Inquisitor mov'd with this and other effectual Instances which they made to him not without tumult said He had no Authority re-call a Prohibition made by the Pope but to prevent further mischiefs he condescended to revoke the said Order so far as his own Authority which he judg'd none at all in this matter could extend Whereupon the Ambassadors presently departed The Pope understanding this sequel gave the Maltese-Ambassador residing at Rome a great check and testifi'd so great displeasure with the Order that the Ambassador himself who perhaps had been the first cause of these Tumults at Malta by writing to the Knights there to defend their causes resolutely that he now writ after a different manner and so represented both to the Grand Master and the Order the Pope's displeasure and what mischief he might do them That being terrify'd there-with they sent Posts after their Ambassadors to return without negotiating at all with the said Princes Some of them who were not yet arriv'd at the places whither they were sent upon this Order return'd back without doing any thing others who were arriv'd at the Courts of the design'd Princes obtain'd their Letters of recommendation to the Pope which were of little moment but ever since this business the Pope hath had but little good will towards the Order and hath frequently declar'd a purpose to reform it in sundry things As that no Women should live in the new City call'd il Convento their Simoniacal Elections of Grand Masters and other things of which the Knights were much afraid To these old disgusts another hath lately been added Upon the loss of their Gallies taken by the Turks a while agoe with the slaughter of many Knights the Order for repairing the same thought and I believe had already resolv'd to lay a Gabel whether perpetual or temporal I know not upon the Commendams and Possessions of the Order which without the Pope's leave could not be done The Pope extreamly dislik'd this course conceiving no necessity of attempting it for that loss since they had lost nothing but two pieces of wood and as for the Knights they might be recruited by the income of moneys which are paid upon the admittance of others to take the Cross besides that as to interest they had rather gain'd then lost having by the death of so many Knights gotten spoyls enough to pay the charge pretended without burdening the possessions of the Order with any imposition All which Reasons consider'd the Pope hearing that they were resolv'd to impose the said Gabel without addressing to him became extreamly displeas'd with the Knights threatning them with Excomunications and other punishments Whereupon the Order dispatch'd this Prior of the Church who is also a Grand Cross and a Priest Ambassador extraordinary to his Holiness to pacifie him December the twenty sixth We had news at Syracuse that an English Fleet had landed some Forces at Cadiz upon the Coast of Spain which were valorously repuls'd by the Spaniards They are great amplifiers of their own Exploits and writ word that the said Fleet consisted of eighty Ships and landed twelve thousand men December the twenty ninth Being desirous to visit some Cavaliers of the Family of la Valle in the City of Catania where there lives many by all circumstances deriv'd from the same Root with us of Rome I set forth thither this Morning in the Bishop's Coach accompani'd by Sig Paolo Satalia a Syracusian We travell'd not far from the Sea-side leaving on the right hand a little fruitful Island near the Continent of Sicily now call'd Manghesi but by Virgil with good reason Tapsumque jacentem for it is all plain and very low A little further we left on the right hand also towards the Sea the City Augusta sometimes call'd Megara whence Virgil making mention of it saith Megarosque Sinus In the Evening we pass'd through Carlo Lentini built upon high clifts and so call'd as if it were Lentini di Carlo because Charles the Fifth Emperor built it with intent perhaps to transfer the City of Lentini which lies hard by thither for better air At length having travell'd twenty four miles from Syracuse we took up our Lodging in Lentini at the house of Sig Flaminio Mollica Baron of Bagnara who a few days before had sent to visit me in Syracuse and receiv'd me here with extraordinary civility December the thirtieth Having heard Mass in Santa Maria di Giesu a little without the City we went to the Church of the Saints Alfio Philadelfo and Cirino three French Brethren Martyrs and Protectors of Lentini which City is styl'd Faecundissima Lentinorum Urbs and gives for its Arms a Lion Rampant the ancient badg of the Leontines as appears by their ancient Medals and I observ'd by the Bill of Health which they gave us for by reason of the Contagion at Palermo without taking a Bill of Health at every place c. After dinner we departed and not far from Lentini pass'd over a little River which they call il fiume di Lentini and probably is the Pantagia of Virgil. Before night we arriv'd at Catania which lies but eighteen miles from Lentini and lodg'd in the house of Sig Don Angelo Campochiano di Calatagironi who was then Vicar General to the Bishop of Catania and upon the recommendation of the Bishop of Syracuse receiv'd and treated us here with much respect being also something alli'd to the Sig della Valle of Catania December the thirty first I was visited by all the Sig della Valle and many other Eminent Gentlemen of several Families their Alliances They were so many that I shall not particularly name them only I shall intimate that at this day there are in Catania five Chiefs of the Family of la Valle all deriv'd from the same stock namely first Sig Don Franc. della Valle Baron of Miraglia
Ages from God That this Law thus delivered must needs be one Law in all things agreeing in it self And so did not the Law of Mahomet That this Law thus delivered was most conformable to right son And so was not the Law of Mahomet That Man fall'n from God by sin was not able to recover himself from that Fall and therefore it was necessary that there should be one more than a Man to do it for him and that that One could not be Mahomet That this One was Christ God as well as Man God to satisfie the Mahometans themselves confessing that Christ was the breath of God and Man to suffer death as he did That Christ the Son of God coming into the World about that great Work of satisfying Gods anger against Man for sin it was necessary that he should live a poor and laborious life here on Earth at which the Mahometans much stumble and not a life that was full of pomp and pleasure and delicacy That the Gospel of Christ and other holy books of Scripture which the Christians retain and walk by contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved But there is very much to be found in their Alcaron which is so That the great worth and worthiness shining in the Person of Christ was by far more excellent than any thing observable in Mahomet for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin when Mahomet himself acknowledgeth that he had been a filthy person That the feigned foolish and ridiculous miracles which they say were done by Mahomet were nothing comparable to the Miracles done by Christ who as the Mahometans confess did greater Miracles than ever were done before or since him That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ into the world and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that believe in him and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him and on him alone for Salvation There were many more particulars besides these which that Ieronymo Xaveere laid down before the Mogol to ground his arguments on which that King heard patiently at several times during the space of one year and a half but at last he senâ— him away back again to Goa honourably with some good gifts bestowed on him telling him as Felix did after he had reasoned before him that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time Acts 24. 25. Which time or season neither of them both ever found afterward These Particulars which I have here inserted with many more I might have added to them upon all which that Ieronymo Xaveere enlarged himself before the Mogol in his arguings before him were given unto me in Latine by Francisco Corsi another Jesuit resident at that Court while I was there and long before that time And further I have been there told by other people professing Christianity in that Empire that there was such a Dispute there held and for my part I do believe it For that Francisco Corsi he was a Florentine by birth aged about fifty years who if he were indeed what he seemed to be was a mamof a severe life yet of a fair and an affable disposition He lived at that Court as an Agent for the Portugals and had not only free access unto that King but also encouragement and â—elp by hifts which he sometimes bestowed on him When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassadour he told him that they were both by profession Christians though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it And as he should not go about to reconcile the Embassadour to them So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us Only he desired that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them but no disputes And further his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us might not be made there to appear that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity which might have been a very main Obstacle and hinderance unto his great Design and endeavour for which he was sent thither to convert people unto Christianity there Telling my Lord Embassadour further that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there and so he was After his first acquaintance he visited us often usually once a week And as those of that society in other parts of the world are very great intelligencers so was he there knowing all news which was stirring and might be had which he communicated unto us And he would tell us many stories besides one of which if true is very remarkable And it was thus There are a race of people in East India the men of which race have if he told us true their right legs extraordinary great and mishapen their left legs are like other mens Now he told us that they were the posterity of those who stamped St Thomas the Apostle to death come thither to preach the Gospel and that ever since the men of that race have and only they of that Nation that great deformity upon them Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told but whether that deformity be like Geheza's leprosie hereditary and if so whether it fell upon that people upon the occasion before-named I am yet to learn The Jesuits in East India for he was not alone there have liberty to convert any they can work upon unto Christianity c. The Mogol hath thus far declared that it shall be lawful for any one perswaded so in conscience to become a Christian and that he should not by so doing lose his favour Upon which I have one thing here to insert which I had there by report yet I was bid to believe it and report it for a truth concerning a Gentleman of quality and a servant of the great Mogol who upon some conviction wrought upon him as they say would needs be Baptized and become a Christian. The King hearing of this Convert sent for him and at first with many cruel threats commanded him to renounce that his new profession the man replied that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause which the King could in 〈…〉 ct The Mogol then began to deal with him another way askking why he thought himself wiser then his Fore-fathers who lived and died Mahometans and further added many promises of riches and honour if he would return to his Mahometism he replied again as they say for I have all this by Tradition that he would not accept of any thing in the world so to do The Mogol wondring at his constancy told him that if he could have frighted or bought him out of his new profession he would have made him an example for all waverers but now
modesty easily happen And I would to God that in our Countries in sundry cases as of marrying or not and the like matters we had not frequent examples which Women not seldom give of great resolutions not forc'd in appearance but indeed too much forc'd in reality for avoiding displeasure and other inconveniencies In the Territories of Christians where the Portugals are Masters Women are not suffer'd to be burnt nor is any other exercise of their Religion permitted them Moreover the Indian-Gentiles believe that there is a Devil in the world almost of the same conditions wherewith we conceive him but they think too that many wretched Souls unworthy ever to have pardon from God as the last of the great punishments which they deserve become Devils also than which they judge there cannot be a greater misery The greatest sin in the world they account shedding of blood especially that of men and then above all the eating of humane flesh as some barbarous Nations do who are therefore detested by them more then all others Hence the strictest amongst them as the Brachmans and particularly the Boti not onely kill not but eat not any living thing and even from herbs tinctur'd with any reddish colour representing blood they wholly abstain Others of a larger conscience eat onely fish Others the most ignoble and largest of all though they kill not nevertheless they eat all sort of Animals good for food except Cows to kill and eat which all in general abhor saying that the Cow is their Mother for the Milke she gives and the Oxen she breeds which plough the Earth and do a thousand other services especially in India where through the paucity of other Animals they make use of these more then any for all occasions So that they think they have reason to say That Cows are the prop of the world which perhaps would signifie by that Fable common also to the Mahometans and by me formerly mention'd That the world is supported upon the Horns of the Cow Moreover they have these creatures in great Veneration for Cows being kept well in India and living with little pains and much ease therefore they believe that the best Souls to whom God is pleased to give little pain in this world pass into them All the Indians use many washings and some never eat without first washing the whole body Others will not be seen to eat by any one and the place where they eat they first sweep wash and scoure with water and Cow-dung Which besides cleanliness is to them a Ceremonial Right which they think hath the virtue to purifie But having observ'd it too in the houses of Christians I find that indeed it cleanses exquisitly and makes the floores and pavements of houses handsome smooth and bright And if the Cows and Bulls whose dung they use eat grass it gives a prety green to the pavement if straw a yellowish But for the most part the floores are red as those of Venice are and I know not with what they give them that colour But these and other Ceremonies which I have not seen my self and know onely by Relation I willingly pass over I shall conclude therefore with saying that by the things hitherto mention'd it appears that in the substance of Religion and what is most important all the Races of the Indians agree together and differ onely perhaps through the necessity which is caus'd by the diversity of humane conditions in certain Rites and Ceremonies particularly of eating more or less indistinctly Wherein the Ragia puti Souldiers with the wonted military licentiousness take most liberty without thinking themselves prejudic'd as to the degree of Nobility Next to them the meanest and most laborious professions are more licentious in eating then others because they need more sustinenance some of which drink Wine too from which the others more strict abstain to avoid ebriety and so from all other beverage that inebriates But those of other Races whose employments admit more rest and a better life are also more sparing and rigorous in the use of meats especially the Brachmans as I said dedicated wholly to Learning and the Service of Temples and the most noble of all In testimony whereof they alone have the priviledge to wear a certain Ensign of Nobility in their Sect whereby they are distinguisht from others 't is a fillet of three braids which they put next the flesh like a Neck-chain passing from the left shoulder under the right arm and so round This fillet hath a mystery and is given to all persons of that Race and to a few of one other for a great favour with many superstitious Ceremonies of which I forbear to speak because I have not yet any good information thereof There was a long dispute in India between the Jesuits and other Fathers whether this fillet which the Portugals call Linha was a badge of Religion or onely an Ensign of piety and whether it was not to be permitted or not to Indian Converts who were very loth to lay it aside Much hath been said and with great contest by both parties and at length the cause is carried to Rome and I was inform'd of it two or three years ago in Persia. For I remember Sig Matteo Galvano Gudigno a Canon and Kinsman to the then Archbishop of Goa pass'd by Sphahà n and continu'd there many days being sent by the same Archbishop who favour'd the side contrary to the Jesuits purposely to Rome with many writings touching this affair which he out of courtesie communicated to me I know not whether the final determination of it be yet come from Rome some say it is and in favour of the Jesuits But at Goa we shall know these things better The truth is the Jesuits prove on one side that the honour of wearing this Ribban is frequently granted not onely to the Indians but also to strangers of different Nation and Sect as to Mahometans who by condescension of that King who among the Indians hath authority to do it as Head of their Sect in spirituals have in recompence of great and honourable services enjoy'd this priviledge without becoming Gentiles or changing their Religion but still persisting to live Mahometans which indeed is a strong Argument On the other side they prove that many Brachmans and others of the Race priviledg'd to wear it intending to lead a stricter life and abandon the world by living almost like Hermits amongst other things in humility lay aside this Ribban being a token of Nobility which 't is not likely they would do if it were a Cognizance of Religion yea they would wear it the more But this second Argument seems not to me so cogent because amongst us Christians if a Knight of the order of Calatrava or the like which are Ensignes of Nobility in order to a more holy life enter into some Religion either of Fryers Monks or other Regulars 't is clear that taking the Religious Habit he layes aside the body of his
they call Fratelli Brothers or young Fryars He gave me Letters to F. Antonio Albertino an Italian and Rector of their Colledge in Daman and to the Father Rector of their Colledge of Bassaim desiring them that since I could not imbarque at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals because I was to return to Surà t where I had left my goods in the Ships they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila either at Daman or Bassaim where I intended to meet it as it return'd I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Fathers Resident at Agrà to whom I had written formerly from Persia desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books written by their Fathers in that Court in order to get the same printed at Rome and by Sig Alberto Scilling I had understood that my first Letter was receiv'd there and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia particularly of this Sig Alberto In this other Letter from Cambaia I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa and desiring them to write to me there and remember to favour me with those Books Having dispatch'd the Father Jesuit we return'd to the Dutch House to have a Collation and here we were entertain'd a good while with good Musick by an Indian who sung tolerably well and play'd upon a certain odd instrument us'd in India which pleas'd me well enough because it was not so obstreperous Musick as the ordinary of the vulgar Indians but rather low and very sweet and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country having liv'd at the Court of Tisapor in the service of Adilsiah His Instrument was made of two round Gourds dy'd black and vernish'd with a hole bor'd in one of them to reverberate the sound Between the one Gourd and the other about the distance of three spans was fastned a piece of wood upon which they both hung and the strings which were many partly of brass and partly of steel were extended passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges and these were the frets which he touch'd with the left Hand to diversify the sounds and the strings with the right not with his Fingers or Nails but with certain iron wires fastned to his Fingers by certain rings like thimbles wherewith he did not strike the strings strongly but lightly touch'd them from the top downwards so that they render'd a sound sufficiently pleasant When he play'd he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder and the other under his right arm so that it was a prety sight Collation and Musick ended we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants and took the same way by which we came We pass'd over the five Cos of wet ground with the four Currents of Water of which the second was the deepest having waited a while for a fit hour in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches Carts Horse-men and Foot-men in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before onely the Water was now much higher then we had found it at our coming so that it came into all the Coaches and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches bare leg'd too because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water and the Coaches being light if Men hir'd purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in without doubt the Water would have swept them away In this place on the left hand towards the land in the moist ground we beheld at a distance many Fowls as big or bigger then Turkies go up and down rather running then flying They told us they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros Flamencos from their bright colour and I think they are those of whose beaks Mir Mahhammed in Spahà n makes bow-rings for the King although he erroneously takes it for the beak of the Cocuos or Phoenix which good Authors describe not a water Fowl but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains Having at length pass'd this dangerous foard and following our way we came at night to lodge at Giambuser the same Town where we had lodg'd formerly March the eighth We put our selves upon the way again and foarded the little salt-water Dilavel and at night arriv'd at Barocci and were as formerly entertain'd in the House of the Dutch But upon the way before we enter'd the City we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who but seems to be some great person's and is worship'd by the Moors as a sacred thing This Fabrick is pleasantly seated amongst Trees something elevated upon the side of a little Lake or Great Cistern In the chief part of it besides the principal Sepulchre which stands apart in the most worthy place are many other Sepulchres of white Marble of an oblong form with many carvings and works tolerable enough 't is likely they are the Tombs either of the Wives and Children or of the other kindred of the Principal because they seem all of the same work and time Round this greater structure stand other less with Sepulchres of Moors in them who cause themselves to be buried there out of devotion to the place whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not onely of some great person or Prince as it intimates but also of one that dy'd with some opinion among the Moors of Sanctity I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King who came to have dominion in those parts but I credit not the Relation because I had it not from a good hand March the ninth We departed from Barocci ferrying over the River and at night lodg'd at Periab where we had quarter'd before as we went March the tenth Having gone the short way which remain'd and pass'd the River of Surat by boat we came to that City about Noon where I repair'd to the House before assign'd me by the Dutch Commendator and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants seen by us at Ahmedabà d who was come thither with a Brother of hers in order to be marry'd shortly to one Sig Guilielmo a Hollander to whom she had been promis'd in Marriage at Ahmedabà d and who also was in the same House which was capable of him and more I understood at Surà t that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sackt the City of Agrà except the Castle and that his Army and himself had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and
which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth or half lying along upon cushions and so is carry'd very conveniently Moreover the Palanchini and the Andòr differ from one another for that in the latter the Cane upon which they carry is strait as it is likewise in the Nets but in the Palanchini for greater ease of the person carry'd that he may have more room to carry his head upright the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊ and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight therefore they are sold dear at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece which amount to about sixty of our Crowns Besides as well the Palanchini as the Andòr and the Nets are cover'd for avoiding the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves to wit those of the Indian Nut and other such Trees sufficiently handsome which being cast over the Cane hang down on each side having two windows with little shutters They keep out the water very well and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncover'd and carry'd by a servant Yet I never saw any go uncover'd in Goa either in Andòr or Nets but out of the City in the Country many I have spoken more at length of these Carriages because they are unknown in our Countries although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete engraven in certain Maps of the World and if I mistake not amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil where I believe they are us'd and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India not onely in Cities but also in journeys and those of sufficient length wherefore to make experience of it I was minded to have my self carry'd this day after the manner which I have describ'd nor must I omit that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfi'd with a very small reward Going in Palanchino in the Territories of the Portugals in India is prohibited to Men because indeed 't is a thing too effeminate nevertheless as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain and for favours or presents and afterwards become so common that they are us'd almost by every body throughout the whole year On the tenth of August I believe the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa returning from the Northern signes and passing to the Southern yet for the day and precise hour I refer my self to a better Calculation according to the good Books which I have not here with me On the eleventh of the same Moneth I saw at Goa a Carnero or Weather without horns which they told me was of the Race of Balagà t not great but of strong limbs harness'd with a velvet saddle crupper head-stall bridle stirrups and all the accoutrements of a Horse and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù which low School of Reading and Writing the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children not at the Colledge which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are but at the Church of Giesù which is the Profess'd House and stands in the middle of the City whither the abovesaid Youth rode daily upon his Martin and I observ'd that the beast being us'd to the place knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him as they do many Horses I took the more notice of this trifle because it seem'd a new thing to ride upon such creatures for although in our Countries Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture running leaping and capring yet 't is onely for sport and with puppets upon the saddle but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mention'd although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness On the sevententh of August the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa which they call Narvè or as the vulgar corruptly speak Narvà as it were for pardon or absolution and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here plunging themselves into the Arm of the Sea Men and Women together all naked without any respect at all even persons of quality and casting Fruits Perfumes and other things into the water as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place with other Ceremonies Devotions and the like which I relate not more particularly because I was not present at them because the great Rain kept me from going to see them as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in general of it as being a considerable thing amongst them This Feast and their Devotion lasts two days but the first is most remarkable August the one and thirtieth A Galeon coming from Mascà t being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Moneths before at Mascà t with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships was gone to attempt Sohèr which place being formerly abandon'd by the Portugals was now fortifi'd by the Persians with a strong Garrison and that after he had landed he assaulted the Fort but could not take it though many Moors were slain in the encounter and about twenty five Portugals amongst which were three or four Captains Men of Valor and Esteem in which action some conceiv'd that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance but he continuing to besiege it it was deliver'd to him upon Articles the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage after which he raz'd the Fortifications and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia which they call Galfarcan and having taken it out of indignation as I believe for the many good Souldiers which they had kill'd of his at Sohà r and to cast a terror left no person alive sparing neither sex nor age Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve because on the one side it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country and on the other it will incite Enemies to fight against more obstinately and valorously as knowing they are to expect no quarter This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Vice-Roy but they say likewise
things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell and the five Ships of War whereof Sig Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us where we arriving the abovesaid night did not land because it was late but slept in the Vessel October the fourteenth We went a shore in the Morning at Pangi and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side where I being present with them Sig Gio Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King wherewith he testified great contentment but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians especially of the Gentiles who all wear them in both ears And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law but onely customarily disus'd and that in Europe it was us'd by many he commended the custom and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant and better then they who wore none so powerful is use to endear things to the eye and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some which others through want of custom dislike or value not This day we departed not because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us was unprovided with Sea-men for which we were fain to stay till the day following and then were not very well provided The cause whereof was for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Scià h would not permit their Ships to come as they were wont to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals of which were there nothing else theirs being weaker and more confus'd in their Government then ever and all things in bad order was a sufficient ground for remedy of which they took no other course but daily loaded themselves with nâ—w unusual and most heavy Impositions to the manifest ruine of the State taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels but if such thefts continue both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels and as many as they can invent will be all swallow'd up Nevertheless the Portugals are heedless according to their custom and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Scià h think he knows nothing of these disorders and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impentinence of his Officers What the event will be Time will shew But to return to my purpose Not being to depart this day we went to dine and pass the time with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig Baldassar d' Azevedo who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side a little distant from the Villa or Fort where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi Whilst we were recreating our selves Sig Fernandez bethinking himself of what perhaps he had not thought of before ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage and I telling him that I had not because I did not think it needful he reply'd that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go otherwise he could not venture to carry me for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him by saying that he had carry'd me a stranger and without the Vice-Roy's Licence into suspected places where matters of State were to be handled in brief knowing the matter blameable and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others and particularly a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes and much inferior to this he told me resolutely that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good either for him or me that I should go Wherefore being we were not to depart that day he advis'd me to return to the City and procured the said Licence if I intended to go and he would stay for me till the next Morning but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship nor would he by any means venture to carry me I who well understood the procedures of the Portugals and what rigor they use in their Government and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices was sensible that Sig Fernandez had reason and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency because I accounted it not necessary but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy who knew me well and had shewn himself courteous to me I look'd upon as not difficult Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen I went by boat to the City and having first given account of my business to Sig Antonio and Sig Ruy Gomez his Brother to whose House I repair'd having left that which I had hir'd and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci I went with the same Sig Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend whom I desir'd as the fittest person to do it in the short time left me to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand directed to the Ambassador Gio Fernandez wherein he told him that whereas I desir'd to go along with him he might carry me and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person with other like courteous and high expressions Having gotten my Licence I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio to visit the Bishop of Coeni who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa and whom I had not yet visited and understanding that he was desirous to know me and was a Prelate of great merit not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters but also in point of Government and Warr for he
Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samori took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 dgrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding
held wholly desperate although to encourage others to the expedition he still kept up the report The same Ship brought news how Ruy Freira whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships sent two to the streight of Mecha to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces another to Sindi to fetch provisions and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia otherwise he should take them yet neither those of Mecha nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschà t so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters Besides during his being before Ormùz he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostà n and that this enterprize succeeded well enough they having made great destruction and taken much spoil but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey contrary to the order of Ruy Freira and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals and causes infinite disorders design'd to set upon another place whose Governour who was an Arabian Sceich at first attempted to make them forbear with good words saying that he was their Vassal c. but when he saw that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity he got his men together and made head against them so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order he defeated them killing many and amongst those divers Captains and Soldiers of valour which was no small loss It was further related that during the Siege of Ormùz the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things and which was most important of water also which within fail'd them and was corrupted yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison which they call Trumbà k where not through want of Soldiers for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries but for want of money to pay and support them he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd They said lastly that Ruy Freira was at Massà t soliciting for aid and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahà n He was a sagacious person and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes and before this pass was open he had no profit at all Yet this Jew could not tell me whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian was because the Prince who raigned there was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Scià h as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together and that he who raigned still either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's or through fear since the taking of Ormùz or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian Ianuary the twenty fifth The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul this day being the Feast of their Colledge began to make part of their Solemnities which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier the Celebration of which was deferred till now that more time might be allotted for preparation They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners one of which represented the Asiaticks one the Africans and another the Europaeans those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries Before the Cavalcade went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick published the News of the said Canonization Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge both which Chariots were also full of very good Musick and many people Moreover they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels drawn by Men on foot well cloth'd after the Indian fashion Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits upon another all the Doctors and Writers of Books upon another figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits where the said Order hath foundations to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion and lastly another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio and San Francesco Sciavier All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs Statues and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church one before the profess'd House of Giesù one before the Church of San Paolo where at first they kept the Colledge but by reason of the badness of the Air remov'd it from thence yet the Church remaining to them which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent but at this day is but meanly provided for so that they are still in contest with the City about it who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge The last they left before the new Colledge the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco and by the other Name also but the Jesuts resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers who by long and intricate suits use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it onely to the end not to have them Neighbours under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air and the prospect of the Sea The Jesuits I say resolute to abide there prevailing
expected in the sad issue thereof than the loss of all our lives and goods But having a little Parlee with them for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them they were all quieted and contented and immediately left us wishing us a good journey After this when we had gone forward about twenty dayes journey which daily Remoovs were but short by reason of our heavy carriages and the heat of the weather it hapned that another of our Company a young Gèntleman about twenty years old the Brother of a Baron of England behaved himself so ill as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us This young man being very unruly at home and so many others that have been well born when their friends knew not what to do with them have been sent to East-India that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea in their passage thither or else have Graves made for them on the Indian shore when they come there A very cleanly conveyance but how just and honest I leave to others for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither but they out-lived that Voyage For the young Gentleman I spake of his imployment was to wait upon our Chief Commander in his Cabin who very courteously when he came to Sea turn'd him before the mast amongst the common Saylors a great preferment for a Man of his Birth but for all this he out-liv'd that harsh usage and came safely to East-India and my Lord Ambassadour hearing of him and being well acquainted with his great kindred sent for him up to Court and there entertain'd him as a Companion for a year then giving him all fit accommodations sent him home again as a passenger for England where after he safely arrived But in our way towards that Court it thus happened that this hot-brains being a little behind us commanded him then near him who was the Princes servant before spoken of to hold his horse the man replied that he was none of his servant and would not do it Upon which this most intemperate mad youth who was like Philocles that angry Poet and therefore called Bilis Salsigo Choler and Brine for he was the most hasty and cholerick young man that ever I knew as will appear by his present carriage which was thus first he beat that stranger for refusing to hold his horse with his horse-whip which I must tell you that people cannot endure as if those whips stung worse than Scorpions For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them as that people think one is to be beaten with that whip wherewithall they strike their beasts the other to be beaten and this they esteem the more disgraceful punishment of the two about the head with shooes But this stranger being whipt as before came up and complained to me but to make him amends that frantick young man mad with rage and he knew not wherefore presently followed him and being come up close to him discharg'd his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body which bullets by the special guidance of the hand of God so flew that they did the poor man no great hurt only one of them first tearing his coat bruised all the knuckles of his left hand and the other brake his bow which he carried in the same hand We presently disarmed our young Bedlam till he might return again to his wits But our greatest business was how to pacifie the other man whom he had thus injured I presently gave him a Roopee in our money two shillings and nine pence he thanked me for it and would have taken it with his right but I desired him to take it with his maim'd hand and so he did and could clinch it very well which I was glad of Then we did shew as we had cause all the dislike we could against that desperate act of him from whom he received his hurt telling him that we were all strangers and for our parts had done him no wrong at all and therefore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another and we further told him that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Court he should have all the satisfaction he could desire He told us that we were good men and had done him no wrong and that he would till then rest contented but he did not so for about two hours after we met with a great man of that Country having a mighty train with him as all the Grandees there have when they travel of whom more afterward He presently went towards him that to him he might make his complaint and so did telling him that he was the Prince's servant why he came to us and how he had been used by us shewing him his hand and his other breaches The great man replied that it was not well done of us but he had nothing to do with it and so departed on his way That night after we came to a strong large Town and placing our selves on the side of it he did what he could as we imagined to raise up that People against us some of them coming about us to view us as we conceived but putting on the best confidence we could and standing then upon our guard and all of us watching that night but in a special manner by the good providence of God who kept us in all our journey we here felt none of that mischief we feared but early in the morning quietly departed without the least molestation After which with a little money and a great many good words we so quieted this man that we never after heard any more complaining from him So that as before I observed we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it Before I observed that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits but there are some I named in my last Section who are stout daring men as the Baloches Patans and Rashboots who as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted valiant so as occasion is offered they will shew themselves so to be and therefore they are much hired as Convoys to secure Mens Persons and Goods from place to place For those Provinces they are not without Mountains of prey and Tabernacles of Robbers as David and Iob speak where desperate men keep in some Woods and Deserts which are not far from great road-ways most frequented and used and there like the wild Arabes in Companies meet and spoil and destroy poor Passengers when they expect them not it being the cursed manner of those Spoilers if they prevail against them whom they surprise to kill them before they rifle them and therefore the first thing
there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships which they call l' armata del Canarà because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà or else l' armata della Colletta for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations The General of this Fleet was Sig Luis de Mendoza a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo as they speak young but of very good parts The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio formerly my Friend at Goa whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship Whereupon hearing of his Arrival I went to seek him and finding him already landed I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut in order to carry thither two Men of Samori King of Calecut Samori is a Title given to all those Kings like our Emperour or Caesar which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace for he had been many years if not at War yet at enmity with the Portugals saying that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity and treat of Articles Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer and as Sig Ayres said the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night yet would return very shortly because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours onely till he had landed these Men and understood what Resolution the Samori gave in Answer without giving him more time to think thereupon That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr and all the other Ports of that Coast to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice which were now prepar'd or a preparing and convoy them according to their custom to Goa where by reason of scarcity of provision they were much desir'd Hearing this News I was â—â—ath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig Ayres the same day putting off my Journey to Carnate whither I had hopes to go at my return Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino and the Men that were to carry me together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr because he was not willing to go further with me I went aboard alone without any Servant assuring my self I could not want attendance and what-ever else was needful in the Ship wherein I found Sig Manoel Leyton Son of Sig Gio Fernandez Leyton embarqu'd as a Souldier which course of life he was now first enter'd upon besides many other eminent Souldiers who were afterwards very friendly to me and with whom I spent many days in good conversation December the nineteenth We departed from Mangalòr and went formost of all because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land call'd Monte Deli and the next day December the twentieth by another call'd Monte Fermoso At night we anchor'd under Cananòr but enter'd not the Port having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues December the one and twentieth Once in the Morning and once in the Evening we met with Paroes which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers of whom this Coast was full for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà and that of Malabar begins We made ready our Arms both times to fight them but they fled from us and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers whereof that Coast is full where by reason it was their own Territory and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places we could not pursue them to take them onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose which were answer'd from that Land with the like we might easily have attempted if not to take that which we saw in the Evening yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon if the General had not had regard to the Land they recover'd which belong'd to the Samori to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation he was willing to have respect At night we came to Anchor under Calecut which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr December the two and twentieth Early in the Morning the Samori's two Men landed at Calecut and with them a Portugal common Souldier but well clad and attended whom the General sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer which was That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace and would gladly conclude it but on condition that the Samori made Peace too with the King of Cocin the Portugals Confederate whom it was not fit to léave out of the said Peace and the rather because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samori were touching the King of Cocin whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend and had alwayes to the dammage of the Samori his perpetual Adversary much supported That if the Samori were contented to make Peace with both he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions and they should be receiv'd very well Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore and the Samori's Royal Palace is not far off And together with the Portugal the Samori sent to the General a Portugal Boy eight or ten years old call'd Cicco who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr had been taken Prisoner and was brought up in his Court he sent him well cloth'd and accompany'd not onely with many persons but also with Pipes and Drums that he might visit the General in his Name and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat namely Indian Figgs Lagne and other fruits His Answer to the business was that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration withall desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet with other Reasons which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd lest the Portugals should molest them at Sea than real intentions for a Peace especially with the King of Cocin with whom he hath long and intricate discords not so easily to be terminated The Portugals also demanded that the Samori would remove a Garrison which he had plac'd in certain Confines where they for their own security and the defence of the King of