and Tennants and preasseth them by Lawes that hee may know their Holdinges yea and some-times by Manages and Threats force them to quite their lawfull Ritches although they were their neare Kins-men Alwayes what wise Vassall or Tennant will not stryue to over-come his Lord with reverent and humble Carriage and there-by to moue him to accept the tenth part perhaps of that which he did demand for Entrie and shall it not bee borne with in a great King that which is ordinarilie done by his Subjects Bis duo dena pet as his duo sena feres What if a young Prince haue gotten too large Information touching these or if his Inforâ—ators be mistaken in their judgement there-anent shall there not bee Patience granted and time to digest and condescend And shall not our Behaviours be in the meane-whyle correspondent to that Loyaltie Loue and Obedience that Subjectes ought vnto their naturall Prince and that should procure His Compassion Kyndnesse towards all the Members of this Kingdome With GOD'S Blessing let vs be doing so and let vs expect nothing but Christian and Vpright Dealing from a King in vvhome there is so great Appearance of Good and Iust Meaning and let vs haue still in our Mouthes that Word which now prayse to GOD for it our Noble-men begin liberallie to professe That let him bee holden accursed who will not contribute to his verie Shirt for the safetie of His Majestie and of the Countrey Alwayes for the Point of Revocation who doubteth but three thinges may justlie fall vnder the Consideration of young Princes First whether this kynd of Gracious and Divinâ— Bountie exercised by their Predecessours giving Extraordinarie Thinges for Ordinarie Services or for Private Affection haue bene too Exorbitant Secondlie what may bee the Merit or Worth so such as haue pocked them Lastlie what is the Exigence of the Tyme and howe these things may be wanting vnto Princes But otherwyse we finde in all Christian Histories that Crowne-Lands haue bene alienated given away by Kings for one of three Causes vvhich to this Day haue remayned vnquarrelled by their Successours One is for Reward of those who haue exposed their Lyues to manifest Danger for the Safetie of Their Persons As for Example The Landes given by His Majestie our late Soveraigne for Services done agaynst the Traytors of Gourie or for Practises of Discoverie and Prevention of the Powder Treason at London another for Valiant and Personall Services done for Preservation of the Countrey agaynst Invasion of Forraigne Enemies or of the State from Intestine as we reade of our braue King Malcolme the second who seeing the Magnanimitie of the Scottish Gentrie agaynst the fierce and enraged Danes by fiue or sixe Bloodie and Desperate Battels in diverse partes of the Countrey where he him selfe did assist in Person therfore in a Publicke ParliameÌ„t he did divide almost the whole Crown-Lands in Baronies dispone them to the Gentry In publico ordinum conventâ— says my Text cunctas â—pes agrosque regios pene omnes meritoruÌ„ habita rations distribuit regno in partes quas Baronias vocaÌ„t divisio In regard wherof those Barons as by Compaction did at that same time annex to the Crown the Wardes and Reliefes of their Lands which together with the other Casualities and Dues belonging to the Crowne was esteemed and accepted as a sufficient Mayntaynance then of the Royall Dignitie If either of those two should bee revocable Kings Countreyes and Common-wealths should not bee compted so Sacred as they ought to bee Thirdlie Princes haue mortified their Crowne Patrimonie to Pietie and Devotion as King David the first of Scotland for Plantation of fifteene Abbayes foure Bishoprickes riâ—chly Rented Such are recalled in this latter Age because of the Nefaâ—tious Damnable Abuses wherewith the Possessours of them were commonlie polluted And O how greatlie it were to bee wished That neyther King David nor other Christian Kinges had beene so prodigall of their Crowne Patrimonies in Favours of Church-Men for the World knoweth it nowe that by so doing they did â—urne Religious Priests into Temporall Princes and did put into their Hand that Sword vvherewith to this Day they not only doe cut the Throats of Kinges and their Authoritie but haue spoyled the Puritie and Pietie of the Church of GOD and in Place there-of haue introduced this Pollution Pryde Avarice Superstition which shall never haue an ende so long as they remayne so ritch as they are Devotio peperit divitias filia devoravit matrem Devotion sayth Gerson bred Ritches and the Daughter devoured the Mother Next it were to be wished that when those Lands of the Church anciently belonging to the Crowne vvere agayne dissolved from the Church and annexed to the Crowne by our late Soveraigne of blessed Memorie that they had bene suffered to remayne therewith for the avoyding of so great Discontentment and Confusion as is lyke to grow thereof if they should nowe bee taken in to the Crowne vvithout Restitution to so manie Gentle-Men and others as haue employed the best parte of their Meanes for buying of those things from the Newlie-Erected-Lords without anie Warrandize at all for their Money Which albeit it doe greatlie perplexe the Mynds of manie good Subjects yet we are vndoubtedlie to hope for Reparation some way of these since we liue vnder a Christian Prince who is alreadie honoured of the World for the Equitie of his Myndâ— and who hath alreadie declared his Iust Intentions there-anent There is beside another Cause that maketh our Noble-Men and Gentrie to thinke themselues the sibber to the Church-rents and this is it Because their Predecessours did also enjoye them in effect albeit not Titularlie as well then as they doe now Their Sonnes were presented by the Kings to the Benefices of the Church Themselues did often tymes feede at their Tables and gather vp the Super-plus of the Rent The Sonnes of Meane Gentle-Men vvent to the Monasticke Lyfe everie where If they had manie Daughters they did sende some of them to the Religious Convents of Women vvhich was a singular Disburden and Reliefe both of Greater and Smaller Houses speaking civillie in Civill Respects And this is yet the chiefest Cause vvhy the Ritches of the Papall Church are so tollerable by Princes and People of that Profession so that whyles numbers of Men and Women of all sortes were nowrished anciently by the Church Revenewes in Scotland it would bee thought strange to bestow them vpon so few Church-Men as now be vvho I confesse are worthie of Augmentation But that they should bee made so Ritch or Great wee see what a pestilent Gangrenâ— that hath beene alreadie And it is sure enough that the same Causes will ever produce the same Effects The Worlde is aye lyke to it selfe and Men are still Men Et omnia vertuntur in Circulum There is not of Humane Things a more Extravagant and Rare Contemplation than to consider how Princes States and People
vvas a braue Embleme for Kings vvhich Cyrus had of putting his foote vpon the midst of a hard and dry hyde vvhere-by he kept it close at earth for if he had set his foot vpoÌ„ the borders or extremities thereof the vvhole should haue revolted to note the Golden Rule of the Mid-way in Governament forbearing of Extremities and to shovv that Kingdoms are never sure to Princes vntill they be in the middest of the Hearts of their People and guarded round about vvith their Affections Your Majestie seeth hovv the example of David is a perspicuous Mirrour for Kings to looke vnto of vvhom vve reade 2. Sam. 7. When the king sate in his house and the LORD had given him rest round about from all his enemies he said vnto Nathan the Prophet Beholde Idwell in a house of Cedar trees the Arke of God remaineth within the Curtaines Hee resolved to provide for building of the Lord's House Therefore can vvee not deny Sir that the Orient of Your Majesties Reigne doeth breake vp in just holy Actions in favours of the House of GOD by setting out a Navie against the mightie Enemies of Christian Peace and true Religion and by vvhom the over-throvv there-of hath bene so directly sought in these Your Majesties Kingdomes that numbers of vs yet liue vvho did see their proude Armada put even to the parts of our Countrey for that ende Your Majesties Intentions at Home to restore the Mayntaynance and Splendor of God's Worship doe argue the like zeale and vvho doubteth but God vvill grant to Your Majestie the same spirit of wisdome vvith David rightly to choose your tymes for offices of Peace offices of warres The prudence and happie successes of Actions doe consist in discret sure application of Circumstances With a little Tyme Patience your M. vvill get your good Subjects not only to contribute after your desires to the House of the Lord to the CoÌ„mon-wealth vvorks of Pietie but to doe it vvillingly as those Israelits did vnto David 1. Chron. 29. Then the people rejoyced for that they offered willingly because with a perfect heart they offered willinglie to the Lord. And David the king also rejoyced with great joye And then Sir their Sacrifices shall bee savorie vnto God vvhen they come not from Hearts dyed into Murmuration Grudge or Blacknesse like vnto the Swan vvhich for the same cause vvas anciently forbidden to bee sacrificed to the gods I doe most humbly recoÌ„mend these my Christian Endevours to your M. patronage protection If they be acceptable to your M. I hope they shall displease none of your faithful Subjects If they doe not fully correspond the judicious quicknesse of your M. great spirit it is not my fault my smal Vessell could hold no more The Lord vvho is the giver of all good thinges and vvho hath sovven into your M. Heart these Seedes of Royall Pietie and Vertue Hee may be pleased to nourish them vvith the daylie influence of His Grace vntill they grovv to that glorious and fruitfull Harvest vvhich they doe novv prognosticate and promise in their Spring That God vvho hath set your M. over a great and mightie People Hee may blesse your M. vvith the true vvisdome of Governament the trustinesse of faythfull Counsellers the vpright loue of your Subjects and a prosperous fortunate Reigne vnto the ende Your M. most humble faythfull and affectionate Subject and Serviture PETER HAY. TO THE READER COurteous Reader I speake to as manie as bee vpright Subjects of this Kingdome of which number I am sure there is not one to whome the principall scope of this Discourse will not bee gracious and plausible If some Passages doe perhaps displease it is for too narrow compting in your Particulars And if I haue toutched these points moderatelie and haue in them also my interesse equall with yours it doeth absolue mee from anie meaning to wrong you and sheweth that the acting hereof hath not beene intended for you or mee or for another but for the Common-wealth Wee haue spent our whole Yeares gone to our Private Studies Pleasures or Emolument without the meanest distraction by anie sort of Tyrannie or State-Calamitie Our dayes haue beene like vnto that jubilant age of the Romane Empyre vnder Augustus of whom sayeth the Poâ—t Ille meos errare boves ut cernis ipsum Ludere quae vellem calamo permisit agresti Ille erit ille mihi semper DEVS But now this Tyme doeth require vs to carrie publicke and not private Mynds which is the reason why I doe finde my selfe in this action pene thâ—m quam antea There is sayeth SALOMON a tyme for Peace and a tyme for Warre a tyme to gather and keepe and a tyme to cast away and GOD doeth these things that men should feare before Him The golden tyme of Peace and collection that wee haue enjoyed vnder our late King of blessed memorie hath so besotted our Myndes with Securitie that wee are even Ignorants of the ordinarie vicissitude of the World so farre that the verie first threatnings of change doe confound vs where as by the contrarie they should make vs turne to our GOD and feare before Him resolving to accept at His Hands patientlie and thankfullie after so long Prosperitie the Corrections for our sinnes proper to vs and in the nature of thinges common with vs to all People I haue presented before you in this Treatise as vpon a Board a summarie Portract of the estate of this tyme and of the dangers where-of wee are so much affrayde which if yee shall diligentlie contemplate it will helpe both your knowledge and your resolution As for some few particulars that for the first face may bee some-what disagreeable with you yee shall finde here also conjoyned with them their soveraigne remeadies and solaces If yee will but ascende a while with mee vpon this Stage to agitate the cause of your Prince your Countrey your Common-wealth and Religion when wee shall looke backe vpon the invincible couerage of our Predecessours against so manie mightie Nations for the standing of this Kingdome before they were Christians and that more than humane magnanimitie of the Heathen Codrus of Athens and others lyke to him the Bruti of Rome deciosque caput fatale voventes and these heroicke Decij how in sacred extasies of resolution they did devote and sacrifice their lyues for safetie of the States where-of they were members such speculations shall make vs ashamed of some of our discontentments and languishing amidst so great exigence and appearance of publicke distresses I know there is no generose spirit but will bee much delighted with this subject nor anie wise-hearted man who will not esteeme it a vertuous and laudable part to bee fore-seeing of so capitall dangers With-in these three or foure Yeares the Palatinate did lesse dread the Spanyard than wee doe now Tum tua res agitur paries dum proximus ardet If wee doe feare the LORD obey our
Prince and bee of vnited Myndes tymouslie to employe the meanes that GOD hath given vs to with-stand so strong an Enemie then there is no doubt but wee shall bee bastant to oppose him but if wee bee relenting in these then I would say as one of the Parthian Kings sayde long before they were conquered by the Romanes Timeamus â—â—â—eamus magnum illum Romanorum Genium qui tam brevi spacio torrentis instar effusus est per orbem terrarum Wee haue great cause to project Feares and long before to parralele the flowrishing destinies of the Spanish Empyre which lyke vnto a Torrent hath with-in these hundreth Yeares over-flowed the fairest and strongest Countreyes of Europe Certainlie it is no time for vs to delay in murmurations and to object our povertie amongst infinite Examples that bee in Histories of the fatall ruine that hath followed to Princes and People by such doing the pittifull and mercilesse sackage of Constantinople by Mahomet the second may onelie serue to terrifie vs from the lyke the Citizens of that Towne being full of Ritches did so misregard their late Emperours that one of them Baldwine after hee had solde his Silver Plate Iewels and best Moueables hee was forced to pawne his Sonne to the Venetians for Money to maintaine Warres against the Turkes The last of them Constantine the eight being desperatelie besiedged by the saide Mahomet was not able to furnish Pay to his Souldiours by reason of exorbitant Vsuries exercised by his Merchands nor Corne nor Victuals by reason of their Monopolies although there was great store of both with-in Where-vpon after some Weekes of mutuall grudges and exclamation of the Emperour against his Subjects and of them against him that glorious Citie so commodiouslie seated for dominion over the World vpon the shoulders of Europe and Asia so Emperesse-lyke over-looking both was taken by the Turkes her miserable Prince and People cruellie murthered her beautifull Churches turned in Stables her hudge Ritches possessed by the Enemies and shee made a Port for that bloodie and barbarous Nation to come in vpon the necke of Christendome I will no more insist thus in this place because the Treatise is full of Practises and Examples convenient for your present vse I will onelie say againe That it is no tyme for vs now to contest with our King when question is for preservation of the State and I exhort you to reade this with that disposition as I wryte it not of private Subjects but of States-Men and kyndlie Children of this Common-wealth that wee may all in one voyce say with Pericles of Athens when his Citie was reduced to great straites for want of Money in tyme of hote Warres Ne cernere cogamur cuncta nostra in servitutem rapâ— mensae cubilis supellectilis ac dierae superflua abscindamus noâ—â—que liberos servemus ut quum pinguior fortuna aspiraverit nobis rursus ea restituere valeamus Let vs curbe our Humours controll the delicacie of our Dyet make sober our Moueables and cut off what-so-ever is superfluous in our Manners for our owne safetie and let vs referre the farther fruition of those to more propitious and fortunate Tymes Thus much more must I say toutâ—cing the mysteâ—ie of the number 10 here treated to some of you who d ee disdaine to heare from an-other that whereof your selues are ignorant I wish yee bee not scandalized by the mention of remote or naturall Theologie remembring how Sainct Paul 1. Cor. 15 calleth him a Foole who in the Analogie of GOD'S Workes cannot finde a naturall Argument to corroborate his supernaturall Beliefe for the Resurrection of his Bodie And the learned Scaliger in his Exercitations against Cardan discoursing of the Angelicall nature hee calleth that kinde of knowledge fastigium omnis scientiae the top of humane Wisdome and doth verie confidentlie censure the contemners there-of saying Irridebuntur ista à quibusdam sectis nebulonum qui otio supinitate marcentes fastigium scientiae contemnunt titulo curiositatis noting two sorts of them who sayth hee doe constantlie barke against the search of anie other thing than the naked and literall sense in the Scripture one is of those who bee meerlie naturalists nunquam assurgunt ad supremam causam Another of some presumptuous but shallow-brained Theologues who covering their Ignorance with pretext of Holinesse semper assurgunt ad supremam causam they are ever speaking and talking of the knowledge of GOD but may not abyde one word of Nature contemning the high contemplations there-of which are the verie paeth-way that doe leade vs vnto that Knowledge Neither of which two sayeth hee haue tasted this sweet Science of Analogicall harmonie that is betwixt the intellectuall and visible World whereof sayeth the divine Plato that that is the reall substance and this but the shadow depending there-fra that Trueth and true subsistence are there and heere nothing but as a flowing and transition of Images Nulla sunt vera nisi quae sunt aeterâ—â— ista autem quae videâ—us non sunt vera sed veâ—i similia the things that wee see are but temporarie shadowes of things true and eternall and as the shadow of anie creature doeth perfectlie declinate vnto vs the shape the forme the space and name there-of although wee doe not see the bodie it selfe so sayth hee into this great bodie of visible Nature which is the Image of that intellectuall and infinite World there is the true deliniation and viue Images of the severall creatures which bee there and of the Heavenlie Governament and blessed harmonie that is amongst them And briefe sayth Plato wee haue no knowledge in this World but that which is symbolicall having reference to things invisible as the shadow hath vnto the bodie The Prophets of the olde Law did receiue their revelations from the Angels in symbolicall speaches and sayeth Christ Him-selfe litera occidit spiritus vivificat The letter is dead but it is the Spirit that quickeneth And of Him sayeth Sainct Marke That without Parables Hee spake nothing to them and twelue severall Parables of the Kingdome of Heaven Hee did delyver to them all which doe thus begin Simile est regnum coelorum and the Prophet David sayeth I shall open my mouth by Parables Certaynâ—â—e if ever there was an Age of the World where-in the super-natural light of Christ's Gospel had neede to haue annexed vnto it the darke light of Nature for alluring and intertayning the weaknesse of our spirituall sight it is even this which we now liue into where-in the Heresies of doctrine are so pregnam 〈◊〉 and the loue of the World pryde of Lyfe and singularitie of Opinion so predominant in the professors of the Trueth that we may say not onlie with â—lato but with Hosea the Prophet Non est veritas in terra the pure Veritie hath left the Earth So that I say to you Yee must not be disgusted if vpon the sudden ye cannot comprehende everie symbolicall Veritie that is
opportune and commodious for great Navies the People manie and malicious against their Conquerers and having their Sores yet open and quicke To come to their other Subjects wee heare that the Arragonees haue their Myndes in like sort wounded with the remembrance of the late Conquest made of them and to speake generallie of all the Nobilitie of Spayne yea even of those of Castile it selfe It hath beene ever so that as Thieues haue beene studious to provide Backe-Doores so great Noble-men vnder Kings in all Ages haue wished that some adjacent Prince might bee in Tearmes of Emulation with their Master to whose protection they might haue recourse in Case at anie time they should happen to fall vnder their Masters wrath by their Ambitious and insolent carriage things familiar eneugh to potent Subjects in everie Countrey Now Spaine being as it is at this day conjoyned vnder one Crowne in manner of an Yland where-fra the Princes and Lords there-of cannot easilie with-draw them-selues in such a Case they are by that meanes brought vnder greater Feare Slaverie and Subjection When there were severall Kingdomes in Navarre Arrogone and Portugall the Castilian Nobles vpon anie distraction or variance with their King did finde easie retract and protection with some of these Neighbour-Princes perhaps with more Honour and Preferments than at home by reason of Neighbour Iealousies and Contention the examples where-of are most frequent in anie Historie as in our owne wee finde that before the vnion of Great Britane it was more easie and secure for Scottish Noble-men to offende their Princes and leape out from their obedience having so neare a Sanctuarie in the Hospitalitie and Armes of England by reason of Neighbour Distractions than it is now when their nearest refuge should bee Spaine or Flanders And as ancientlie that advantage did often a-wake the Pryde of our great Men and giue way to Rebellion against their Kings So the solide Incorporation that now is hath put a Brydle into the Teeth of that kinde of Ambition that no stirre can bee heere to trouble a King vnlesse it were by generall revolt of the whole Countrey or receiving of Forraigne Armes with-in our Bowels and joyning with them And as the supposed prowde and tyrannous Governament of Spaine is thought to enstrange the Hearts of their Nobilitie from their King and to make them more practizable to rebellions if they should see the occasion faire so there is no doubt but dure and rigorous Governament should even in this Kingdome or anie other else produce the like Consequences Al-wayes the Nobilitie of Spaine at this day doeth want this Sanctuarie of Refuge that the skurviest Marshall is able to arrest the greatest of them and now with much griefe they doe resent the effectes of that which was prognosticated vnto them when King Charles the fift began to extende the Wings of his Domination for the which cause they did show them-selues notablie displeased with the conjunction of Portugall as Don Francisco de Ivara a noble man of Castile being Ambassadour at Paris during the League Anno 1579 hearing by a French Gentle-man newlie come from Africke that the Moores were in feare having intelligence that King Philip did put together great Forces for to conquer them vnder pretext to revenge the slaughter of Don Sebastian King of Portugall for so did Philip make the World belieue when hee did conveane his Armies against Portugall But the saide Francis did answere this Gentle-man saying It is well that the Moores bee in feare but it is better that your Master the King of France vnderstand the intention of that Armie to bee against Portugall which if hee doe conquere your Master and the Pope and all the Princes of Europe may lay compt by length of time to bee his Tributaries Which speach doeth well enough demonstrate the aversnesse of the Spanish Nobilitie from the fearfull Greatnesse of his Empyre The State Ecclesiasticke indeede doeth more affect him yet I haue tolde you that hee doeth skumme the Fat of their Pâ—t but of this Weaknesse which wee gather of discontented humours of their Nobilitie there is no advantage to bee gayned by secret Practises because of the terrour of the Inquisition His Iesuites and perfidious Ambassadours get libertie with other Princes to traffique to traytor at their pleasure whereof wee haue late experiences to our owne Coastes but none dare adventure that kynde of doing in Spayne Al-wayes out of those it may bee surelie enough presumed of the Nobilitie namelie of their late Conquests of Spaine that when they should see a puissant Enemie amongst them the Fyre of their indignation should breake foorth so much more violentlie by how much it hath bene long masterfullie suppressed amongst the Ashes of their Servitude sayeth Scip. African in that Oration to the Senate for sending of Forces in Africke during Hanniballes being in Italie Non speraverat Hanniball fore ut tot populi in Italia ad se deficerent post Cannensem dedem quanto minus quicquam in Africa firmum aâ— stabile sit Carthaginensibus infidis sotiis gravibus dominis Hanniball did not looke for so great revolting of People with-in Italie from the honest and generous Romanes after his victorie at Cannas how much lesse can things bee firme and sure in Africke to the Carthagenians a Nation treacherous and vntrustie to their Associates and tyrannous to their Subjects which Saying howe properlie it may bee applyed to the present Purpose anie man doeth see it Next it is thought that there bee small store of Armes in Spaine the numbers of Cities and People considered partlie because they goe for the furnishing of his Warres abroade and partlie because it is not thought expedient by his Counsell that Multitudes but latelie conquered whose Myndes are yet suspected should bee armed at their pleasure remembering well vvhat had almoste befallen KING PHILIP the third if the Moores called Nâ—vos Christianos vvho then had a neare Designe agaynst him had not beene suddenlie disarmed and cast foorth of the Countrey Moreover the prowde and tyrannous nature of the Spanyard is no small point of Weaknesse for why the LORD GOD doeth humble the Prowde and punish the Oppressour Tolluntur in altum ut lapsum graviora cadâ—nt I doe not onelie speake of that dominant and Monarchicall Pryde mayntayned by so manie Cruelties Perfidies and Impieties bore-saide but vniversallie of the verie vulgar pryde chiefelie of the Castilians Even as the fumes of strong Wyne doe inebtiate and make giddâ—e the Braines of Man transporting them from the centre of their place so doeth Pryde blynde and confuse the Vnderstanding and as seldome Prudence doeth accompanie Youth-head Even so is Wisdome rarelie conjoyned with too much Prosperitie Neither shall it bee out of purpose to speake a few wordes of the Spanish Nature in generall They are extreamelie melancholious which everie â—ot of their carriage doeth verifie their graue Apparell their sober Dyet their Dauncing their Musicke
easilie prooved in this manner Al-be-it it bee so that onelie GOD can multiplie the Earth yet it is of veritie that wee since the dayes of our Predecessours haue multiplied the Fruites of the Earth so farre that for everie three Plough gate of Land as wee doe call it manured which was in Scotland an hundreth Yeares by-gone there are foure now And if yee answere that the People are multiplied proportionallie to that so that I should not esteeme it to be encrease of Ritches which doeth bring with it encrease of People to consume them I will reply to you that is the point I intende to prooue for Multitudes of People industrious are both the Ritches and Strength of a Countrey and that vvee doe exceede our Antecessours both for numbers of People and of Moneyes yee shall vnderstand it this way They wanted first the two Seminaries for breeding of People which wee haue everie one knoweth that the Multiplication of Ground-Labourers and Husband-men as wee call them haue peopled the Land-warts of Scotland farre aboue that it was ancientlie for wee see now vpon a Maines that of olde was laboured by a Barron him-selfe twentie or thirtie severall Families of those Retite Husband-men vvhere-of everie one hath a good number of Children Next againe it is well knowne to bee the Sea Trade which hath peopled our Maritine Townes and that also our Predecessours wanted so farre that I may say there bee now twentie Ships of Trafficke amongst vs for everie one that was in their dayes Then who doeth not know that by the Trafficke of the Seaâ— our Countrey hath twentie times more Moneyes than was an hundreth yeares by-gone or if yee doe doubt of it yee may soone learne that our Grand-Fathers could haue bought as much Land for one thousand Marks as wee can doe for twentie thousands and farre more Farther our Predecessours had a meanes for stopping the growing of Multitudes and encrease of People that wee want and it was by the great numbers of Men and Women who tooke them-selues to the Caelibate and Monasticke lyfe of whom there was no Off-spring And if yee would know of what great importance that was doe but consider how manie Bishoprickes Abbacies Priâ—ries Nunueries with the number of their Convents Arch-deanries Deanries Personages and places of cure for secular Priests was into Scotland in time of Pâ—perie and when yee haue taken vp their number doe conferre them with the 70 of the house of Iacob who went into Aegypt and how in the fourth Age there-after there came foorth 600000 fighting Men besides Women and Children all descended of them Which vvhen yee haue consideratelie done I thinke yee shall bee affrayed of the hudge Multitudes that before now should haue issued from the professed religious of Scotland if they had followed the Matrimoniall life If yee will yet insist to object the Povertie of our Countrey by reason of the broken Estates of Noble-men and Gentle-men who haue our Lands morgadged for great Debts of Money I answere to you that by the contrarie it is an Argument of the Ritches of our Countrey for if the Noble-mans Grand-father by Predigalitie Pryde wilfull pleying in Law or anie other such Misgovernment had brought him-selfe to neede the like Summes of Money twentie Lords could not haue gotten so much then as one can get now And I will finde now a base-borne Man advance to a Noble-man in prest 30 40 or 50000 Pounds whose Grandfather and all his Parentage was not valiant of the twentie part there-of Ergo the personall Distresses of Noble-men and Gentlemen doeth not argue the Povertie of the Countrey in generall Wee see into Nature that her severall Members as of Plantes Beasts and Men doe daylie decay and die and others doe shoot vp in their Rowmes vvhilst Nature it selfe remaineth in entire and full strength In the dayes of our Predecessours there were in Scotland but Victuall Rents where-as now by the vertuous Trades vvhich haue beene since introduced a great part of Men doe liue by Silver Rents Things being manifestlie so shall wee refuse to furnish out and mayntayne two or three thousand Souldiours to so just and necessarie Warres Certaynlie it caÌ„not be heard abroad without our great Ignominie which is worse adding of Cowrage to our Enemies when they shall know vs to be so base and degenerose Well let vs not be vngrate towardes GOD. It is true indeed that Nature and Tyâ—â—e doe favour the growing of Monarchies namelie vvhere they are just and temperate as being the viâ—e Image of GOD for Governament of the World But it is also true that vnthankfull People doe procure short Periods of great Kingdomes The Throne of Israell was established in the person of David after manie toylsome and laborious years of the preceeding Rulers of that People and great sheeding of Blood and so much in David his owne tyme that GOD would not suffer his bloodie Hand to be put to the building of the Temple but the Glorie Peace and Prosperitie there-of did expyre with the death of Salomon his Sonne There-after the LORD did set manie wicked Kings over that wicked People The greatest Punishment that GOD threatneth to inflict vpon a rebellious Nation is to giue them evill Kings vvhere-vpon the Divines doe note that it is the highest Transgression vvhereof a People can be guiltie before GOD When by their Ingratitude they make Princes of their nature perhaps serenâ— and temperate to turne to tyrannous Governament and to lay vpon their Neckes the Yoake of perpetuall Grudge and Murmuration and so not onlie them-selues transgresse agaynst GOD but make their Kings also to doe the lyke who most of all Men should obey feare the LORD so that often tymes a wicked People maketh a wicked King But to returne If wee doe question for small thinges now vvhat would we doe si Hannibal astaret portis if our Enemies were at the Ports of our Countrey or within the Bowels of it We would be forced to doe even as the Romanes did against Hannibal to run and offer all our Moneyes and our Iewels and our Eare-rings for safetie there-of Wee would vndoubtedlie say as that famous VVarriour did the late King of France vvho after the recoverie of Cain from the Spanyard by transaction after hee had spended a great part of his lyfe in VVarres hee saide they were not wyse who would not make a Bridge of Gold for their Enemies to passe out vpon But as we say It is better to hold out than to put out Durius ejicitur quam non admittitur hostis Haue wee not seene our Kinges vse all possible Practises for procuring of Peace all this tyme by-gone by toyling of Ambassadors to and froe by super-spending their Rentes exhausting their Coffers and indebting of them-selues Are vve not naturall Members as they are naturall Heads Are they more bound to doe for vs than we for our selues Al-be-it the Kings Spheare hee higher and greater than ours yet
dwell but vpon his peculiar Heritages and spend the Rents belonging to him other-wise than by the publicke But the case is so farre altered that at this Time and in these latter Dayes Princes more by an Inspiration of private Favour or for to exercise the Libertie and vse of their Royall Prerogatiues than for anie knowne worth or Merite of Men haue even made them great as it were in imitation of the goodnesse of GOD who made Man of nothing Omne bonum sui diffusivum It is the nature of Goodnesse to diffuse and communicate it selfe even as GOD doeth other-wyse it cannot bee called Goodnesse The glorie of the Occean is more for the bountifull spreading of his Branches vpon the Face of the Earth than for his Greatnesse The stateliest Tree maketh the most statelie vmbrage Noble-men are the Shadowes of Kings as it is glorious for the Sonne to bee accompanied and followed with so manie bright Starres and Planets whose Bodies doe receiue the Beames of his Light and there-with doe beautifie the Heaven about him so are vvaiting Noble-men to Kings as Diamonds and Rubies planted about their Throne to receiue and reflect the Splendor of the Royall Majestie And yet whyles it is so we see that Christian Kings at the Acceptation of their Crownes doe giue their Oathes for Defence of Religion of Iustice and the Common-wealth and Preservation of that Publicke Dowayne vvhich the Common-wealth doeth present vnto Her Prince as a Dote or Tocher-Good to be saved for Her Mayntaynance and vvhere-of hee hath the onlie Vsu-Fruit and cannot alienate it but with her owne Consent and for some Extraordinarie service done to her or to the Prince vvho is her Head Extraordinarie I say because Services Ordinarie in the State haue annexed vnto them their Ordinarie Fees and Pensions Extraordinarie I call some Act of singular Valour for the Countrey agaynst a Common Enemie or some Hazard vnder-gone for safetie of the Prince his Lyfe Although the Patrimonie of the Crowne bee sacred yet such Services are to bee esteemed more sacred and Donations or Rewards for these are to stand inviolable for here are the Ods betwixt a Republicke and State Royall That the 〈◊〉 hath no Head Particular who should challenge the Priviledge of such Bountifulnesse or for vvhose sake it should bee granted for seldomâ—â— doeth the Death of anie one Man what-so-ever breede any Commotion Crosse or Alteration to a Republicke Quia non moritur Respublica vvhere-as by the contrarie the Death of a good Prince and often tymes of an evill doeth shake the verie Foundations of a Kingdome vvhich made Caesar to say Non tam 〈◊〉 interest quam Reipub. quam diutissime vivam This maketh their Lyues to bee so precious and Sacro-sanct they being the verie Heart and Head of the Bodie of the Common-wealth So that to holde absolutely that no kynd of Services are remunerable with anie thing belonging to the Crowne it is not onlie to cast loose the Estates of the Nobilitie and Gentriâ— whose Houses everie where through Christendome haue bene made vp and erected by the Bountie of Kings for nominate and famous Services done to them or to their Countreyes but it were also to perill the Personall Securitie of Princes theÌ„-selues when Men should see that a King could giue noght to one who should hazard or loose his Lyfe for his Safetie but that vvhich his Successour may recall it is to â—urbe the Royall Soveraignitie too farre And albeit the Extens of Majestie 's late Revâ—cation did seeme so fearfull to vs at the first as if it had comprehended so much yet wee are still to remember vnder what a gracious and just Prince wee doe liue and to take it rather for a Warning Awaking of our Gratitude in his first Entrie and therefore I must here craue Pardon of all to call to mynd how often since I haue heard from Wyse and Sincere Men that a little more of Readinesse to doe him Service in the last CoÌ„vention of our Estates had bene sufficient to disperse the chiefest Clowds of that Tempest I doe acknowledge that it is not licentiate to me nor tollerable in anie Private Subject to censure the Reverend and long approved Magistrates of this Kingdome neyther will I presume to doe so but onlie to expostulate and regrate with manie Good Men the infortunate Proceedour of that Counsell whereby neyther Prince nor People did receiue Contentment Whether wee should lay it vpon Mistakings possible to haue bene amongst the Lordes of those Commissions or vpon the Iealousies and Competences ordinarie to bee betwixt New and Olde States-Men at the Entrie of a King Or vpoÌ„ the Basenesse of some Countrey-Commissioners whose Avaryce would not suffer theÌ„ to resent the Common Danger of this Yle as appertayned Or vpon a Popular Disgust Generall Feare conceived for Religion by reason of some Noble-men of contrarie Mynde employed from the Court about that Businesse Or lastlie vvhether vpon the Backwardnesse of this Tyme so disposed as it is to breed Distraction and Disturbance of the State Whatsoever was the Cause moving certaynlie the Debacts of that Convention vvere as appeareth Principia malorum speaking of Effects For vvas it then a right Tyme to answere Majestie 's Demaundes thus That a Convention could not goe higher in taxing the Countrey than a Parliament had done before At the last Parliament King IAMES had a Necessitie to sende Ambassadours abroad to negotiate Peace vvhich I confesse was a Graue and Great Cause for Subsidies but at this Convention Peace was given vp Warres begun and it stood vpon the Losse of Germanie and Invasion of Great Britane vvherevpon might haue ensued hastilie greater Damnage than of manie Taxations Or was it then Tyme to refuse the Mayntaynance during Warres of 2000 Men to keepe the Seas free and open for our Trafficke When wee shall reckon our Losses sustayned since by Sea-Traders by so manie Mariners wanting Employment at Home and by losing so faire a Commoditie as was this last Yeare for transporting our Corneâ— to profitable Markets in Neighbour Countreyes then wee shall decerne the Errour of that Convention Wee will say wee haue not beene accustomed to beare so great Charges a weake Argument Since it hath pleased GOD to change the Custome of our Fortune will wee contemne His Visitations and as senselesse Men bee carelesse of our Countrey Wee will say that our Countrey hath suffered manie Distresset by these late bad Yeares and by Sea-Misfortunes and I know it to bee so but must wee not for all that defend our Countrey And what if wee must not onlie maintaine two thousand Men but also fight our selues a thing which wee haue great reason daylie to expect And I will come to the most pricking Poiâ—t of all His Majestie 's Revocation hath discowraged vs. Where-vnto I answere by asking what more hath His Majestie done than anie Earle or Lord in Scotland doeth who after the death of his Father chargeth his Vassals
States of Germanie against Charles the fift 33. Cardinall Baronio against Philip the second ibidem Why the Nobilitie of Spaine doe hate their King 34. A Weaknesse supposed in Spayne for want of Armes and why it is so 36. Their naturall Pryde a Weaknesse ibid. Description of the Spanish nature 37. Spayne to bee opposed by making Warre with-in their owne Dominions 38. Plantation of Nova Scotia 39. When a Kingdome is perfect and naturallie compacted in it selfe then to bee slow to Warres 41. The definition of a just Warre and our Warres against Spayne proved to bee just 42. Emulation of the Romanes and Carthagenians for vniversall Empyre 43. Agesilaus being but a poore King did invade the Persian Empyre ibidem First confederacie of the Scots with the French sought by Charles Mayne 44. How the Spaniard is proved to bee our enemie ibid. How Scotland is furnished of Men for Warre 46. Nature of leagues with examples auncient and moderne 47. Confederates against Spayne 48. Whether small or grosse Armies to bee sent to Enemie-Countreyes shewed by contemplation of the Turkish Warres 49. The Palatiâ—â—te the most honourable seat for Warres against Spayne 51. King Alexander Hannibell and Iulius Caesar did leade their Armies to more remote Countreyes ibid. Going of His Majestie in person to Spaine 52. The English auncientlie victorious in Spaiâ—e 53. The VVest Indees in the possession of a great Monarch proved to bee an infallible meanes of vniversall Empyre by length of tyme 55. Money the Nerue of Warre and greatest Monarches and States much distressed for want thereof 56. The hudge Moneyes gotten by Charles the fift in Peru 57. The naturall humours of the French Nation ibid. Speculation of Neighbour Calamities during our Peace in this Age going and of our Predecessours troubles many Ages by-gone 58. More of Money and of Men in Scotland now than in the dayes of our Antecessours and the proofe thereof 61. A wicked People doe make a wicked King 63. A Bridge of Golde to bee made for Enemies to passe out vpon ibid. Great Ransome payed by our Predecessors for King David Bruce 64. The Palatinate detained to make a Way for the conquest of Germanie and England 65. A remarkable Conference of Coronell Semple with the Author of this Treatise ibid. Iohn Knoxe against the Regiment of Women 67 The going of His Majesties Navie to Portugall and what a great point is Secrecie in great Enterpryses and the Examples thereof ibid. The Reformation or Innovation of Magistrates and the Commodities or Inconvenients following thereon 68. Plato holdeth That after the current of that great Yeare GOD shall reforme the whole worke of Nature and reduce it to the first puritie ibid. Vtilitie of the Censor amongst the Romanes 70. Commission for Grievances ibid. Great Men not to beare Offices where they dwell 76. Two of one Familie not to bee of one Session of Iudges 77. Reformation of Advocates most necessarie of anie thing with the Examples of Kings and States Enemies to the Trade of Advocation 78. Lewis the eleventh of France did revoâ—ke and annull Heritable Shyreâ—â—ships 81. Abuses of late erected Lordships of Church Landâ—s necessarie to bee reformed 82. If the Domaine of Regall Crownes or of Republickes bee allienable 83. Noble Men are the Shadowes and Reflects of Kings 84. Why the Lyues of Kinges are so precious 85. The last Convention of the Estates of Scotland and His Majesties Revocation 86. The first Donation of the Crown Lands and division of them in Baronies ibid. Ritches did spoyle the Pietie of the Church 89. Before the separation of the Church of Rome made by Luther the hundreth part of Christian People did possesse more than the tenth part of the Revenewes 90. The number of Ecclesiasticall Prelasies Benefices Churches Curies of France ibid. The nature of Tenthes 91. The first Dedication of Tenthes in Scotland 94. Puritanes foolishlie opposed to the Pope's Church in good things 96. Mysterie of Number 98. The Vnitie doeth represent GOD 99. The Number 7 is proper to the Creation Induration and finall Glorification of the World 100. The Novenarie doeth comprehende the whole Species of Nature Man excepted 101. Ten is the Quotient or fulnesse of Nature 102. Man was the first Tenth ibid. CHRIST was the second and perfect Tenth 103 Two sort of Puritanes opponents to Episcopall Rents and Governament discordant amongst themselues 106. Persecution of Iulian worse than of Dioâ—lâ—sian 107. Plantation of our Northerne Yles and Hielards a most Royall and most necessarie Policie 108. Battell of Hare-law 109. Abuses and Oppressions by way of Tenthes to bee reformed 110. Discourse of the Nature and Course of Moneyes 112. What Benefite or Inconvenient vpon the heighting of Money 113. What Order to bee taken with Moneys kept vp in the Hands of Merchands 117. Decay of our Shipping how to bee restored 118. Prodigall Persons ancientlie interdicted and punished by Lawes 119. Against the vse of Silver Plate and guilding 120. Ferdinandus Magnâ—s of Spayne Charles the ninth of France and manie great Princes did sell their Silver Plate or reduce it in Coyne 121. Prescription for Dyet and Apparell practised by great States in time of publicke Distresses 122. Speach to the King's Majestie 123. Wisdome of Augustus in making away of his Enemies 124. Who are Enemies to His Majesties Person or to his Governament ibid. Vigilance necessarie over the admission of Bishops and Ministers in the Church 126. Honour done by Augustus to the Romane Senate ibid. Condition of Senaters chosen by Augustus 127. Great Affection of King Darius to an olde faythfull Counseller 128. Mechanicke Vertues and Diligence of Augustus 129. Watchfulnesse of the Parsian Monarches over their Finances ibid. Supplication in Favours of the Subjects of Scotland 132. The admirable Magnanimitie of Alexander the Great whilst he wanted Moneys 133. Finis Tabulae Death of our late Soveraigne His late Majesties death followed with great feares of his Subjects Causes of our feares what these be The King of Spayâ—e and the Pope troublers of Christian Princes Ambition of Spaine different from that of the Romanes Different from that of their Predecessours The origine and Antiquitie of the present house of Spayne Notable punishment of Lust in Princes Pelagius Pelagius honoured of the World Ferdinandus Magnus Ferdinando Santo Charles the fift Emperour Contrapoyse of Christian 〈◊〉 warranded in Naâ—ure Hieron King of Syras Philip the second King of Spaine his first action his Marriage in England Spanish Inquisition his second action His third action the betraying of the King of Portugall his Cosin His fourth action was to plot the holie Leâ—gue in France against Don Antonio Philip did also practise the Protestants of France Elizabeth Queene of England The Voyage of the English Navie to Portugall vnder Queene Elizabeth Antonio Peâ—es wrongeth the English in in his relation of that Voyage Too strict limitation of Generals in VVarre hurtfull The Patience and Wisdome of Fabius Maximus The first thing to bee observed of the former
Discourse The first the greatnesse of the Spanish Empyre The Importance and Worth of Portugall The second to be marked of the former Discourse is the extent of the Spanish Ambition The Spanish Vsâ—â—pation over the Consistorie of Rome â— 3. Observation vpon the former Discourse is the Insidiation of the Spanish Ambition Nâ—melie Antonio 〈◊〉 Parricidâ—e practised in Spaine as in Turkâ—e by a religous Tradâ—tion Christian Princes to be aâ—ware of Spanish Treacheries 〈…〉 Parricidie practised in Spâ—tne as in Turkie by a religous Tradition Christian Princes to be aâ—ware of Spanish Treacheries A tryall of what VVeaknesse is into this great Empyre The State and Counsell of Spayâ— not interrupted or altered by the death of a King Fortitude of Empyre standeth in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Examples of dis-vnited Conquests The Spanish Provinces disjoinâ—ed members The Spanyard draweth nought from his Provinces The commodities of his Proâ—nees What is the greatest Treasure of a Prince Inconvenientes following vpon the being of Treasures in the hands of Princes Treasures collected by great Kinges most often vnhappilie spended Publicke Charitie of Augustus Princes haue manie occasions not knowne to Subjectes of necessaâ—ie debursments Oblations of Money ancientlie made to Princes First Impost of the Salt in France a gratuitie temporall but turned to be annuall Another VVeaknesse of Spaine to bee feared of all Cardinall 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 the second of Spaine The Portugals doe hate the Castilians The origine of the Portugals and 〈◊〉 The whole 〈◊〉 of Spaine doe hate their Prince his greatnesse why they doe so It is not so easie for our Noble men to rebell now as before our Conjunction with England A cleare Testimonie there-of A 〈◊〉 supposed in Spaine for 〈◊〉 of Armes and how it is so Their naturall Pryde a great VVeaknesse Viâ—e Description of the Spanish Hâ—mour The Spanish Punctualitie approacheth to Nullitie Deâ—cription of Punctualitiâ— A quicke observation for Punctualitie The Navarâ—oies doe hate the Spanyard And the French too The Pryde of Spayne to bee opposed by Vvarre Colonâ—es Plantatioâ— of Nova Scotia Incommodities and Evils following on VVarrâ— When a Kingdome is iâ—perfection then bee aware of Warres Great Bâ—itane alreadie a perfect Monarchie Wisdome and Moderation of Scipio 〈◊〉 Forraigne 〈◊〉 fâ—uitlesse for our Princes The definition of a just Warre Our Warre against Spaine just in three maine respectes Livius dec 3. lib. 8. Agâ—silaus â— poore King went against the Persian Empyre 〈…〉 How the Spanyard is proved to bee our Enemie How Scotland is furnished of Men for Warre Neglect of militarie Discipline Thenature of Leagues and Consederacies Confeâ— for the Battell of Lapanto Confed of the Romanes and 〈◊〉 Confed betwixt Carâ—es the eight of France the Duke of Milan Confederacie against Lewis the eleventh of France Leagues or Confederacies of Salt Deliberation for War the weightiest matter belonging to a King Confederates against Spayne Whether small or grosse Armies to bee sent to Enemie Countreyes The longsome Warres of Amurat the third improfitable â— prudent Prince will not manage Warres within but without his Countreyes Palatinate the most honourable place of this VVarre VVest Flanders a proper Seat for Wars against Spayne Going of the Navie latelie to Portugall Couâ—sels not to bee pondered by the events The going of our King in person to Spayne The English auncientlie most victorious in Spaine Scanderbeg VVilliam VVallace Henrie Earle of Richmond against Richard the third with 2000 French Portugall and Navarre the first revolters from Spaine The VVest Indees in the possession of a great Monarch aninfallible meanes to vniversalitie of Empyre the proofe there of Money the Nerue of VVarre and the proofe there-of Greatest States and Monarches straited for wâ—nt of Money The hudge Moneyes gotten by Charles the fift into Peru. The naturall humour and manners of the French Nation A 〈◊〉 of the Reâ—sorâ— which should encowrage vs agaynst the spaâ—yâ—rd Co â—emplatâ—on of our 〈…〉 during our Pâ—ace this 〈◊〉 byâ—gone Calamitie of the Citie of Paris and of whole France Contemâ—lation of the Troubles of our Predecessors Maximus the Romane Generall against the Scottish King Eugeâ—â—â— Encowragement from great Reasons It is proved that there is more by a great deale of Money and Men now than our Predecessours had It is showne that the broken Estates of particular meâ— doeth not argue the povertie of a Countrey The dâ—ngerous consequence of ingratitude in People A wicked People doe make a wicked King A Bridge of Golde to bee made for Enemies to passe out on Iust and true Encowragements from solide Causes Captivitie of King Iohn of France and of Francis the first Great Ransome payed by our Antecessours for King David Bruce if the Author was not a little mistaken Philip de Cominit sayth fiue hundreth thousand Crownes The Causes why the Palatinate is detained by the Spanyard A remarkable Speach of Coronell Semple to the Author of this Treatise The Quarrell of the Palatinate most â—ib to vs why Iohn Knoxe against the Regiment of Women Of our domesticke discontent or Feares The going of the Navie to the Seas and our publicke Fast. Secrecie advanceth great Enterpryses Secresie of Iulius Caesar Charles the fift 〈◊〉 the eleventh and of the 〈◊〉 Councell The Reformation or Innovation of Magistrates 〈…〉 Senators are to bee of good Age Experience Numâ— 11. Inconvenients that follow the perpetuitie of Magistrates Inconvenientes by the Innovation of Magistrates and Counsellers Vtilitie of the Censor amongst the Romanes The Spanish Syndicator in place of the Censor Nature of the Comiss. for Grievances A latter appellat due to Soveraignitie Two of one Familie not to bee of one Session of Iudges approoved in France â—efoâ—mation of the Barre Advoâ—ats Low necessarie Imposts mâ—â—entâ—e layde vpon Processes 〈◊〉 Sainct Enemie to Meâ—cenaâ—ie Advotation Emanuelâ— King of Portugall Enemie to Mercenarie Advocation In what Christiâ—n Countrâ—yes no Advocation In Venice Advocates haue two Audiences and no more Multitude of Iudges profitable Heritable Magistrates Bod. in Repub. Erected Church Lands If the Patrimonie of the Crowne bee alienable Domaine of Republickes not alienable How Christian Princes doe accept their Crownes Princes like vnto GOD doe creat Men of nothing The last Convention of the 〈◊〉 of Scotland To be wished that the Church-LaÌ„ds had ever remained with the Crowne Ritches haue spoyled the Pietie of the Church The Laiciâ— did spend the Church-rents in even in time of Popeâ—â—ie The stupiditie of Princes and People not observing the Evils following vpon the Ritches of the Church The number of the Ecclesiasticall Estates in 〈◊〉 How Princes doe remember these Evils The nature of Tythes Of Tenthes The Arguments vsed against Evangelicall Tenthes Why they arâ— thought Ceremoniall The Priests of Melchisedek Tythes devoted by positiue Lawes When Dedication in Scotland The Benediâ—â—ne order frequent and â—amous in Scotland Calvinâ— and Perkins deny Tythes Evangelicall Puritanes opposed to the Pops Church even in good things Tythes vnderstood by naturall Light of the Gentiles Mystorie of the number â—0 Created or Instrumentall Wisdome VVisd Salom 7. Eccles. 1. Esai 40. Ch. The nature of Number in generall Nature of Angels GOD is Vnitie Veritie and Bonitie Definition of Vnitie GOD is the Centre of all Things GOD hath particular respects for particular Numbers Great vse of the Number 7. Nature of the Dualitie Nature of the Novenarie or Number 9. Ten is the Quotient or fulnesse of Nature Man was the first Tythe CHRIST was the second Tythe Psal. 144. CHRIST began and clozed thâ— Circle of Nature A Speach of Roboâ— Mes. Hardas worthie observation The Opinion of Iunius concerning Tythes Two sorts of Puritane opponents to Episcopall GovernameÌ„t and Rentes discordant amongst themselues Persecution of Iulian worse than of Dioclesian Plantation of the North Ylâ—s of Scotland of what Importance Battell of Hare-Law Abuses and Oppressions by way of Tythes Discourse of the Nature and Courie of Moneyes Gold cannot be employed without a â—ixtion of â—ilver Fraude of Gold-smiths and of Coyners What the heighting of Money doth impoâ—t A great heighting of Moneyes amongst the Romanes in their Punicke Warres Soveraigne Vertues of the Golde Elias Artista Of Moneyes kept vp by Merchands Decay of Ships and the 〈◊〉 why Meanes to restore Shipping in Maritine Townâ— Prodigall Persoâ—s interdyâ—â—d by â—aw No private Man is absolute Lord of his Lands or Goods Against the Prodigalitie of 〈◊〉 Plate and guilding with Golde Ritches of Scip. Asriâ— Ferdinandus Magn. did sel his Silver Plate and Iewels Charles the ninth of France did coyne his Silver Plate Lib. 33. Prescription for Dyet and Apparell Hector Boâ—â—â— Lib. 12. Speach to the King's Majestie Diligence of Augastus against his Enemies Who be Enemies to the present Governament of this Kingdome Vigilance over the Admission of Bishops and Ministers Honour done by Augustus to the Senators The Modellie of â—â—aries the fift of France Lewis the eleventh of France would not suffer his Son to learne the Latine Tongue The Condiâ—â—on of Senators chosen by Augustus Great Affection of King Darius to Zopyrus Diligence Mechanicke of Augustus to know the Revenewes and Debursments ordinarie of the Empyre Vigilance of the Persian Kings over their Finances Diligence of Augustus to ease the People immatters of Law Processes Supplication in Favouâ—s of the S. 〈◊〉 of Scotland Plutare de Fortuna aut virtute Alexandri The notable Magnanimitie of Alexander whilst he wanted Money GOD maketh althings in Nature with Tyme and Patience The Youth-head of every thing in Nature most observed and looked to The Monopole 〈◊〉 the Salt in France
vnderstand more of it he may finde a Treatise done at large on that subject by Reginaldus Consalvus Montanus De Artibus Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae one who hath for manie Yeares knowne and behelde it with his Eyes The next thing that King Philip went about was the joyning of Portugall to the other Kingdomes of Spayne alreadie in his Possession and there-by to make the Bodie of that Monarchie perfect and entire and finding nothing that could serue him for pretext or colour to moue open Warres the King there-of Don Sebestian being his neare Cosin of one Religion free from anie Controversies with him for Dominion and knowing the saide Sebestian to haue a Kinglie and cowragious Mynde with-all hardie and temerarious hee did corrupt and suborne some of his chiefest Favorites to puisse him to the enlarging of his Conquests in Africke against the Moores where-of his Predecessours had alreadie layde so good Foundations and for his easier inducement there-to hee did promise him large ayde both of Souldiours of Money And when Don Sebestian had embarked himselfe for Africke and did expect the arrivall of the promised Succours hee found nothing but Letters of new expectation while in the meane time Philip did practise by Claudestine meanes both discontentment and Mutinie with-in his owne Armies and Treyes with the Barbarian Kings against whom hee went Where-vpon ensued the overthrow and death of the saide Prince without Children in that Battell which hee fought against the Kings of Fesse and Moroco after the which the Portugals did receiue the next lawfull Heyre to their Crowne Don Antonio whom the saide Philip did eject by open Warre and Violence and forced the Subjects to declare himselfe righteous Successour of that Kingdome by his Mother Then hee perceiving that King Henrie the third of France did sende a Sea-Armie to Portugall in favours of Don Antonio hee resolved to stirre vp and kindle a civill Warre in France that might constraine them to forbeare the farther assaulting of his new Conquest in Portugall and by a publicke deliberation with his Counsell in the Citie of Tison Anno 1577 hee layde the grounds of that Confederacie called The Holie League which did almost reduce in Ashes that auncient and flowrishing Kingdome of France And to that effect sent thither secret Practises with 200000 Crownes to draw and assure to his Course the chiefest of the Nobilitie and Gentrie Catholicke which did succeede well enough to his Mynde and to the great Dangers and Disasters of all the Neighbour-States of Europe as the Stories doe at length record And then that those who were enraged by him to Armes should not want an Enemie on whō they might consume thē-selues he sent also to negotiate privatelie with King Henrie the fourth of France being then styled King Of Navarre and Head of the Protestant Faction in France offering to marrie the saide King's Sister whose Children to Philip should succeede to the Kingdome of Navarre with the Yles of Majorque Minorque and Sardinia also that the saide King of Navarre should haue in marriage the Infanta of Spayne eldest Daughter of Philip with condition to bee established King of Guyene at the adventure and charges of Philip and with-all should haue the Right and Possession of the Duchte Milan with a present advancement of 200000 Crownes for the provision of Forces competent against his Enemies of the League Who doeth not see by these the insatiable thirst of wicked Ambition after the Blood of their Neighbours never an hungrie Beare did hunt more fiercelie for to fill his Panches than hee was enraged for the Conquest of France But the saide King of Navarre guided by a better Spirit did refuse all these Ouvertures as treacherous and tending to the dissipation of France with-in it selfe that it should bee more open and obnoxious for the Spanish invasion And by his refusall hee layde the first Stone where-vpon there-after hee did builde his reconciliation with as manie Papists as were true hearted French-men and his Peace with his Predecessour King Henrie the third to whom hee did impart all these secret practises Anno 1583 and who permitted him to assemble the whole Reformed Churches of France at Montaban the yeare there-after for tryall and punishment of the Negotiators of the same For by this tyme the sayd King Henrie the third was begun with bitter Griefe and Repentance to acknowledge his Errour in retiring his Forces from Portugall which he was forced to doe by the furie and hote persecution of the Leaguars And the yeare 1589 he did send Ambassadours to the Queene of England who was alreadie engaged to the protection of Don Antonio to treat with her that shee would sende him backe to Portugall with a Sea-Armie promising for him-selfe to joyne there-vnto 5000 Men never-the-lesse that hee was then mightilie agitated with the manie Forces of the League and that the hottest Flames thereof did burne about his Eares having even then surprysed the lyues of the Duke and Cardinall of Guyse at Blois This was easilie obtained of the saide Queene who perceiving well that there was no other way to free her owne Countreyes the Spanish Armie having threatned her Coasts the yeare before nor to liberate her Confederates of France and the Netherlands from the Tyrannie and Oppression of Spayne but by making VVarres to him in Spaine shee did set foorth with Don Antonio an Armie for Portugall vnder two Generals the Lord Noris for the Land and Darke for the Seas together with the Earle of Essex But nothing of importance was performed by that Armie the Causes where-of are diverslie agitated and alleadged the English Historie affirming that their Generals then had no warrand to make Warre except that they had seene an vniversall Revolt of the Portugals from the Spaniard to Don Antonio their King where-of say they there was no appearance But Antonio Peres in his Treatise to the French King vpon that Subject doeth impute the Causes to Mislucke and Misgovernament the Lingering and Longsomnesse of the Voyage their lying manie dayes at Plimmouth and manie at the Groine where-by the Enemie had too much leasure to fortifie him-selfe a mortalitie of their People where-of their best Canoniers and other Souldiours died the want of Horses and Wagons for transportation from the coast of Lisbone so that they were forced to quite great part of their Armes and in place there-of carrie Bottels of VVyne and other things for their mayntaynance The distraction of the Sea-Generall Drake from the Land-Generall who when hee should haue entered the Port of Lisbone finding a Fleet of Easterlings to passe by him hee set him-selfe to the hazard of that Prey neglecting al-together the Enterpryse against Lisbone About the which when the Land-Armie did lye in siedge there was a great confluence as hee sayth of the Portugals to Don Antonio but by reason they were addressed in base and course Apparell they were esteemed by the English to bee but Commons and
him to GOD Him-selfe witnessed by Hieronimus Catena wryting vpon the life of Popius Quintus the which Pope by a publicke Panegyricke did celebrate the praises of the sayde Philip for that fact saying E cosa multo notabile stupenda ch' el re facesse sacrificio d'ella carne sua del suo sangue à DIO dicendo che ' non come Abrahamo ma come DIO stesso Propter salutem Ecclesiae non pepercit vnico filio That is to say It is a thing most notable and admirable that this King did sacrifice vnto GOD his owne Flesh and his owne Blood for nought like vnto Abraham but like vnto GOD Himselfe for the safetie of the Church hee would not spare his onlie begotten Sonne Farther it is affirmed by the English Wryters namelie Sir Francis Hastings in his Watch-Word to Queene Elizabeth against the Spanish Insidiation that the same Philip did by his Agents the Count of Fuentes then Generall in the Low-Countreyes and Secretarie Ibarra induce Doctor Lopez a Iewish Physician at London for fiftie thousand Crownes to poyson Queene Elizabeth which he him-selfe vpon his triall did confesse and two others Manoel Lois and Stephen Ferraires did depone and all three suffered Death for it as the processe criminall led against them and yet extant will verifie What shall I say vpon this fearfull kinde of Policie Ah for pitie Quid non mortalia pectora cogit regâ—andi dira libido What is that so odious which the loue of domination will not perswade the ambitious heart to perpetrate The publicke crueltie of the Inquisition on the one part and the covert Crueltie of Ambushes practised by the King and his Iesuites on the other part seeme to bee a chiefe Misterie of this Ambition as two Arch-pillars which doe for the time sustent the great Spheare of their Empyre and the wicked Source where-fra haue flowed so manie Chastels Clements Ravillacks Babingtons Fauxes Garnets c. as haue beene Actors of the wofull Assassinates Sorceries Pests Powder Treasons Poysons c. that haue surprysed the liues of so manie anointed Kings and others of lawfull Authoritie and doe still lye in waite for the like Executions against those who are present or to come heere-after And heere is a Case to bee lamented eternallie that those Parricidies committed now in Spayne after the manner of the Mahumetane Superstition not as Crymes to bee repented but as Religious Traditions and Deeds of great Merite when the life of one Man or a few Men if it were of our Brethren or Children are taken and sacrificed for preservation of the publicke Tranquillitie both of Church and State chiefelie in great and Monarchicall Kingdomes where Religion doeth shoot out with a growing and flowrishing Empyre Alace is not this the Fyre of Moloch and the sacrificing of our Children to those bloodie and savage Gods This is a Fascination and stupiditie of the Mynde in the highest Degree And heere it is where that powerfull Circe of Superstition hath transformed those Kings reallie into Beastes that wittinglie and willinglie they haue cast off both Sence and as it were Shape of Humanitie that the greatest Vlysses of the World is not able by anie Oratorie to reclaime them In the meane-time it is a Case that doeth admonish Neighbour-Princes to bee of constant Pietie and Devotion towards GOD and their Domesticke Servants to bee vigilant and studious for the avoyding of that kinde of claudestine Dangers And O what great cause wee haue to render thankes to the MOST HIGH for that that our late Soveraigne of blessed memorie did escape the Insidiation and bloodie Knyfe of such Butchers hee who was the most conspicuous Marke whereat they did shoot and of whom their curious casters of Horosâ—ops and malignant Astrologues did so often prognosticate that his ende should not bee peaceable Fourthlie wee are to weigh the Strength and Soliditie of this great and growing Empyre to see if wee can explore should not furnish in preste to Don Antonio 200000 Crownes as they had promised to doe at the Intercession of the saide Queene of England These are not mine Assertions but taken and collected from Spanish Wryters Of all the fore-sayde Perpetrations the killing of his Sonne Prince Charles being in it selfe most fearfull and execrable of the whole it is also most clearlie verified not onlie by the Histories of Neighbour-Countreyes as by the French recordes of Majerne of Matthew of Paris of Thuanus but so stood to by the Church of Rome that into that deede they doe place the Triumph and Glorie of the Pietie of the saide King advancing his Fayth aboue that of Abraham who did onelie offer to sacrifice his Sonne and comparing him to GOD Him-selfe witnessed by Hieronimus Catena wryting vpon the life of Popius Quintus the which Pope by a publicke Panegyricke did celebrate the praises of the sayde Philip for that fact saying E cosa multo notabile stupenda ch' el re facesse sacrificio d'ella carne sua del suo sangue à DIO dicendo che ' non come Abrahamo mâ— come DIO stesso Propter salutem Ecclesiae non pepercit vnico filio That is to say It is a thing most notable and admirable that this King did sacrifice vnto GOD his owne Flesh and his owne Blood for nought like vnto Abraham but like vnto GOD Himselfe for the safetie of the Church hee would not spare his onlie begotten Sonne Farther it is affirmed by the English Wryters namelie Sir Francis Hastings in his Watch-Word to Queene Elizabeth against the Spanish Insidiation that the same Philip did by his Agents the Count of Fuentes then Generall in the Low-Countreyes and Secretarie Ibarra induce Doctor Lopez a Iewish Physician at London for fiftie thousand Crownes to poyson Queene Elizabeth which he him-selfe vpon his triall did confesse and two others Manoel Lois and Stephen Ferraires did depone and all three suffered Death for it as the processe criminall led against them and yet extant will verifie What shall I say vpon this fearfull kinde of Policie Ah for pitie Quid non mortalia pectora cogit regnandi dira libido What is that so odious which the loue of domination will not perswade the ambitious heart to perpetrate The publicke crueltie of the Inquisition on the one part and the covert Crueltie of Ambushes practised by the King and his Iesuites on the other part seeme to bee a chiefe Misterie of this Ambition as two Arch-pillars which doe for the time sustent the great Spheare of their Empyre and the wicked Source where-fra haue flowed so manie Chastels Clements Ravillacks Babingtons Fauxes Garnets c. as haue beene Actors of the wofull Assassinates Sorceries Pests Powder Treasons Poysons c. that haue surprysed the liues of so manie anointed Kings and others of lawfull Authoritie and doe still lye in waite for the like Executions against those who are present or to come heere-after And heere is a Case
to bee lamented eternallie that those Parricidies committed now in Spayne after the manner of the Mahumetane Superstition not as Crymes to bee repented but as Religious Traditions and Deeds of great Merite when the life of one Man or a few Men if it were of our Brethren or Children are taken and sacrificed for preservation of the publicke Tranquillitie both of Church and State chiefelie in great and Monarchicall Kingdomes where Religion doeth shoot out with a growing and flowrishing Empyre Alace is not this the Fyre of Moloch and the sacrificing of our Children to those bloodie and savage Gods This is a Fascination and stupiditie of the Mynde in the highest Degree And heere it is where that powerfull Circe of Superstition hath transformed those Kings reallie into Beastes that wittinglie and willinglie they haue cast off both Sence and as it were Shape of Humanitie that the greatest Vlysses of the World is not able by anie Oratorie to reclaime them In the meane-time it is a Case that doeth admonish Neighbour-Princes to bee of constant Pietie and Devotion towards GOD and their Domesticke Servants to bee vigilant and studious for the avoyding of that kinde of claudestine Dangers And O what great cause wee haue to render thankes to the MOST HIGH for that that our late Soveraigne of blessed memorie did escape the Insidiation and bloodie Knyfe of such Butchers hee who was the most conspicuous Marke whereat they did shoot and of whom their curious casters of Horosâ—ops and malignant Astrologues did so often prognosticate that his ende should not bee peaceable Fourthlle wee are to weigh the Strength and Soliditie of this great and growing Empyre to see if wee can explore and finde out anie Weaknesse Breach or Advantage to bee gained since they are our Capitall and mightie Enemies of whom it is not likelie that long wee shall bee fred Al-be-it it be true that it is not so much governed by the Sword as by Graue and Sage Councell which is never a whit diverted from their Plots and Purposes by the death of anie King where-in standeth no Question a chiefe point of the Firmnesse and Perpetuitie thereof Yet it cannot bee denyed that for aboundance of Money for militarie Discipline and for great numbers of good Souldiours which three bee as the Nerves Veines and grosse Bodie of the Warres they too farre exceede their Neighbours Alwayes for the first I say that the light of Reason sheweth mee that the greater Fortitude doeth aye consist in the greater Vnion Vis vnita fortior There is no perfect Strength but in GOD because there is nothing meerelie and simplie Vnike but GOD The Strength of Nature dependeth from her Compaction Vnion and Sympathie of her well-conjoyned Members This made Augustus to abandone and neglect the Longinque Provinces beyond Caucasus and Taurus and here in Great Britane by mayntaynance where-of they did receiue greater domage than could bee countervalued by anie Benefit to bee had there-fra in time of Peace saying that as there were two Defaultes that made the naturall Bodie imperfect that which was too small and vnder a proportion naturall and againe that which was aboue too big superstuous and vnwealdie called by the Physitions Plethera and Endeiat Even so it was in the Civill Bodie of the State and there-fore did hee recommend to his Successor the Limitation of the Empyre vnited and consolidated within the Marches of Euphrates Danubius and the Westerne Occean forbearing to haue more care of the most remote and disjoynted Provinces which did not other but teach the Discipline militare to barbarous Nations who were ignorant of it Where-vpon sayeth Tacitus Longa oblivio Britanniae etiam in pace consilium id Augustus vocavit maxime Tiberius Henrie King of Castile who died Anno 1217 without Children having two Sisters of whom the elder had beene married to Lewes the eight of France the youngest to Alphonsus King of Leon in Spaine The Castilians by publicke Parliament did declare the youngest to the Crowne of Castile albeit against their Law yet convenient in the nature of things sayde they seeing Castile and Leon were Cosines and easilie did incorporate they had one Language and Manners nothing different where-as France was naturallie divided from them by the Mounts Pirenees of diverse Languages and discrepant Manners thinges difficill to bee vnited vnder one King Of Examples of this kynde the Histories bee full of Princes and States who stryving to possesse thinges farre removed and dis-joyned from them and disconvenient in Nature albeit their Titles to them were just yet after manie yeares enjoying of theÌ„ with much Warre Trouble they haue bene in end forced to quite them being things altogether improfitable aâ— the English of Aquitane and Guyen the French of Naples the Venetians of Pisa and some Territories of Genua the Germane Emperour of some Cities in Italie of all which they haue nothing this day but the Burials of their Predecessours in which respect to returne to the purpose I may say of the Spanyard that it is not all Gold that glistereth his great Empyre is patched of things dismembred discommodious and disconvenient in Nature hee hath Navarre divided by the Pirenees in part and naturallie incorporate to the mightie Kingdome of France hee hath Milan divided by the Alpes Naples by both those and by the Apemmie too and both but members of the bodie of Italie Flaunders separated by interjection of France and Switzerland the Indees by the great Occean that if wee shall consider all the mightiest Monarkes wee shall finde none so weake and obnoxious in that behalfe so farre that it is more easie for France England Holland and Denmarke to put into Spaine 50000 Souldiours than for Spaine it selfe to transport thither from their owne Provinces 20000. Againe Kings are set aboue their People as the Sunne aboue the Earth and Seas who draweth vp the Moistures where-with hee doeth partlie feed his owne Flames and partlie converteth them in Raines to refresh the Seas and nowrish the Earth yet it is thought that hee beholdeth his Provinces often-times as Clowds without Raine hee draweth nothing from them but glorious and airie Titles of Ambition yea hee must goe search the Bellie of the Earth vnder another Hemispheare to sucke the Vapours that must entertaine them for if it were not by his Treasures of the Indees it is judged that hee were not able to brooke them The yeare of their last Pacification with Holland I did heare into Brusels by some of his entire Counsellours that since the first entrie of those VVarres hee had spended of his proper Fiances aboue the Rents of Flaunders 60 Millions I did heare about that same tyme at Naples and Milan by those of good intelligence in his Affaires that his whole Revenewes there were morgadged and that hee was greatlie indebted aboue and that hee was often-tymes so scarced of Moneyes that at Antwerpe Genuâ— and other Bankes hee did pay more than
thirtie for the hundreth which Inconveniences doe all result from this that his Provinces are not contiguous nor incorporate And yet it being so wee are not to vilipende our Enemies no even those Provinces doe bring notable increase to his Grandour they are as the Heads or Hearts of the Countreyes where they lye they are most fertile flowrishing and rich for themselues and vpon extraordinarie Necessities able to advance to him infinite summes of Money planted they are to the full with industrious People They are the Seminaries of his Milice which doe breede vnto him good store of wittie Counsellours skilfull Commanders and braue Souldiours And how-so-ever they yeelde nothing to his Coffers yet the Vice-rayes and Governours sent thither who commonlie are of his nearest Parentage they doe loade them-selues with Ritches by the Mechanicke Tyrannies that they are permitted to exercise and at the ende of their three yeares which is the period of their Reigne they doe returne to Spaine as clogged Bees with Honey to their Hyves which I confesse to bee of as great importance and profite to him as if those did come directlie to his owne Coffers for why a great Monarch hath not so good a Treasure as trafficable Countreyes and Subjects vertuous and full of VVealth for then doe Moneyes abound and People doe serue their Prince in Offiâ—es of Peace or VVarre with contentment and splendor both But if an avaritious Prince doe studie to collect and amasse Ritchâ—s to lay in store by too much pressing of his Subjectes then they are discowraged from their Trades the Fruites where-of they are not suffered to enjoy Vertue decayeth that should enritch the Countrey and the cowrage of Men fayleth when time of VVarre doeth come So that the best Politickes that haue beene holde that the Ritches of mightie Kings are not so much to bee esteemed by their Ordinarie Rents as by the Extraordinarie Meanes they haue to lift Moneyes vpon great necessitie of the which Meanes that Prince doeth robbe him-selfe who maketh his Subjects poore to fill his Coffers And they doe thinke that as ritch was Lewes the twelft of France whose yearlie Rent did not exceede one Million and an halfe as Francis the first vnder whom it arryved at three or Henrie the second who doubled that or yet the third who did multiplie it to ten Millions Those Provinces of Flaunders being courteouâ—â—e ruled by Charles the fift and by his Sonne Philip with more moderation after the returne of the Duke de Alva they are found in the Histories to haue advanced willinglâ—e to those two Kings in the space of nine Yeares twentie-three Millions of Crownes which made them to bee called the Northerne Indees of the saide Empyre and which they could not possiblie haue done if hee had lifted grosse yearlie Rents from them So that the Prince who doeth thus tender his People is saide to haue his Treasures more sure in the custodie of his Subjects than if they were collected to his Coffers For as they wryte hardlie can Treasures bee saved in the hands of Princes even in tyme of Peace by reason of so manie occasions as they embrace to disperse them to the splendor of their Courts their bountie to their Favorites publicke and popular showes employment of Ambassadours vpon light causes which perhaps had not beene taken notice of if the Coffers had beene emptie and such like or it may bee say they that aboundance of present Moneyes doeth a-wake Ambition and Pryde more than is expedient for their Prosperitie and quiet of their People And it is even a difficill thing of it selfe to keepe thinges that are much desired and of manie namelie hard to great Kinges vpon whose bountie so manie greedie and importune Suters doe depende and hing Difficilis magni custodia census Or if a temperate and prudent Prince can saue them from all these and leaue them to his Successour yet seldome doe we find in the Stories that they haue bene converted to anie happie vse Tiberius the Emperour left behind him 67 Millions and his Successour devoured them in one yeare Domitian and Antonius Caracalla did consume at their pleasures and ryot the Treasures of Vespasian and of Septimius Severus Cyrus left 50 Millions of golden Crownes his Enemie did carrie them Darius left 80 Millions Alexander the Great did spend them Sardanapalus left 40 to his Enemies Pope Iohn the 22 did leaue 33 Millions to the avarice of his Successours Nephewes and Favorites Stephen King of Bosna had his Skinne fleede from his Bodie by Mahomet the second because hee did not employ his Treasures to the safetie of him-selfe David as wee finde 1. Chron. last Chap. left behinde him 120 Millions which was the greatest Treasure ever heard of not to the arbitrement or appetites of his Successour but by the speciall appointment of GOD to the building of the Temple Farther wee may draw an Argument from an article of the Law of GOD Deut. 17 Where Kings are forbidden to multiplie Silver and Gold to them-selues either for taking away the occasions of Aggravations and Imposts on Subjects or of excessiue Prodigalitie of their Courts or Pryde of moving vnjust and vnlawfull Warres or to invite them to employ the superplus of their yearlie Rents to present workes of Pietie or Charitie or advancement of the Common-wealth one way or other Augustus did furnish great summes of Money to the People without Interesse sayeth Suetonius Quoties ex damnatorum bonis pecunia superflueret vsum ejus gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent indulsit to those of meane and sober estate who were able to set Cautioners for the double of the principall And of the Emperour Alexander Severus sayeth Lampridius Foenus publicum trientarium exercuit pauperibus plerisque sine usuris pecunias dedit ad agros emendos â—eddendas paulatim de fructibus that is foure for the 100 to those of middle reasonable estate and to the Poore without Interesse And of Antoninus Pius Iulius Capitolinus doth affirme the same So that it hath beene thought by manie that Treasures reserved in the handes of Princes bee but like Cisterns and reserues of Water which may be soone exhausted by daylie taking from them because they haue no Fountaine and againe that the same being in the hands of the People exposed to daylie Exchange and Traffique is like vnto a running River whose source cannot bee dryed vp As Cornes doe not yeelde encrease that are locked in Gâ—rnels but the seede dispersed through the ground is the thing that doeth multiplie so are the Moneyes dispersed in popular Trades onelie fruitfull Neither doe I alleadge anie of these as if Kings and speciallie great ones must not haue Royall and Magnificke Rents for it is not possible for vs who bee private Subjects to know how manie necessarie occasions doe daylie occurre to them of great and vast Expenses neither must wee bee curious for that part That Princes are
their hunting of Buls their personall March their austere Phisnomie obscure Colour vnpopular presentation where-of everie thing is disgustfull to Mâ—n of other Nations Melancholie is a tenacious and visâ—uous humor where-from proceedeth their slowe and lingering Deliberations the longsomnesse of their Actions their constant Prosecution of their Enterpryses their obstinate adhering to auncient Customes abhorring imitation of Forraigne Manners their Superstition in Religion their silence from Discourse and reservednesse from Conversation which indeede doe make them being contemplatiue more capable of solide Knowledge They goe heere and there through Neighbour-Countreyes but never procure familiaritie of friendship with anie Man yea there is small interchange of Kindnesse or Courtesie amongst them-selues because attour beeing thus concentricke and contracted with-in them-selues they doe make profession of Punctualitie which is contrarie to Friendship that in its owne nature is open and communicable liberall of Discourse and Complements and of steadable Actions thinges opposed to those who stand vpon pointes measure their Paces and number their Wordes fearing to perill their Reputation for a Syllabe more or lesse as if they durst not adventure to goe without the Confines of their Melanchâ—lie where-as by anie experience one would thinke that Punctualitie is not onelie Enemie to Friendship but contrarie to great Actions because what convenience can bee betwixt Greatnesse and that which is small a point as everie Man knoweth doeth verie nearlie approach to nothing and Punctualitie to Nullitie Therefore is it that hee who standeth vpon points in Businesses often-times attaineth nothing which men say was the chiefe reason of their bad Successes against England and Algiers where the Designes of their Enterpryses were founded vpon such Subtilties Moments and points of time as was not possible for anie Generall to obserue except him who could controll Tyme and make the Sunne fixed as to Ioshua or retrograde as it was vnto Ezechias Lastlie to come without the Confines of Spaine to consider what trust they haue with their next Neighboures if men of experience should enter to dispute on what side it were most advantagious for Enemie-Forces to enter vpon Spaine one might â—ay that even Navarre were not vnfit al-be-it it bee vnlawfullie possessed by them yet those are the naturall Subjects of the French King and there should bee found at this day the Grand-Children of them who did lose their Lyues and Goods in the service of his Predecessours against the tyrannie of Spaine and who them-selues would vnder-goe willinglie the like to haue him restored to bee their King Adjacent to Navarre are the Countreyes of France whose bravest Men doe even now carrie into their Faces the honourable Seat and Marks of the bloodie Woundes which they did couragiouslie sustaine when the Spanyard did employ all his Forces to extinguish the glorie of that Nation Wee neede goe no farther for if wee should travell to the Worlds ende wee shall never arryue there where they are not either feared or hated or both Now since so it is that this Catholicke Ambition aimeth over all everie Man seeth that it doeth require a strong Opposition the Meanes where-of and easiest Possibilities is not an vnfit Contemplation for vs of this Yle who for the present seeme to bee most threatned by the same It cannot bee opposed but by Warres and these are not to bee wished Al-be-it GOD and Nature haue their good endes in Warres as GOD to purge the Sinnes where-with a Land is defiled and chieflie of the Gentrie by Pryde Oppression and Lust and Nature againe to cut as it were and crop the over-grouth of the Civill State when People doe multiplie aboue the proportioÌ„ of the Countreys means yet wee are not to desire Warres but rather wish the sending out of Multitudes to Neighbour-Warres or by transportation of Colonies where wee can finde anie possibilitie to plant them vvhich is the most laudable and lawfull Meanes of the two for the disburdening of populous Countreys because Warres are never without too much Crueltie and effusion of innocent Blood yea even where the Pretences and Claymes of Princes and States seeme to bee most just the grosse of their Armies are brought to the Shambles and innocentlie murdered at least they are guiltlesse of the Ambition which did moue the Warre al-be-it it pleased GOD to punish them that way for other Sinnes and to purge the Land there-from But by transportation of Colonies GOD did people the Earth as the sacred Historie showeth Nature doeth the same for are wee not all of this Occidentall Worlde descended of the Trojan Aegyptian or other Forraigne Colontes Nature hath imprinted this Politicke Instinct into Beastes when the Eagle hath taught her young ones to flye and catch their Prey shee doeth no more admit them to her Nest but dryveth them away and if shee finde anie one laysie and vnwilling to labour for it selfe shee killeth it The Bees constraine their brood when they once can flie abroad to seeke new Habitationes All well-governed States haue followed the same there being no surer Rule in Policie than the imitation of Nature which things I neede not heere to discourse being of daylie practise in the World so notorious in Histories and latelie so well set downe by a vertuous and worthie Gentle-man of our Countrey Sir William Alâ—xander now Secretarie for Scotland in his Treatise for Plantation of Nova Scotia of which Enterpryze and of all such like I must say thus farre that they are not onlie vertuous and noble but in a degree heroicke aboue ordinarie Vertue and Nobilitie and for this Assertion I giue my reason thus GOD did frame the World to the ende that by length of time it might bee peopled and that no corner there-of might bee emptie of holie Altars Priests and People to celebrate His Worship So that hee that putteth his Handes to such Workes for plantation of Countreyes disinhabited or desarted hee doeth second the first Intentions of GOD toward the World and doth puisse the course of Nature so farre as in him lyeth to her destinate perfection and al-be-it this braue Enterpryze of the fore-saide Gentle-man bee some-what with-stood by that vnluckie Genius of our Nation ever esteemed to bee averse from such publicke Vertues witnessed by manie particulars in our Dayes namelie by the bad successe of the late Yron Works long gone about by inexhaustable paines of another great spirit amongst vs and falling in the ende for want of concurrance Not-the-lesse let not Vertue want her due to bee honoured of Men Sat magnum est voluisse magna and seeing no Nation hath greater cause than wee to try the Fortune of Transplantation let vs bee a little ashamed to bee so contrarie to this Designe of Nova Scotia that wee doe not onelie refuse to embarke our selues into it but wee seeme to haue an heart-sore that His Majestie should conferre the marks of Honour on such as doe joyne therevnto while as wee cannot deny him
as wee see that the Consent of the World the Practise of all Ages these of our owne Nation doe giue to Kinges the Royall Priviledge of granting Grace and Remission from Lawes even where the LAW of GOD doeth ordayne Punishment by Death And the most temperate Christian Kings doe assume and exercise this Priviledge to pardon Persons Criminall for Slaughter at their owne pleasure It beeing so how much more ought the Royall Soveraignitie to haue this latter Appellation annexed vnto it from all Iudges and Causes Civill vvhere Legall Decreets are found to be hard and tyrannous Or if a King cannot bestowe this Grace vpon a distressed Subject to repledge him from the tyrannie of Law how can hee bee sayde to carrie in His Person a Soveraegne Power This Priviledge of a last Appellation in difficult Cases is not onelie proper to Soveraignitie but lykewyse a thing ever sought and challenged by Subjects as due vnto them to bee granted by their Kings Nero and Caligula Princes giveÌ„ to private Laesciviousnesse they did for their owne Ease and Freedome from Effaires ordayne that no Appellation should be froÌ„ the Senate vnto them but yet the Romanes would never quyte that Benefite of a latter Refuge to their Emperours And if we shall try thinges well wee should find that the present Practise of almost all Christian Princes hath put Commissioners or Lieuetennants in their Place to exercise that Poynt of the Soveraigne Majestie for receiving of latter Appellations in Causes Compassionable as the foure Courts of Spayne to which as to the Royall Soveraignitie there are Appeales from all Iudges Their Syndicators in their Provinces abroad are instituted to the same end and that so profitablie that there is not in any Christian State a surer Means for mayntaynance of Peace Iustice amongst People The Chamber Imperiall in Germanie vvhere-vnto there are drylie Appellatious from all the Cities Dutcâ—ies Counties Baronies within the whole Empyre In England they haue their Court of Conscience for the same vse and ende So that I doe thinke for this Commission for Grievances here presenting the King His owne person to receiue these latter Appellations due to the Soveraignitie albeit it seeme to bee a newe Iudicatorie of late Invention yet it is not so because it was ever incorporate and inseparablie included in the Soveraigne Maiestie I trust we will all thinke that nothing is more agreeable with Pietie Good Conscience than the allowing of such Appellations from Legall Rigour and Extremitie neyther anie thing more becomming the Soveraignitie that GOD hath placed in Christian Kinges than to receiue and heare them since Iudges Ordinarie may not doe it in the nature of their Office being sworne to administrate Iustice in Legall tearmes wanting power to dispense with Lawes vnlesse that His Maiestie vvould grant to the Lords of our Session the same Commission and Power appoynting some of them for Lawe and others for Conscience and so consolidate both the Offices in one Alwayes if the King ought or may heare the Grievances of His Subjects as due vnto His Soveraignitie and if he may doe so much in His own person then there is no doubt but He may doe it by Commissioners and must doe so because of Remotenesse of Plaâ—e for our Ease and because of multitude of Effaires for His owne Ease I thinke it not amisse heere to declare how our Historiographer Buchanan treating of the Originall Election of our Colledge of Iustice vnder King Iames the fift hee did esteeme it a meere Tyrannie if no Appellation should bee there-from Quando Collegiam Iudicum sayeth hee in his fourteenth Booke Edinburgi constitutum fuisset tamen qui sperabatur eventus non est consecutus nam cum in Scotianullae pene sint leges praeter conventuum decreta eaque pleraque non in perpetuum sed in tempus facta judicesâ—que quod in se est lationem legum impediant omnium civium bona quindecem hominum arbitrio sunt commissa quibus perpetua est potestas imperium plane tyrannicum that is to say When the Colledge of Iustice was planted and authorized at Edinburgh there did not follow there-on the good Events which were expected for there beeing no other Lawes in Scotland almost but Actes of Parliament and Iudges given so farre as lyeth in them to hinder the promulgation of Lawes the Lands Goods of all the Subjects were committed to the arbitriment of fifteene Men to whome was granted a perpetuall power and Authoritie playnlie tyrannous Now to proceede touching Ordinarie Magistrates As Lawes are not perpetuall so are not Magistrates everie-where nor at all tymes neyther is it absolutelie expedient or necessarie to be so albeit we must all confesse that it is not without great publicke detriment that old and faythfull Magistrates should be often changed yet the Current of States is so fluxable subject to so manie casuall Changes that very good Princes haue changed verie good Magistrates for verie good Causes Marc. Aurol going abroad through his Provinces to view and consider the Administration and Order of Iustice he did displace hang even of the best and speciall Magistrates because that hee vvould suffer no Man to beare Office in the Countrey where hee dwelt namelie a Great Man as if His Majestie should not permit a Noble-man inhabiting the North of Scotland to bee heritable Shyreffe or Lieuetennant there and respected there by that Meanes as a Prince Which kinde of doing as I vnderstand is observed thorow all Spaine where everie Iudge Ordinarie is a Stranger there where hee judgeth And oft-times as wee may reade into their Histories it hath beene acted by the Parliaments of France that two of one Familie should not bee of one Session and most sufficient Magistrates to haue beene remooved for that Respect and briefe there is no Question but Princes not onlie may change their Magistrates but doe often finde it verie good Policie to doe so being alwayes oblished to place into their Rowmes Men truelie sufficient for Knowledge and Sinceritie Plutarch a rare Man both for Morall and Statelie VVisdome saide against those who would establish perpetuall Magistrates Videmini aut non multi facere Magistratum aut non multos Magistratu dignos habere But I come to speake which appearinglie is not yet in Head of another Point of Reformation into our Seate of Iustice than the which there is nothing that would breede greater Solace to the whole Bodie of this Kingdome and would to GOD His Majestie should take it to Heart and bee truelie enformed of the Importance there-of And this is of the great numbers of Advocates who for their Commoditie Particular doe breed the longsomnesse of Processes that spoileth so manie good People and which manie good and great Kings haue endevoured to correct By this Abuse the Seate of Iustice is turned to bee a Sinke that draweth into it the greatest part of the Ritches of the Land and this aboue all