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A42904 The history of the United Provinces of Achaia collected in Latine by the learned Jacobus Gothofredus ; and rendred into English, with some additions, by Henry Stubbe.; Achaica. English Godefroy, Jacques, 1587-1652.; Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676. 1673 (1673) Wing G924; ESTC R17634 23,015 40

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were onely to be found in the Discourses of Philosophers being more spoken of than practised by the generous Roman They had not met with those Oracles which the Lawyers and Politicians suggested unto Queen Elizabeth upon another occasion viz. All Contracts with a Prince are understood to admit an interpretation of sincere Fidelity neither is a Prince bound by his Contract when for just cause the Contract turneth to the Publick Detriment The Peace is not broken if a Prince go back from his Contract when it is done by accident of a new Case or when the matter cometh to a new Case concerning which other provision would have been made if it had been thought upon Leagues and Contracts of Princes ought not to be cavilled neither ought to be observed to them that break Contracts A Prince is not bound to a Contract solemnly made in a cause respecting his State if it tend to the prejudice and detriment of his Subjects Every Contract though sworn is understood if matters continue in the same state but not if they be changed A man is bound more strongly to the Commonwealth than to his own Promise And out of the Authority of Seneca A wise man doth not change his determination all things continuiug which were when he took it therefore he never repenteth him because no better thing at that time could be done than was done no better thing ordained than was ordained The State-holder of Achaia had not such of his Council as were of the Cabinet to Henry IV. when he violated his Faith given to Q. Elizabeth A. D. 1598. There had been a Contract made betwixt those two Princes at Millan A. D. 1592. under their Hands and Seals bona fide and in the word of Princes that with joynt forces they should make a war offensive and defensive against the Spaniard as long as he should make war with either of them and should enter into no peace with him without mutual consent betwixt them and both of them to be comprehended in the Peace The same League was renewed betwixt them in 1596. and it was expresly covenanted again that neither the King nor Queen shall treat of any Peace or Truce without the consent of each other The Dutch were comprehended as Allyes in the same League yet Henry the fourth having attained the Kingdom dissipated those of the League and reduced almost all places appertaining to the Crown under his obedience he determined to treat alone with the Spaniard and if he might have the remaining Towns surrendred up to him to purchase those advantages with ease and to establish the affairs of his Kingdom by infringing his royal word The Dutch and English sent their Embassadors to disswade him from those purposes Oldenbarnevelt remonstrated That the Estates case was by Gods mercy and the Queens favour and assistance brought to that pass that they had been able not only to defend themselves but also to aid France in her extremities Then how earnestly the French King had desired the League of offensice and defence with them which they had willingly contracted for the Queen's sake not once thinking that so great a King would ever have a thought of breaking the same League He appealed to the French Kings conscience before God whether it were honorable for the King to separate his cause from them to whom He had joyned himself with so great obtestations when they had given no cause of separation He concluded after many reasons why they could not embrace peace with the Spaniard that some Kings to attain power had neglected Leagues but for the most part with sad event For the State of Kings unless it stand in fidelity cannot subsist in power Sir Robert Cecil put the King in mind with what vows he had bound himself lately before the Earl of Shrewsbury after the ratification of the League and before by many Letters signed with his own hand And he stuck not to affirm that the Queen had not offended at all against the Conditions of the League yea that she had performed more but the King had observed nothing and withall he drew forth the Instruments of the League He also modestly put Him in mind that some course might be taken whereby those great sums of money formerly lent might be paid unto the Queen who being now forsaken had learned too late to provide more carefully for her own State in time to come and not bestow her Benefits on ill Deservers King Henry the Fourth dismissed them with gentle Answers and acknowledged the Queens most ample Benefits towards Him promising that there was nothing which for her sake he would not most affectionately do But yet He concluded the Peace She and the Dutch being excluded and excused himself in words to this effect Although the Queen have begun a War against the Spaniard and that with Honour and hath hitherto continued it with happy success yet if she will not enter into another manner of War the lesser Wealth must of necessity at the length yield to the greater For my part though having been bred up in Arms I am taken with the love of Wars above all others Yet seeing I am a King and have People under my Government there is a Conscience to be made of exposing my people to the fury of the Wars and it were a foul sin if in an irreligious ambition I should to mine own detriment and the detriment of my Confederates refuse peace when it is offered when it cannot be redeemed without Blood and grosly neglect the People committed unto me The whole Story is too long to be transcribed out of Cambden Grotius and Reidanus c. but if the Acheans had been so fortunate as to have prognosticated what Posterity would think to be equitable prudent and consonant to the Law of Nations or had for their Counsellors those which understood as much Sully Villeroy and Jannin they had never faln so ignominiously under the power of the Romans They would have moved in that juncture by so flexible Maxims of State that they could not have been fooled into their ruine by the Romans nor have been obnoxious to the inconstancy revenge or ambition of Perseus K. of Macedonia But they moving by such Principles as their potent Allies did not admit of except it were upon prospect of greater advantages the issue of their demeanour hath left unto this Age a durable monument of State-folly and to the Virtuosi a Noble and Luciferous Experiment how to make Corinthian Brass whensoever there shall be another Achaia another Corinth and another Rome I might adde to this History of Achaia another of Rhodes which was parallel thereunto 't was briefly thus The Commonwealth of Rhodes being situated in an Island had derived those Advantages from the frequent Troubles and Revolutions of Greece to acquire a great Trade and Naval Strength they were very expert in Navigation and were in a manner Lords of the Neighbouring Seas Such was their
of the Republick If such Donatives and Presents as these were tolerated the Achaeans would infallibly run into this perplexity sooner or later either to be ungrateful to their Benefactors or of betraying their proper Liberties and Interests to avoid that Imputation In fine there was nothing of advantage in present that could countervail the fatal Inconveniencies which would ensue thereon By these and such-like Constitutions the Achaeans preserved their Republick in a flourishing condition and although their Vnion drew upon them the Envy and Hatred of their Neighbours yet did they support themselves against the Attempts of the Aetolians Lacedemonians Eleans and Macedonians which Nations either separately or in conjunction did make War upon them But at length the Romans partly by Artifice and partly by Force subdued this Little Republick which proved too generous and open-hearted to subsist against the subtilties and clandestine frauds of the politick and ambitious Romans The Romans having rendred themselves Masters of Italy Sicily Sardinia and Corsica having carried their Victorious Ensigns into Illyricum and triumphed over Carthage in the second Punick War they seemed now qualified for any great Attempt and to be able to carry every thing before them their strength at Sea being as redoubtable as their Puissance by Land When Ambition and Power concur in one they either find or create Occasions whereon to work The Grand Stratagem of the Romans whereby to advance themselves was this To Contract an Alliance with all Petty Princes and States to embolden them against their puissant Neighbours and then by a feigned Generosity to undertake the Protection of their distressed Allies whereby the Weak Ally became their Slave and the Conquest of the Other added to the Riches and Puissance of the Republick They drew all Controversies to their Cognizance they interposed in all Quarrels and thereby made themselves at first Arbitrators then Lords of the Vniverse To gain them a footing in Greece they seek out the Aetolians the veriest Rogues of all the Countrey a people living upon Rapine infamous for their Treachery and Baseness with these Villains the Romans make a strict Confederacy they promise to annex unto the Aetolians the Country of Acarnania and to drive Philip of Macedon with his Forces out of their Territories whose Arms these Free-Booters of Aetolia had drawn upon them The Romans told their New Allies most plausible Stories concerning the Generosity of their State towards their Confederates how they had incorporated some into their Republick with all the Priviledges and Franchisements which themselves enjoyed that others they so highly obliged as to prefer the title of Their Friends and Associates before that of Citizens The League being concluded and a particular Article inserted that neither should make Peace without the other the Aetolians imbarque themselves in the War but being but slenderly aided by the Romans they are beaten and enforced to submit on hard Conditions the Romans draw advantage thence and to defeat the Treaty of Peace send them powerful Succours whereupon the Aetolians take courage and frustrate all Endeavours of the Mediators The Achaeans and other adjacent States were jealous of the Consequences of this War lest it should give the Romans opportunity to settle themselves in Greece and knew not how to demean themselves betwixt two such Potent States as Rome and Macedon Their Statists varied in their Judgments some preferred the Amity of the One some of the other But whilst the alternate success of the War seemed to ballance Assairs they moved not being content to see each weaken the other After that the Victories of Attilius and Flaminius had reduced Philip and his Macedonians to a low condition and that a great part of Greece confederated with the Romans who then pretended they would restore the Liberty of Greece the Achaeans summoned a Council to debate of their Affairs They had for their immediate Enemies the Lacedemonians they suspected the power of the Romans they had very great Obligations to the Maccdonian Kings and were Confederates with them But they had some Quarrels with Philip and beheld him as a Cruel and Perfidious Prince and who would severely prosecute the Victory should he happen to obtain it The Romans sent Embassadors to the Assembly and proffered to give them Corinth then besieged if they would joyn their Forces with those of the Romans and their Confederates Philip by his Agent solicites them either to adhere to him or to remain Neuters during the War Aristaenus the State-holder perswaded them to prefer the Amity of the Romans He exaggerated the strength of the Romans and their success He depressed the power of the Macedonian He aggravated every Injury that Philip had done unto the Achaeans and expatiated into a General Character of his Evil Nature and Barbarity He laid before them the danger of involving their Estate with the declining Fortunes of Philip the hazard of continuing Neuters that the Romans proffered an Alliance the question was Whether they should embrace it or refuse their Friendship They would not acquiesce in a Neutrality and must either be made effectually Friends or Enemies The Council was divided in their Sentiments some departed without declaring themselves others had such a sense of the Favours they had formerly received from the Macedonians that they could not assent to any League that was to their prejudice or repugnant to that Amity which had been vowed and sworn to them But at length the more pressing Counsels were embraced as the most prudent and safe if not generous The Romans behaved themselves so at first that they seemed to have no cause to repent them of their determination a peace ensued thereon and the Roman Consul at the Isthmian Games caused Proclamation to be made That He restored to all Greece its intire Liberty The People hereat were transported with Joy they magnified the Vertue and Valour of the Romans That ever there should be such a People in the World that should submit themselves to all the Expences and Perils of a War meerly to set others at liberty and those not being of their Neighbours but remote and distanced by great Seas That they should overcome all these difficulties out of a generous Inclination to oblige Mankind and to establish equitable Governments throughout the Earth To set all Greece free at one Proclamation none but the most elevate Spirits could design such a thing nothing below the Vertue and Fortune of Rome could atchieve it The Achaeans had their Vnion augmented by the annexing of Corinth Triphylia and Herea which the Macedonian had alienated Nor did they a little rejoyce when the Romans undertook a War against Nabis King of Sparta for the Recovery of Argos the Consul protesting that the Romans were no otherwise interessed in that War than to compleat their Favours unto Greece by restoring that City unto its Liberty The Aetolians began to suspect the candour of the Romans how speciously soever they concealed their intendments they